Book Review

Pressure Groups, Democracy and Development Anand Chakravarti

The Politics of Scarcity by Myron Weiner, Asia Publishing House, 1963. pp xv 4-271 price Rs 18

I N D I A ' S p o l i t i c a l leadership i s commit ted to the task of rais ing

the l i v i n g standards of the people w h i l e r emain ing wedded to demo­crat ic inst i tut ions. The Government has to invest the l i m i t e d resources at its command in plans and pro­grammes that wou ld benefit the nat ion in general. The problem, however, is not one of resources and adminis t ra t ive organisat ion alone. The people are d iv ided in to groups which have thei r own specific inte­rests and demands. (Such groups may be referred to as interest-groups.) A great deal of adaptat ion on the pa r t of the Government to the needs, prejudices and demands of the va r i ­ous groups becomes necessary. Since it is impossible for the Government to satisfy a l l the demands of a l l the interest-groups, especially when they conflict w i t h nat ional plans, there is a tendency to regard such demands as i l l eg i t ima te . Interest-groups, thus, tend to become alienated f rom the p o l i t i c a l system. They resort to cer­t a in patterns of coercive behaviour, such as demonstrations, strikes and violence, leading to a breakdown of order — w i t h unfavourable conse­quences fo r programmes of economic development.

Safe Margin of Bargaining

The author believes that in an underdeveloped country such as I nd i a , where economic development is given considerable importance, the policy-makers and planners tend to ignore the pol i t ica l aspects of the process. W h i l e a t t empt ing to secure the maximisa t ion of nat ional inte­rests, the governmental and bureau­cratic elites do not give enough at­tention to the pa r t i cu la r i s t i c demands of interest-groups. The author feels that there is a safe m a r g i n of bar­ga in ing w i t h i n wh ich interest groups cou ld be given concessions. He says that the Government, by accommo­da t ing special interests to na t ional plans in a peaceful and legi t imate manner, w o u l d not have to y ie ld in the end to demonstrations, strikes and violence. I f the Government

were to take the i n i t i a t i v e in approv­i n g and encouraging legi t imate bar­ga in ing , the benefits w o u l d be sub­s tant ia l . The interest-groups them­selves w o u l d begin to appreciate that peaceful negotiat ion is a method that wou ld serve not only the inte­rests of the n a t i o n but the i r own interests as w e l l . For, an impor t an t test of the s t ab i l i ty of a p o l i t i c a l system is the extent to w h i c h it be­comes acceptable to wider and wider sections of the people. The people must not on ly have a common stake in the system, bu t also con­sciously par t ic ipa te in i t .

I I

M u c h of the discussion in the book is based on the author's research experience in West Bengal . He has, however, t r ied to f i l l the gap s i n his knowledge of the func t ion ing of interest-groups in the count ry by in t e rv i ewing leaders of such groups f rom the other states. A great deal of generalisation is inevitable in a study of this k i n d . But , this is not to be regarded as a flaw, since the author is not seeking specific answers to l i m i t e d problems, but is t r y i n g to understand the broad po l i t i ca l problems that a developing country such as I n d i a faces.

I l l

Dr Weiner e m p i r i c a l l y examines the characteristics and activit ies of the various interest-groups. The de­mands of most of the groups have a his tory, and their o r i g i n can be traced to the nationalist movement. Swaraj , for the nationalists, i m p l i e d much more than independence f rom B r i t i s h ru le . I t meant the creation of a social order in wh ich the de­mands and aspirations of a l l cate­gories of people w o u l d be satisfied. The peasants were promised radical land-reforms. I ndus t r i a l labour was assured of higher wages and better l i v i n g condit ions. Businessmen were t o l d that the restrictions imposed on Ind i an business in the interests of B r i t i s h business wou ld be removed after independence. This w o u l d en­sure that proper conditions for suc­

