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ADVANCES IN PSYCHOLOGY RESEARCH VOLUME 12 Serge P. Shohov (Editor)

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ADVANCES IN PSYCHOLOGY RESEARCHVOLUME 12

Serge P. Shohov (Editor)

Nova Science PublishersHuntington, New York

2002

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Albrecht Schnabel

ISBN: 1-59033-248-2

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Table of Contents

Preface____________________________________________________11

Part I. Cognitive Psychology___________________________________15

Chapter 1__________________________________________________17

Memory and Connectivity in Immune and Neural Network Models____17G.C. Castellani et al._______________________________________________17

Universita di Bologna, Italy_____________________________________17

Chapter 2__________________________________________________21

Expectancy-Learning and Evaluative Learning in Human Classical Conditioning: Differential Effects of Extinction___________________21

Dirk Hermans1, Geert Crombez2, Debora Vansteenwegen1, Frank Baeyens1, & Paul Eelen1______________________________________________________21

1 University of Leuven, Belgium_________________________________212 Ghent University, Belgium____________________________________21

Abstract______________________________________________________21

Expectancy-Learning and Evaluative Learning in Human Classical Conditioning: Differential Effects of Extinction_____________________22

Experiment 1__________________________________________________26Method_________________________________________________________26

Participants______________________________________________________26Materials________________________________________________________26Procedure_______________________________________________________27

Results_________________________________________________________29Data Reduction and Analysis________________________________________29Acquisition Data__________________________________________________30Extinction Data___________________________________________________30Affective Priming Data_____________________________________________33

Discussion_______________________________________________________34

Experiment 2__________________________________________________35Method_________________________________________________________36

Participants______________________________________________________36Materials and Procedure____________________________________________36

Results_________________________________________________________36Acquisition Data__________________________________________________36Extinction Data___________________________________________________37

Discussion_______________________________________________________38

General Discussion_____________________________________________38

References____________________________________________________41

Author Note___________________________________________________45

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Chapter 3__________________________________________________47

Development of the Ability to Judge Relative Areas: Young Children’s Spontaneous Use of Superimposition as a Cognitive Tool____________47

Masamichi Yuzawa_______________________________________________47Hiroshima University, Higashi-Hiroshima, Japan____________________47

William M. Bart__________________________________________________47University of Minnesota_______________________________________47

Miki Yuzawa____________________________________________________47Hiroshima University, Higashi-Hiroshima, Japan____________________47

Abstract______________________________________________________47

Development of the Ability to Judge Relative Areas: Young Children’s Spontaneous Use of Superimposition as a Cognitive Tool_____________48

Study 1_______________________________________________________50Method_________________________________________________________51Results_________________________________________________________52

Study 2_______________________________________________________54Method_________________________________________________________56Result__________________________________________________________58Discussion_______________________________________________________63

Conclusion____________________________________________________64

References____________________________________________________65

Chapter 4__________________________________________________67

Counting in Mentally Retarded Adolescents_______________________67V. Camos & F. Freeman____________________________________________67

Université René Descartes – Paris V______________________________67

Abstract :_____________________________________________________67

Counting______________________________________________________68

Subitizing_____________________________________________________70

Estimation____________________________________________________72

The Aim of the Present Study____________________________________72Participants______________________________________________________73Material and Procedure_____________________________________________74Results_________________________________________________________75

1 - Counting Dots on A Card________________________________________752 - Counting to n__________________________________________________773 - Object Counting_______________________________________________784 - Card Selection_________________________________________________794- Comparison of the Different Tasks_________________________________81

Conclusion____________________________________________________82

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Table of Contents

References:____________________________________________________84

Chapter 5__________________________________________________89

Foundations of Human Causal Reasoning_______________________89Jonathan A. Fugelsang & Valerie A. Thompson_________________________89

University of Saskatchewan_____________________________________89

Abstract______________________________________________________89

Foundations of Human Causal Reasoning__________________________90

Covariation-Based Models_______________________________________90Measuring the Covariation between Cause and Effect_____________________91Kelley’s ANOVA Model___________________________________________92The Abnormal Conditions Focus Model_______________________________92The Probabilistic Contrast Model_____________________________________93Power pc Theory__________________________________________________93Evidence for Normative Covariation-Based Models______________________94Limitations of Covariation-Based Models______________________________95

Concept-Based Models__________________________________________96Evidence for Concept-Based Models__________________________________97

Combining Covariation with Beliefs_______________________________98Multiple Belief-Based Representations_______________________________101

A Two-Stage Model of the Interaction between Beliefs and Covariation_102

Rationality and Reasoning______________________________________103

Conclusions__________________________________________________104

References___________________________________________________105

Part II. Behavioral Psychology________________________________109

Chapter 6_________________________________________________111

Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier for Healthy Activity___________________________________111

Michael J. Fotheringham, Ph.D._____________________________________111Cancer Control Research Institute, Anti-Cancer Council of Victoria 100 Drummond Street, Carlton, Victoria, 3053, Australia Phone: +61 3 9635 5272 Fax: +61 3 9635 5420 Email: [email protected]_111

Acknowledgements____________________________________________111

Abstract_____________________________________________________112

Computer-Mediated Communication in Health Behavior Change_____112

Computer-Mediated Communication as a Mass Medium____________113

Advantages of Computer-Mediated Communications over Traditional Media Approaches____________________________________________114

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Serge P. Shohov (Editor)

Internet-Based Interventions: The Role of Instantaneous Interactivity_______116Individual Tailoring within a Mass Media Approach____________________117Anonymity_____________________________________________________118Economic Costs of Intervention Delivery_____________________________119

Limitations of Computer-Mediated Approaches____________________120Access - The Digital Divide________________________________________120Information Quality______________________________________________121Information Excess_______________________________________________121

Paradoxical Associations between Computer Use and Healthy Behavior: Two Studies__________________________________________________122

Study 1: Levels of Computer Use and Physical Inactivity in Young Adults_123

Methods_____________________________________________________123Procedures_____________________________________________________123Measures_______________________________________________________123

Physical Activity________________________________________________123Body Mass Index________________________________________________124Computer Use___________________________________________________124

Statistical Analysis_______________________________________________124

Results______________________________________________________125Characteristics of Respondents______________________________________125Computer Use___________________________________________________125Computer Use and Physical Activity_________________________________127Computer Use as a Barrier to Physical Activity_________________________128Preferred Source of Information - Computers or Conventional Print________129

Discussion____________________________________________________130

Study 2: Promoting Physical Activity Participation through Computer-Mediated Communication______________________________________132

Methods_____________________________________________________133Procedures_____________________________________________________133Intervention Design______________________________________________133Participants_____________________________________________________134Measures_______________________________________________________134Program Evaluation______________________________________________135

Results______________________________________________________136Process Evaluation_______________________________________________136Outcome Evaluation______________________________________________137

Discussion____________________________________________________137

General Discussion____________________________________________139

References___________________________________________________140

Chapter 7_________________________________________________151

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Table of Contents

The Role of Differentiated Group Experience in the Course of Inpatient Psychotherapy_____________________________________________151

Ralph Grabhorn a________________________________________________151Johannes Kaufhold a______________________________________________151Gerd Overbeck a_________________________________________________151

a University Hospital for Psychosomatic Medicine and Psychotherapy of the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt/Main, Germany____151

Die Bedeutung differentiellen Guppenerlebens während einer stationären Psychotherapie_______________________________________________152

Zusammenfassung_____________________________________________152

The Role of Differentiated Group Experience in the Course of Inpatient Psychotherapy________________________________________________153

Abstract_____________________________________________________153

The Role of Differentiated Group Experience in the Course of Inpatient Psychotherapy________________________________________________153

Methods_____________________________________________________155Clinical Setting__________________________________________________155Sample________________________________________________________156Implementation and Measuring Instruments___________________________156Evaluation methodology___________________________________________158

Results______________________________________________________1581. The Experience of the Group Therapies in the Course of Therapy________1582. Differences between the Various Therapy Methods___________________1603. Differences between Successful and Less Successful Patients in Regards to their Group Experience____________________________________________162

Discussion____________________________________________________163

References___________________________________________________165

Chapter 8_________________________________________________167

The Assessment of Dangerous Behavior_________________________167Lynne Eccleston_________________________________________________167Mark Brown____________________________________________________167Tony Ward_____________________________________________________167

University of Melbourne______________________________________167

Abstract_____________________________________________________167

Introduction__________________________________________________168

Dangerousness and Risk________________________________________169

Conceptions of Risk___________________________________________170

Strategies of Risk Assessment___________________________________174

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Serge P. Shohov (Editor)

Clinical versus Actuarial Prediction of Dangerous Behaviour_________174

Static and Dynamic Risk Predictors of Dangerous Behaviour_________177

Dangerous Behaviour Research__________________________________179Developmental Risk Factors________________________________________181Substance Use___________________________________________________183Mental Disorder_________________________________________________183Psychopathy____________________________________________________186

Dangerous Behaviour Research - Methodological Limitations________188

Protective vs Risk Factors______________________________________189

Assessment Tools______________________________________________191Statistical Information on Recidivism (SIR)___________________________191The Level of Service Inventory (LSI)________________________________192The Psychopathy Checklist - Revised (PCL-R)_________________________192The Violence Risk Appraisal Guide (VRAG)__________________________193

Risk Assessment: Clinical Assessment____________________________195

Conclusion___________________________________________________197

References___________________________________________________198

Part III. Biological Psychology________________________________209

Chapter 9_________________________________________________211

Optimising Blood Pressure Reduction in Mild Un-Medicated Hypertensives______________________________________________211

Ashley Craig and Saroj Lal________________________________________211Department of Health Sciences PO Box 123 Broadway, NSW Australia 2007 University of Technology, Sydney Australia__________________211

Abstract_____________________________________________________211

Lifestyle Diseases______________________________________________212

Hypertension: an Introduction__________________________________212

Treatment of Hypertension_____________________________________213

The Efficacy of Biofeedback for Treating Hypertension_____________214

Improving Biofeedback Outcomes: Transfer and Generalisation of Clinical Skills_________________________________________________216

Transfer and Generalisation of Anti-Hypertension Skills____________217

Improving Biofeedback Outcomes: Individual Characteristics________219

Conclusions and Implications for Biofeedback Treatment for Hypertension_________________________________________________223

Acknowledgements____________________________________________225

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Table of Contents

References___________________________________________________225

Extra Chapter 10___________________________________________229

Biopsychological Aspects of Memory and Education______________229Herman________________________________________________________229

Author Affiliation___________________________________________229

Evolutionary Aspects__________________________________________229

The Brain Growth Stages_______________________________________230

The Piaget Stages_____________________________________________230

Instruction-Dependence________________________________________231

The Work of Shayer___________________________________________231The Cognitive Level Table_________________________________________232

The Story of 1/3_______________________________________________232

Teaching Strategies and Tactics_________________________________233Consolidation___________________________________________________233The Junior High School___________________________________________233

The Great Leap Forward_______________________________________234

References___________________________________________________234

Index_____________________________________________________235

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PREFACE

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Preface 13

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Table of Contents

PART I.COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

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Chapter 1

MEMORY AND CONNECTIVITY IN IMMUNE AND NEURAL NETWORK MODELS

G.C. Castellani et al.Universita di Bologna, Italy

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Memory and Connectivity in Immune and Neural Network Models 19

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Evaluative Learning and Expectancy-Learning

Chapter 2

EXPECTANCY-LEARNING AND EVALUATIVE LEARNING IN HUMAN CLASSICAL CONDITIONING:

DIFFERENTIAL EFFECTS OF EXTINCTION

Dirk Hermans1, Geert Crombez2, Debora Vansteenwegen1,Frank Baeyens1, & Paul Eelen1

1 University of Leuven, Belgium2 Ghent University, Belgium

ABSTRACT

It has been argued that classical conditioning might result in two types of changes. First, one may learn that the conditioned stimulus (CS+) is a valid predictor for the occurrence of the biologically negative or positive event (US) (expectancy-learning), which may lead to fear or pleasure. Second, after acquisition one may perceive the conditioned stimulus itself as a negative or positive event, depending on the valence of the event it has been associated with (evaluative learning). Based on human research on evaluative learning, it has been suggested that unlike expectancy learning, such conditioned valences are resistant to extinction. In the present two experiments we were able to demonstrate that both outcomes can result from the same procedure. Moreover, the data of both experiments showed that whereas extinction returned expectancy learning to baseline, the acquired valence was unaffected by this procedure. The presence of an (unchanged) evaluative difference between CS+ and CS- after extinction was not only demonstrated in the verbal ratings, but could also be corroborated by the results of an affective priming procedure. Given that some anxiety disorders are based on expectancy learning, it is suggested here that exposure (extinction) will lead to reduced US-expectancy and fear, but will leave the valence of the original stimuli/triggers unchanged. This might be a potential source of relapse.

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EXPECTANCY-LEARNING AND EVALUATIVE LEARNING IN HUMAN CLASSICAL CONDITIONING: DIFFERENTIAL EFFECTS OF

EXTINCTION

Although conditioning models of anxiety have known a chequered history (Davey, 1997) and cognitive approaches to the understanding of the etiology of clinical anxiety have recently received a lot of interest (Arntz, 1997; Mogg & Bradley, 1998; Wells, 1997), contemporary cognitive models of human classical conditioning still provide a rich conceptual framework for the understanding of the etiology, maintenance and treatment of human fears and phobias (see also, Davey, 1989, 1992, 1997; Eelen, Van den Bergh, & Baeyens, 1990; Lovibond, Davis, & O’Flaherty, 2000; Mineka & Zinbarg, 1996; Rachman, 1991, 1998). Based upon recent insights from both animal and human conditioning research and enriched with knowledge gathered from information processing research (e.g. Mogg & Bradley, 1998), these models have been successful in addressing most of the criticisms that have been associated with old behaviouristic accounts of classical conditioning and the acquisition of clinical fear.

According to these contemporary models, classical conditioning can be conceptualized as the acquisition of associations between the representations of stimuli/events. A Pavlovian conditioning preparation, for example, in which a tone is used as CS and an electrocutaneous stimulus as US, will result in the establishment or strengthening of an associative link between the memory representations of both stimuli. As a consequence, after acquisition the presentation of the CS will activate the CS representation. And through mechanisms of spreading of activation also the representation of the US will be activated, which will again lead to the activation of associated response units and hence observable CRs.

Within this framework, a distinction has been made between two qualitatively distinct outcomes that could result from such a classical conditioning procedure; expectancy-learning and merely referential learning (Baeyens, 1998; Baeyens, Eelen, & Crombez, 1995). CS-US expectancy learning is inferred when presentation of the CS activates the expectation of real US occurrence in the here-and-now of the immediate future. For example, a tone CS may activate the expectation of the immediate deliverance of an electrocutaneous US. Likewise, an internal or external cue may become established as a CS activating the expectation of a panic attack (US; e.g. Wolpe & Rowan, 1988), or specific social situations (CS) might lead to the active expectation of rejection or panic (US) in persons with a social phobia or public speaking anxiety (Hofmann, Ehlers, & Roth, 1995; Mineka & Zinbarg, 1995). Merely referential CS-US learning is inferred when the CS makes the subject 'think of' the US, without generating an active expectancy of the US. Presentation of the CS activates a memory of the US, without the active expectancy of real US occurrence in the here-and-now of the immediate future.

One particular type of referential learning that has been studied extensively over the last decade is evaluative conditioning (EC). Evaluative conditioning refers to the observation that the mere contingent presentation of a neutral stimulus (CS) with a positively or negatively valenced stimulus (US) results in the originally neutral CS itself acquiring a valence congruent with the affective value of the US (Baeyens, Eelen, Crombez, & Van den Bergh, 1992; Levey & Martin, 1987). For example, after a neutral picture of a human face has repeatedly been paired with a liked (or disliked) picture of another face, research participants

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Evaluative Learning and Expectancy-Learning

typically demonstrate an acquired liking (or disliking) for the originally neutral face (e.g. Baeyens, Eelen, Crombez, & Van den Bergh, 1992; for an overview of the evaluative conditioning literature, see Baeyens, Vansteenwegen, Hermans, & Eelen, 2001).

Although expectancy learning and evaluative learning have traditionally been studied separately, employing different types of paradigms, a series of studies from different labs demonstrate that both outcomes can co-occur as a result from an aversive conditioning preparation. For example, in a study by Hamm, Greenwald, Bradley, and Lang (1993), who used the startle blink as a measure of evaluative learning and skin conductance responses as a measure of expectancy-learning, it was demonstrated that stimuli that had previously been coupled with an electrocutaneous stimulus (CS+), did not only result in higher SCRs but also led to stronger blink responses than stimuli that had previously not been associated with an electrocutaneous stimulus (CS-). Similar results have been obtained by Hamm and Vaitl (1996), Hodes, Cook, and Lang (195), Lipp, Sheridan, and Siddle (1994), and Hardwick and Lipp (2000).

Similarly, in a recent series of studies study at our laboratory (Hermans, Vansteenwegen, Crombez, Baeyens, & Eelen, in press; Hermans, Spruyt, & Eelen, in press), we were able to demonstrate the co-occurrence of both outcomes within a differential aversive conditioning procedure with human participants. During the acquisition phase, neutral pictures of human faces served as CSs of which one (CS+) was contingently followed by an unpleasant electrocutaneous stimulus (US), while a second picture (CS-) was never followed by the US. After a semi-randomized presentation of 8 CS+/US trials and 8 CS-/no-US trials, participants were asked to provide expectancy ratings (expectancy-learning) as well as affective ratings (evaluative learning) for both CSs. Results showed that the acquisition procedure had altered the meaning of the CS+ in several ways. First, after acquisition and as compared to the CS-, the CS+ was now experienced as a valid predictor for the US. In other words, participants now actively expected an electrocutaneous stimulus after presentation with the CS+. Besides the fact that the CS+ had become a meaningful predictor for the occurrence of the US, the acquisition procedure has also led to significant shifts in the evaluation of the CS+, as this stimulus was now rated significantly more negative than before acquisition. An important aspect of the results was that this evaluative shift could also be corroborated by the data from an affective priming procedure (Hermans, Crombez, & Eelen, 2001) that was administered after the conditioning phase, and that can be considered as a response-latency based index of stimulus valence.

The observation that evaluative learning and expectancy learning can co-occur might have interesting clinical implications. To the extent that the acquisition of clinical anxiety (e.g. agoraphobia) is based on the contingent presentation of an originally neutral stimulus (e.g. open spaces) and an aversive event (e.g. a panic attack), this might not only result in the CS becoming a valid predictor for the US, but also in an affective shift for the CS. Open spaces not only predict an aversive panic attack, but become negative in their own right.

In this context research on the functional characteristics of expectancy learning and evaluative learning is highly relevant. In fact, research has shown that evaluative conditioning demonstrates a number of properties that differ from expectancy-learning (Baeyens & De Houwer, 1995). For example, unlike expectancy-learning, evaluative learning has been demonstrated not to depend on awareness of the CS-US pairings (e.g. Baeyens, Eelen, & Van den Bergh, 1990; for an overview, see Baeyens, De Houwer, & Eelen, 1994), not to be sensitive to either modulation (see Baeyens, Crombez, De Houwer, & Eelen, 1996; Baeyens,

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Dirk Hermans et al.

Hendrickx, Crombez, & Hermans, 1998), CS-US contingency (Baeyens, Hermans, & Eelen, 1993), or extinction (see Baeyens, Eelen, & Crombez, 1995). Conversely, evaluative learning resembles expectancy-learning in being sensitive to US-revaluation (Baeyens, Eelen, Van den Bergh, & Crombez, 1992; but see Baeyens, Vanhouche, Crombez, & Eelen, 1998).

With respect to clinical practice, particularly the resistance to extinction that has been observed for acquired evaluative meaning is attention-grabbing. Given that extinction can be viewed as a laboratory-equivalent of exposure treatment (e.g. Eelen, Hermans, & Baeyens, 2001), this observation would suggest that exposure treatment for clinical fear might successfully reduce the expectancy component in clinical fear, but would leave the acquired affective meaning unaltered. Clinical experience indicates that this differential outcome can indeed be observed (Marks, 1987).

With respect to extinction in evaluative learning, Baeyens, Crombez, Van den Bergh, and Eelen (1988) found that 5 or even 10 unreinforced presentations of the CS did not have any influence on the evaluative value that was acquired as the result of 10 previous CS-US pairings. Moreover, if Baeyens et al. (1988) added a delayed test two months after this first study, based on the rationale that participants would no longer remember their initial ratings, the evaluative conditioning effect was still evident (see also Baeyens, Eelen, Van den Bergh, & Crombez, 1989). And, in light of a possible artifact identified by Field and Davey (1997,1999) with respect to the assignment of CS-US pairs on the basis of perceptual similarity, it is important to note that resistance to extinction has also been demonstrated using randomized CS-US assignment (De Houwer, Baeyens, Vansteenwegen, & Eelen, 2000). Moreover, in the flavor-flavor variant of the evaluative conditioning paradigm, which is not susceptible to this possible artifact, it was observed that post-acquisition unreinforced CS presentations do not attenuate the acquired flavor dislike (Baeyens, Crombez, Hendrickx, & Eelen, 1995; Baeyens et al., 1996; 1998b).

As mentioned before, the resistance to extinction that has been observed for evaluative learning is in clear contrast with what is typically observed for expectancy-learning (Mackintosh, 1983). The paradigms that have been used in the study of extinction in evaluative learning are, however, markedly different from traditional expectancy-learning paradigms. This latter form of learning is typically studied in traditional conditioning studies wherein biologically significant stimuli (food, aversive stimuli) are used as US, and wherein the organism essentially learns that the CS is a valid predictor for the US. Based on this knowledge, the organism is capable of anticipating this event, and to (behaviorally) prepare for it. Therefore, it is not at all surprising that once the CS is no longer followed by the US, the former looses its signal-value, which leads to the diminishing of the conditioned, anticipatory responses (extinction).

In the present studies, we wanted to further test the observations concerning extinction and evaluative learning in the context of an aversive conditioning procedure. Building on the idea that expectancy-learning and evaluative learning can be observed within one single conditioning preparation, the aim of the study was to investigate whether both forms of learning differentially respond to extinction procedures. It was predicted that the differential aversive conditioning procedure would lead to both expectancy-learning as well as evaluative learning, and that the former but not the latter form of learning would be affected by a procedure of extinction. It needs to be stressed that it was not our intention to demonstrate that evaluative learning is completely resistant to extinction. This would call for more extensive series of extinction trials. It was, however, our intent to test the differential impact

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Evaluative Learning and Expectancy-Learning

of extinction on expectancy learning and evaluative learning. More specifically, we were interested in whether an evaluative difference can still be observed when US-expectancies are completely extinguished. This research question is also clinically inspired. In fact, if it can be demonstrated that extinction has a differential influence on expectancy learning and evaluative learning, this might indicate that when exposure therapy has successfully reduced US-expectancies, the formerly phobic stimulus might nevertheless be experienced as a negative stimulus. As will be discussed later, this unaltered negative valence might function as a source of relapse.

In the two studies that are reported here, reductions in US-expectancy were obtained by CS-only presentations as well as by verbal instructions about the absence of the US. Although the instructions add more to the extinction phase than what is traditionally viewed as an extinction procedure, the purpose of combining the CS-only presentations with these verbal instructions was to arrive at powerful reductions in US-expectancy. Expectancy learning was evaluated by ratings of US-expectancy (i.e. a rating of the extent to which the presentation of the CS+ or CS- evokes an active expectancy of the UCS to occur). The acquired stimulus valence was not only assessed by verbal ratings but also by means of the proposed affective priming procedure. Given that the conditioning procedure that is employed in this kind of studies is rather transparent1, the priming procedure has the advantage that it is not susceptible to demand characteristics.

In a standard affective priming study (e.g. Fazio, Sanbonmatsu, Powell, & Kardes, 1986; Hermans, De Houwer, & Eelen, 1994, 2001), a series of positive or negative target stimuli is presented, which have to be evaluated as quickly as possible as either 'positive' or 'negative'. Each target is immediately preceded by a prime stimulus, which can be positive, negative, or neutral, and which has to be ignored by the participant. Nevertheless, results show that the time to evaluate the target stimuli is affected by the affective meaning of the primes. If targets are preceded by an evaluatively congruent prime, response latencies are significantly smaller than on evaluatively incongruent trials. This effect is based on the automatic processing of the valence of the prime (see Klauer, 1998; Klauer & Musch, in press, for details). Hence, the affective priming paradigm is an excellent method to assess the (newly acquired) valence of the CS+ in a way that is unobtrusive and -in contrast to standard evaluative ratings- is not easily biased by demand effects (Hermans, Baeyens & Eelen, in press; Hermans, Van den Broeck, & Eelen, 1998). Given this underlying principle, evaluative changes in the studies by Hermans et al. (in press b, c) were evident from the fact that when, after conditioning, the CSs were introduced as primes in this affective priming task, a significant differential impact of the CS+ and CS- was observed on the time needed to evaluate positive and negative target words. When the CS+ was used as prime, response latencies were faster for negative as compared to positive targets, while this pattern was reversed when the CS- was used as prime.

1 Traditionally, the number of CS's used in evaluative conditioning studies is relatively large. Given this fact, it has repeatedly been demonstrated that evaluative changes are present, even for the CS's for which the participant fails to recognize the associated US, and even when the participant does not remember whether the associated US was positive or negative. This provides strong evidence that E.C. can occur independent from the (verbal) awareness of the original CS-US relationship, and that the observed effects are not a mere product of demand characteristics. The latter can however not be excluded in studies that employ only a few CS's and in which the possibility of awareness of the correct CS-US pairs is rather high.

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Dirk Hermans et al.

EXPERIMENT 1

In Experiment 1 an individually selected neutral picture (CS+) was contingently followed by an electrocutaneous stimulus. The other picture (CS-) was never followed by the US. Before and after acquisition verbal ratings of stimulus valence were obtained. Additionally, after acquisition, US-expectancy was assessed. The extinction procedure consisted of the removal of the electrodes and the explicit statement that no more electrocutaneous stimuli would be administered (Hughdal & Öhman, 1977; Vansteenwegen, Crombez, Baeyens, & Eelen, 1998), subsequently followed by a series of unreinforced CS+ and CS- presentations. After the extinction phase, participants were asked again to provide US-expectancy ratings and evaluative ratings. Finally, participants were asked to accomplish the affective priming procedure.

In addition to the measures of expectancy and evaluation, the Fear Thermometer (Malloy & Levis, 1988) was administered (i.e. a rating of the amount of fear elicited by the presentation of the CS+ or CS-). Also, self-reports for arousal were obtained for both stimuli. Although it is to be expected that after conditioning the CS+ will induce more fear and will be rated as more arousing than the CS-, the status of both measures with regard to the distinction between expectancy-learning and referential/evaluative learning is not very clear at present. As suggested by Hermans et al. (in press c), this issue might be resolved experimentally by the extinction procedures that are introduced in the subsequent experiments. Because it is predicted that extinction will have a strong influence on expectancy-learning, but will have less or no influence on the amount of referential learning, the impact of an extinction procedure on the conditioned arousal ratings would then be indicative of their nature: expectancy-based, merely referential, or both.

Method

ParticipantsTwenty first-year psychology students (5 men, 15 women) and twenty-two first-year

economics students (5 men, 17 women) participated for partial fulfillment of course requirements. All participants gave informed consent and were instructed that they could decline further participation at any time during the experiment.

MaterialsThe pictures that were used as CS+, CS-, and as additional primes for the priming

procedure were selected on an individual basis from a set of 60 color pictures of human faces. Half of the pictures in this set showed the face of a man, while the other half showed the face of a woman. Pictures varied in the age of the portrayed persons and in their affective expression. None of the faces displayed a strong emotional expression. Targets for the affective priming procedure were a fixed set of six positive (bouquet, melody, art, applause, game, cake) and six negative (hunger, offence, nervousness, weeds, worms, dirt) Dutch nouns selected from Hermans and De Houwer (1994). Positive and negative targets differed significantly on the affective dimension, t(10) = 26.30, (Mpositive = 5.39; Mnegative = 2.63), but not for word length, t(10) = 1.09, n.s., (Mpositive = 5.67; Mnegative = 6.83), subjective familiarity, t(10)

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Evaluative Learning and Expectancy-Learning

= 0.23, n.s., (Mpositive = 4.82; Mnegative = 4.92), or affective extremity, t(10) = 0.13, n.s., (Mpositive

= 1.39; Mnegative = 1.37)2.During the stimulus selection phase, each color picture was mounted on a separate card

(9 x 13 cm). All photographs were digitized as 256 colors, 640 x 480 resolution image files. During the acquisition phase, the extinction phase, and the priming phase, pictures and target words were presented against the black background of a SVGA computer monitor. The pictures were presented 13 cm by 19 cm; target words were presented in white uppercase letters (8 mm high, 5 mm wide).

Electrocutaneous stimuli with duration of 1500 ms were delivered by Fukuda standard Ag/AgCl electrodes (1.2 cm diameter). The electrodes were filled with electrode gel and were attached to the left wrist. Administration of the electrocutaneous stimulus, and presentation of primes and targets on the 15" VGA computer screen was controlled by a Turbo Pascal 5.0 program operating in SVGA graphics mode. Response times were registered by a voice key that stopped a highly accurate Turbo Pascal timer (Bovens & Brysbaert, 1990) upon registration of a sound. The experiment was run on an IBM compatible Pentium 150 Mhz computer.

ProcedureThe procedure, and more specifically the individual selection and use of the

electrocutaneous stimulus, was explained in detail. The experiment started after the participant had given informed consent. The experiment consisted of four major phases: the stimulus selection phase, the acquisition phase, the extinction phase, and the affective priming phase.

During the stimulus selection phase participants were handed over the 60 color pictures of faces, and were asked to evaluate them on a 21-category scale (-100 = very negative / very unpleasant; 0 = neutral; +100 = very positive / very pleasant). The experimenter stressed that they should rely on their first, spontaneous reaction towards the picture. To get an idea about the kind of pictures that were included in the set, participants took a quick look at the pictures before starting to rate them. When all 60 pictures had been evaluated (E.R.1, Evaluative Rating 1), the participant was invited to fill out the Dutch version (Crombez, Eccleston, Baeyens, & Eelen, 1998) of the Pain Catastrophizing Scale (PCS; Sullivan, Bishop, & Pivik, 1995), which was used as filler task. Meanwhile, out of the participant's sight, the experimenter selected six neutrally rated stimuli. First, pictures with a '0' score were selected. If this category did not contain six stimuli, pictures were selected from the categories '-10' and '+10', and so on. On a random basis, two stimuli were designated as CS+ and CS-, and four stimuli as neutral filler primes for the priming phase. Next, the participant was asked to rate the future CS+ and CS-, together with the four neutral filler primes on the arousal dimension (A.R.1; Arousal Rating 1). This was done for each picture on a separate 11-point (0, 10, ... , 100) graphic rating scale, anchored by 'very calm' (0) and 'very aroused' (100).

During the second part of the stimulus selection phase, the intensity of the US was determined. The wrist of the participant was cleaned with Brasivol Nr 1 peeling cream, and the electrodes were attached. Next, during a work-up procedure, the experimenter increased the level of the electrocutaneous stimulus gradually until the participant reported that it was

2 Affective extremity refers to the (absolute) extent to which the affective rating of a specific word deviates from the mean of the affective rating scale. For example, a word for which the affective score is 2.7, has an affective extremity of 1.3 (with '4' being the theoretical mean of these seven-point rating scales).

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Dirk Hermans et al.

'unpleasant and demanding some effort to tolerate'. This stimulus was used as the US in the acquisition phase.

During the acquisition phase the participant was invited to take place at a distance of about 60 cm from the computer screen. The CS+ and the CS- were each presented eight times for the duration of eight seconds. The order of the presentations was semi-randomized, in the sense that a stimulus could never be presented on more than two successive trials. The inter trial interval (ITI) was either two, three, four, or five seconds and was semi-randomized in a similar fashion. The offset of the CS+ was immediately followed by a 1500 ms presentation of the US. Participants were provided with the information that one stimulus (CS+) would always be followed by the US, while the second stimulus (CS-) would never be followed by the US. They were also instructed to attentively watch this series of presentations.

After the electrodes were removed, the participant was asked to rate each of the six pictures (including the CS+, CS-, and the four neutral filler primes) for a second time on the evaluative dimension (E.R.2) and the arousal dimension (A.R.2). It was stressed that their rating could have remained the same or could have changed as compared to their previous ratings during the stimulus selection phase (E.R.1 & A.R.1), and that we were only interested in how they rated these stimuli at this very moment. Next, contingency awareness was tested by asking them to select the CS+ and the CS- from this set of six pictures and to indicate which of both had been followed by an electrocutaneous stimulus. In addition, they were asked to provide US-expectancy and Fear Thermometer ratings for each of both stimuli using 11-point graphic rating scales. US-expectancy was assessed by indicating to what extent they had expected a US following the presentation of the CS+, and following the presentation of the CS- during the acquisition phase. The rating scale was anchored by 'never' (0) and 'always' (100). Fear was assessed by indicating the extent to which they had felt fearful or anxious during the presentation of the CS+ and the presentation of the CS-. This rating scale was anchored by 'not anxious at all' (0) and 'very anxious' (10). Finally, participants rated the US for three characteristics. First, the (un)pleasantness of the US was rated on an 11-point numerical graphic scale, with '-5/unpleasant' and '+5/pleasant' as extremes. The intensity of the US was assessed by a verbal rating scale with weak, moderate, intense, enormous, and unbearable as labels. The extent to which they were startled by the US was appraised on a similar verbal rating scale with not, lightly, moderately, strongly, and very strongly as labels.

At the start of the extinction phase, the participants were asked to again take place at the computer screen. It was told that no electrodes would be attached, and that no more electrocutaneous stimuli would be presented for the rest of the experiment. Next, the CS+ and CS- were presented eight times each. The presentation parameters were the same as for the acquisition phase, with the only exception that no USs were presented. Subsequently, the participants were asked again to provide evaluative (E.R. 3) and arousal ratings (A.R. 3) for the same set of six stimuli that had been rated before, as well as US-expectancy ratings and fear ratings for both the CS+ and CS-.

Finally, in the affective priming phase, the experimenter explained that pairs of stimuli would be presented on the computer screen, the first of which would always be a picture of a face (the prime), while the second would always be a word (the target). It was instructed to attend to the word and to evaluate it as quickly as possible by saying aloud 'POSITIVE' or 'NEGATIVE'. It was told that they could look at the picture, but that all attention had to be directed at the word for which a response had to be given. The experimenter explained that

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Evaluative Learning and Expectancy-Learning

the primes were only presented to make the task more difficult. Finally, the use of the voice key was explained.

The affective priming task consisted of two blocks of 72 experimental trials, preceded by 12 practice trials. Each trial started with a warning tone (200 ms, 1000 Hz), followed by the presentation of the prime word for a duration of 200 ms. Either 100 ms (SOA 300) or 800 ms (SOA 1000) after the offset of the prime, the target word was presented. For half of the participants, the first experimental block was presented with an SOA of 300 ms, while for the second block the SOA was 1000 ms. For the other participants the order was reversed. This SOA-manipulation was introduced because prior research (Fazio et al., 1986; Hermans et al., 1994) has shown that automatic affective priming effects can be obtained at short (e.g. 300 ms) but not at long (e.g. 1000 ms) SOAs, which is a strong, but indirect indication for the automaticity of the affective priming effect.

The target stayed on the screen until the participant gave a response or 2000 ms elapsed. The inter trial interval was always 2 s. Participants were given the opportunity to take a brief break after the first experimental block.

In both blocks, all 72 combinations of the 6 primes and 12 targets were presented once. The presentation order of these 72 trials was semi-randomized for each block and each participant separately. The restrictions of this randomization were that the same prime should not be presented on more than two consecutive trials, and that two successive trials should not contain the same target. Thus, in each block there were 12 trials in which the CS+ was used as the prime, and 12 trials in which the CS- was used as prime. For each of both types, there were six trials with a positive target and six trials with a negative target. The remaining 48 trials consisted of one of the four neutral filler primes being followed by a positive (24 trials) or a negative (24 trials) target.

Results

Data Reduction and AnalysisThe data from the verbal reports were analyzed using 2 X 2 univariate analyses of

variance (ANOVA) with CS-type (CS+/CS-) and moment (combinations of pre-acquisition, post-acquisition, and post-extinction) as within-subjects variables. The results were further examined using a priori contrasts (two-tailed).

For the affective priming procedure, the data from trials on which a voice key failure occurred or on which an incorrect response was given were excluded from the analysis. In addition, all response latencies shorter than 200 ms or longer than 1500 ms were excluded to reduce the influence of outlier responses. Because we had strong directional hypotheses with respect to the affective priming effects at SOA 300 and SOA 1000, we will only report the crucial (one-sided) a priori contrasts concerning the difference between affectively congruent and affectively incongruent trials for both levels of the SOA-variable separately.

An alpha-level of .05 was used for all statistical tests. p-Values will only be reported in the case of marginally significant effects (.05 < p < .10).

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Dirk Hermans et al.

Acquisition DataAfter acquisition, participants rated the US as unpleasant (M = -3.27), intense (M = 5.6),

and indicated that they were moderately to strongly startled by the US (M = 5.9). All participants were able to correctly select the CS+ and the CS- from the set of six pictures. Therefore, we can conclude that participants experienced the US as a rather aversive stimulus and that they were fully aware of the CS+/US and CS-/no-US contingency.

Moreover, during acquisition the CS+ had become a valid predictor for the US. The mean US-expectancy score was 97.4 for the CS+ and 6.42 for the CS-, F(1, 41) = 2046.

In addition to the fact that the CS+ had become a meaningful predictor for the occurrence of the US, the acquisition procedure had also led to significant shifts in the evaluation of the CS+ and CS- (see Figure 2). After acquisition there was a highly significant difference between the valence ratings of the CS+ (M = -27.6) and the CS- (M = 9.05), F(1, 41) = 28.6, whereas there was no difference before acquisition, F(1, 41) = 2.1, n.s., MCS+ = 0.71, MCS- = -0.24. The significant CS-type (CS+/CS-) X Moment (E.R.1/E.R.2) interaction, F(1, 41) = 28.0, can be attributed to the CS+ becoming more negative from E.R.1 to E.R.2, F(1, 41) = 32.31, as well as to the CS- becoming more positive, F(1, 41) = 5.44.

Finally, conditioning was also apparent from the data of the Fear Thermometer, which showed that the CS+ elicited significantly more fear (M = 5.74) than the CS- (M = 0.60), F(1, 41) = 155.4. Also, there was a significant interaction between CS-type and moment of assessment (A.R.1/A.R.2) for the arousal ratings, F(1, 41) = 7.17 (see Figure 4). A priori contrasts showed that during acquisition the CS+ had become more arousing, F(1, 41) = 27.8, while a similar shift for the CS- did not occur (F < 1). This resulted in the CS+ being significantly more arousing than the CS- at the post-acquisition ratings, MCS+ = 46.9, MCS- = 22.4, F(1, 41) = 35.42.

Extinction DataAfter the extinction phase, the participants were asked to provide US-expectancy ratings

for the CS+ and the CS- for the second time. As expected, there was a significant interaction between CS-type and moment (post-acquisition/post-extinction), F(1, 41) = 260.64 (see Figure 1). The extinction procedure led to a dramatic change in the extent to which a US was expected following the CS+, F(1, 41) = 299.63, Mpost-acquisition = 97.4, Mpost-extinction = 20. The US-expectancy ratings for the CS- that were already very low at post-acquisition ratings, even dropped somewhat further, F(1, 41) = 6.9, Mpost-acquisition = 6.42, Mpost-extinction = 1.93. It is however important to note that even though the extinction procedure had a tremendous impact on the extent to which the CS+ led to the active expectancy of the US (F = 299), there remained a small, but nevertheless significant difference between the CS+ and CS- at the post-extinction ratings; F(1, 41) = 22.99.

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Evaluative Learning and Expectancy-Learning

Experiment 1 Experiment 2

0102030405060708090

100

post-acq post-ext post-acq post-extMoment

US-

expe

ctan

cy

CS+ CS-

Figure 1. Mean US-expectancy ratings for CS+ and CS- as a function of the moment of assessment (post-acquisition, post-extinction) for experiments 1 and 2.

In contrast, extinction had no impact at all on the conditioned stimulus valence. The relevant CS-type (CS+/CS-) X Moment (E.R.2/E.R.3) interaction was not significant, F(1, 41) = 1.39, n.s. (see Figure 2). And, although the CS+ became more positive from E.R.2 to E.R.3, F(1, 41) = 6.29, a similar non-significant tendency was observed for the CS-, F(1, 41) = 1.46, resulting in a highly significant difference in the evaluative ratings of both stimuli after extinction, MCS+ = -17.86, MCS- = 12.38, F(1, 41) = 18.12. Also, the interaction between CS-type and moment, in which the pre-acquisition and post-extinction ratings were included, was still highly significant, F(1, 41) = 18.77.

Experiment 1 Experiment 2

-30

-20

-10

0

10

20

30

40

pre-acq post-acq post-ext pre-acq post-acq post-extMoment

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uativ

e R

atin

gs

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Figure 2. Mean evaluation ratings for CS+ and CS- as a function of the moment of assessment (pre-acquisition, post-acquisition, post-extinction) for experiments 1 and 2.

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Dirk Hermans et al.

With respect to the arousal ratings, the extinction procedure led to a significant decrease in the arousal ratings for the CS+, F(1, 41) = 21.33, but not for the CS-, F < 1 (comparison between A.R.2 and A.R.3), which resulted in a significant interaction between CS-type and moment (A.R.2/A.R.3), F(1, 41) = 10.56. In fact, the extinction procedure totally erased the acquisition effect in the arousal ratings. The interaction between CS-type and moment, in which the pre-acquisition and post-extinction ratings were entered, was no longer significant, F(1, 41) = 1.98, n.s.3 (see Figure 3).

Experiment 1 Experiment 2

510

15

2025

30

3540

4550

55

pre-acq post-acq post-ext pre-acq post-acq post-extMoment

Aro

usal

Rat

ings

CS+ CS-

Figure 3. Mean arousal ratings for CS+ and CS- as a function of the moment of assessment (pre-acquisition, post-acquisition, post-extinction) for experiments 1 and 2.

For the Fear Thermometer, there was also a significant interaction between CS-type and moment (post-acquisition/post-extinction), F(1, 41) = 66.35 (see Figure 4). The CS+ no longer elicited as much anxiety after extinction (M = 1.86) as compared to the post-acquisition ratings (M = 5.74), F(1, 41) = 103.6, while a similar shift was absent for the CS-, F(1, 41) = 1.40, n.s., Mpost-acquisition = 0.60, Mpost-extinction = 0.33. Nevertheless, there remained a significant difference between the CS+ and CS- for both measures at the post-extinction ratings; US-expectancy: F(1, 41) = 22.99, Fear Thermometer: F(1, 41) = 15.23.

3 Nevertheless, there was still a significant difference between the arousal ratings of the CS+ and the CS- after extinction, MCS+ = 35.23, MCS- = 20.95, F(1, 41) = 13. However, for unknown reasons, a similar difference was already present in the baseline measures (A.R.1), F(1, 41) = 3.23. Hence, given the absence of a significant Moment X CS-type interaction, the difference in the post-extinction ratings should not be viewed as an effect of conditioning, but as the result of an initial baseline difference.

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Evaluative Learning and Expectancy-Learning

Experiment 1 Experiment 2

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

post-acq post-ext post-acq post-extMoment

Fear

Rat

ings

CS+ CS-

Figure 4. Mean fear ratings for CS+ and CS- as a function of the moment of assessment (post-acquisition, post-extinction) for experiments 1 and 2.

Affective Priming DataAs the affective priming procedure was intended as a second, and unobtrusive test of

stimulus valence, shorter response latencies for affectively congruent trials as compared to affectively incongruent trials were predicted at the SOA 300 level, while no difference was expected at the SOA of 1000 ms. Against expectations, however, at neither of both SOA levels there was a significant difference in the response latencies for affectively congruent and affectively incongruent trials; SOA 300: t(40) = 0.978, n.s. ; Mcongruent = 654, Mincongruent = 661; SOA 1000, t(40) = 0.51, n.s.: Mcongruent = 669, Mincongruent = 663.

In line with the absence of an affective priming effect at SOA 300, there was also a general tendency for the evaluative conditioning effect to be less strong in the present experiment as compared with previous research (Hermans et al., in press b, in press c). One reason for this less robust evaluative learning, as indicated by the verbal evaluation ratings and the response latency data, might have been that the selected US was not sufficiently aversive for all participants. Indeed, although these experiments did not differ in the mean unpleasantness ratings for the US, there was a larger variability in the ratings of the present experiment. Whereas the US was rated as very unpleasant by some participants (e.g. -5 on the '-5 to +5' scale), others rated the US as rather neutral (e.g. -0.4). It will be obvious that for the latter participants no evaluative conditioning or affective priming should be expected.

Therefore, it was decided to conduct a median split on the basis of the (un)pleasantness ratings of the US after acquisition. Additional analyses showed that for the group (N = 21) who had experienced the US as unpleasant (M = -4.21), the results of the affective priming data were clearly in line with our predictions. For the SOA 300 ms condition, response latencies were significantly shorter, t(40) = 2.41, for affectively congruent (M = 674) as compared to affectively incongruent trials (M = 695), while a similar effect was absent for the SOA 1000 condition, t(40) = 0.62, n.s., Mcongruent = 681, Mincongruent = 692. For the participants (N=21) who rated the US less extremely negative or even neutral (M = -2.35), the affective

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Dirk Hermans et al.

congruency effect was present at neither of the two SOA levels, SOA 300: t(40) = 0.958, n.s., SOA 1000: t(40) = 1.34, p = .10.

Of course, a post-hoc median split based on the pleasantness ratings of the US is a rather crude measure of the extent to which the selected electrocutaneous stimulus is aversive enough to be a real US. Therefore, correlations might provide supplementary information. It could be demonstrated that a general index of affective priming at SOA 300 (Mincongruent - Mcongruent) correlated significantly with the degree to which the participants experienced the US as unpleasant, r(42) = .48, or startling, r(42) = .39, and with the amount of fear elicited by the CS+ during acquisition, r(42) = .33.

Finally, it is worthwhile mentioning that there was a significant correlation between a general index of evaluative learning and the general index of affective priming at SOA 300, r(42) = .404. No such correlation could be observed for affective priming at SOA 1000, r(42) = .19, n.s..

Discussion

In the present experiment, we obtained evidence for both expectancy-learning as well as evaluative learning in the verbal ratings after acquisition. Confirming our prediction, the extinction procedure had a differential impact on both types of learning. Whereas there was a massive impact on the expectancy-ratings (F =260), the acquired difference in valence ratings between the CS+ and the CS- was unaffected by this procedure. And, although this unaltered evaluative difference was not instantaneously reflected in a general effect of affective priming, a median split on the basis of the rated intensity of the US showed that for those participants who had indeed experienced the US as intense, the affective priming effect emerged as predicted. For those however, who had experienced the electrocutaneous stimulus as only mild, or even neutral, the affective priming effect was absent. This is also in line with the expectations, because if the US did not have aversive characteristics (intense, startling), no evaluative learning should occur. Finally, the strong correlation between the verbal evaluative responses and the affective priming data not only demonstrates that the verbal evaluative responses are not entirely based on demand effects, but is also remarkable given the usually low correlations between the different response systems (e.g. Öhman & Bohlin, 1987).

Pertaining to the status of the arousal and fear ratings it is important to note that although the extinction procedure reduced the arousal ratings back to the baseline level, there remained a significant difference between the CS+ and the CS- after acquisition with respect to the fear ratings. Given this sensitivity to the extinction procedure, we would be inclined to characterize the arousal ratings as an index of expectancy-learning. The fact that there was no complete reduction in the fear ratings after extinction might be attributed to an insufficient number of extinction trials. On the other hand, if one assumes that fear is based on a combination of high arousal and negative valence (Lang, Bradley & Cuthbert, 1990), it might be that the residual difference between CS+ and CS- after extinction is the mere reflection of the acquired difference in valence.