cessful trade and commerce p reva i l ­ed. The m i d d l e classes were made to believe that large-scale indus t r ia l i ­zat ion and modernisat ion w o u l d never be possible under co lon ia l rule. Regional - l inguis t ic groups w e m assured that a nat ionalis t gov­ernment w o u l d reorganise the coun­try 's in ternal boundaries to suit re­g iona l -cu l tu ra l feelings. The poor and underpr iv i l eged were promised an ega l i t a r i an social order. A n d , finally, the students were made con­scious of the i r o w n d i g n i t y and self-respect. In other words, the nationa­lists were creat ing a whole series of expectations among the people. A n d , since the Government in Indepen­dent I n d i a was formed eventually by the nationalists, the expectations of the people were directed towards i t . Groups of people who had com­mon needs and interests began to organise themselves in order to make their demands felt in an effective manner. Po l i t i c a l parties which were interested in get t ing a foothold in I n d i a n pol i t ics t r i ed to get sup­por t for themselves by incorporat­i ng the demands of interest-groups in their programmes. The support of po l i t i ca l part ies gave interest-groups an ar t icu la te leadership, arid i t u l t i ­mately became possible to v iola te the law in order to make their de­mands felt .

I V

The author makes a dis t inct ion between two types of interest-groups: one type he calls communi ty associ­ations, and the other, mass organi ­sations. Membership of the former is ascriptive, w h i l e membership of the latter is vo lun ta ry . There are four major types of communi ty asso­ciations in I n d i a n pol i t ics , based on caste, r e l i g ion , t r ibe and language. Mass organisations refer to associa­tions of peasants, industr ia l -workers , businessmen and students.

Of the four communi ty associa­tions, caste groups p l ay a very significant role in the poli t ics of the country. Castes no longer have a local base but have spread out ho r i -

603

M a r c h 28, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

zon ta l ly w i t h the development of communications, urbanisa t ion, and w i t h the in t roduc t ion of adu l t fran­chise. The sentiments of caste affilia­t ion are used in an increasing range of social and po l i t i ca l activit ies. A local caste may be organised, as in the Scheduled Castes Federation, to w i n benefits for i tself under the const i tu t ional provisions for sche­duled castes. I t may support a p o l i ­t i c a l par ty , l i k e the Kammas of A n d h r a Pradesh who support the Communists . Caste may also p lay an independent p o l i t i c a l role. In Madras , fo r example, the P a l l i caste — an intermediate caste of agr icu l tu ra l labourers — organised the T a m i l -nad Toi ler ' s Par ty and the Common­weal Par ty to demand greater edu­cational opportuni t ies and greater p o l i t i c a l power. A group of castes may f o r m an al l iance against another caste, l i ke the DK and D M K in the South, w h i c h are organised, against the Brahmins . F i n a l l y , a caste may be organised on an ad hoc basis as in v i l l age panchayat elections.

In whatever fo rm castes are orga­nised, they seek to maximise the benefits they can derive for them­selves both in the economic and po l i t i ca l sphere. A loca l ly power fu l caste in a r u r a l area can, and does reap most of the benefits of agr icu l ­t u r a l development programmes. A n d this is something that conflicts w i t h the Government's a im which is to see that the gains of development are d is t r ibu ted evenly ever the whole r u r a l communi ty .

Religion, Tribe, Language

Religious and t r i b a l associations have resulted f rom the fear of being c u l t u r a l l y ob l i te ra ted in the process of modernisat ion. The A k a l i Dal, a re l ig ious association of the Sikhs, has agitated for the creation of a S ikh m a j o r i t y state wh ich w o u l a preserve the in tegr i ty of the S ikh communi ty . T r i b a l associations have been fo rmed , either to maximise economic benefits and employment opportuni t ies , as in West Bengal , or, in the f o r m of p o l i t i c a l parties — as the Jharkhand Par ty in Orissa — to w i n power w i t h i n the exis t ing p o l i t i c a l system. F ina l ly , as in the case of the Naga N a t i o n a l Coun­c i l in Assam, attempts have beer made to secede f rom the I n d i a n U n i o n .