4 The general index of evaluative learning was calculated as follows: (E.R.2CS- - E.R.1CS-) - . (E.R.2CS+ - E.R.1CS+)

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Evaluative Learning and Expectancy-Learning

Although the results of the present experiment are consistent with our theorizing, there was some room for improvement. First, and in contrast to what we observed in previous research (Hermans et al., in press b, in press c), the priming effect could only be obtained after a post-hoc splitting up of the group based on their evaluation of the US. Only for those participants who had experienced the US as an intense negative stimulus the affective priming effect emerged. Although this post-hoc analysis and the conclusions derived from it are certainly justified, we would nevertheless have a stronger case if we could present similar results without the necessity of such a posteriori analyses. Second, even though the extinction procedure had a very strong impact on the extent to which the CS+ led to the active expectancy of the US, there remained a significant difference between the CS+ and CS- at the post-extinction ratings. Although the point we are making is a differential one – namely that expectancy learning and evaluative learning are differentially affected by an extinction procedure – and not an absolute one, we would nevertheless have a more solid argument if we could demonstrate the endurance of an evaluative shift in spite of a complete extinction of the conscious active expectancy of the US. Finally, although the CS+ and CS- were randomly selected from the set of pictures that were rated as neutral by the participant, there was nevertheless a significant difference between both stimuli in the baseline arousal ratings in the previous study. Although these ratings do not pertain to the central questions of the reported research, analysis and interpretation of the arousal data would nevertheless be more straightforward if such baseline differences were absent. In the planning of Experiment 2, these elements were taken into account.

EXPERIMENT 2

The main aim of Experiment 2 was to replicate the findings of Experiment 1. In addition, the procedure was slightly modified in three ways in order to increase the robustness of the findings. First, the number of trials for the crucial SOA 300 condition was doubled, while simultaneously leaving out the SOA 1000 trials from the priming procedure. This way we wanted to increase the sensitivity of the affective priming procedure to capture the acquired stimulus valence. Also, during the working-up phase, the importance of a sufficiently unpleasant (but not necessarily painful) electrocutaneous stimulus was stressed some more. Second, with respect to the amount of US-expectancy that could still be observed after extinction, a small modification was introduced in the questioning of the US-expectancy ratings. In the course of Experiment 1 we noticed that participants differed in the way the question concerning the US-expectancy ratings was interpreted. It was our impression that whereas most participants indeed based their answer on the extent to which they actually expected a US after seeing the CS+, a relatively high number of participants also (or even exclusively) relied on the extent to which the CS made them think of the US. If this indeed had been the case, the US-expectancy ratings, which were intended as a measure of ‘expectancy learning’, were also contaminated by a mere ‘referential’ component. And, because it is assumed that whereas a procedure of extinction will reduce the extent to which the CS+ leads you to actively expect the presentation of the US (expectancy learning), it will not affect its capacity to ‘make you think of’ the US (referential learning). Hence, to prevent such contamination of the expectancy measure by a merely referential component, we slightly

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Dirk Hermans et al.

adapted the way in which the questions were formulated. Finally, with respect to the baseline difference in the arousal data that was observed in Experiment 1, the CSs were now not only selected on the basis of their neutral valence, but also on the basis of their low arousal ratings.

Method

ParticipantsTwelve female second-year psychology students participated for partial fulfillment of

course requirements. All participants gave informed consent and were instructed that they could decline further participation at any time during the experiment.

Materials and ProcedureThe stimuli and apparatus were the same as in Experiment 1. Also, the procedure was

almost identical to Experiment 1. One modification was that participants now received two blocks of trials in which an SOA of 300 ms was used, instead of one block with SOA 300 trials and one with SOA 1000 trials. The second difference was that participants were told that the US-expectancy question did not pertain to the extent to which the CS ‘reminded them of the US, or made them think of it’ but to the extent to which they actually had expected that the CS would be actually followed by the US. Finally, to prevent baseline differences, CSs were now not only selected on the basis of their neutral evaluation, but also on account of their low arousal ratings. All other instructions and presentation parameters were identical to Experiment 1.

Results

The data were analyzed as in Experiment 1.

Acquisition DataAfter acquisition, participants rated the US as unpleasant (M = -3.49), intense (M = 5.6),

and indicated that they were moderately to strongly startled by the US (M = 5.8).As in Experiment 1, the CS+ had become a valid predictor of the US (see Figure 1). The

mean US-expectancy score was 95 for the CS+ and 5 for the CS-, F(1, 11) = 381.9.Besides the support for expectancy-learning, there was again clear evidence for

evaluative learning in the present experiment (see Figure 2). After acquisition there was a significant difference between the valence ratings of the CS+ (M = -22.5) and the CS- (M = 32.5), F(1, 11) = 14.84, whereas there was no difference before acquisition, F = 1, MCS+ = 1.67, MCS- = 0. The significant CS-type (CS+/CS-) X Moment (E.R.1/E.R.2) interaction, F(1, 11) = 14.6, can be attributed to the CS+ becoming more negative from E.R.1 to E.R.2, F(1, 11) = 8.87, as well as to the CS- becoming more positive, F(1, 41) = 15.45.

Finally, conditioning was also apparent in the fear ratings. The CS+ elicited significantly more fear (M = 5.5) than the CS- (M = 1), F(1, 11) = 42.43 (Figure 4). Also, there was a significant interaction between CS-type and moment of assessment (A.R.1/A.R.2) for the arousal ratings, F(1, 11) = 5.71 (Figure 3). After acquisition, there was a significant difference in the arousal ratings for the CS+ and the CS-, MCS+ = 50, MCS- = 25, F(1, 11) = 6.6,

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whereas no such difference was present before conditioning, MCS+ = 10, MCS- = 9.17, F = 1. Additional a priori contrasts showed that the observed interaction was due to the fact that during acquisition the CS+ had become more arousing, F(1, 11) = 24.56, while a similar, but significantly less strong shift for the CS- could be observed, F(1, 11) = 6.76.

Extinction DataAfter the extinction phase, the participants were now asked to provide US-expectancy

ratings for the second time. As predicted, there was a significant interaction between CS-type and moment (post-acquisition/post-extinction), F(1, 11) = 288.78. The US-expectancy ratings for the CS- that were already very low at post-acquisition ratings, even dropped further to the zero-level, F(1, 11) = 3.66, p = .08, Mpost-acquisition = 5, Mpost-extinction = 0. More dramatic, however, was the impact of the extinction procedure on the extent to which a US was expected following the CS+, F(1, 11) = 1078, Mpost-acquisition = 95, Mpost-extinction = 1.67. US-expectancy was even reduced to the level that there was no longer any significant difference between CS+ and CS- after extinction, F(1, 11) = 2.2, p = .16 (see Figure 1).

In contrast, extinction had no impact at all on the conditioned stimulus valence (see Figure 2) The relevant CS-type (CS+/CS-) X Moment (E.R.2/E.R.3) interaction was not significant, F<1. For neither the CS+ or the CS- there was a significant change from the post-acquisition ratings to the post-extinction ratings, F < 1 for both comparisons. So, there remained an unaltered evaluative difference between both stimuli at the end of extinction phase, MCS+ = -20.83, MCS- = 30, F(1, 11) = 13.38. Also, the interaction between CS-type and moment, in which the pre-acquisition and post-extinction ratings were included, was still highly significant, F(1, 11) = 13.66.

As was the case for the US-expectancy-ratings, the extinction procedure had a strong influence on data of the Fear Thermometer (see Figure 4), F(1, 11) = 14.77. The CS+ no longer elicited so much anxiety after extinction (M = 2.5) as compared to the post-acquisition ratings (M = 5.5), F(1, 11) = 62.66, while a similar shift was absent for the CS-, F(1, 41) = 2.85, p = .11, Mpost-acquisition = 1, Mpost-extinction = 0.83. It is however important to note that even though the extinction procedure had a strong impact on the amount of fear elicited by the CS+, there nevertheless remained a significant difference between the CS+ and CS- at the post-extinction ratings; F(1, 11) = 10.38.

With respect to the arousal ratings (see Figure 3), the extinction procedure led to a significant decrease in the arousal ratings for the CS+, F(1, 11) = 7.86, but also for the CS-, F(1, 11) = 9.13 (comparison between A.R.2 and A.R.3). Nevertheless, given that the absolute reduction was larger for the CS+, there was no longer any significant difference between the arousal ratings for both CSs after extinction, MCS+ = 25, MCS- = 19.17, F(1, 11) = 1.96. In addition, the interaction between CS-type and moment, in which the pre-acquisition and post-extinction ratings were entered, was not significant, F(1, 41) = 1.13.

Affective priming data. The data of these verbal evaluative ratings could be corroborated by the results from the affective priming procedure. Response latencies for affectively congruent pairs (M = 680 ms) were significantly shorter as compared to affectively incongruent pairs (M = 708 ms), t(9) = 1.90 .

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Discussion

The procedural changes that were introduced in Experiment 2 were successful. Not only could the general pattern of results of Experiment 1 be replicated, but the results are also more straightforward. As can be seen from Figure 2, the overall evaluative conditioning effect was more outspoken than in the previous study. Moreover, this evaluative conditioning effect was not affected by the extinction procedure. Also, the significant difference in the evaluative ratings for the CS+ and CS- after extinction could be corroborated by the results of the affective priming task. In contrast with Experiment 1, there was no longer a need for a post-hoc analysis based on the appropriateness of the US for the individual participants.

This study further demonstrated that expectancy learning is highly sensitive to extinction procedures, including CS-only presentations and verbal instructions. Moreover, due to extinction the US-expectancy ratings were now reduced to the point that there was no longer any significant difference between the CS+ and CS-. These data lead to a fine and important demonstration of the persistence of acquired valence in the absence of reported US-expectancies. This can be considered as a laboratory equivalent of the patient who, after successful exposure treatment, no longer expects to have a panic attack in the supermarket and hence no longer avoids to do the shopping over there, but nevertheless still (somewhat) dislikes this place. As we will argue later, this might be an affective-motivational source for the return of fear.

Finally, with respect to the status of the arousal and fear ratings, the pattern of the results was similar to that of Experiment 1. Extinction reduced arousal ratings to the baseline level, whereas there remained a significant difference in the fear ratings between the CS+ and CS- after extinction. Based on these results we would be inclined to repeat our conclusion that arousal ratings are mainly a reflection of expectancy learning, whereas the fear ratings might be based on a combination of expectancy learning (arousal) and referential learning (valence).

GENERAL DISCUSSION

In general, the results from both experiments can be summarized as follows: (a) they confirm the observation that signal-learning and evaluative learning can co-occur (e.g. Hermans et al., in press b, in press c), and (b) they provide empirical support for the hypothesis that extinction has a differential impact on both types of learning. In what follows we will elaborate on both aspects of the results.

With respect to the first conclusion, it can be affirmed that the experience of repeated contingent presentations of a previously neutral face (CS+) and an aversive electrocutaneous stimulus (US) altered the meaning of the CS+ in two different ways. First, the CS+ became a valid predictor for the US as it elicited the active expectation of the US, whereas the CS- was even experienced – according to the comments of several participants – as a safety signal that indicated the nonappearance of the US (signal-learning). On the other hand, the CS+ by itself became a more negative stimulus, as evidenced by the evaluative ratings and the affective priming data. Correspondingly, the CS- became more positive.

An interesting observation is that these shifts in the evaluative ratings for the CS+ and CS- could be confirmed by the data of the affective priming procedure. This measure is

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particularly interesting within the present conditioning paradigm because it is regarded to be not susceptible to demand characteristics. An additional advantage of this procedure in the context of the present extinction studies is that it is most likely less sensitive to changes in arousal as compared to the eye blink startle response that was used in related studies (e.g. Hamm et al., 1993). This latter response is most often implemented and defined as a defensive reflex to an unexpected noise that has been shown to vary linearly with the judged emotional valence of a pictorial foreground slide (Vrana, Spence, & Lang, 1988). Although often employed as an index of stimulus valence, results from our laboratory (Vansteenwegen et al., 1998) demonstrated that while the startle modulation might be a good measure of valence at the end of acquisition, it is probably not a valid measure to study subsequent effects of extinction on acquired valence. This is because substantial startle modulation is only found for pictures with high levels of judged arousal (Cuthbert, Bradley, & Lang, 1996), which will be present after acquisition, but which habitually vanishes over extinction trials. In a recent report by Sabatinelli, Bradley, & Lang (2001), it was demonstrated that the startle reflex is modulated by hedonic valence in studies that involve mere picture perception, but is modulated by emotional arousal in a task context involving anticipation. Hence, although startle modulation can be regarded as a highly interesting measure of affective meaning, it does not seem to be the best alternative to study differential effects of extinction on mere stimulus valence. With respect to the affective priming procedure, however, no such mediating influence of arousal has been demonstrated.

In addition to further substantiation of the idea that evaluative learning and expectancy learning can co-occur, the present data also demonstrate a differential impact of extinction manipulations on both types of learning. Drastic changes in US-expectancy that were induced by CS-only presentations and verbal instructions were not accompanied by a similar decrease in acquired evaluative meaning. In fact, the evaluative ratings showed no impact of these manipulations at all.

It will be obvious that we do not interpret the present data as evidence for the ‘absolute’ hypothesis that evaluative learning is unaffected by extinction. As pointed out before, our hypothesis was a differential one rather than an absolute one: Do extinction manipulations differentially affect evaluative learning and expectancy-learning? Although this issue can be answered affirmatively, it still leaves open the question of whether evaluative learning is completely resistant to extinction. It remains to be tested whether a drastically increased number of extinction trials would eventually not lead to a (complete) extinction of the acquired valence. Pertaining to this possibility, there is now recent evidence from our laboratory (Francken et al., 2001) that even when the number of extinction trials is increased up to three times the number of acquisition trials (8 acquisition trials versus 24 extinction trials for each of both CSs), the acquired evaluative difference between the CS+ and CS- remained significant after the elaborate extinction phase as evidenced by the evaluative ratings as well as an affective priming procedure that was scheduled both after acquisition and extinction. Future studies could include even more extinction trials or consist of a parametric analysis of the number of extinction trials to further investigate this issue.

The present results are framed within the distinction between evaluative learning and expectancy learning (Baeyens, Eelen & Crombez, 1995). Although it is sometimes argued that both forms of learning are also based on qualitatively different processes, it might well be that the crucial difference not so much involves a difference in the associative knowledge base or associative processes on which behavior is founded, but relates to a difference in the

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Dirk Hermans et al.

way in which this acquired knowledge is translated into behavior (for further discussion concerning different computational views of the referential/expectancy distinction, see De Houwer, Thomas & Baeyens, in press). Awaiting further experimental evidence concerning the exact nature of the difference between both forms of learning, we prefer to situate our observations at the ‘outcome’-level of a conditioning procedure, rather than at the process level. This leaves open the possibility that changes in US-expectancy and evaluative meaning are based on one and the same process. In fact, it is rather plausible that both are based on the most primitive form of associative learning: the acquisition of an associative link between memory representations based on a simple learning rule that increases the strength of the association whenever the stimuli co-occur but leaves the association strength intact when one of the two stimuli are presented in isolation. Innovative research with respect to expectancy-learning (Bouton, 1998; Rescorla, 1996) suggests that this latter type of learning might also essentially be based on the same basic mechanism. These studies demonstrate that although an extinction procedure results in a decrease of conditioned responses, it does not seem to affect the strength of the underlying association. In fact, extinction is assumed to add new associations on top of the existing association (see Rescorla, 1996). To the extent that future evidence would point to a similar learning process for expectancy learning and evaluative learning, research will need to focus on the nature of the performance rules that drive differential effects in measures of valence and expectancy as a function of specific manipulations like extinction procedures and contingency manipulations. Also, in the past, other authors have introduced the notion that human classical conditioning involves two or more simultaneous levels of learning (e.g. Mandel & Bridger, 1973; Öhman, Hamm, & Hugdahl, 2000; Razran, 1955). Comparison of these models with the two-level account that encompasses evaluative learning and referential learning, raises a number of questions concerning the way in which these models can be related to each other and the differential predictions that would result from them. It is our conviction that future research and theorizing should be aimed at addressing these questions.

Finally, given that both expectancy-learning and evaluative learning are involved in the acquisition of many fears and phobias (see Eelen, Hermans, & Baeyens, 2001), and given that extinction differentially influences both types of learning, the present results might have important clinical implications. In fact, we predict that interventions such as exposure will reduce the signal-value of the CSs and will therefore lead to diminished fear reactions, but might leave (most often negative) evaluative reactions towards the stimulus unchanged (Marks, 1987). For instance, most therapists will regard an exposure treatment as effective and will stop further exposure sessions when the original fear reactions towards the phobic stimulus/situation have been substantially reduced and the patient no longer exhibits any avoidance behavior. Although this might reflect a significant reduction in US-expectancy, the subjective evaluative appraisal of this stimulus/situation might still be unaffected. An example would be the patient who no longer expects a panic attack when entering a large supermarket, and after the apparently successful exposure treatment again frequents these superstores, but still somehow dislikes them. Given that stimulus valence – together with arousal – is one of the two basic dimensions of emotion (Lang, Bradley, & Cuthbert, 1990), we believe that such unaltered negative valence might form an affective-motivational source for the re-emergence of the original phobic fear. Hence, it does not seem unlikely that if this person later again enters such a supermarket that is still endowed with negative valence, and is aroused for reasons that are unrelated to this situation (e.g. bad news, too much coffee), this

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combination might lead to enhanced fear or even a new panic attack. Future experimental and clinical studies are necessary to substantiate this point.

REFERENCES

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paradigm. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Animal Behaviour Processes, 25, 211-224.

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conditioning: Effects on startle modulation and evaluative self-reports. Psychophysiology, 35, 729-736.

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Evaluative Learning and Expectancy-Learning

68. Vrana, S.C., Spence, E.L., & Lang, P.J. (1988). The startle probe response: A new measure of emotion ? Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 67, 487-491.

69. Wells, A. (1997). Cognitive therapy of anxiety disorders. A practice manual and conceptual guide. Chichester: Wiley.

70. Wolpe, J., & Rowan, V.C. (1988). Panic disorder: A product of classical conditioning. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 26, 441-450.

AUTHOR NOTE

Dirk Hermans, Frank Baeyens and Debora Vansteenwegen are postdoctoral researchers for the Fund for Scientific Research (Flanders, Belgium), Department of Psychology, University of Leuven, Belgium; Paul Eelen, Department of Psychology, University of Leuven, Belgium. Geert Crombez, Department of Psychology, Ghent University, Belgium.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dirk Hermans, Department of Psychology, University of Leuven, Tiensestraat 102, B-3000 Leuven, Belgium. Electronic mail may be sent to [email protected]

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Chapter 3

DEVELOPMENT OF THE ABILITY TO JUDGE RELATIVE AREAS: YOUNG CHILDREN’S

SPONTANEOUS USE OF SUPERIMPOSITION AS A COGNITIVE TOOL

Masamichi YuzawaHiroshima University, Higashi-Hiroshima, Japan

William M. BartUniversity of Minnesota

Miki YuzawaHiroshima University, Higashi-Hiroshima, Japan

ABSTRACT

How do young children judge relative areas? This chapter, first, review research about young children’s concepts of relative areas. Many studies reported thus far have stressed a qualitative difference in rules for size comparison between young children and older children or adults. However, recent studies provide some evidence for the early development of an area concept, which is related with the procedure of superimposition. We report two studies that examined the role of the procedure of superimposition in the development of the area concept.Study 1 examined the development of procedures that young children used spontaneously for comparing sizes of geometric figures. Children from the ages 3 to 6 were asked to compare sizes of geometric figures and their placement and adjustment procedures were observed. It was found that children as young as 3 or 4 years have a rudimentary concept of relative areas that is organized in terms of the procedure of placing one object on another, but that their spontaneous procedures were not effective and did not reflect the concept. Five- and 6-year-old children, however, more frequently use the procedures of placing one figure on another and adjusting two figures by two dimensions, which were correlated with correct responses.

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Study 2 examined the role of the cognitive procedure of superimposition in the development of an area concept. Children from the ages 4 to 6 were presented with target squares or rectangles and asked to choose one that was equal to two standard rectangles in area. In the perceptual judgment condition, children compared these figures just by looking; whereas, in the manipulative judgment condition, they placed the standard figures on the targets. Children were also asked to compare the sizes of geometric figures, and their spontaneous procedures were observed. The children performed better under the manipulative judgment condition than under the perceptual judgment condition, and their performance was facilitated when one target could be overlapped completely with the standard figures. Each of these facilitating effects was found independently of the other only in children who used the procedure of superimposition spontaneously for comparing sizes.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE ABILITY TO JUDGE RELATIVE AREAS: YOUNG CHILDREN’S SPONTANEOUS USE OF SUPERIMPOSITION AS

A COGNITIVE TOOL

How do young children judge relative areas? One prominent view is Piaget’s (Piaget, Inhelder, & Szeminska, 1960), which asserts that the pre-operational thought in children up to perhaps 6 or 7 years of age is centrated, meaning that thought tends to focus on a single salient aspect of a situation to the exclusion of other aspects. In line with Piaget’s view, much research indicated that preschoolers judge the areas of geometric figures by only one dimension or one salient aspect of the stimulus (Bausano & Jeffrey, 1975; Hobbs & Bacharach, 1990; Maratsos, 1973; Raven & Gelman, 1984; Russell, 1975; Sena & Smith, 1990). However, some researchers argue that even preschoolers integrate more than one aspect of stimuli, but judge areas by an additive combination of the height and width (Anderson & Cuneo, 1978; Cuneo, 1980; Wilkening, 1979).

The biggest problem in these studies is that they did not allow the children to interact actively with the figures to be compared in the experiments. Previous research was based on the view that the developmental progression in the concept of area consists in the way that perceived information is integrated or logically operated. However, children’s active role in the acquisition of knowledge has been recognized recently, and it is found that young children construct informal knowledge of mathematics through interacting with objects at hand in everyday life (e.g., Ginsburg, Klein, & Starkey, 1998; Resnick, 1989). In everyday life, young children acquire the knowledge of comparative sizes through interacting with objects at hand. For example, Bryant and Kopytynska (1983) presented 5- and 6-year-olds with a pair of black wooden blocks with either a 4 inch or a 6 inch hole in the top and a 10 inch stick with the center 2 inches painted yellow. When asked which block had the deeper hole, or whether the holes were of equal depth, children used the stick to measure the depth of the holes, regardless of whether or not they had been told to use the stick. Only through such an active interaction with objects could children rely on everyday knowledge of sizes to make their performance more effective. Children’s competence might be underestimated by the tasks in which children are required to make a perceptual estimation of relative sizes. This is suggested by the results of studies that incorporated functional procedures into the task administered to children.

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Development of an Area Concept

Miller (1984) contrasted a perceptual judgment of areas with a judgment based on a functional measurement. He required 3-year-olds to estimate the sizes of rectangles under two conditions. In a functional condition, children figured out how many of small square “tiles” would be needed to cover a larger rectangular “floor.” In a control condition, children received an area-rating task in which they made a perceptual estimation of sizes of rectangles on a 19-point-scale. As a result, children in the control condition conformed to the Height + Width adding rule as previous research indicated (Anderson & Cuneo, 1978; Cuneo, 1980). Children in the functional condition, however, obeyed a normative Height x Width rule.

Wolf (1995) examined the effect of the direct handling of objects on estimation of sizes of Euclidean objects among young children. Five- to 6-year-old children in the experimental group were asked to estimate the size of stimulus materials (e.g., rectangular pieces of baking chocolate) on a graphic rating scale, after they were provide with an opportunity to play with the stimulus materials. Whereas the children in the control group who had not received a handling opportunity estimated the stimulus sizes by an addition rule of Height + Width, the children in the experimental group used the multiplicative rule of Height x Width.

These two studies suggest that the procedure of placing one object on another could play a central role in the development of the area concept. Although Wolf (1995) did not articulate in what kind of activities the children were engaged during the handling opportunity, the opportunity might have tapped the child’s developing concept of area by allowing the child to exercise the procedure of placing one object on another. Miller (1989) argued that children's thinking about quantity is organized in terms of the procedures used to measure amount and the measurable attributes that these procedures quantify. In the case of area, the key procedure is regarded as overlaying objects with other objects or standard areas (Miller, 1989). But it is not clear how young children come to use the procedure of placing one object on another spontaneously as a tool for judging relative areas. There are a few studies concerning early strategies or procedures for size comparison.

Miller (1984) asked children at each of ages 3 and 5 years, and grades 2 and 4 to divide materials evenly. The materials included “candies,” strips of clay “spaghetti,” clay squares of “fudge,” and glasses of “kool-aid,” which emphasized number, length, area, and volume respectively. The children’s measurement behavior was observed as to the procedures that they employed. Miller found that procedures employed in measuring area and length were similar to each other. A dominant strategy in preschoolers was to cut the material into arbitrary pieces and count them to ensure the same number of pieces. Another strategy of preschoolers, which increased with age, was to cut the material directly into fractions of approximately equal size. Use of units of constant size was rare in preschool children.