The demand for l inguis t ic pro­

vinces by language groups posed a great threat to the peace a n d u n i t y of the country . The Government, faced w i t h the prospect of seeing its p lans for economic development completely paralysed, was forced to respond to the demand for l inguis t ic states — a l though th is was cont rary to its o r i g i n a l in ten t ion .

The relations between the Govern­ment and trade unions dramatise the conflict between the product ive requirements of the state and the consumption requirements of organis­ed groups. The demands of trade unioris are apparent ly directed against the management, but , i f one takes a broader view, they are closely bound up w i t h Government and pol i t ics : A great many of the actions of the unions are condi t ioned by government legislat ion and administ­r a t ion . The in i t i a t ive taken by Gov-errimerit for conci l ia t ion and arbi t ­r a t ion makes it unnecessary for the management to consult labour . A n d , when labour refuses to accept t r i ­bunal judgements and resorts to a str ike, the s t r ike is termed i l l e g a l — and Government comes hi as a pro­tector of the management.

The trade un ion movement in I n d i a is d iv ided by three conf l ic t ing p o l i t i c a l pul ls . The Government, the Congress Par ty and the I n d i a n Nat iona l Trade U n i o n Congress ( I N T U C ) have moderate unionism as thei r ideal . This , they believe, w i l l not o n l y safeguard the interests of the workers but contr ibute to the economic g rowth of the country. The Socialists and their un ion , the H i n d Mazdoor Sabha ( H M S ) , believe in m i l i t a n t un ion ism. The economic interests of the workers are regarded as paramount and there is a readi­ness to par t ic ipate in strikes. F i n a l l y , the Communis t dominated A l l - I n d i a Trade Union Congress ( A 1 T U C ) believes that m i l i t a n t unionism can be used as an ins t rument for the Communist Par ty to w i n power and destroy the inst i tut ions of represen­ta t ive government.

The author says that it is doubt f u l whether moderate unionism can u l t ima te ly w i n against m i l i t a n t un ion i sm. W h a t is needed is m i l i ­tant un ion ism commit ted to the de­mocra t ic f ramework. On ly this k i n d of un ionism can compete success­f u l l y w i t h the " t o t a l i t a r i a n ' union­ism of the Communists . This means

that Government and p r iva te busi­ness w o u l d have to agree to increase the share of labour in the na t iona l d iv idend . Consequently, the practic­able rate of investment in indust ry w o u l d be reduced.

Organised Business

In a coun t ry such as I nd i a , com­mi t t ed to the socialistic pattern of society, the business communi t ies have to adapt themselves to the po l i ­cies and programmes of the govern­ment. A c c o r d i n g to the author, though business in I n d i a is we l l organised, i ts impact on the policies of the Central government is neg l i ­g ib le . M a n y persons expected that the Swatantra Par ty would provide a powerful forurn of representation for the interests of the business com­muni t ies . This , however, d i d not happen because I n d i a n business is almost w h o l l y at the mercy of gov­ernment regulat ions for permission to undertake act ivi t ies of importance to i t . Therefore, at the level of p o l i ­tics and publ ic p o l i c y the business communi t ies are in l ine w i t h the policies of the nat ional leadership. They support the Congress Pa r ty and make substantial donations to its funds. But , it is at the level of the adminis t ra t ion that businessmen succeed in exer t ing pressures that enable them to derive benefits to themselves. This is especially so at the level of the State Government admin i s t r a t ion . The ' 'bakshish " sys­tem, a euphemism for b r ibe ry , en­ables businessmen to move the other­wise r i g i d wheels of the adminis t ra­t ion to enable them to proceed w i t h their activit ies. For example, l icen­ces are needed to open a new busi­ness, but businessmen can buy licen­ces th rough the local Congress Par ty and the local admin i s t r a t i on . Or , again, th rough the "bakshish" sys­tem i m p o r t restr ict ions can be ef­fect ively by-passed. Organised busi­ness is thus able to get more or less what i t wants not by ove r t l y oppos­ing the socialistic policies of Gov­ernment, bu t by covert ly manipula t ­i n g the local admin i s t r a t ion , or the local pa r ty organisat ion.