The results of Miller (1984) are interesting, because they reveal that young children can adopt systematic procedures to determine equality. But the results did not provide the data explaining what role the procedure of putting one thing on another plays in early measurement for area. Children did not use the procedure of putting one thing on another, perhaps because the task of children was to divide “fudge” equally (i.e., children would not place some fudge on other fudge to compare the amounts).

Another study that examined early procedures for size comparison was Yuzawa, Bart, Kinne, Sukemune, & Kataoka (1999). They tested the effect of paper folding on size comparison procedures in young American and Japanese children. Four-, 5-, and 6-year-old children were asked to judge the relative sizes of two figures, and their procedures were observed. It was found that whether children paid attention only to one dimension or to two

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Masamichi Yuzawa, William M. Bart, Miki Yuzawa

dimensions of the geometric figures was dependent on which procedures they used. When they placed the two figures on one side or side by side, children tended to adjust the figures only by one dimension or by no dimension. However, when they used the procedure of placing one figure on another, children tended to adjust the two figures in terms of two dimensions.

Yuzawa et al. (1999) indicated that preschoolers are beginning to use the procedure of placing one figure on another to compare the sizes of geometric figures, and that the use of the procedure is related to their two-dimensional concept of area. But their focus was more on the effect of paper folding on procedure changes and the procedure differences between American and Japanese children. Thus, Study 1 was designed to extend the findings of Yuzawa et al. (1999), and to clarify the procedure change for size comparison during the preschool period.

STUDY 1

In Study 1, we provided children from 3 to 6 years of age with two types of tasks concerning relative sizes of geometric figures. In one task, children were asked to judge the relative sizes of two geometric figures after the figures were placed on one another in front of the children. One pair of geometric figures were different in length, but the same in height, whereas another pair consisted of figures different in height, but the same in length. In order to succeed in these tasks, children had to pay attention to two dimensions of the figures. These tasks were to examine whether young children could judge the relative sizes based on the procedure of placing one figure on another. If they succeed in these tasks, young children should have a rudimentary concept of relative areas that is organized in terms of the procedure. We expected that even the youngest children would have the rudimentary concept, because, in the study by Miller (1984), 3-year-olds showed the normative multiplicative rule under a favorable condition.

Another task examined the procedures that children used spontaneously. Children were required to compare two geometric figures, with permission to manipulate the figures freely. Their procedures were observed, and analyzed at two levels, as placement and adjustment. . Figure 1 shows schematic examples of each code of the placement and the adjustment.

Placement referred to the arrangement of the two figures, which was categorized in three ways. First, “one on another” indicated that superimposition was used. Next, “on one side” indicated that the two figures were aligned with sides touching. Finally, “side by side” indicated that the two figures were next to each other, but not touching. Because direct visual comparison is unreliable, and areas should be compared by two dimensions, “one on another” was expected to be most related to correct judgment of relative sizes.

Adjustment referred to the directional manipulation of two figures, which was also categorized in three ways. First, “general shape” indicated that two figures were adjusted so that they looked as similar as possible. Because two triangles can be adjusted in this way only by their height and width, this procedure implies that the child pays attention to two dimensions. Next, “one side” indicated that two figures were adjusted so that they could be compared along the dimension of one side. Finally, “no adjustment” indicated that two figures were not touched or manipulated in any way. Because areas should be compared by

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Development of an Area Concept

two dimensions, “general shape” was most likely to lead to the correct judgment of the relative sizes.AdjustmentProcedures

Placement ProceduresOne on Another On One Side Side by Side

GeneralShape

One Side

NoAdjustment

(twisted)

Figure 1. Schematic illustrations of each code of size comparison strategies

Our focus was on the spontaneous use of the procedures “one on another” and “general shape” by children. Because children have the rudimentary concept of area organized by the procedure of “one on another,” it does not mean that the children will use the procedure of “one on another” spontaneously. Preschoolers have been shown to pay attention to one salient aspect of the stimulus (Bausano & Jeffrey, 1975; Maratsos, 1973; Piaget et al., 1960; Ravn & Gelman, 1984; Russell, 1975; Sena & Smith, 1990), and they might mistakenly adopt the procedure of “on one side,” which should be used for the measurement of length. We predicted that children would use the procedures of “one on another” and “general shape” more frequently with age, but still use the procedures of “on one side” and “one side” as frequently.

Method

Thirty-two 5- and 6-year-olds and 37 3- and 4-year-olds participated in the experiment. The children attended a nursery school in a middle-sized city in Japan. The children were all Japanese and from predominantly middle-class families. The numbers of male and female participants were approximately the same.

There were two types of tasks: a superimposition task and a size comparison task. The size comparison task consisted of trials for five pairs of geometric figures: one pair of circles (diameters: 10 cm vs. 12 cm), one pair of rectangles (height x length: 5 x 7 cm vs. 6 x 7 cm), and three pairs of triangles including an A-pair with the heights and lengths the same (three sides: 6-8-10 cm vs. 6-8-10 cm), a B-pair with the heights different and the lengths the same

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Masamichi Yuzawa, William M. Bart, Miki Yuzawa

(three sides: 7-7.9-10 cm vs. 6-8-10 cm), and a C-pair with the heights the same and the lengths different (three sides: 6-8-10 cm vs. 6-8.7-11 cm). Of the two geometric figures in each pair, one was red and the other was green. On each trial of the size comparison task, a child was handed a pair of figures and asked to compare the sizes of the figures.

The superimposition task consisted of three trials for the same pairs of triangles as were used in the size comparison task: an A-pair, a B-pair, and a C-pair. On each trial, a pair of triangles was shown to a child, and the smaller triangle was placed on the bigger one in front of the child. Then the child was asked to judge the relative sizes of the triangles.

On a trial of the size comparison task, an experimenter sat at a table in front of a child and handed a pair of figures directly to the child. Then, the experimenter asked the child, “Here are two things, a red one and a green one. Are these two things the same size or different sizes?” The child was allowed to handle the pair freely. If the child responded that they were the same size, then the experimenter proceeded to the next trial. If the child responded that they had different sizes, then the experimenter asked the child, “Which is bigger, the red one or the green one?” The procedure was repeated for each of the five trials. The order of the five trials was randomized for each child.

For each of the five pairs of figures, placement procedures were coded, and for each of the four pairs except for the circle one, adjustment procedures were coded. When children used more than one placement procedure for one pair, all of the placement procedures were recorded, and an adjustment procedure was coded for each of the placement procedures.

Results

First, the proportions of correct responses to the superimposition task and the size comparison task were examined. Table 1 shows the proportions of correct responses on trials for each pair of the two tasks for 3- and 4-year-olds and 5- and 6-year-olds. It should be noted that even 3- and 4-year-olds could correctly judge the relative sizes of circles, suggesting that they could understand what they were required in the size comparison task. The proportions of correct responses on the trials for a circle pair were larger than those for the other pairs of the size comparison task, because children could judge the relative sizes of circles irrespective of the procedures that they used. On the other hand, the proportions of correct responses on the trials of the superimposition task were relatively high even in 3- and 4-year-olds except for the A-pair trials. The proportion of correct responses on the A-pair trials was low, because children seemed to find it difficult to see that the two triangles were congruent when the figures were matched completely. Children might have paid attention only to the upper side and believed that the lower triangle hidden on the upper one was smaller.

Table 1. Proportions of Correct Responses to Each Pair in Study 1

Superimposition Task Size Comparison TaskA-Pair

TriangleB-Pair

TriangleC-Pair

Triangle Circle Rectangle A-Pair Triangle

B-Pair Triangle

C-Pair Triangle

3-4-year-olds .78 .91 .88 1.00 .81 .53 .72 .945-6-year-olds .43 .78 .84 .84 .49 .14 .43 .73

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Development of an Area Concept

A 2 (age: 3-4-year-old or 5-6-year-old) x 2 (task: size comparison task or superimposition task) ANOVA on the numbers of correct responses on three trials for triangle pairs with task as a repeated measure was conducted. There were main effects for age and for task, which revealed that the average number of correct responses was significantly larger in 5- and 6-year-olds than in 3- and 4-year-olds, and that the average number of correct responses was significantly larger for the superimposition task than for the size comparison task. It was suggested that even 3- and 4-year-olds had a rudimentary concept of relative sizes of geometric figures, which was accessible only when an experimenter carried out the appropriate procedures for the children.

Second, the age differences in the use of placement and adjustment procedures that children used for the size comparison task were analyzed. Tables 2 and 3 provide the mean numbers of placement procedures and adjustment procedures that children used. Three- and 4-year-olds used “side by side” or “on one side” more often than “one on another”; However, the use of “side by side” decreased significantly and the use of “on one side” tended to increase from 3- and 4-year-olds to 5- and 6-year-olds. On the other hand, even 3- and 4-year-olds used “general shape” more frequently than the other procedures, but the frequency of the use of “general shape” increased significantly from 3- and 4-year-olds to 5- and 6-year-olds.

Table 2. Mean Numbers of Placement Procedures for Size ComparisonTask in Study 1

Age group n One on another On one side Side by side3-4-year-olds 37

MSD

0.921.48

1.871.85

2.701.87

5-6-year-olds 32MSD

1.941.22

1.781.69

1.91*1.81

Table 3. Mean Numbers of Adjustment Procedures for Size ComparisonTask in Study 1

Age group n General Shape One side No Adjustment3-4-year-olds 37

MSD

2.161.72

0.701.01

1.601.73

5-6-year-olds 32MSD

2.841.50

0.500.71

0.911.49

Finally, Table 4 shows the correlation coefficients among the numbers of correct responses, adjustment procedures, and placement procedures on the trials for three triangle pairs of the size comparison task. The correlation coefficients between “one on another” and “general shape,” between “on one side” and “general shape” or “one side,” “ between “side

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Masamichi Yuzawa, William M. Bart, Miki Yuzawa

by side” and “no adjustment,” and between correct responses and “one on another” or “general shape” were significantly larger than the zero correlation.

Table 4. Correlations Among Correct Responses, Placement Procedures, and Adjustment Procedures in Study 1

PlacementAdjustment One on another On one side Side by side Correct responseGeneral shape .39** .35** -.47** .54**

One side -.09 .49** -.26* -.06No adjustment -.18 -.54** .70** -.38**

Correct response .60** -.31** -.05N = 69, **p<.01, *p<.05

In summary, it was indicated that children as young as 3 or 4 years have a rudimentary concept of relative areas that is organized in terms of the procedure of “one on another.” When children saw a pair of geometric figures to be placed on each other, most children correctly judged the relative sizes, even though it was necessary to pay attention to both height and width. In spite of such sophisticated knowledge of relative sizes, on the trials of the size comparison task, many 3- and 4-year-olds used the placement procedures of “on one side” and “side by side,” and the adjustment procedures of “one side” and “no adjustment,” which were negatively correlated with correct responses. It was suggested that young children could not apply the rudimentary concept appropriately to a task or choose appropriate procedures for a task, which has also been demonstrated by studies of memory strategies in young children (Kail, 1990). On the other hand, 5- and 6-year-old children more frequently used the procedures of “one on another” and “general shape,” which were highly correlated with correct responses. It was suggested that 5- and 6-year-olds’ procedures for comparing geometric figures become more grounded conceptually in the implicit understanding of comparative sizes.

STUDY 2

Study 1 found that children as young as 3 or 4 years have a rudimentary concept of two-dimensional areas that is organized in terms of the procedure of placing one object on another, but that their spontaneous procedures were not effective and did not reflect the concept. Five- and 6-year-old children, however, more frequently use the procedures of placing one figure on another and adjusting two figures by two dimensions, which were correlated with correct responses. These findings support the view that the procedure of placing one object on another plays a central role in the development of young children’s area concept. However, some questions arise concerning the development of the area concept organized by the procedure of placing one object on another.

First, is it necessary for children to manipulate figures directly in order to tap their rudimentary concept of area organized in terms of the procedure of laying one object on another? If they internalize the procedure of placing one object on another, children will not have to handle objects directly to compare the sizes. “Internalization” is a popular concept for

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Development of an Area Concept

describing the development of cognitive functioning, since Vygotsky (1978) argued that an operation that initially represents an external activity is reconstructed and begins to occur internally with the development. In Miller (1984), the children did not actually lay “tiles” to estimate how many of “tiles” would be needed to cover a larger rectangular “floor.” Miller (1984) argued that even young children could perceive the “affordance” concerning area, that is, the ability of one object to cover another. At the same time, Miller (1989) suggested that early measurement procedures are bound to certain functional contexts. The internalized procedure of placing one object on another might be applied only to the context of covering a “floor,” not the context of comparing sizes of geometric figures.

Second, could children judge relative sizes correctly even if the figures are not overlaid completely with each other? In Miller (1984), the children’s task was to “count” small squares that would cover a large rectangle, which did not necessarily mean that children integrated the height and width by the multiplicative rule. The strategy of “counting” standard areas will fail if a compared area is not large enough to be covered with some standard areas. For example, children using the strategy of “counting” standard areas would not decide correctly which is larger, one square with each side 6 cm or two rectangles with one side 9 cm and another side 2 cm. On the other hand, if the procedure of placing one object on another facilitates the use of the normative multiplicative rule, which is suggested by the result of Wolf (1995), children could judge the relative sizes correctly by that procedure, because they would understand that 6 multiplied by 6 equals twice 9 multiplied by 2.

Third, is there an individual difference in the ability to manipulate the procedure internally? Study 1 suggests that some children used the procedure of placing one object on another spontaneously, which is most related with adjusting two figures by two dimensions. If the procedure of placing one object on another plays a central role in the development of young children’s area concept, those children who use the procedure spontaneously should have a more developed concept of area, because it is suggested that domain knowledge supports the flexible use of cognitive procedures even in young children (e.g., Bjorklund, Muir-Broaddus, & Schneider, 1990; Brown, 1989; Chi & Koeske, 1983).

Study 2 was designed to address these three questions. We gave children area choice tasks in which children were presented with five target figures and were asked to choose the one that was equal to two standard figures in area. The area choice task is comparable to deciding whether two “tiles” would cover each of five target “floors,” and is a simple version of Miller’s (1984) task that contrasts the Height + Width rule with the Height x Width rule for children’s judgment of relative areas (i.e., twice the standard area). There were two comparison conditions. In the perceptual judgment condition, children compared the standard figures with the target figures just by looking, and in the manipulative judgment condition, they placed the standard figures on the target figures. Moreover, there were two types of target figures: squares and rectangles. One of the five target rectangles could be overlaid completely with the two standard figures, but none of the five target squares could.

The difference between the perceptual and manipulative judgment conditions was whether or not children were allowed to manipulate the figures directly to use the procedure of placing one object on another. The conditions might interact with the types of standard figures, because the procedure of placing one figure on another is beneficial especially for the target rectangles that could be overlaid completely with the standard figures. However, if children internalize the procedure of placing one object on another, not only the manipulative judgment condition but also the perceptual judgment condition would facilitate correct

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Masamichi Yuzawa, William M. Bart, Miki Yuzawa

responses for the target rectangles. That is, children would make better comparisons for the target rectangles than for the target squares, irrespective of the conditions. In addition, if the procedure of placing one object on another facilitates the use of the normative multiplicative rule, children would make better comparisons in the manipulative judgment condition than in the perceptual judgment condition, irrespective of the types of target figures.

However, those facilitative effects of the target rectangles and the manipulative judgment condition might be limited to those who have a more sophisticated concept of area. In order to examine the individual differences in the development of an area concept, we asked children to compare the sizes of geometric figures, and observed their strategies to comparing sizes. We divided children into the group who spontaneously used the procedure of placing one figure on another and the group who did not. We expected that those two groups would differ in the facilitative effects of the target rectangles and the manipulative judgment condition.

Method

Forty-five preschoolers from the ages 4.25 years to 6.17 years participated in the experiment. The children attended a nursery school in a middle-sized city in Japan. The children were all Japanese and from predominantly middle-class families. The children were divided into two groups: an older group for children above the age of 5 years 2 months, and an younger group for children younger than 5 years 2 months. The numbers of male and female participants were approximately the same in each age group.

Children received two types of tasks: an area choice task and a size comparison task. The area choice task consisted of ten sets of figures listed in Table 5. All the figures were made of chocolate-brown cardboard. Each set included two standard figures of the same rectangle and five different target figures. Target figures for fives sets were rectangles (rectangle sets); whereas, target figures for the other five sets were squares (square sets). The area of one target figure in a set was twice the area of the standard figure (Target 1). The lengths of target rectangles in a set varied, but the width was twice as large as that of the standard figure. One target rectangle in a set could be overlaid completely with the two standard figures. On the other hand, none of the target squares in a set could be overlaid completely with the two standard figures. The sides of one target square in a set were twice the height of the standard figure (Target 2). Such target squares should be chosen by the children who pay attention only to the heights. The sides of one target square were twice the width of the standard figure (Target 4). Such target squares should be chosen by the children who pay attention only to the width. The addition of the height and width of one target square was twice that of the standard figure (Target 3). Such target squares should be chosen by the children who judge area by the additive combination of the height and width.

The size comparison task consisted of five pairs of geometric figures that were used in Study 1: one pair of circles, one pair of rectangles, and three pairs of triangles.

Children received the size comparison task first, and three weeks later, the area choice task in a quiet room at the nursery school. Children in each age group were randomly assigned to one of the two conditions for the area choice task: the perceptual judgment condition and the manipulative judgment condition. The older group included 11 children under the perceptual judgment condition and 10 children under the manipulative judgment

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Development of an Area Concept

condition, and the younger group included 14 children under the perceptual judgment condition and 10 children under the manipulative judgment condition.

Table 5. Ten Stimulus Sets Used for the Area Choice Task in Study 2

Square sets Standard(a x b)

Target 1(a x b x 2)

Target 2(2a x 2a)

Target 3(a + b)2

Target 4(2b x 2b) Target 5

Square 1Square 2Square 3Square 4Square 5

6 x 77 x 54 x 65 x 48 x 2

9.8 x 9.88.4 x 8.46.9 x 6.96.3 x 6.35.7 x 5.7

12 x 1214 x 148 x 8

10 x 1016 x 16

13 x 1312 x 1210 x 10

9 x 910 x 10

14 x 1410 x 1012 x 128 x 84 x 4

8 x 87 x 75 x 55 x 5

11.7 x 11.7

Rectangle sets Standard Target 1(a�b�2) Target 2 Target 3

(a�b)2 Target 4 Target 5

Rectangle 1Rectangle 2Rectangle 3Rectangle 4Rectangle 5

6 x 77 x 54 x 65 x 48 x 2

6 x 147 x 104 x 125 x 88 x 4

9 x 1410.5 x 10

6 x 127.5 x 812 x 4

12 x 1414 x 108 x 1210 x 816 x 4

15 x 1417.5 x 1010 x 1212.5 x 820 x 4

3 x 143.5 x 102 x 122.5 x 84 x 4

�Height cm � Width cm�

On each trial for the area choice task under the perceptual judgment condition, an examiner placed five target figures and two standard figures in front of a child with the standard figures between the target figures and the child. The five target figures were arranged orderly from the smallest one on the left side to the largest one on the right side. The two standard figures were placed almost on each other, but slightly off in order for the child to see that there were two figures. In the manipulative judgment condition, an examiner placed five target figures in front of a child as in the perceptual judgment condition, and handed two standard figures directly to the child. The child was allowed to manipulate the standard figures freely and place them on the target figures. Children in both conditions were asked to choose the target figure that was the same in area as the two standard figures. The following instruction was given to the children: “Dai-kun (a boy’s name) and Yu-kun (another boy’s name) are good friends. Both of them like chocolate very much. We have to give them exactly the same amount of chocolate. We are going to give Dai-kun these two pieces of chocolate (two standard figures). Which chocolate should we give Yu-kun of these pieces of chocolate (five target figures) ?”

In both conditions, children received three exercise problems to make sure that the children understood the instruction and the procedure. The procedure of the exercise problems was the same as the area choice task except that children were required to choose the target figure that was exactly the same as one standard figure. After children succeeded in the exercise problems, examiners gave children ten trials of the area choice task in a random order.

The procedure for the size comparison task was exactly the same as the procedure in Study 1. Children’s responses to the size comparison task were coded as correct or incorrect. In addition, for each of the five pairs of figures, placement procedures were coded, and for each of the four pairs except for the circle one, adjustment procedures were coded.

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Masamichi Yuzawa, William M. Bart, Miki Yuzawa

Result

First, we will report the data concerning size comparison procedures. Table 6 shows the mean numbers of placement and adjustment procedures that children used spontaneously in the size comparison task. In order to analyze the relationships among placement procedures, adjustment procedures, and correct responses, we calculated correlation coefficients among the numbers of times that children used each procedure, and the number of correct responses on five trials. Table 7 shows these correlations. “One on another” had a significantly high correlation with “general shape” and correct responses; whereas, “on one side” had a significant correlation with “general shape” but a negative correlation with correct responses. “Side by side” had a high correlation with “no adjustment” and a negative correlation with correct responses. These results were congruent with those in Study 1, and it is suggested that the spontaneous use of “one on another” should reflect a sophisticated concept of area in young children.

Table 6. Average Numbers of Spontaneous Use of Placement and AdjustmentStrategies in the Size Comparison Task in Study 2

Placement strategies Adjustment strategiesOne on another

On oneside

Side byside

General shape

Oneside

No adjustment

Younger group (n = 24)MSD

1.081.61

1.631.75

2.541.91

2.421.53

.50

.581.331.65

Older group (n = 21)MSD

1.672.03

1.571.56

2.051.79

2.951.50

.52

.79.811.40

Table 7. Correlations Among Placement Procedures, Adjustment Procedures, and Correct Responses in the Size Comparison Task in Study 2

PlacementAdjustment One on another On one side Side by side Correct responseGeneral shape .42** .35* -.60** .40**

One side -.09 .35* -.18 .00No adjustment -.32 -.45** .68** -.30*

Correct response .67** -.22 -.38Note. N = 45, **p < .01, *p < .05.

In a related study by Yuzawa and Bart (2001), 5- and 6-year-old children received origami exercises or size comparison tasks for five days consecutively, and the process of change in their size comparison strategies was examined. It was found that all of the children who used the “one on another” placement procedure as well as other procedures on the first day of the experiment stopped using the other procedures and used only the "one on another"

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Development of an Area Concept

placement procedure by the fifth day. This result suggests that, if a child uses “one on another” at least once in a size comparison task, then that child should have a high possibility of discovering the usefulness of “one on another” soon. Thus, we regarded as spontaneous users of “one on another” children who used that procedure at least once for the five pairs of figures in the size comparison task, and as non-users children who never used “one on another.” The numbers of spontaneous users and non-users in the older group were 7 and 4 respectively in the perceptual judgment condition, and 4 and 6 respectively in the manipulative judgment condition. The numbers of spontaneous users and non-users in the younger group were 7 and 7 respectively in the perceptual judgment condition, and 4 and 6 respectively in the manipulative judgment condition.

Second, we examined the correct responses (the choice of Target 1) for the area choice task. Table 8 shows the mean numbers of correct responses to the square sets and the rectangle sets by the older and younger groups under the perceptual and manipulative judgment conditions. For the square sets, the mean numbers of correct responses were generally low and not above the chance level even for the older group in the manipulative condition; whereas, for the rectangle sets, the mean numbers of correct responses were higher and all those figures were above the chance level. We conducted a 2 (age: older group or younger group) x 2 (condition: perceptual or manipulative) x 2 (figure: square or rectangle) ANOVA on the numbers of correct responses with figure as a repeated measure. There were significant main effects for age and for figure. It was revealed that the mean number of correct responses was significantly larger in the older group than in the younger group, and that the mean number of correct responses was significantly larger for the rectangle sets than for the square sets. The main effect for condition was nearly significant, revealing that the mean number of correct responses was nearly significantly larger in the manipulative judgment condition than in the perceptual judgment condition. There were no significant interactions, though the effect of condition did not seem to be striking in the younger group.

Table 8. Mean Numbers of Correct Responses to Each Type of Targets in the Area Choice Task in Study 2

Target typeCondition Square Rectangle

N Younger groupPerceptual

MSD

ManipulativeMSD

14

10

1.07.96

1.001.00

2.00**

1.00

2.70**

1.68N Older group

PerceptualMSD

ManipulativeM

11

10

1.18.83

1.80

2.45*

1.83

4.00**

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Masamichi Yuzawa, William M. Bart, Miki Yuzawa

SD 1.78 .89Note. t tests against the chance expectation: *p < .05, **p < .01.