The chapter on agrar ian move­ments is interesting. The re la t ive ly stable posi t ion of the Congress Par­ty is a t t r ibutable to its strength in the ru ra l areas. The powerful agri­cu l tu ra l classes, more especially the emerging and inf luent ia l class of owner-cul t ivators , tend to support the Congress. This is related to the

605

M a r c h 2 8 1 9 6 4 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

zonta l ly w i t h the development of communications, urbanisa t ion, and w i t h the in t roduc t ion of adu l t f ran­chise. The sentiments of caste affilia­t ion are used in an increasing range of social and po l i t i ca l act ivi t ies . A local caste may be organised, as in the Scheduled Castes Federation, to w i n benefits for i tself under the const i tu t ional provisions for sche­duled castes. I t may support a p o l i ­t i ca l par ty , l i k e the Kammas of A n d h r a Pradesh who support the Communists. Caste may also p l ay an independent p o l i t i c a l role. In Madras , fo r example, the P a l l i caste — an intermediate caste of ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers — organised the T a m i l -nad Toi ler ' s Par ty and the Common­weal Par ty to demand greater edu­cat ional opportuni t ies and greater p o l i t i c a l power. A group of castes may f o r m an al l iance against another caste, l i ke the DK and D M K in the South, w h i c h are organised, against the Brahmins . F i n a l l y , a caste may be organised on an ad hoc basis as in v i l l age panchayat elections.

In whatever fo rm castes are orga­nised, they seek to maximise the benefits they can derive for them­selves both in the economic and po l i t i ca l sphere. A loca l ly power fu l caste in a ru ra l area can, and does reap most of the benefits of agr icu l ­tu ra l development programmes. A n d this is something that conflicts w i t h the Government's a im which is to see that the gains of development are d i s t r ibu ted evenly ever the whole r u r a l communi ty .

Religion, Tribe, Language

Religious and t r i ba l associations have resulted f rom the fear of being c u l t u r a l l y obl i te ra ted in the process of modernisat ion. The A k a l i D a l , a re l igious association of the Sikhs, has agitated for the creation of a S ikh m a j o r i t y state which w o u l d preserve the in tegr i ty of the S ikh communi ty . T r i b a l associations have been formed , either to maximise economic benefits and employment opportuni t ies , as in West Bengal , or , in the f o r m of political parties — as the Jharkhand Party in Orissa — to w i n power w i t h i n the exis t ing p o l i t i c a l system. Final ly , as in the case of the Naga Nat iona l Coun­c i l in Assam, attempts have beer made to secede from the Ind i an U n i o n .

The demand for l inguis t ic pro­

vinces by language groups posed a great threat to the peace and u n i t y of the country . The Government, faced w i t h the prospect of seeing its plans for economic development completely paralysed, was forced to respond to the demand for l inguis t ic states — a l though th is was contrary to its o r i g i n a l in ten t ion .

The relations between the Govern­ment and trade unions dramatise the conflict between the product ive requirements of the state and the consumption requirements of organis­ed groups. The demands of trade unions are apparent ly directed against the management, but , i f one takes a broader view, they are closely bound up w i t h Government and pol i t ics : A great many of the actions of the unions are condit ioned by government legislat ion and administ­r a t i on . The in i t i a t ive taken by Gov­ernment for conci l ia t ion and arbi t ­r a t ion makes it unnecessary for the management to consult labour . A n d , when labour refuses to accept t r i ­bunal judgements and resorts to a str ike, the s t r ike is termed i l l e g a l — and Government comes in as a pro­tector of the management.

The trade un ion movement in I n d i a is d iv ided by three conf l ic t ing po l i t i c a l pul ls . The Government, the Congress Party and the I n d i a n Nat iona l Trade Union Congress ( I N T U C ) have moderate unionism as their ideal. This, they believe, w i l l not o n l y safeguard the interests of the workers but contr ibute to the economic growth of the country . The Socialists and their un ion , the H i n d Mazdoor Sabha ( H M S ) , believe in m i l i t a n t un ion i sm. The economic interests of the workers are regarded as paramount and there is a readi­ness to par t ic ipate in strikes. F i n a l l y , the Communis t dominated A l l - I n d i a Trade Union Congress ( A I T U C ) believes that militant unionism can be used as an instrument for the Communist Par ty to win power and destroy the insti tutions of represen­ta t ive government.

The author says tha t i t is doubt ful whether moderate unionism can ul t imate ly w i n against m i l i t a n t un ionism. W h a t is needed is m i l i ­tant unionism commit ted to the de­mocra t ic f ramework. On ly this k i n d of unionism can compete success­f u l l y w i t h the " t o t a l i t a r i a n ' ' union­ism of the Communists . Th i s means

that Government and pr iva te busi­ness w o u l d have to agree to increase the share of labour in the na t ional d iv idend . Consequently, the practic­able rate of investment in industry wou ld be reduced.

Organised Business

In a coun t ry such as I n d i a , com­mi t t ed to the socialistic pattern of society, the business communi t ies have to adapt themselves to the po l i ­cies and programmes of the govern­ment. A c c o r d i n g to the author, though business in I n d i a i s w e l l organised, i ts impact on the policies of the Central government is neg l i ­g ib le . M a n y persons expected that the Swatantra Par ty wou ld provide a powerfu l f o r u m of representation for the interests of the business com­muni t ies . This , however, d i d not happen because I n d i a n business is almost w h o l l y at the mercy of gov­ernment regulat ions for permission to undertake act ivi t ies of importance to i t . Therefore, at the level of p o l i ­tics and publ ic p o l i c y the business communi t ies are in l ine w i t h the policies of the national leadership. They support the Congress Pa r ty and make substantial donations to its funds. But , it is at the level of the adminis t ra t ion that businessmen succeed in exer t ing pressures that enable them to derive benefits to themselves. This is especially so at the level of the State Government admin i s t ra t ion . The "bakshish" sys­tem, a euphemism for b r ibe ry , en­ables businessmen to move the other­wise r i g i d wheels of the adminis t ra ­t ion to enable them to proceed w i th their activit ies. For example, l icen­ces are needed to open a new busi­ness, but businessmen can buy l icen­ces th rough the local Congress Par ty and the local admin i s t r a t i on . Or , again, t h rough the "bakshish" sys­t em i m p o r t restrictions can be ef­fect ively by-passed. Organised busi­ness is' thus able to get more or /ess what it wants not by overfly oppos­i n g the socialistic policies of Gov­ernment, bu t by covertly manipulat ­ing the local admin i s t ra t ion , or the local par ty organisat ion.

T h e chapter on agrar ian move­ments is interesting. The relatively stable posi t ion of the Congress Par­ty is a t t r ibu table to its strength in the ru ra l areas. The powerful agr i ­c u l t u r a l classes, more especially the emerg ing and inf luent ia l class of owner-cul t ivators , tend to suppor t the Congress. Th i s is related to the

605

March 28, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

606

M a r c h 28, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

fact that they stand to benefit f r o m Government plans for ag r i cu l t u r a l development. But , as the author h i m ­self acknowledges, this very fact creates a bottleneck for s t ruc tura l changes in ru ra l areas. For exam­ple, the Congress Par ty reso lu t ion at Nagpur that India 's future agra­r i a n pat tern should be based on a system of j o i n t cooperative farms, was met w i t h heavy opposi t ion f r o m State pol i t ic ians concerned w i t h the p o l i t i c a l consequences of the propo­sal. Thus, wh i l e i t is possible for the nat ional leadership to take a radica l view of a g r i c u l t u r a l matters, the same cannot be said for the State governments. The pol i t ic ians at the State level who are extremely sensitive to local p u l l s and pressures are often, for this very reason, at odds wi th the policies of the Centre.