The fact that children performed better for the rectangle sets irrespective of the conditions indicates that the rectangles’ feature of being overlaid with two standard figures was advantageous even in the perceptual judgment condition. It is suggested that children internalized the procedure of placing one object on another and applied the procedure to the rectangle sets internally in the perceptual judgment condition. Moreover, the fact that children performed better in the manipulative judgment condition irrespective of the target types indicates that the procedure of placing one figure on another was advantageous even for the square sets. Because the square sets could not be overlaid with two standard figures, it is suggested that the procedure of placing one object on another should facilitate the use of the normative multiplicative rule.

We also examined strategies that children used for the area choice task. The choices of Target 1, Target 2, Target 3, and Target 4 indicated the uses of the strategies, “Height x Width”, “Height only”, “Height + Width”, and “Width only”, respectively. In addition, the choices of Target 5 for Squares 1-4 and Target 1 for Square 1 indicated the strategy of selecting the smallest figures. Table 9 shows the mean frequencies out of five trials that children selected each of five possible responses based on each strategy. We conducted 2 (age: older group or younger group) x 2 (condition: perceptual or manipulative) ANOVAs on the numbers of uses separately for each of the four strategies: Height x Width, Height + Width, One Dimension (Height only or Width only), and Smallest. A significant main effect of age was found only for One Dimension: The younger group used the strategy of One Dimension significantly more often than the older group. There were significant main effects of condition for One Dimension and Smallest. It was revealed that children used the strategy of One Dimension under the manipulative judgment condition more often than under the perceptual judgment condition; whereas, they used the strategy of Smallest under the perceptual condition more often than under the manipulative condition.

Table 9. Mean Numbers of Selection of Each Strategy for Five Square Targets in the Area Choice Task in Study 2

Strategy Height x Width

Height + Width Height Only Width Only Smallest

Condition N Younger groupPerceptual

MSD

141.07.96

.21

.56.931.03

.79

.942.291.53

ManipulativeMSD

101.001.00

.70

.781.601.02

.80

.75.901.30

N Older groupPerceptual

MSD

111.18.83

.45

.66.00.00

.45

.663.451.30

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Development of an Area Concept

ManipulativeMSD

101.801.78

.60

.49.70.64

.90

.831.101.30

When we examined strategies that individual children used for five square targets on the area choice task, a similar result was obtained. Table 10 shows the numbers of children that used each strategy more than three times out of five trials. The children that used any strategy less than twice were classified as “mixed.” It was found that, under the perceptual condition, 14 children dominantly used the strategy of “smallest”; whereas, under the manipulative condition, only two children used that strategy. The difference in the ratio of those children to the whole was significant by Fisher’s exact test (p = .0014). It was also found that, under the manipulative condition, five children dominantly used the strategy of “Height x Width”; whereas, under the perceptual condition, only one children used that strategy, though the difference in the ratio was not statistically significant.

Table 10. Number of Children That Dominantly Used Each Strategy for Five Square Targets in the Area Choice Task in Study 2

Height x Width

Height + Width

One Dimension a Smallest Mixed

YoungerPerceptualManipulative

12

00

66

61

11

OlderPerceptualManipulative

03

00

03

81

33

a including “Height Only” and “Width Only.”

In contrast with the previous research (Anderson & Cuneo, 1978; Cuneo, 1980), children did not use the Height +Width rule frequently; whereas, especially younger children most often paid attention only to one dimension. There was a tendency of choosing the smallest figures in the perceptual condition, and in the manipulative condition, children tended to use the strategies of One Dimension or Height x Width.

Third, in order to analyze the relationship between the spontaneous use of “one on another” in the size comparison task and correct responses in the area choice task, we conducted a 2 (age: older or younger) x 2 (condition: perceptual or manipulative) x 2 (procedure use: spontaneous users or non-users) x 2 (figure: square or rectangle) ANOVA on the numbers of correct responses with figure as a repeated measure. A significant three-way interaction among condition, procedure use, and figure was obtained, which was described in Figure 2. A test for simple interactions indicated that the interaction between condition and figure was significant only for non-users, whereas the interaction was not significant for spontaneous users. Furthermore, a test for simple main effects revealed the following results. For spontaneous users, the mean numbers of correct responses to the rectangle sets were significantly higher than those to the square sets both in the perceptual judgment condition and in the manipulative judgment condition. For non-users, however, the mean number of correct responses to the square sets was significantly higher than that to the rectangle sets only in the manipulative judgment condition. In addition, the mean number of correct

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Masamichi Yuzawa, William M. Bart, Miki Yuzawa

responses to the rectangle sets by spontaneous users was significantly higher than that by non-users in the perceptual judgment condition. It is suggested that the advantage of rectangles was limited to spontaneous users of “one on another” and that only those children internalized the procedure of placing one object on another and applied the procedure to the rectangle sets internally in the perceptual judgment condition. Because there were no significant interactions including age, the facilitating effect of rectangles in the perceptual judgment condition could not be explained away by a general cognitive development with age.

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

4

Perceptual-Square

Perceptual-Rectagle

Manipulative-Square

Manipulative-Rectangle

Superimposition-User Non-User

Figure 2. Mean numbers of correct responses to each type of targets in spontaneous users and non-users under the perceptual condition and under the manipulative condition

As for the effect of condition, the mean number of correct responses to the rectangle sets was significantly higher in the manipulative judgment condition than in the perceptual judgment condition only among non-users, but the mean number of correct responses to the square sets was not significantly higher in manipulative judgment condition than in the perceptual judgment condition even among spontaneous users. However, the mean number of correct responses to the square sets by spontaneous users was significantly higher than that by non-users in the manipulative judgment condition. It is suggested that the spontaneous users of “one on another” could benefit more from the procedure of placing one object on another in judging sizes of squares.

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Development of an Area Concept

Discussion

Study 2 examined the development of an area concept in terms of the procedure of placing one object on another. It was found that the rectangle sets were advantageous even in the perceptual judgment condition, suggesting that children internalize the procedure of placing one object on another. It was also found that the procedure of placing one figure on another was advantageous even for the square sets, suggesting that the procedure of placing one object on another should facilitate the use of the normative multiplicative rule. However, those facilitating effects were found only in those children who used the procedure spontaneously for size comparison. These results suggested that an important step in the development of an area concept is to internalize the procedure of placing one object on another. Ever since Vygotsky (1978) “internalization” has been recognized as an important concept in developmental psychology. Two assertions in Vygotsky (1978) are relevant here.

The first is that the use of tools and signs plays a critical role in humans’ higher intellectual activity. For example, when a person ties a knot in her handkerchief as a reminder, she constructs the process of memorizing by the mediation of an external object, which is fundamentally different from forming a direct relation with the environment. In the same way, young children’s thinking about relative sizes of figures is influenced greatly by the procedure they use. The results of Studies 1 and 2 showed that whether children paid attention only to one dimension or to two dimensions of geometric figures was dependent on which procedures they used. When they placed two figures on one side or side by side, children tended to adjust two figures only by one dimension or by no dimension. However, when they used the procedure of placing one figure on another, children tended to adjust the two figures in terms of two dimensions, which was most related with the correct judgment of sizes.

The second assertion is that an interpersonal process that initially represents an external activity using signs is transformed into an intrapersonal one. In Study 2, children under the manipulative judgment condition were, in a sense, helped by examiners to use the procedure of placing one figure on another. Under that condition, even those children at a lower developmental level who did not use the procedure spontaneously could perform at the same level for the rectangles sets as those who used the procedure spontaneously. It was under the perceptual judgment condition that a difference between those two groups of children emerged. The children who used the procedure spontaneously performed for the rectangle sets at the same level under the perceptual judgment condition as under the manipulative judgment condition. It is suggested that those children reconstructed the procedure to be operated internally without help from an adult.

Moreover, it is suggested that the procedure of placing one object on another not only functions as a tool to compare areas, but also helps children construct the normative multiplicative rule for judging areas. It should be noted that children as young as 3 or 4 years have a rudimentary concept of relative areas that is organized in terms of the procedure of placing one object on another. In addition, children as young as 3 years can use different kinds of relative size standards (i.e., normative, perceptual, and functional ones) to assess the size of an object (Ebeling & Gelman, 1988, 1994; Gelman & Ebeling, 1989). Preschool children might begin to construct a more sophisticated concept based on such rudimentary knowledge. For example, when a child folds a rectangle sheet into two halves, the child might recognizes that the original rectangle is twice as large as the small rectangles obtained,

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Masamichi Yuzawa, William M. Bart, Miki Yuzawa

because the small rectangles could be overlaid with each other. Such experiences might help children to form an appreciation of how larger a figure should be than another figure half as large. This appreciation should follow the normative multiplicative rule, and could be applied to figures that could not be overlaid with each other. In a study by Yuzawa et al. (1999), children who received origmi practice increased the spontaneous use of the procedure of placing one figure on another for comparing sizes. Because origami practice includes the repeated procedure of folding one sheet into two halves, origami practice might facilitate the development of an area concept that is related with the spontaneous use of the procedure.

In Study 2, only those children who used the procedure spontaneously for judging areas increased the use of the normative multiplicative rule under the manipulative judgment condition. If we describe it in terms of the Vygotsky’ theory again, those children would be in the zone of proximal development for constructing the normative multiplicative rule, because those children could perform better only with a support in the manipulative judgment condition. It is widely shown that without an external help, preschoolers judge the sizes of geometric figures by only one dimension or one salient aspect of the stimulus (Bausano & Jeffrey, 1975; Hobbs & Bacharach, 1990; Maratsos, 1973; Piaget et al., 960; Raven & Gelman, 1984; Russell, 1975; Sena & Smith, 1990) or by an additive combination of the height and width (Anderson & Cuneo, 1978; Cuneo, 1980; Wilkening, 1979). On the other hand, those children who did not use the procedure spontaneously did not benefit from the external help under the manipulative judgment condition. Such children might not yet reach the zone of proximal development for constructing the normative multiplicative rule.

CONCLUSION

This chapter reported two studies that examined the role of the procedure of superimposition in the development of the area concept. It was revealed that children as young as 3 or 4 years have a rudimentary concept of relative areas that is organized in terms of the procedure of placing one object on another. However, young children’s spontaneous procedures are not effective and do not reflect the concept. As they become older, children seem to reconstruct the procedure to be operated internally, which enables the children to use the cognitive tool without the external operation spontaneously. At the same time, the internal reconstruction of the procedure may reflect a broader change of an area concept, because it helps the children construct the normative multiplicative rule for judging areas. Children's thinking about quantity is organized in terms of the procedures used to measure amount and the measurable attributes that these procedures quantify (Miller, 1989). Such procedures not only function as a tool for thought, but also influence the thought itself. Schwartz and Moore (1998) also indicated that mathematics is used as a tool that makes a complex situation cognitively tractable, and thereby helps people construct mental models of that situation.

In addition, young children’s use of a cognitive tool such as the procedure of placing one object on another seems to be facilitated by a social interaction with an adult. For example, even the children who did not use the procedure of placing one object spontaneously performed better for the rectangles sets when an adult experimenter helped the children use the procedure. Yuzawa and Bart (2001) provided 5- and 6-year-old children with instruction in origami and size comparison tasks for five days in succession and also examined how the

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Development of an Area Concept

children changed their procedures. Instruction in origami was structured such that during the concrete manipulation of origami, children could not only model the procedures of superimposition and adjustment by two dimensions but also think about the relationship between the procedures and judgment of relative sizes. The children provided with the origami instruction increased the procedures of superimposition and adjustment by two dimensions across the five days in contrast with the children who were not provided with the instruction.

Finally, many 5- and 6-year-olds still used the procedures of “side by side” or “on one side” for size comparison. The development of size comparison procedures is under way in 5- and 6-year-olds, and would extend into the elementary school period. Children have to understand the logical operation of area measurement based on the flexible use of a unit (Piaget et al., 1960). The internal reconstruction of the “placing one object on another” procedure may facilitate the logical operation, because the iterations of the procedure map the mathematical procedure of counting into the area concept, which is related with the normative multiplicative rule of Height x Width for areas. How the development of size comparison procedures proceeds after the preschool period and leads to the logical operation is a problem for further research.

REFERENCES

1. Anderson, N. H., & Cuneo, D. O. (1978). The height + width rule in children's judgments of quantity. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 107, 335-378.

2. Bausano, M. K., & Jeffrey, W. E. (1975). Dimensional salience and judgments of bigness by three-year-old children. Child Development, 46, 988-991.

3. Bjorklund, D. F., Muir-Broaddus, J. E., & Schneider, W. (1990). The role of knowledge in the development of strategies. In D. F. Bjorklund (Ed.), Children's strategies: Contemporary views of cognitive development (pp. 93-128). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

4. Brown, A. L. (1989). Analogical learning and transfer: What develops ? In S. Vosniadou & A. Ortony (Eds.), Similarity and analogical reasoning (pp.369-412). New York: Cambridge University Press.

5. Bryant, P. E., & Kopytynska, H. (1983). Spontaneous measurement in young children. In M. Donaldson, R. Grieve, & C. Pratt (Eds.), Early childhood development and education, (pp. 222-225). New York: Guilford Press.

6. Cuneo, D. O. (1980). A general strategy for quantity judgments: The height + width rule. Child Development, 51, 299-301.

7. Chi, M. T. H., & Koeske, R. D. (1983). Network representation of a child’s dinosaur knowledge. Developmental Psychology, 19, 29-39.

8. Ebeling, K. S., & Gelman, S. A. (1988). Coordination of size standards by young children. Child Development, 59, 888-896.

9. Ebeling, K. S., & Gelman, S. A. (1994). Children’s use of context in interpreting “big” and “little.” Child Development, 65, 1178-1192.

10. Gelman, S. A., & Ebeling, K. S. (1989). Children’s use of nonegocentric standards in judgments of functional size. Child Development, 60, 920-932.

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Masamichi Yuzawa, William M. Bart, Miki Yuzawa

11. Ginsburg, H. P., Klein, A., & Starkey, P. (1998). The development of children’s mathematical thinking: Connecting research with practice. In W. Damon (Series Ed.), I. E. Sigel, & K. A. Renninger (Vol. Eds.), Handbook of child psychology, Vol. 4: Child psychology in practice. (5th ed., pp. 401-476). New York: Wiley.

12. Hobbs, M., & Bacharach, V. R. (1990). Children’s understanding of big buildings and big cars. Child Study Journal, 20, 1-18.

13. Kail, R. (1990). The development of memory in children (3rd ed.). New York: W. H. Freeman.

14. Maratsos, M. P. (1973). Decrease in the understanding of the word “big” in preschool children. Child Development, 44, 747-752.

15. Miller, K. F. (1984). Child as the measurer of all things: Measurement procedures and the development of quantitative concepts. In C. Sophian (Ed.), Origins of cognitive skills: The eighteenth annual Carnegie symposium on cognition (pp.193-228). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

16. Miller, K. F. (1989). Measurement as a tool for thought: The role of measuring procedures in children’s understanding of quantitative invariance. Developmental Psychology, 25, 589-600.

17. Piaget, J., Inhelder, B., & Szeminska, A. (1960). The child's conception of geometry. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

18. Raven, K. E., & Gelman, S. A. (1984). Rule usage in children’s understanding of “big” and “little”. Child Development, 55, 2141-2150.

19. Resnick, L. B. (1989). Developing mathematical knowledge. American Psychologist, 44, 162-169.

20. Russell, J. (1975). The interpretation of conservation instructions by five-year-old children. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 16, 233-244.

21. Schwartz, D. L., & Moore, J. L. (1998). On the role of mathematics in explaining the material world: Mental models for proportional reasoning. Cognitive Science, 22, 471-516.

22. Sena, R., & Smith, L. B. (1990). New evidence on the development of the word big. Child Development, 61, 1034-1052.

23. Vygotskey, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

24. Wilkening, F. (1979). Combining of stimulus dimensions in children’s and adults’ judgments of area: an information integration analysis. Developmental Psychology, 15, 25-33.

25. Wolf, Y. (1995). Estimation of Euclidian quantity by 5- and 6-year-old children: Facilitating a multiplication rule. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 59, 49-75.

26. Yuzawa, M., & Bart, W. M. (2001). Young children’s learning of size comparison strategies: Effect of origami exercises. Manuscript submitted for publication.

27. Yuzawa, M., Bart, W. M., Kinne, L. J., Sukemune, S., & Kataoka, M. (1999). The effect of origmi practice on size comparison strategies among Japanese and American children. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 13, 133-143.

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Chapter 4

COUNTING IN MENTALLY RETARDED ADOLESCENTS

V. Camos & F. FreemanUniversité René Descartes – Paris V

Valérie CamosLaboratoire Cognition et Développement - CNRS

Université René Descartes - Paris 5Institut de Psychologie

71, avenue Edouard Vaillant92774 Boulogne-Billancourt Cedex

FranceEmail: [email protected]

ABSTRACT :

Counting is an important everyday skill, especially because it is the root of all arithmetic activities. Indeed, the first addition problems are solved by counting. Every few studies were dedicated to the early arithmetic skills of children with severe intellectual disabilities. Moreover, they usually focused on the conceptual understanding underlying the arithmetic activities with few considerations on the performances and their variations across tasks. In this study, we examined the counting ability of small arrays (1 to 7 objects) in mentally retarded adolescents through 4 different tasks (i.e., counting of dots, counting up to n, counting of objects and choice of cards). We compared adolescents to a group of nursery school pupils of similar mental age. The results obtained in the various counting situations show a higher rate of errors and also a greater use of manual pointing in mentally retarded subjects. These observations lead us to examine the effective subitizing ability of mentally retarded subjects. Moreover, because the role of gesture was recently re-examined in the development of counting in preschoolers (Alibali & DiRusso, 1999; Graham, 1999), we will discuss the importance of manual pointing for the mentally retarded population.

Key words: Mental Retardation, Counting, Subitizing, Manual Pointing

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According to Halford (1993), it is inconceivable to develop the concept number in a meaningful way in the absence of the quantification processes because it is impossible without them to assign numeric values to collections, investigate the size relations between collections or determine any of the complex relations that exist between numbers. The quantification processes are therefore fundamental. They consist of determining the numerosity of a set of objects. We distinguish between three quantification processes: counting, subitizing and estimation (Klahr, 1973; Klahr & Wallace, 1976; for a summary of the literature, see Dehaene, 1992, 1997; Fayol, 1985, 1990; Geary, 1994; Nunes & Bryant, 1996).

COUNTING

Counting is the quantification process that has been the most thoroughly studied. It is often considered to underpin all other arithmetical learning. Indeed, as Grégoire and van Nieuwenhoven (1995) pointed out, counting produces the evidence that permits the empirical verification of the validity of reasoning, for example in a conservation task (Mc Evoy & O'Moore, 1991) or in arithmetic problem solving (Groen & Parkman, 1972; Svenson, 1975).

Even though most researchers agree that there is a certain sensitivity to discrete quantities from birth on (Briars & Siegler, 1984; Fuson, 1988; Gallistel & Gelman, 1992; Gelman & Gallistel, 1978; Resnick, 1986; Wynn, 1990), they do not all accord the same level of importance to innate capacities when compared to the effect of practice. Indeed, when we consider the emergence of counting during childhood, we find two opposing theoretical viewpoints, namely the so-called "principles-first" and "principles-after" theories.

The principles-first theory (Gelman & Gallistel, 1978) holds that the principles guiding counting are innate (Starkey, Spelke & Gelman, 1991), a view that seems to find confirmation in studies that use the habituation paradigm (Cooper, 1984). Such principles are considered to exist in children even before they have any experience of counting. They would allow children to identify counting activities as what they are rather than of activities that are devoid of meaning, as well as to acquire and control their own counting procedures. Gelman and Gallistel (1978) identified five principles: the one-to-one principle according to which each element in the collection that is to be counted is associated with a single label; the stable-order principle in which the successive labels constitute an ordered list, a fixed sequence; the cardinal principle that holds that the last label used represents the cardinal value of the collection; the abstraction principle whereby the heterogeneity (vs homogeneity) of the elements in the collection has no effect on the way they are counted; and the order-irrelevance principle according to which the order in which the elements in the collection are counted has no effect on the cardinality of the collection.

According to this model, children have an implicit knowledge of the principles of counting, similar to their implicit knowledge of the grammar of a language (Chomsky, 1957). This knowledge constrains their action and enables them to recognise legitimate procedures in the same way that knowledge of a grammar makes it possible to recognise legitimate sentences in a language even if you have never heard them before (Gelman & Greeno, 1989). Gelman and Gallistel (1978) saw a second parallel between linguistic and mathematical knowledge. In the same way that grammar makes it possible to produce an infinite number of

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Counting in Mentally Retarded Adolescents

new sentences (generative grammar), a knowledge of the principles permits the generation of counting strategies that are adapted to different types of task.

In counting as defined by Gelman and Gallistel (1978), the labels must - if they are to be useable - simply constitute an ordered list (stable order principle). Thus, given this definition, counting using an idiosyncratic list such as "one, two, six, three, eight etc." can be considered perfectly successful. It should also be noted that this success does not necessitate the use of number-words since the labels can be non-verbal. Counting can be based on the use of the hand or different parts of the body to represent numerosity as is observed in certain tribes in Papua-New Guinea (Saxe, 1981; Saxe & Posner, 1983).

For Gallistel & Gelman (1992), counting skill is not linguistic. This numerical skill is therefore thought to be accessible to animals and very young children. Indeed, many studies have shown that animals are capable of element numerical processing (Boysen & Berntson, 1989; Davis & Pérusse, 1988; Gallistel, 1990; Gallistel & Gelman, 1992; Matsuzawa, 1985; Meck & Church, 1983). For example, a chimpanzee was trained to choose the Arabic numeral corresponding to the cardinal value of a collection of 1 to 6 objects (Matsuzawa, 1985). Meck and Church (1983) conditioned a rat to press one lever in response to a sequence of 2 beeps and another in response to a sequence of 8 beeps. By varying the interval separating the beeps, the authors were able to show that the rats relied exclusively on numerosity to perform the task. However, the variability in the representation of numerosity increased with the size of the presented collection, thus suggesting that an imprecise quantification procedure is used. In their model of animal counting, Meck and Church (1983) postulated that numbers are represented by the continuous states of an accumulator. Thus, the end state of the accumulator is correlated with the numerosity but the representation is not very precise because the added quantity is not fixed. Unlike the slow, verbal counting practised by human beings, this model endows animals with a fast, mechanical procedure. (Dehaene, 1997). Gallistel and Gelman (1992) suggested that young children might possess a similar pre-verbal mechanism before acquisition of the verbal number system.

Beyond performance itself, a very large number of studies have attempted to identify the skills involved, thus re-igniting the skills/performance opposition. Attention has focused not so much on what children do but on what they might be able to do. Indeed, as Gelman & Gallistel (1978) have stated, if counting were merely a simple skill then would not be able to adapt it to situations other than those in which it was acquired. In contrast, if children have a knowledge of the underlying principles they will be able to apply counting to new situations.

In contrast to this principles-first theory, the principles-after theory postulates that principles are gradually abstracted through the repeated practice of counting procedures that are acquired through imitation (Briars & Siegler, 1984; Fuson, 1988; Fuson & Hall, 1983). In this view, counting is initially a purposeless activity or routine, with children only gradually learning how it is related to cardinality (Fuson, 1988; Wynn, 1990). This conception does not deny that children are sensitive to number as of birth. It is this sensitivity on which their arithmetical learning is constructed, but it does not serve as the structure for it as is the case in the principles-first theory. Here, the link between counting and cardinality is thought to have its origins in subitizing. Studies using the habituation paradigm showed that young children can detect differences between two numerosities that fall within the subitizing range (1 to 4 objects) but not between numerosities outside of this range (Starkey & Cooper, 1980; Starkey, Spelke & Gelman, 1990; Strauss & Curtis, 1984). Very young children would therefore seem to have a certain sensitivity to number which allows them to succeed in this

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type of task. They would even appear able to "subitize" (i.e. globally perceive) the cardinal value of small collections even before they can count (Shipley & Shepperson, 1990; Wagner & Walters, 1982). Klahr and Wallace (1976) have suggested that by applying a counting routine (which is not initially meaningful) to collections that can be subitized, children might associate the last spoken number-word with the cardinal value obtained by subitizing and in this way acquire the principle of cardinality. The conceptual knowledge of counting would derive from the regularities that children might be able to extract from their counting activity (Briars & Siegler, 1984).