Students as a Pressure-Group

In the chapter on students, the author is concerned w i t h the role o f students in Ind ian pol i t ics . An increasing number of students w h o j o i n the universities are f r o m ru ra l areas. The fact that a number of these students belong to inf luent ia l famil ies in the r u r a l sector makes them attractive recruits for p o l i t i c a l parties. The author says, in addi­t i on , that the g r o w i n g " r u r a l i s a t i o n " of Ind ian universit ies is related, in part , to student ind i sc ip l ine . Both r u r a l and urban students regard the univers i ty degree rather than uni-versitv education as such as the pre-condi t ion for employment . A n d to the extent that employment is not for thcoming, they do not feel them­selves c o m m i t t e d to the educational process.

An interest ing dis t inct ion is made between students of the l iberal arts and law, on the one hand, and stu­dents of science, engineering and agr icu l tu re , on the other. The lat­ter do not face any acute employ­ment problems since they are, gene­r a l l y , absorbed i n t o various techni­cal professions. Hence, they do not present any m a j o r d i sc ip l ina ry pro­blems. Students of arts and law, however, f ind i t far more difficult to f ind employment . P o l i t i c a l parties, such as the Communi s t Pa r ty , capi­talise on this p rob lem and succeed in r ec ru i t i ng a large number of sup­porters f r o m among the ever-grow­i n g category of 'educated unemploy­ed' .

V

The author concludes h is discus­sion by suggesting f ive methods by which the pressure of p o l i t i c a l de­mands on Government m a y be re­duced: Firs t , Government should avoid i n v o l v i n g i tself in matters which do not threaten the broad pub­lic interest. This w o u l d ensure that conflicts are dissipated w i t h i n the society and not d i rec t ly focussed on the central au thor i ty . Labour and management, fo r example, cou ld settle differences between themselves w i t h i n the f ramework of laws and rules. There is no need for the Gov­ernment to intervene. In this way it wou ld be possible fo r the centre to reap the benefits of a federal po l i t i c a l s t ructure . I t need not bur­den itself w i th the p r o b l e m of deal­ing w i t h a l l conflicts that arise in the society. The various State Gov­ernments could be re l ied upon to p e r f o r m this task.

Second, there should be consulta­tive bodies (a device already in use) which provide oppor tuni t ies for or­ganised groups to make consulta­tions wi th Government agencies. At present, however, these bodies do not adequately represent interest-groups. I f this shor tcoming were to be remedied there w o u l d be an i m ­provement in communica t ion be­tween Government and organised groups wh ich w o u l d , in t u r n , great­ly faci l i ta te the set t l ing of differ­ences in a peaceful manner.

Wil l Decentralisation Help ?

T h i r d , local government ins t i tu­tions should be strengthened; they should be given greater power and responsibi l i t ies . The author believes that so l ong as local government inst i tut ions pe r fo rm their tasks, the State and Central governments w i l l be strengthened. He seems to i m p l y that the persons who fo rm local government bodies w o u l d have a sense of pub l i c duty and responsi­b i l i t y . But , i t is precisely at such levels that powerfu l interest-groups, l ike caste associations, exert the greatest influence and pressure. Therefore, far f r o m he lp ing the State and Central Governments to implement policies, loca l bodies m i g h t , in fact, impede them.

Four th , decisions affecting major economic investments, such as the b u i l d i n g of a steel factory, or the location of an o i l ref inery, should be made by technicians and admin­

i s t r a t o r s — and not by po l i t i c ians . When po l i t i c i ans make such deci­sions, it is natural that pressure groups w o u l d t r y and coerce, the Government to gain favours for themselves.

I t is questionable whether this k i n d of measure is r ea l ly feasible — or desirable. In fact, the author himself has contended that in a nation l ike Ind ia , wedded to democ­racy, the p o l i t i c i a n has to be res­ponsive to publ ic pressures and de­mands. Fur thermore , even i f major economic decisions are taken solely by technicians and adminis trators , pol icy-makers w i l l not be able to escape the pressure of group de­mands. Pressure groups can as ef­fectively exert coercive influences on the pol icy-makers by the methods of demonstrations, strikes and violence, leading u l t i m a t e l y to a breakdown of peace and order. Therefore, the central p rob lem of implemen t ing plans of na t ional importance in the face of conf l ic t ing pressures and pu l l s w o u I d remain .