Subitizing would therefore play an important role in the acquisition of arithmetic concepts (i.e., the acquisition of cardinality) and would be linked to counting. However, its status is still a matter of debate and some authors go as far as to deny its existence (Gallistel, 1988) while it is affirmed by others (Davis & Pérusse, 1988).

SUBITIZING

In some experiments investigating judgements of numerosity, adults have to determine the number of presented objects as quickly and accurately as possible. If the adults are counting then the response time should increase as a linear function of the size of the collection. However, this linear relation between response time and numerosity has only been evidenced for certain numerosities. Mandler and Shebo (1982) have observed a linear increase in time of approximately 300 ms per object when collections exceed 4-6 objects. For numerosities of 1 - 3, the times were short and increased only slightly with the number of objects. For numerosities greater than 7, the response times were approximately constant but the accuracy of the responses fell sharply. These results suggest that counting is only used for numerosities from 4 to 6 (Chi & Klahr, 1975; Mandler & Shebo, 1982). The term "subitizing" designates the process responsible for the rapid responses on small numerosities (Kaufman, Lord, Reese & Volkmann, 1949), and the term "estimation" the process that is preferentially used for large collections. Within this perspective, subitizing is a rapid and reliable perceptual process for the immediate apprehension of numerosity (Kaufman et al., 1949).

Gallistel and Gelman (1991, 1992) adopted a radical point of view according to which subitizing is nothing other than very fast counting using non-verbal labels. Subitizing is therefore considered to be only a primitive form of counting (Gelman & Gallistel, 1978). If we again consider Meck and Church's model (1983), these authors suggested that human beings also possess a counting method similar to that of animals and that is very fast but imprecise (see also Wynn, 1992b). Because response variability increases with numerosity, the response will only be accurate for small numerosities (from 1 to 4). Moreover, the fact that the response times are not constant across the range 1-4 but increase from 1 to 2 and from 2 to 3 (Chi & Klahr, 1975; Mandler & Shebo, 1982; Folk, Egeth & Kwak, 1988) suggests that we are indeed in the presence of a counting procedure.

Mandler and Shebo (1982) proposed an alternative model of subitizing based on the recognition of canonical configurations or perceptual patterns (Von Glaserfeld, 1982; Wolters, Kempen & Wijhuisen, 1987). In the case of small collections, the arrangement of the objects is unvarying or forms canonical spatial configurations that can be recognized in parallel: 1 = a dot, 2 = a line, 3 = a triangle. The visual system might, for example, recognize

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ternary values on the basis of a triangular configuration irrespectively of the nature of the objects forming it. In the case of 4, the numerosity might again be determined on the basis of the configuration since four objects can only form two canonical configurations (a quadrilateral or a triangle with a dot inside). Since the number of possible configurations increases with numerosity, this model predicts the moderate increase habitually observed in the response times. Mandler and Shebo (1982) have also shown that the response times for canonical configurations from 1 to 3 do not differ significantly from the times for random arrangements. They concluded that the recognition of canonical configurations is a tool that is usually employed when determining the cardinal value of small collections.

Other results confirmed that subitizing is a pre-attentional visual recognition process. Firstly, it appears only when the target objects are distinguished without effort ("pop-out" phenomenon). When an attentional, serial process is necessary to isolate the targets, for example in feature-conjunction task, subitizing becomes inoperative (Treisman, 1991; Treisman & Gelade, 1980; Treisman & Gormican, 1988; Treisman & Sato, 1990; Trick, 1992; Trick & Pylyshyn, 1993, 1994). Secondly, it only appears to operate if the objects are sufficiently distanced from one another (Atkinson, Campbell and Francis, 1976). Finally, the objects to be subitized must occupy distinct, rapidly identifiable positions within the space. Rectangles or concentric circles cannot be subitized (Trick, 1992; Trick & Pylyshyn, 1993, 1994).

This view, which confers a fundamental role on canonical configurations, can nevertheless be challenged. Subitizing can be observed even when the existence of geometrical configurations is doubtful, for example when the objects are aligned (Atkinson, Francis & Campbell, 1976). Some authors have suggested that the information that is accessible during subitizing is not geometrical but more abstract in nature. According to Trick & Pylyshyn (1993, 1994), subitizing and counting are two effects of the construction of our visual system: they believe there is a parallel (pre-attentional) stage that controls subitizing and a serial (attentional) stage that guides counting. Trick and Pylyshyn (1993, 1994; Trick, 1988) postulated that a limited number of spatial indices, known as FINSTs (i.e., "FINgers of INSTantiation") automatically attach to each object and make it accessible to the visual routines that require attention. In subitizing, subjects simply report the number of FINSTs associated with the objects. However, as Dehaene (1992) pointed out, if the stage involving the assignment of one and only one FINST to each object is accomplished by means of a rapid serial mechanism (Trick and Pylyshyn did not specify the nature of this stage), then the model becomes equivalent to the model of pre-verbal counting presented by Gallistel and Gelman (1991, 1992).

Other authors have suggested that subitizing is not an independent procedure. Unlike Gelman and Gallistel (1991, 1992), who believe that subitizing involves the use of pre-verbal counting, others hold that it is based on the application of a general estimation process. In one or two seconds, adults can estimate the numerosity of a collection consisting of up to several hundred dots, provided that they have received training (Ginsburg, 1976, 1978; Kaufman et al., 1949; Krueger, 1972, 1982; Mandler & Shebo, 1982; Taves, 1941). The variability of estimation increases with the numerosity (Krueger, 1982). The detection of a difference of 1 between two numerosities is easier with small collections (e.g., 5 vs. 6) than with larger ones (e.g., 8 vs. 9, van Oeffelen & Vos, 1982). The subitizing range is therefore simply the range within which estimation is sufficiently precise to produce only a single candidate. This range

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V. Camos & F. Freeman

is not necessarily constant but may vary with the type and discriminability of the objects involved, thus explaining the differences observed in the subitizing limit.

The existence of subitizing and estimation as distinct counting processes therefore remains a matter of debate.

ESTIMATION

Even if the authors whom we have cited above tend to merge subitizing and estimation, they nevertheless do not explain the process that supports estimation. Mathematical models have been proposed to explain this process (Allik & Tuulmets, 1991; van Oeffelen & Vos, 1982; Vos, van Oeffelen, Tibosch & Allik, 1988). Numerosity is thought to be evaluated on the basis of simple relations between physical quantities: the product of the area of vision multiplied by the object density. Mistakes in the estimation of numerosity might be explained by an incorrect perception of the area occupied by the objects (Allik & Tuulmets, 1991; Frith & Frith, 1972; Vos et al., 1988). Thus, Cuneo (1982) has suggested that children, and even adults, use an erroneous rule (i.e. area + density) rather than the correct one (area x density) to estimate numerosities. This would explain the frequently observed overestimates (Ginsburg, 1976, 1978; Indow & Ida, 1977; Kaufman et al., 1949; Krueger, 1972, 1982; Mandler & Shebo, 1982; Taves, 1941).

Among the various processes of quantification that we have described above, one - counting - would appear to stand out from the others in terms of the volume of research devoted to it and the theoretical importance attributed to it. The two other quantification processes, subitizing and estimation, can apply only to a limited number of phenomena. In addition, they might also themselves be dependent on counting. We shall concentrate more specifically on this latter aspect by studying the counting abilities of mentally deficient adolescents.

THE AIM OF THE PRESENT STUDY

Our research was intended to study the numerical abilities of mentally deficient adolescents and, more specifically, their ability to count small collections (from 1 to 7 objects). We used a comparative study with a sample of children with an equivalent mental age (evaluated using the EDEI category analysis scale) to attempt to answer the following questions: when confronted with small collections do mentally deficient subjects count equally well as children of the same mental age? Does the discontinuity in the processes observed in normal children (i.e. subitizing for collections smaller than 4 and counting beyond 4) also appear in mentally deficient subjects?

To answer these questions, we studied the quantification processes in the spontaneous use of numbers during the course of a game that we had created. Four different counting tasks were presented during this game. The first task consisted of counting the dots on a card. The subjects had to memorize the cardinal value in order to subsequently reproduce it when counting squares. This requirement to count to n constituted our second task. The subjects' third task consisted of counting objects. Finally, the subjects had to identify the numerical

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Counting in Mentally Retarded Adolescents

pattern corresponding to the number of counted objects. We named this final task the "card selection task". These four tasks were designed to allow us to compare the performances of deficient subjects when confronted with various counting situations

The empirical results reported in the literature concerning normal children seem to indicate a distinction between the numerosities from 1 to 4 in which quantification is based on the perception of groups that can be apprehended simultaneously by means of subitizing and other quantities which are determined by counting (Camos, 1999; Chi & Klahr, 1975; Pesenti, 2001). According to Mandler and Shebo (1982), subitizing is the recognition of canonical perceptual patterns, thus making it a highly effective quantification process with an error rate of practically zero. In order to test the effect of canonicity on the subitizing abilities of deficient subjects, we presented them, in our first and fourth tasks, with collections of 1 to 7 objects arranged either in a canonical configuration (i.e., configuration similar to that used on a dice), or a random configuration. We expected to observe the same discontinuity in the use of the procedures in the deficient subjects (subitizing up to 4 and counting beyond 4). This continuity should be observable through a change in the error rates, with counting giving rise to more errors than subitizing. Finally, according to Mandler and Shebo (1982), canonical configurations should result in better performances than random configurations. In the latter case, the necessary distinction between the "already counted" and the "still-to-be-counted" objects should become increasingly difficult as the size of the collection grows (Camos, Barrouillet & Fayol, 2001; Tuholski & Engle, 2001).

Participants

We formed two groups of subjects: an experimental group and a control group. To match our subjects, we used the category activity tasks of the Echelles Différentielles d’Efficiences Intellectuelles (EDEI = Differential Scales of Intellectual Efficiency). This battery of tests is particularly well suited to mentally deficient subjects. It permits a fine discrimination in profound and medium ranges of mental deficiency. It also has the advantage of being suitable for use with normal children and is calibrated for them (from 3 to 11 years).

The experimental group consisted of nine adolescents (three girls and six boys) who were attending a Medical Institution offering manual vocational training. They were aged between 16 and 22 years, but had a mean mental age of 5 years 5 months according to the E.D.E.I category analysis tests. They were situated either in the lower range of the severe intellectual deficiency or at the upper range of the average intellectual deficiency. They suffered from a variety of pathologies: three subjects suffered from Down's syndrome, three subjects suffered from a mental deficiency due to an impaired X chromosome, one subject exhibited a developmental disharmony associated with psychotic behavioural difficulties, one subject suffered from a global psychological retardation while the final subject exhibited an infantile psychosis.

The control group consisted of 9 children in their final year of nursery school. They had a mean age of 5 years and 5 months with a mental age equivalent to their physical age in the same EDEI tests as were used for the experimental group.

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Material and Procedure

The experiment took place over eight sessions at the rate of one session per week. The subjects played in groups of three during either the morning or the afternoon. By alternating the time of the sessions, no group was advantaged by morning learning. The game comprised four phases corresponding to the four tasks defined above. The instructions were formulated clearly and precisely:

“Everyone choose an otter (a counter) and place it on a square where there's a drawing of a little black otter. You take turns. When it's your go, you take a card and move forward the number written on the card. Don't forget, you always start counting at the next square, the one that comes after your otter, not the one that your otter is on (this instruction was accompanied by a demonstration). Next you choose a box that is the same colour as the square you've landed on. The boxes have got fish in them. You have to count them and then point in the board at the card corresponding to the number of fish that you've won. Do you understand? When there are no boxes left, the person with the most fish has won. The first person to go is the one who draws the card with the highest number”.

For dot counting, we used uniform white cards of size 10 x 15 cm, on which we had stuck red stickers of diameter 18 mm. We preferred cards to dice because these allowed us to present quantities of up to 7. In this first task, the subject took a card (presented in the middle of the game board) and counted the dots. The cards had been arranged in such a way that the numerosities did not follow the numberline and that the same card was not picked up by two players in succession or twice in succession by the same player.

For counting to n, we used a modified form of snakes and ladders. The path was made up of different coloured boxes and five colours were used in total. To advance along the path, each player had a different coloured counter in the form of an otter. The subjects moved their otters forward the same number squares as the number represented on the card taken in the first task.

For object counting, we made 3-dimensional, blue fish that were one and a half centimetres in length. These fish were placed in white matchboxes each of which had a coloured sticker on it. These boxes were arranged in columns corresponding to the different colours. The subjects had to choose a box that was the same colour as the square they had landed on and then count the fish in the box. Each subject had a container to hold the fish they had.

For card selection, we used cards of the same size as for dot counting (first task) but the stickers were blue like the fish in order to minimize confusion between the number of squares moved (determined by the card chosen in the first task) and the number of fish won. In this final task, the subjects had to turn round to indicate the card representing the number of fish they had just won. The subjects were seated in such a way that they turned their backs on the board so that they could not keep comparing the number of fish won with the cards fixed to the board. In addition, the order of the cards on the board was frequently changed. Seven different orders were displayed on the table during any given session. This was done to prevent subjects from choosing a card by matching a number with a particular location. Furthermore, the orders were designed in such a way that the numbers did not follow the numberline and similar configurations were not located next to one another.

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Counting in Mentally Retarded Adolescents

For each of the two tasks that involved cards (i.e., the first and fourth tasks), we formed two different configurations, namely a canonical and a random configuration, for each numerosity. For half of the sessions, each subject played with the cards in their canonical configuration and for half the sessions with randomly configured cards.

Results1

We analysed the percentage of errors made on all four counting tasks. In addition to these analyses, we used another criterion for evaluating performance in the dot counting and card selection tasks, i.e. the percentage use of manual pointing. This indicator provides an easy way of evaluating the attentional demands of the task. In effect, the more attentional control the task requires, the more frequently subjects resort to manual pointing (Alibali & Dirusso, 1999; Graham, 1999). Moreover, the use of manual pointing clearly testifies to the application of a counting procedure (Camos, 1999).

1 - Counting Dots on A Carda/ Error percentagesThe mentally deficient subjects made slightly more errors (5%) than the children of

equivalent mental age (3%). Furthermore, there were more errors on random configurations (5%) than canonical configurations (3%). However, these two effects were not significant. In contrast, the error percentage increases with the number of dots presented on the card, p < .001. We should also note that while the result pattern for canonical configurations was very similar in the two groups (i.e., no error up to 4), the mentally deficient subjects started making errors as of size 3 on the random configurations whereas no error appeared until size 6 in the nursery school children.

1 Because the size of the sample is rather sample, the probability associated to the statistical tests were reported for information only.

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Figure 1

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Figure 1 : Percentage of errors according to the size and configuration of the collection in mentally deficient adolescents and preschool children when counting dots.

b/ Percentage use of manual pointingThe mentally deficient subjects used manual pointing more frequently (78%) than the

nursery school children (41%, p<.001). The nursery school children were more sensitive to the configuration of the cards (50% manual pointing for the random configurations vs 33% for the canonical configurations, p < .05 ) than the mentally deficient subjects who made considerable use of manual pointing in both cases (80% vs 75% respectively, p > . 05). Finally, the effect of collection size on the frequency of manual pointing differed significantly depending on the group and configuration (p < .001). Indeed, the percentage of manual pointing in the nursery school children did not differ significantly from 1 to 4 dots in the canonical configuration, whereas it increased significantly between 4 and 7 (p = .05). In contrast, in the mentally deficient subjects recourse to manual pointing increased significantly for collections of 1 to 4 in the canonical configuration (p < .01). Beyond 4, we observed a ceiling with practically 100% manual pointing. In the case of the random configuration, we observed the same result pattern in the mentally deficient subjects with a ceiling effect appearing at 3. For the nursery school children, the result pattern was also very similar to that observed for the canonical configurations. The percentage of manual pointing differed for collections of 3 to 7 in the random configuration (p < .05), whereas there was no significant difference for the three other sizes.

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Counting in Mentally Retarded Adolescents

Figure 2

0

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Figure 2 : Percentage of manual pointing according to the size and configuration of the collection in mentally deficient adolescents and preschool children when counting dots.

2 - Counting to nIn this second task, the mean percentage of trials containing at least one error includes

misrememberings of the cardinal value represented by the card previously taken during the first task, errors in saying the numberline, path errors taking the form of counting the same square twice or skipping a square, incorrect correspondences between recitation of the number-words and the squares, and cases where subjects started to count from the square in which the counter was currently located.

On average, the mentally deficient subjects made twice as many errors (22 %) as the children in the last year of nursery school (11%, p = .08). The percentage of trials affected by an error increased significantly with the size of the collection (p < .001). The interaction between group and collection size was not significant. However, it should be noted that the nursery school children made almost no errors for collections smaller than 4 whereas errors were observed in the mentally deficient subjects above size 2.

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Figure 3

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Figure 3 : Percentage of errors according to the size of the collection in mentally deficient adolescents and preschool children when counting up to n.

3 - Object CountingIn this third task, errors took the form of a poor correspondence between number-words

and objects, misremembering or double-counting.On average, the mentally deficient subjects committed more errors (7%) than the nursery

school children (6%), p = .09. The mean percentage of trials on which an error was observed increased significantly with collection size (p < .001). This percentage was larger for quantities between 4 and 7 (9%) than for the first three numbers (0.2%, p < .001). This difference between the first three numerosities and the following four was greater in the mentally deficient subjects (1% vs 49%, p < .001) than in the normal children (0% vs 32%, p = .052). We also observed that errors appeared as of size 3 in the mentally deficient subjects and only as of 4 in the nursery school children.

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Figure 4

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Figure 4 : Percentage of errors according to the size of the collection in mentally deficient adolescents and preschool children when counting objects.

4 - Card SelectionWe conducted two analyses based on this final task. The first related to the percentage of

errors made on the first attempt to choose a card. When the correct card was chosen, the correct response could be the result of subitizing (i.e. when subjects immediately pointed to the correct card without counting and with great confidence in their choice), or of counting with or without manual pointing. In the second analysis, we examined the percentage of counting operations involving manual pointing.

a/ Error percentagesThe nursery school children identified numerosity better (25% errors) than the mentally

deficient subjects (34%, p = .09). The error percentage increased with the size of the collection (p < .001). It was significantly lower for the first three numbers (5%) than for numerosities between 4 and 7 (49%, p < .001). The error percentages associated with the three smallest sizes did not differ from each other. In contrast, above 3, these percentages increased significantly (p < .01). The collection size effect did not differ significantly as a function of group (p = .72). Finally, the effect of configuration differed significantly as a function of collection size (p < .01). The error percentages for the two types of configuration differed only for sizes 4 and 5 (p < .05), with the canonical configuration resulting in a higher success level.

It should be noted that the error percentage in this card selection task (30%) was much higher than that observed in the three preceding tasks (7%). This difference is due to the specificity of the requested task. In the card selection task, and unlike in the three preceding

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tasks, the subjects were not explicitly instructed to count the dots. In order to perform this task, they could simply guess which card was right and thus give a random response, thus explaining the increased number of errors.

Figure 5

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Figure 5 : Percentage of errors according to the size and configuration of the collection in mentally deficient adolescents and preschool children when selecting cards.

b/Percentage use of manual pointingWhere the correct card is identified, the mentally deficient subjects made greater use of

manual pointing than did the nursery school children (20% vs 11% respectively, p < .01), when confronted both with the canonical configurations and the random configurations. However, the effect of the canonicity of the configurations was at its greatest for the nursery school children, p = .07. These children were able to correctly identify numerosity without recourse to manual pointing in collections up to size 5 for canonical configurations and 3 for random configurations. In the case of the mentally deficient subjects, we find similar curves for the canonical and random configurations with both peaking at sizes 4-5.

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Figure 6

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Canonical Configuration Random Configuration

Deficient AdolescentsPreschool Children

Figure 6 : Percentage of manual pointing according to the size and configuration of the collection in mentally deficient adolescents and preschool children when selecting cards.

4- Comparison of the Different TasksWe shall now perform a comparative analysis of the different tasks. First of all, we shall

compare the error rates obtained by the two groups in the three counting tasks, i.e. counting dots, counting to n and counting objects. Since the dot counting task involved different configurations, we have decided to use the data obtained for the random configurations in the following analysis since these were obtained under conditions closer to those used in the counting to n and object counting tasks. We shall then compare the percentage use of manual pointing in the dot counting and card selection tasks.

a/ Comparison of the error percentagesOver all three tasks, the mentally deficient subjects committed more errors on average

than the nursery school children (8 vs 5% respectively), even though this effect was not significant, p > .10. Unlike the nursery school children, who exhibited equivalent error rates whatever the task, the mentally deficient subjects made, on average, more mistakes in the counting to n and object counting tasks (10%) than in the dot counting task (5%), p < .03. The statistical analysis also reveals no significant effect of collection size, p < .001. There was no significant difference between the first four sizes (5%) taken individually although they did differ from the larger sizes (9%) (p < .03). The latter also did not differ significantly among themselves, ps >.10. These effects were observed in both groups. Finally, it is important to note that the first counting errors in the mentally deficient subjects appeared as of size 3 for counting to n and object counting whereas, for dot counting, it was observed as of size 5 just as for the nursery school children.

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V. Camos & F. Freeman

b/ Comparison of the percentage use of manual pointingOverall, the mentally deficient subjects (50%) used manual pointing more frequently than

the nursery school children (27%, p<.01). The nursery school children were more sensitive to the effect of the canonicity of configurations (20 vs 33% for canonical and random configurations respectively) than the mentally deficient subjects (48 vs 53%). Both groups made more use of manual pointing as collection size increased but this increase was more marked in the mentally deficient subjects. As of size 2, the mentally deficient subjects used manual pointing much more (36%) than did the nursery school children (3%). Finally, manual pointing was used more often in the dot counting task (59%) in which counting was explicitly requested of the subjects than in the card selection task (16%) in which guessing strategies could have been used.

CONCLUSION

During this research, we studied the ability of mentally deficient adolescents to count small collections. We also compared their performances in four different tasks to those of children of a similar mental age in their last year of nursery school. We expected to observe a subitizing ability up to collections of size 4 as well as the errors that characterize this ability in both the mentally deficient adolescents and the normal children. We postulated that if this process of the global apperception of numerosity is based on the recognition of the canonical configuration of small collections as Mandler and Shebo (1982) suggested, then the canonical nature of the presented collections should be observed for numerosities smaller than 4. Thus the use of pointing-based counting and the number of errors should increase for random configurations as well as with the size of the collection. We also postulated that the performances of nursery school children would be better than those of the mentally deficient subjects and this would be all the more prominent the more complex the task was. In general, the results that we obtained confirm these hypotheses. However, the main hypothesis of the existence of subitizing in the mentally deficient subjects remains controversial.

Over the four tasks that made up the game, we observed major differences in the counting procedures used by our two groups. Whatever the task and card configuration, the mentally deficient subjects preferred to count by pointing manually at each element. In the dot counting task, since the quantity 3, this procedure was used in 75% of all trials. Contrary to our hypotheses, no discontinuity in the percentage of manual pointing appeared from 4 onwards except in so far as this percentage did not stop increasing. In the case of object counting, this manual pointing of each element was also observed in two-thirds of the trials. This procedure did not attain the same level of predominance in the card selection task. When the mentally deficient subjects identified the card correctly at the first attempt (66% of cases), manual pointing was used in only 20% of the trials. In this card selection task, the mentally deficient adolescents used pointing-based counting twice as often as the nursery school children (11%). Contrary to our hypothesis, the effect of pattern canonicity had no significant effect either on the percentage of manual pointing or on the error rates irrespectively of the task in question. These counting errors increased with the size of the collection: they were rare, indeed practically non-existent, for the first three numbers. However, they were twice as frequent in counting to n and object counting as they were in the first task. The mentally

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Counting in Mentally Retarded Adolescents

deficient subjects made twice as many errors as the nursery school children on these second and third tasks but these errors were not significant due to the great variability between the mentally deficient subjects.