F i f th , the attitudes of the interest-groups should be influenced so that they become conscious of their pub­l ic responsib i l i ty . In order to achieve this end. the Government should take into consideration the opinions and views of leaders of interest-groups and make them feel that they have a stake in pub l i c matters.

V I

Or Weiner has stated the pro­b lem of modernisat ion faced by pol i t ic ians and planners in India quite correct) y. The fundamental problem is "how to modernise a State w i t h i n a democratic frame­work , inspite of pressing po l i t i ca l demands that appear to impede eco­nomic p lann ing , national un i ty , and p o l i t i c a l o rde r " (page 9 ) . He very r i gh t ly points out that given the l i m i t e d resources possessed by the Government, a vast gap remains be­tween what organised groups demand and what Government is capable of p r o v i d i n g . He recognises that the Government 's concern for long-term economic p l ann ing impl ies that i t must place l i m i t s on the extent to which i t w i l l satisfy a l l the demands of specific groups. The central theme of his book is, however, that there is a safe marg in of ba rga in ing w i t h ­in which interest-groups could be given concessions. For , unless na­t iona l plans pay at least some atten-

607

March 28, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

t ion to the demands of various i n ­terest groups it w i l l not be possible to enthose use the people to par t ic ipate fu l ly in programmes of develop­ment, the democratic framework of Ind ian p lann ing makes i t necessary to have a l l sections of the nation represented in the process of deve­lopment .

At the end of the study, however, the author tends to view the de­mands of interest-groups w i t h a cer­ta in reserve. He says that to the ex­tent "government accedes to these various demands, economic moder­nisation may be impeded in a n u m -ber of ways" (page 249 ) . Fur the r on. he says: " I f one views India ' s p r i m a r y task as that of achieving m a x i m u m economic g rowth in the shortest per iod of t ime, then the developments suggested in this study m i g h t be viewed w i t h deep a l a r m " (page 2 5 7 ) . Statements such as these do not appear to be consistent w i t h the author 's fundamental po in t that for the healthy g rowth of a de­mocracy in Ind ia a l l the key groups in the po l i t i ca l system should get an adequate oppor tun i ty to barga in l eg i t ima te ly fo r thei r r ights .

One m i g h t very w e l l ask whether it is w h o l l y necessary for the gov­ernment of a democrat ic count ry such as India to regard the pressure of pub l ic demands on i tself w i t h .grave apprehension. On the contra­ry , the pressure of p u b l i c demands should be regarded as symbol ic of the desire for development — how­ever par t icu la r i s t ic that desire m i g h t be. The range and var ie ty of groups

Ind ia , and their respective region­al affiliations, make i t inevi table that publ ic pressures are exerted most at the s t ruc tura l points that d iv ide one group f rom another, or one re­gion f rom another. The pol icy­makers and planners have got to bear this m m i n d .

Dr Weiner has suggested tha t " u n t i l and unless there is more pre­cise i n f o r m a t i o n on the p o l i t i c a l consequences of publ ic investments, it w o u l d p robab ly be wiser to re­move investment decisions f r o m the po l i t i ca l arena" (pp 243-244) . Th i s impl ies in overstressing of the con­cept of economic r a t i ona l i t y w h i c h does not rea l ly fit in w i t h any de­mocra t ic system and, in par t icu lar , that of a vast and diverse coun t ry such as India 's . If the planners and pol icy-makers want to enthuse the people to par t ic ipate in the develop-

608

ment process, they must give a new meaning to the concept of rationa­l i t y . The demands of economic ra­t i ona l i t y have to be toned down, to a certain extent, in order to take some account of the par t icu la r i s t i c

needs of interest-groups. Though this migh t involve a sacrifice in terms of r ig id economic develop­ment, it w o u l d be a definite ga in in terms of overa l l nat ional develop­ment .