As far as subitizing abilities are concerned, we observed subitizing in the nursery school children up to 3 or 4 in three counting tasks presented via our game. This result is similar to those already described in the literature concerning 5 to 6-year-old children (Cueno, 1982 ; Chi & Klahr, 1975 ; Svenson & Sjoberg, 1978). This discontinuity in the quantification procedure appears after size 4 for the canonical configurations and after 3 for the random configurations in our group of nursery school children. It appears that nursery school children are well aware of the canonical configurations up to sizes 4 and 5 since they were always quick to choose the right card without having recourse to manual pointing. It should be noted that canonical representations of numerosities up to 7 were displayed in the children's classroom. It appears that these regular arrangements are memorized and that for some of these children they act as a reference for the choice of card. Indeed, a certain number of errors confusing very similar configurations were produced in the fourth task, for example 5 instead of 7 and 6 instead of 8. This type of error was very rare in the mentally deficient subjects. This data concerning nursery school children is consistent with Mandler and Shebo's data (1982), according to which subitizing is nothing more than the recognition of canonical, perceptual patterns relating to a small range of numerical quantities. This recognition could be extended to any quantity provided that it is associated with elementary configurations (Wolters Van Kempen & Wijilhuisen, 1987).

If we suppose that subitizing is an associative process between a name and a numerical pattern, then this process seems to be lacking in mentally deficient subjects. Indeed, whatever the task, we do not find an effect of the canonicity of the patterns on the percentage of manual pointing and the error rate. However, the mean percentage of manual pointing is smaller in dot counting when 3 is represented in the canonical configuration than in a random configuration. This difference on 3 also appears for the error percentage in the card selection task. According to the hypothesis that it is canonical patterns that are recognized, subitizing seems to be limited to the numerosity 2 in the case of mentally deficient adolescents. However, on average these mentally deficient adolescents identify regular collections of 3 more often than regular collections of 4 in the card selection task. Similarly, the level of manual pointing for the first three numerosities is less than that for other numerosities in this task and does not differ as a function of the configuration type. Manual pointing was used in 15% of the correct identifications of 3 irrespectively of the configuration and in 40% of cases for 4. This discontinuity also appears in the counting errors. It appears that there is a change of procedure as of 4. These analyses seem to indicate the existence of more efficient processing of the first three numbers rather than a genuine subitizing process.

However, we can question the aptness of the selection task as a task for the evaluation of subitizing abilities. This task differs from classic subitizing tasks in which subjects are asked to determine the number of presented elements as quickly and as accurately as possible. This task is more complex. On the one hand, it requires subjects to maintain the number of fish they have won in working memory and, on the other, to perform a systematic comparison of the set of cards. This comparison can lead subjects to perform a global estimation or mental counting. If we adopt Gallistel and Gelman's hypothesis (1991), then we can conceive that very fast, precise counting occurs when subjects choose cards corresponding to small numerosities. In this task, subjects might use very fast mental counting to select the cards

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V. Camos & F. Freeman

representing the first three numerosities. This internal counting would then be applied to larger numerosities when subjects can control their counting better. In the card selection task, two of the young mentally deficient subjects identified the canonical configurations up to 5 and the random configurations up to 4, whereas they used manual pointing as of 3 or even 2 in the first task. The immediate estimation of the first three numbers could also be the result of a general estimation process (Van Oeffelen & Vos, 1982). The subitizing range would then simply be the range in which estimation is sufficiently precise to produce a single candidate for selection.

To conclude, the limit and nature of the subitizing process seem difficult to establish on the basis of these different data. The procedures used by the mentally deficient subjects differ from one task to another and even from one trial to another. Despite this variability in their performance, we can imagine that this global apperception of numerosity is possible as of 2 and could extend to 3 in the least deficient subjects. This hypothesis is based on a qualitative analysis of the procedures used by each subject in the range 1- 4. Finally, it is clear that more wide-ranging studies are necessary to explore the subitizing and counting abilities of mentally deficient subjects.

REFERENCES:

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2. Allik, J., & Tuulmets, T. (1991). Occupancy model of perceived numerosity, Perception and Psychophysics, 49 (4), 303-314.

3. Atkinson, J., Campbell, F.W., & Francis, M.R (1976). The magic number 4 +/- 0 : a new look at visual numerosity judgements, Perception, 5, 327-334.

4. Boysen, S.T., & Berntson, G.G., (1989). Numerical competence in a chimpanzee, Journal of Comparative Psychology, 103 (1), 23-31.

5. Briars, D., & Siegler, R.S. (1984). A feature analysis of preschoolers' counting knowledge. Developmental Psychology, 20 , 607-618.

6. Camos, V. (1999). Le dénombrement : une activité complexe à deux composantes, Rééducation Orthophonique, 199, 21-31.

7. Camos, V., Barrouillet, P., & Fayol, M. (2001). Does the coordination of verbal and motor information explain the development of counting in children ?, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 78, 240-262.

8. Chi, M.T.H., & Klahr, D. (1975). Span and rate of apprehension children and adults, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 19, 434-439.

9. Chomsky, N. (1957). Syntactic structures, The Hague: Mouton.10. Cooper, R.G. (1984). Early number development: Discovering number space with

addition and subtraction. In C. Sophian (Ed.), The origins of cognitive skills, Hillsdale (NJ): LEA.

11. Cuneo, D.O. (1982). Children's judgments of numerical quantity: A new view of eraly quantification, Cognitive Psychology, 14, 13-44.

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Counting in Mentally Retarded Adolescents

12. Davis, H., & Pérusse, R., (1988). Numerical competence in animals : Definitional issues, current evidence and a new research agenda, Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 11, 561-615.

13. Dehaene, S. (1992). Varieties of numerical abilities, Cognition, 44, 1-42.14. Dehaene, S. (1997). La bosse des maths, Paris: O. Jacob.15. Fayol, M. (1985). Nombre, numération et dénombrement: Que sait-on de leur

acquisition?, Revue Française de Pédagogie, 70, 59-77.16. Fayol, M. (1990). L'enfant et le nombre: Du comptage à la résolution de problèmes,

Neuchâtel: Delachaux et Niestlé.17. Folk, C.L., Egeth, H., & Kwak, H.W. (1988). Subitizing : Direct apprehension or serial

processing?, Perception & Psychophysics, 44 (4), 313-320.18. Frith, C.D., & Frith, U. (1972). The solitaire illusion: An illusion of numerosity,

Perception & Psychophysics, 11, 409-410.19. Fuson, K. C. (1988). Children's counting and concepts of number, New-York: Springer-

Verlag.20. Fuson, K. C. & Hall, J.W. (1983). The acquisition of eraly number word meanings. In H.

Ginsburg (Ed.), The development of children's mathematical thinking (pp. 49-107), New-York: Academic Press.

21. Gallistel, C.R. (1988). Counting versus subitizing versus the sense of number, Behavioral and Brain Science, 11 (4), 585-586.

22. Gallistel, C.R. (1990). Representations in animal cognition: An introduction. In C.R. Gallistel (Ed.), Animal cognition, Cambridge (MA): MIT Press.

23. Gallistel, C.R., & Gelman, R. (1991). Preverbal and verbal counting and computation, Cognition, 44, 43-74.

24. Gallistel, C.R. & Gelman, R. (1992). Preverbal and verbal counting and computation, Cognition, 44, 43-74.

25. Geary, D.C. (1994). Children's mathematical development : Research and pratical applications, Washington: A.P.A.

26. Gelman, R., & Gallistel, C.R. (1978). The child's understanding of number, Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press.

27. Gelman, R., & Greeno, J.G. (1989). On the nature of competence: Principles for understanding in a domain. In L.B. Resnick (Ed.), Knowing and learning: Issues for a cognitive science of instruction (pp. 125-186), Hillsdale (NJ): LEA.

28. Ginsburg, N. (1976). Effect of item arrangement on perceived numerosity : randomness vs. regularity, Perceptual and Motor Skills, 43, 663-668

29. Ginsburg, N. (1978). Perceived numerosity, item arrangement, and expectancy, American Journal of Psychology, 91, 267-273.

30. Graham, T.A. (1999). The role of gesture in children's learning to count, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 74, 333-355.

31. Grégoire, J., & Van Nieuwenhoven, C. (1995). Counting at nursery school and at primary school: Toward an instrument for diagnostic assessment, European Journal of Psychology of Education, 10 (1), 61-75.

32. Groen, G.J., & Parkman, J.M. (1972). A chronometric analysis of simple addition, Psychological Review, 79, 329-343.

33. Halford, G.S. (1993). Children's understanding: The development of mental models, Hillsdale (NJ): LEA.

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34. Indow, T., & Ida, M. (1977). Scaling of dot numerosity, Perception & Psychophysics, 22, 265-276.

35. Kaufman, E.L., Lord, M.W., Reese, T.W., & Volkmann, J. (1949). The discrimination of visual number, American Journal of Psychology, 62, 498-525.

36. Klahr, D. (1973). Quantification processes. In W.G. Chase (Ed.), Visual information processing, 8th Annual Carnegie Symposium Cognition, New-York: Academic Press.

37. Klahr, D., & Wallace, J.G. (1976). Cognitive development, Hillsdale (NJ): LEA.38. Krueger, L.E. (1972). Perceived numerosity, Perception & Psychophysics, 11, 5-9.39. Krueger, L.E. (1982). Single judgments of numerosity, Perception & Psychophysics, 31,

175-182.40. Mandler, G., & Shebo, B.J. (1982). Subitizing: An analysis of its component processes,

Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 111, 1-22.41. Matsuzawa, T. (1985). Use of numbers by a chimpanzee, Nature, 315, 57-59.42. Mc Evoy, J., & O'Moore, A.M. (1991). Number conservation: A fair assessment of

numerical understanding, The Irish Journal of Psychology, 12 (3), 325-337.43. Meck, W.H., & Church, R.M. (1983). A mode control model of counting and timing

processes, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Animal Behavior Processes, 9, 320-334.44. Nunes, T. & Bryant, P. (1996). Children doing mathematics. Oxford: Blackwell.45. Pesenti, M. (2001). Les procédures de quantification chez l'enfant. In C. Meljac & A. Van

Hout (Eds.), Troubles du calcul et dyscalculies chez l'enfant, Paris : Masson.46. Resnick, L.B. (1986). The development of mathematical intuition. In M. Perimutter (Ed.),

Perspectives on intellectual : The Minnesota symposia on Child Psychology, Hillsdale (NJ): LEA.

47. Saxe, G.B. (1981). Body parts as numerals: A developmental analysis of numeration among the Oksapmin in Papua New Guinea, Child Development, 52, 306-316.

48. Saxe, G., & Posner, J. (1983). The development of numerical cognition: Cross-cultural perspective. In H.P. Ginsburg (Ed.), The development of mathematical thinking, New-York: Academic Press.

49. Shipley, E.F., & Shepperson, B. (1990). The what-if of counting, Cognition, 36, 285-289.50. Starkey, P., & Cooper, R.G. (1980). Perception of numbers by human infants, Science,

210, 1033-1035.51. Starkey, P., Spelke, E.S., & Gelman, R. (1990). Numerical abstraction by human infants,

Cognition, 36, 97-127.52. Starkey, P., Spelke, E.S. & Gelman, R. (1991). Toward a comparative psychology of

number, Cognition, 39, 171-172.53. Strauss, M.S., & Curtis, L.E. (1984). Development of numerical concepts in infancy. In

C. Sophian (Ed.), Origins of cognitive skills, Hillsdale (NJ): LEA.54. Svenson, O. (1975). Analysis of time required by children for simple addition, Acta

Psychologica, 39, 289-302.55. Svenson, O., & Sjoberg, K. (1978). Subitizing and counting in young children,

Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 19, 247-250.56. Taves, E.H. (1941). Two mechanisms for the perception of visual numerousness,

Archives of Psychology, 37, n°265.57. Treisman, A. (1991). Search, similarity, and integration of features between and within

dimensions, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 17 (3), 652-676.

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58. Treisman, A., & Gelade, G. (1980). A feature-integration theory of attention, Cognitive Psychology, 12, 97-136.

59. Treisman, A., & Gormican, S. (1988). Feature analysis in early vision: Evidence from search asymmetries, Psychological Review, 95 (1), 15-48.

60. Treisman, A., & Sato, S. (1990). Conjunction search revisited, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 16 (3), 459-478.

61. Trick, L., & Pylyshyn, Z. (1993). What enumeration studies can show us about spatial attention: Evidence for limited capacity preattentive processing, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 19, 331-351.

62. Trick, L.M., & Pylyshyn, Z.W. (1994). Why are small and large numbers enumerated differently? A limited-capacity preattentive stage in vision, Psychological Review, 101 (1), 80-102.

63. Tuholski, S., & Engle, R.W. (2001). Individual differences in working memory capacity and enumeration, Memory and Cognition, 29, 484-492.

64. Van Oeffelen, M.P., & Vos, P.G. (1982). A probabilistic model for the discrimination of visual number, Perception & Psychophysics, 32 (2), 163-170.

65. Von Glaserfeld, E. (1982). Subitizing: The role of figural patterns in the development of numerical concepts, Archives de Psychologie, 50, 191-218.

66. Vos, P.G., Van Oeffelen, M.P., Tibosch, H.J., & Allik, J. (1988). Interactions between area and numerosity, Psychological Research, 50, 148-154.

67. Wagner, S.H., & Walters, J. (1982). A longitudinal analysis of early number concepts: From numbers to number. In G.E. Foreman (Ed.), From sensorimotor schemas to symbolic operations, New-York: Academic Press.

68. Wolters, G., Kempen, H., & Wijhuisen, G. (1987). Quantification of small numbers of dots: Subitizing or pattern recognition, American Journal of Psychology, 100 (2), 225-237.

69. Wynn, K. (1990). Children's understanding of counting, Cognition, 36, 155-193.70. Wynn, K. (1992b). Addition and subtraction by human infants, Nature, 358, 749-750.

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Chapter 5

FOUNDATIONS OF HUMAN CAUSAL REASONING

Jonathan A. Fugelsang & Valerie A. ThompsonUniversity of Saskatchewan

This research was supported by a grant from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) awarded to Valerie Thompson. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to either Jonathan Fugelsang or Valerie Thompson, Department of Psychology, University of Saskatchewan, 9 Campus Drive, Saskatoon, SK, Canada, S7N 5A5. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected].

ABSTRACT

Much research has demonstrated that people's causal judgments are sensitive to the degree to which cause and effect co-vary (e.g., Cheng & Novick, 1990), as well as pre-existing beliefs regarding the nature of the cause and effect in question (e.g. White, 1995). Models of causal reasoning, however, have typically addressed each source of information in isolation. We propose a model for how people combine both belief- and covariation-based cues when assessing causal hypotheses. Specifically, we discuss data from several experiments demonstrating that people weigh covariation evidence in light of their pre-existing beliefs, such that empirical evidence is given more weight for believable than for unbelievable candidates. In addition, through the use of retrospective introspection techniques, we present evidence demonstrating that individuals appear to be conscious of their use of covariation-based cues, but not belief-based cues. These data are formalized in a descriptive model that provides an account of belief/evidence interactions when reasoning about cause and effect sequences with multiple underlying belief representations.

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FOUNDATIONS OF HUMAN CAUSAL REASONING

The ability to acquire and apply causal knowledge is central to many acts that govern intelligent behaviour. Such knowledge serves to provide the reasoner with an understanding of the current situation, as well as to predict future outcomes. We address two unanswered questions regarding the application of prior causal knowledge to current situations: (1) How is one’s knowledge about cause and effect relations represented, and (2) How does this knowledge about causal relations affect one’s evaluation of new empirical evidence (i.e., information regarding how the cause and effect covary)? These two central issues will be discussed in this chapter with reference to two classes of psychological models: covariation-based and concept-based models. We then propose a dual-process model that accounts for belief/evidence interactions in human causal reasoning.

COVARIATION-BASED MODELS

Some researchers claim that humans are "intuitive statisticians" (Peterson & Beach, 1967) who judge the perceived causal efficacy (hereafter denoted PCE) of candidates using a normative strategy wherein the degree of covariation between a putative cause and its observed effect is computed. This model is based on the assumption that an event that exhibits a regularity of association with an effect (i.e., covaries with that effect) is more likely to be identified as a cause of that effect than is an event that does not exhibit a regularity of association. These covariation-based models of causation are the product of the Humean tradition of radical empiricism (Hume, 1739/1978), which posits that humans and other animals rely primarily on observable empirical cues to understand and explain causal sequences. These observable empirical cues are proposed to be acquired through one’s sensory input. For example, one’s sensory input provides information about the presence and/or absence of a candidate cause and an effect as well as the temporal and spatial relations between them (Cheng, 1997). Covariation-based models typically propose computational algorithms by which reasoners derive an estimate of covariation from observable events, such as the presence and absence of candidate causes, and delineate conditions under which covariation information can be used to infer causality (e.g., Cheng, 1997)

For example, it is often assumed that causes not only co-vary with their effects, but that they embody several other fundamental characteristics as well: (a) causes must precede effects, (b) causes and effects must be related both temporally and spatially, and (c) there must be consistency in the cause-effect relation such that they repeatedly co-occur in regular succession (Cheng, 1997). These cues are assumed to be employed in an a-theoretical manner (e.g., Cheng & Lien, 1995), one that downplays or ignores the role of the reasoner’s prior knowledge and highlights the role of observable, empirical evidence in the attribution of cause.

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Causal Reasoning

Measuring the Covariation between Cause and Effect

There are a number of different proposals regarding how reasoners combine information regarding the presence and absence of cause and effect in order to derive an estimate of covariation. A useful convention for representing this information is to summarize the information in a 2 x 2 contingency table, as illustrated in Figure 1. Covariation-based models typically assume that causal inferences are made by combining information from these four cells, and deriving an estimate of the strength of the causal relationship. Judgments of causal strength are proposed to be a linear function of the degree of covariation between the putative cause and the effect. The following sections provide an overview of several influential covariation-based models of causal inference.

Figure 1. A 2 x 2 contingency table representing the four possible event conjunctions that are required to calculate the conditional relationship between an event and an

outcome. The cells a, b, c, and d are the frequency of each conjunction and are used to calculate the probability of the effect occurring in the presence of the cause [P(e/c)] and

the probability of the effect occurring in the absence of the cause [P(e/c)]. Note that Pc

can be expressed both in terms of a probability and an event frequency.

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Jonathan A. Fugelsang & Valerie A. Thompson

Kelley’s ANOVA Model

Kelley’s (1967, 1973) ANOVA model proposes that causal analysis is analogous to the scientific method wherein the goal is to understand, predict and control one’s behaviour and environment. Here, the emphasis is to attribute effects to stable dispositional properties of objects or things. Based on these contentions, Kelley (1967, 1973) argued that people use a naïve version of analysis of variance in order to make causal attributions. To do this, participants are proposed to identify the cause of some effect by sampling information along three dimensions: consensus, distinctiveness, and consistency. Consensus information refers to the degree to which the behaviour of the individual is similar to that of a larger group; distinctiveness information refers to the degree to which the individual’s behaviour to the target stimuli is similar to his/her response to other stimuli; consistency information refers to the degree to which the individual behaves similarly to the particular stimulus on different occasions. The effect is always portrayed as representing a relationship between a person and an object. Based on the covariation principle and the three orthogonal dimensions, causal status is given to a person, an object, or the specific circumstances of the situation. Covariation, in the context of the ANOVA model, is measured in terms of the probability of the effect occurring in the presence of the cause [i.e., P(e/c)].

Based on the three orthogonal components of the model, several predictions can be generated. When consensus, distinctiveness, and consistency are high, the stimulus is the sole co-variate and should therefore be attributed as the causally relevant factor. If however, both consensus and distinctiveness are low, but consistency is high, then the person becomes the sole co-variate and should thus be given causal status. Furthermore, when both consensus and consistency are low, and distinctiveness is high, the specific circumstances are the sole co-variate and should thus be attributed as causally related. These predictions have been generally supported in a variety of studies (e.g., McArthur, 1972).

The Abnormal Conditions Focus Model

The abnormal conditions focus model (Hilton & Slugoski, 1986) proposes an elaboration of the Kelleyian ANOVA model, based on earlier work by Hart & Honore, 1959). This approach uses two criteria by which putative causes are selected from a pool of candidates. The first criterion is the degree to which a candidate cause is perceived to be necessary for the occurrence of the effect; a cause is necessary for an effect when the probability of the effect occurring in the absence of the cause [i.e., P(e/c)] approaches zero. For example, both fuel and flame are necessary, but not sufficient, components required for an internal combustion engine to start; in the absence of either event, the engine would not start. Consequently, both causes would be selected during the first stage of reasoning.

The second stage of the model involves selecting from the set of necessary causes identified by the first stage. This candidate is selected on the basis that it is abnormal in the context of the given scenario. That is, a cause is selected that departs from that which is normal for the given circumstances. Hilton and Slugoski provide a helpful example that clarifies these two components. They note that the speed of a train, the weight of the railway cars, and a faulty rail are all necessary components for a train to de-rail. However, the faulty

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Causal Reasoning

rail is the one component that is likely to be selected as causally relevant, because it is the single feature from the set that is abnormal with regard to the everyday operation of trains.

The Probabilistic Contrast Model

Several covariation-based models of causality have incorporated both the necessity and sufficiency of causal candidates. Such models are typically referred to as contingency models (Jenkins & Ward, 1965; Rescorla, 1968; Salmon, 1965). One such contingency-based model of causation is the probabilistic contrast model (Cheng & Novick, 1990, 1992). According to this model, the reasoner considers two pieces of information when deriving a covariation estimate: the probability of the effect occurring when the cause is present [P(e/c): Sufficiency] and the probability of the effect occurring when the cause is absent [P(e/c): Necessity]. Following this logic, causal roles are defined empirically by using the following unidirectional contingency rule:

Pc = P(e/c) - P(e/c) (1)

If the computation of Pc results in a positive value, then the candidate cause (c) should be judged to be a facilitatory factor in producing the effect (e). If, on the other hand, the computation of Pc results in a negative value, the potential cause (c) should be judged to be an inhibitory factor. Under conditions in which Pc is zero, the candidate cause (c) should be judged as a non-causal factor with respect to the observed effect (e).

Proponents of this and other contingency-based models claim that humans and other animals are sensitive to the contingency (Pc) between the cause and effect, and then use this information as part of a causal model or schema to ascertain a measure of causal strength or likelihood (Cheng, 1997; Cheng & Novick, 1990, 1992). Indeed, some researchers claim that the use of covariation-based cues is primary in that "the presence of covariation overrides other evidence that may call causation into question" (Koslowski, Okagaki, Lorenz, & Umbach, 1989, p. 1316).

Power pc Theory

Cheng’s (1997) causal power theory of the probabilistic contrast model provides an extension to her probabilistic contrast model (Cheng & Novick, 1990, 1992). She proposes that causal strength (pc) is a function of both the cause’s contingency (Pc) with the given effect and the inverse of the baserate [1-P(e/c)] of that effect. The relation between the cause and effect contingency and the effect baserate is formalized as follows:

Pc

pc = ------------ (2)1-P(e/c)

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Jonathan A. Fugelsang & Valerie A. Thompson

The role of alternative causes in the computation of causal strength is obvious from the formula, as both the contingency and baserate measures are highly determined by the presence of alternative causes. This is due to the fact that both quantities include a measure of the probability of the effect occurring in the absence of the cause [P(e/c)]. That is, if the effect occurs in the absence of the candidate cause, necessarily an alternative cause must have been present to produce the effect. This information about alternative causes is then used as input to influence the evaluation of contingency information. Therefore, when alternative causes are present and believed to have an independent influence on the effect, beliefs in causal strength are thought to be reduced (Cheng, 1997).

Cheng (1997) further contends that causal strength can be assessed “without prior knowledge about itself, or even the identity of alternative causes. All that is required as input is observable information sufficient to separate the causal power of the candidate from that of alternative causes” (p. 398). She further argues that covariation does imply causation when alternative causes are believed to occur independently of the candidate cause.

Evidence for Normative Covariation-Based Models

The P index is regarded by virtually all researchers in the field as a normatively appropriate index of the contingency between two binary variables (Kao & Wasserman, 1993). Further, it has been proposed that the contingency-based model of causation appears to capture (at least in part) our everyday notion of what a cause and effect sequence might behave like (Spellman, 1996). For example, many individuals argue that smoking causes lung cancer, which is based primarily on the finding that the probability of getting lung cancer if one smokes is greater than the probability of getting lung cancer if one does not smoke (i.e., Pc is positive), even though smoking is neither necessary nor sufficient for getting lung cancer. In this way, the fact that the two events covary is enough for people to support a causal relation, although the fact that the two events covary does not, of course, guarantee a causal link.

Laboratory evidence suggests that the P index is both descriptively as well as normatively appropriate. Several studies have suggested that the majority of reasoners make PCE judgments that conform to the P contingency rule. This is the case regardless of whether the information is presented in a 2 x 2 contingency table (Allan & Jenkins, 1980), or is presented in a free-operant paradigm where participants observe the putative causes and subsequent effects continuously in time (Wasserman, Chatlosh, & Neunaber, 1983; Lober & Shanks, 2000), or when the information is summarized in sentences (Cheng & Novick, 1990).

Based on the above evidence, it seems reasonable to conclude that participants assess causal hypothesis using some approximation of the P contingency rule. However, it should be noted that much of the confirming data is based on correlational evidence that is fraught with theoretical complications when used as a means of strategy classification.1 For example, Kao and Wasserman (1993) argued that making inferences about individuals’ strategies based on the correlation between the values predicted by a covariation rule (e.g., the P index) with actual judgments of contingency may not be a valid approach. They pointed out that several

1 For a detailed discussion on strategy analysis and the problems associated with using the correlation method for determining strategy choice see Busemeyer (1991).

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covariation rules may make similar predictions, and that researchers typically fail to remove variance shared by other covariation rules when evaluating predictions. Similarly, although the highest correlation between the values generated by a covariation rule and participants' PCE judgments may reach statistical significance, it may not be psychologically adequate to govern a conclusion that participants adhered to a specified covariation-based rule. Thus, it may be difficult to infer which rules reasoners are using to assess covariation, despite the fact that one or more rules may accurately predict their judgments.

Allan (Allan, 1990, 1993; Allan & Jenkins, 1980) makes a similar point. She argued that the fact that participants’ judgments closely parallel those generated from the P rule does not necessarily imply that those judgments are based on the same information used to calculate Pc, nor does it imply that the computational processes dictated by the rule are adhered to. For example, Allan and Jenkins (1980) found that participants were basing their PCE judgments primarily on information derive from cell A in the 2 x 2 contingency table (see Figure 1). Note that in cases when Pc is positive (i.e., contingent), cell A is also positive and thus highly correlated with the predictions of Pc. Thus, it would be misleading to assume that participants are using the P index, because the apparent predictive validity of the P index could be accounted for by the fact that participants appear to focus on a subset of the information used to compute P.

Limitations of Covariation-Based Models

All covariation-based models of the assessment of causal hypotheses face the same fundamental problem: covariation does not imply causation. For example, day and night appear in regular succession such that day is perfectly contingent with night (Pc = 1), and occurs temporally prior to night; however, these facts do not necessitate the conclusion that day causes night. Thus, we do not make a causal attribution, even though the regular succession of day and night satisfies all three criteria of a valid cause and effect relationship as defined by traditional covariation-based models. Similarly, the fact that a rooster crows every morning just prior to the rising sun does not justify the induction of a causal relationship between the rooster crowing and the rising sun even though following traditional contingency-based rules they are perfectly contingent (Pc = 1) and thus arguably causal in nature. Although these non-causal sequences exhibit similar observable statistical characteristics to their causal counterparts, they lack the critical causal connection implied by a truly causal relationship (Cheng, 1997). Therefore, the fact that these events are understood in terms of sequential events of naturally occurring processes and not causal relationships implies that judgments of covariation must be supplemented by additional information.

A second problem with covariation-based approaches is that the computation of a covariation index requires repeated observations in order to calculate the relevant probabilities. However, several studies have demonstrated that participants will make a strong causal link between two events after only a single positive instance of a cause and effect co-occurring (Beasly, 1968; Boyle, 1960; Michotte, 1963). In other words, participants make a causal attribution based on information derived from a single occurrence of Cell A information. Strictly speaking, this information is not sufficient to compute either component of the Pc equation. To compute P(e/c), one needs at least two occurrence of e and c; to compute P(e/c), one requires additional observations of the effect without the cause.

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Other studies have found that reasoners do not weigh all four cells (A, B, C, & D) of the 2 x 2 contingency table equally (Schustack and Sternberg, 1981; Downing Sternberg, & Ross, 1985), even when they are provided with all of this information (Wasserman, Dorner, & Kao, 1990). Specifically, reasoners consider the evidence concerning the sufficiency of the target [P(e/c), cells A, and B] to be more important than the necessity of the target [P(e/c), cells C and D]. Similarly, when asked to judge the importance of each of the four cells, participants clearly perceive some information to be more critical than others (Wasserman, et al, 1990): Cell A is perceived to be more important than Cell B, followed by Cells C and D respectively. These findings suggest that participants do not assess covariation in a normative manner; thus, although participants may use covariation information when evaluating causal hypotheses, this information is neither necessary nor sufficient to support an attribution of causality.

CONCEPT-BASED MODELS

An alternative perspective suggests that covariation information may be best conceived of as one of many cues to causality, rather than the principle or primary cue (White, 1992). In their now classic review of PCE judgments, Einhorn and Hogarth (1986) made reference to several cues such as temporal order (Siegler & Liebert, 1974; Tversky & Kahneman, 1980), contiguity in time and space (Michotte, 1963; Bullock, Gelman, & Baillargeon, 1982), and similarity between cause and effect (Shultz & Ravinsky, 1977; Tversky, 1977) in which attributions are made even though they may conflict with covariation-based cues to causality. These theorists stress the importance of internally generated cues: knowledge based on the reasoner’s understanding of causal mechanisms and theories of causality. Most of theses views can be traced to Kant's (1781/1965) model of generative transmission. This view posits that causes not only covary with effects, but actually produce those effects. The term generative transmission refers to the transmission of energy from the cause to the effect such that the cause, through the nature of its properties, acts on the object resulting in a causal outcome (White, 1995).

Following Kant's notion of generative transmission, several theorists have proposed that causation be defined in terms of specific intrinsic properties of objects (Harre & Madden, 1975; Madden & Humber, 1974; White, 1989). For example, the notion of generative transmission forms the core of the causal powers theory that was first proposed in philosophy by Harre and Madden (1975) and later applied to psychologically relevant questions by White (1989). Harre and Madden (1975) posited that causal powers are stable properties of objects whose power to produce an effect is based on the "chemical, physical, or genetic natures of the entities involved" (p. 5). However, this power only produces an effect under the appropriate enabling conditions (White, 1995). Every instance of a causal situation in the natural environment is proposed to involve both a causal power and an enabling condition (White, 1989). For example, peanuts may possess the causal power to produce allergic reactions in some children. However, allergic reactions will only result if the peanuts are ingested. In this example, ingestion of the peanuts would act as the enabling or releasing condition that permits the causal power of the peanuts (that to cause allergic reactions) to be released. Releasing conditions are circumstances that permit the causal power of an object to

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be enacted. Releasing conditions can be generally defined by expressive verbs of causation (see Clark & Clark, 1977) such as lighting, smashing, mixing, and submersing which act in turn to express the powers that objects have by virtue of their nature to make certain events occur (Madden, & Humber, 1974).

Based on these tenets of the causal powers theory (White, 1989), causal roles are defined conceptually, rather than through empirical associations. The assessment of causal hypotheses, therefore, is thought to be mainly a matter of seeking some object believed to possess the power to produce the effect in question and then determining if the appropriate releasing conditions are present to enable the power of the object to exert the effect (White, 1989).

White (1989) also contends that the application of causal beliefs can occur automatically, and are thus beyond one’s conscious control. Specifically, he states that people become familiar with the causal powers of a large number of things throughout a lifetime. This acquired familiarity of causal powers results in the automatic application of such knowledge to new situations. As such, “causal processing... is part of the automatic processes involved in perception. It does not require attentive deliberation, and it is constructive, interpretive, or inferential to no greater or lesser extent than perception in general” (p. 438). He further contends that such automatic processing depends on two things: (1) causal beliefs reflecting a general notion of generative mechanisms whereby the causal powers of things produce certain effects under certain releasing conditions, and (2) attained specific beliefs about the occasion in question contain knowledge of causal powers, releasing conditions, liabilities, and effects pertinent to the specific occasion (White, 1989).

White’s notion of “causal powers” is similar to the notion of “causal chains” proposed by Einhorn and Hogarth (1986). This notion of a causal chain is derived directly from the argument that attributions of causation depend on the perception of a generative force that links causes to effects (e.g., Shultz, 1982; White, 1989), so that the force can be transmitted from one link to the next. In this model, the generative mechanism determines the causal relationship and the degree of covariation between the two variables determines the strength of the relationship. They further argue that “causal relations must be achieved in the sense that prior knowledge and imagination are needed to construct a schema, scenario, or chain, to link the cause to effect” (p. 10).

Evidence for Concept-Based Models

Evidence in support of concept-based models has come from a variety of studies and research applications. These findings demonstrate that when asked to evaluate the utility of various types of cues to test a causal hypothesis (e.g., covariation, temporal and spatial contiguity), reasoners reliably indicate that information regarding the causal mechanism will be the most informative (Shultz, 1982; Shultz, Fisher, Pratt, & Rulf, 1986). Moreover, when reasoners are provided with the opportunity to seek out information in order to test a causal relationship, they test hypotheses regarding possible underlying mechanisms, rather than seeking information about the covariation between cause and effect. (Ahn, Kalish, Medin, & Gelman, 1995; White, 1989). These findings suggest that individuals not only prefer to use generative transmission cues in making causal judgments, but will rely exclusively on

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Jonathan A. Fugelsang & Valerie A. Thompson

generative transmission cues unless they are not available (Shultz, Fisher, Pratt, & Rulf, 1986).

In a similar vein, White (1995) asked participants to assign causal roles to various factors in a causal scenario. Participants were asked to choose between three possible interpretations of a causal scenario: a simple cause interpretation, an enabling interpretation, and an inhibiting interpretation. In addition, participants were provided with covariation information that would support one of these three interpretations, that is, the candidate varied perfectly with the effect, was a constant factor, or varied negatively with the effect. Critically, potential causes were either plausible or implausible candidates. For example, in a scenario asking participants to identify the cause of a fearful reaction to a dog, a plausible cause was the size of the dog (i.e., large), and an implausible candidate was the colour of the dog (i.e., black). White found that participant’s judgments were constrained by the plausibility of the causal candidate. For example, they chose the perfect covariate as the cause only when that covariate was also plausible. If the perfect covariate was implausible, participants chose to assign an enabling or inhibitory role to the candidate. These findings are inconsistent with the assumptions of covariation-based models, in that a perfect covariate was not identified as a causal candidate, and are instead consistent with the view that participants rely on pre-existing knowledge or beliefs regarding the relationship between the candidate cause and the effect.

A limiting aspect of White’s study is the fact that the covariation information he provided did not include the information needed to compute the probability of the effect occurring in the absence of the cause [P(e/c)]. As a result, his findings cannot be contrasted directly with models based on the normative P contingency rule. Recall that contingency-based theories such as Cheng’s (1997) power pc theory require information about both the occurrence of the effect in the presence of the cause [P(e/c)] and the occurrence of the effect in the absence of the cause [P(e/c)]. Thus, it could be argued that reasoner’s reliance on their beliefs reflected the fact that they were unable to compute a reliable estimate of covariation.

COMBINING COVARIATION WITH BELIEFS

How do people combine covariation information with their pre-existing knowledge and beliefs about causal relationships? Consider the case in which an individual has become ill after ingesting a noxious substance. She could conclude that the substance was responsible for the illness based on her previous experience with that substance: If illness occurred on two previous occasions where the substance was eaten, but rarely occurred otherwise, she would have evidence that the substance covaried with the illness and this evidence would support a causal link. Alternatively, she could consult her knowledge or beliefs regarding the substance in question: If the substance were something believed to have the capacity to produce illness, such as a mushroom, the reasoner might consider that grounds to infer a causal relationship. Finally, it is possible that both of these sources of information are brought to bear on the problem at hand. If so, how might she weigh and evaluate the importance of the two types of information? Although there is much evidence to suggest that each of the cues, covariation and beliefs, is instrumental in evaluating causal hypotheses when considered in isolation, to date there is little evidence to suggest how they might be combined.

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One possibility is that reasoners give priority to their knowledge of causal mechanisms, and downplay information regarding covariation between events (e.g., Ahn et al., 1995; Shultz, 1982; White, 1995). However, none of these studies presented scenarios parallel to the one described in the preceding paragraph, that is, situations in which information regarding the covariation between a putative cause and its effect must be evaluated in light of a set of pre-existing beliefs. Moreover, it is clear that participants can and do make causal judgments that are sensitive to the covariation between cause and effect, and that their judgments can be fairly accurately predicted on the basis of a normative P rule (e.g., Cheng & Novick, 1990). Thus, it seems probable that reasoners do, in fact, draw on covariation information as a relevant source of information when evaluating causal hypotheses.

A second possibility is that prior knowledge may be used to determine which of two contingent events is the cause and which is the effect (Waldmann, 1996). That is, we know that "effects can be achieved by manipulating causes but causes cannot be accomplished by manipulating their effects" (p. 52). Thus, prior knowledge may be used to assign causal roles, and to interpret covariation information.

Finally, reasoners may use prior knowledge regarding causal mechanisms to constrain their evaluation of covariation-based data. For example, White’s (1989) causal powers theory assumes that individuals' prior understanding or beliefs about the operation of specific causal powers in the environment is present prior to the use of any normative empirical cues (White, 1989, 1992). White (1989) further proposes that "people will only use covariation information, if at all, when an event or condition passes some initial test of plausibility as a potential cause of the effect in questions" (p. 435). In other words, pre-existing beliefs can be used to restrict the set of candidates about which covariation information is considered.

In the mushroom case, for example, the reasoner might consult long-term memory for evidence regarding the covariation of mushrooms and illness, because mushrooms are believed a priori to have the capacity to produce illness; similar information may not be sought for other substances, such as carrots or lettuce, which are not commonly believed to produce illness. Thus, it is possible that covariation information will only be used in conjunction with believable, and not unbelievable causal candidates. This suggests an interaction should be observed between beliefs and covariation on perceived causal efficacy judgments, whereby covariation information influences judgments for candidates that are believable causes and has no effect for unbelievable causal candidates.

In support of these claims, several authors have noted that people and animals will fail to draw a causal association between two variables if they fail to possess the specific inherent properties necessary for a causal link. For example, Michotte (1963) demonstrated that individuals perceived causal relations when the movement of objects was congruent with prior trajectories from adjacent objects. However, causal relations were not induced when objects changed colour or size based on contact from adjacent objects. Similarly, Nisbett and Ross (1980) noted that Watson and his colleagues were only able to condition Little Albert to fear a rabbit when paired with a loud noise. Attempts to condition Little Albert to fear a block of wood or a cloth curtain were unsuccessful. Finally, Garcia, McGowan, Ervin, & Koelling (1968) have demonstrated that rats can learn to associate distinctive tasting food and a gastrointestinal illness several hours after administration. However, associations are not drawn between differentially shaped food and subsequent illness. These findings have prompted the conclusion that organisms appear to be differentially prepared to infer only

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plausible pairings to be causally related. If the pairings do not conform to that which is believable, a causal link may not be formed.

In order to examine these issues further, we (Fugelsang & Thompson, 2000) conducted a series of experiments that specifically investigated how prior causal beliefs influence the evaluation of covariation information. In the first experiment, participants were required to make PCE judgments based on scenarios that described an outcome and a putative cause. The cause was either a believable or an unbelievable candidate; we also varied how strongly it covaried with the effect (Pc’s = 0, .5, and 1). Consistent with past research, we observed main effects of both beliefs (i.e., individuals’ PCE judgments were higher for believable than unbelievable candidates), and covariation (i.e., individuals’ PCE judgments were higher for contingent than non-contingent candidates), suggesting that reasoners relied on both sources of information in evaluating causal candidates.

More importantly, we also observed an interaction between beliefs and covariation, such that the effect of covariation was larger when reasoners assessed hypotheses about believable than unbelievable causal candidates. This finding is consistent with the view that prior beliefs can restrict the use of covariation information, such that reasoners are more likely to consider such information relevant when thinking about a plausible as opposed to an implausible candidate. It should be noted, however, that although the interaction between beliefs and covariation was robust, effects of P were still found for low belief candidates. That is, although covariation information is weighed more heavily for high belief than for low belief items, people do not appear to disregard covariation information completely for low belief items as suggested by White (1989). Therefore, we suggested that these findings supported a relaxed view of causal powers theory (White, 1989), in that reasoners made use of covariation information more, rather than exclusively, for believable than for unbelievable candidates.

A second important finding was that there were individual differences in how reasoners weighed covariation- and belief-based cues. We found that reasoners tended to rely on one source of information more than the other, such that some individuals tended to base their PCE judgments primarily on beliefs, making less use of covariation information, and vice versa. Thus, rather than integrating the two sources of information, reasoners tended to systematically trade-off the two types of cues, giving priority to one or the other.

We investigated these individual differences in a second experiment. To do so, we manipulated the order in which participants received the two cues: one group received information regarding the believability of the candidates at the same time as information about the covariation between cause and effect, a second group received the covariation information first, followed by belief information, and the final group received belief information first followed by covariation information. To manipulate belief information, we either identified or withheld the identity of the causal agent. For example, when covariation information was presented first, reasoners were asked to make judgments about a mystery candidate (e.g., substance Y) based on covariation data, after which the identity of the cause was revealed to be either a plausible or implausible candidate.

According to causal powers theory (White, 1989), reasoners assess the believability of a candidate, and then evaluate covariation-based cues in light of this believability judgment. Therefore, presenting the belief information first should increase the probability that reasoners attend to both sources of information, and thereby reduce the tendency for reasoners to rely on one or the other cue. Consistent with this hypothesis, we found that when belief information was presented prior to covariation information, reasoners judgments reflected

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Causal Reasoning

both sources of information. However, when the two cues were presented in either the reverse order or simultaneously, we observed the same trade-offs as in the previous experiment: reasoners tended to rely more on one cue than the other.

In summary, Fugelsang and Thompson’s (2000) findings are consistent with White’s (1989) assumption that covariation information is evaluated in light of one’s pre-existing beliefs. First, as suggested by causal powers theory (White, 1989), the believability of the candidate cause determined the extent to which reasoners’ PCE judgments were influenced by covariation-based data. That is, reasoners made more use of covariation-based data when the causal candidate was believable as opposed to when the candidate was unbelievable. In addition, the extent to which individuals make use of causal cues can be situationally determined. Specifically, it appears that the order of cue presentation can be crucial to the successful integration of causally relevant cues.

Multiple Belief-Based Representations

Recall that concept-based models (e.g., White, 1989) assert that causal beliefs reflect knowledge of specific causal mechanisms that actually produce effects, and do not merely covary with them. Alternatively, covariation-based models assert that such knowledge simply reflects long-term representations of prior contingencies (e.g., Kelley, 1967, 1973; Cheng & Lien, 1995). To investigate this issue, we (Fugelsang & Thompson, 2001) conducted a series of experiments that examined: (1) the nature of information used to represent causal beliefs, (2) how the nature of causal beliefs guides the use of external cues such as covariation, and (3) White’s hypothesis that the use of belief-based knowledge is automatic and unconscious.

Participants were required to make PCE judgments about scenarios that varied in terms of the believability of the causal candidate (high belief versus low belief) and actual covariation-based evidence (Pc’s = .1, and .9). In addition, we defined the believability of causal candidates along two dimensions: (1) the degree to which participants believed a priori that the causal candidate possessed the necessary causal mechanism to produce the effect, and (2) the degree to which participants believed a priori that the causal candidate covaried with the effect. These factors were manipulated independently. For example, having chills covaries with having a fever, but does not cause a fever, whereas contracting a flu virus both covaries with and causes a fever. The goal was to determine whether beliefs in a causal mechanism have a special role in PCE judgments, or whether pre-existing beliefs of any type are utilized in the same way.

Our findings indicated that beliefs in a causal mechanism have a special role in mediating causal judgments, a role that is distinct from other belief-based cues, such as beliefs about covariation. Specifically, the interaction between beliefs and covariation observed by Fugelsang and Thompson (2000) was obtained only when beliefs contained knowledge of a causal mechanism. That is, when evaluating candidates having a believable causal mechanism, covariation information was given more weight than when evaluating candidates lacking a plausible mechanism. In contrast, when beliefs were manipulated in terms of past covariation information, then the belief/evidence interaction was eradicated and the resultant pattern of data was additive: new covariation information was given equal weight for plausible and implausible candidates. Thus, reasoners appear to represent two distinct sources of information about causal relations: knowledge about mechanisms of causation, and

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knowledge about the covariation between cause and effect. Further, these sources of information play different roles in mediating causal inference.

In order to assess the degree of conscious awareness associated with belief-based versus evidence-based reasoning, participants were also asked to indicate how heavily they weighed the covariation- and belief-based information they had been provided. These subjective judgments were then correlated with participants’ actual use of belief- and covariation-based cues. We found that participants subjective judgments about their use of covariation-based cues was correlated with how much their PCE judgments actually changed as a function of covariation-based data. In other words, participants judgments regarding their use of covariation-based cues was fairly accurate: participants who said they weighed covariation-based evidence more heavily tended to make judgments that varied a lot as a function of P. In contrast, however, participants’ subjective judgments of the importance of belief-based cues was not correlated with their use of those cues, suggesting that participants were unable to introspect on that aspect of their decision making. These data are consistent with causal powers theory (White, 1989), which states that the application of causal beliefs occurs unconsciously and automatically.

A TWO-STAGE MODEL OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN BELIEFS AND COVARIATION

In this section we outline a two-stage model of causal inferences that we proposed to account for the data presented above (i.e., Fugelsang & Thompson, 2000, 2001). This model is depicted in Figure 2. We propose that causal reasoning is mediated by two primary decision-making process: (1) unconscious belief-based processes, and (2) conscious, analytic processes. During Stage 1 processing, prior beliefs and knowledge about the causal candidates is recruited; this information is recruited automatically, and without conscious intent. This knowledge may consist of beliefs regarding the covariation between cause and effect, beliefs about potential causal mechanisms, or both. Stage-2 processing involves the conscious evaluation of empirical data (i.e., covariation-based data). Here, the reasoner deliberately evaluates the empirical data and judges the perceived causal efficacy of the candidate cause. Finally, it is assumed that Stage-1 processes influences Stage-2 processing, and that this interaction depends on the type of belief information recruited. That is, beliefs about mechanism-based information have different effects on Stage-2 processing than beliefs about covariation-based information.

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Recruit Beliefs

Is there a plausiblecausal mechanism?

No

Weak EvidenceWeighting

Have variables covariedhighly in the past?

Yes No Yes

Stage-2

Stage-1

Strong EvidenceWeighting

Figure 2. Graphical depiction of the proposed two-stage model of causal reasoning.

Specifically, when Stage-1 processing recruits beliefs about causal mechanisms, the output of Stage-2 is differentially weighted according to whether the mechanism is plausible or implausible. When it is plausible, the empirical evidence (i.e., covariation-based data) is weighed heavily; when it is implausible, the evidence is downplayed. On the other hand, if Stage-1 recruits beliefs about covariation, subsequent covariation evidence is weighed additively, that is, it is given equal weight for believable and unbelievable candidates. Regardless of the types of information recruited from long-term memory, it is assumed that (a) the beliefs are recruited automatically, and (b) that subsequent, deliberate evaluation of empirical evidence (e.g., covariation-based data) takes place in a context that is constrained by these prior beliefs.

RATIONALITY AND REASONING

This analysis owes an intellectual debt to the framework provided by Evans and Over (1996, 1997, in press), who have posited a comprehensive theory of reasoning that incorporates the role of conscious and unconscious processes. They argue that intelligent behaviour, and therefore rational behaviour, is defined in terms of an organism’s ability to learn from experience and respond appropriately to a variety of familiar and novel stimuli in the environment. They propose that most of this learning, and indeed the application of this prior knowledge, occurs unconsciously and intuitively (Evans & Over, 1996, 1997, in press). In this respect, Evans and colleagues (e.g., Evans, 1984, 1989, 1996, Evans & Over, 1996,

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Jonathan A. Fugelsang & Valerie A. Thompson

1997, in press) have argued that much of the behaviour observed in typical reasoning tasks can be attributed to unconscious processes that he describes as being both heuristic and tacit. Conscious processes, on the other hand, are assumed to be applied ad hoc, and are associated with reasoning performance described as being both analytic and logical. Both processes are proposed to be combined in the form of a two-stage heuristic-analytic process whereby the heuristic processes determine which aspects of the problem are relevant, and the analytic processes then focus only on those aspects of the problem.

Evans and Over (1996) defined this unconscious application of relevant knowledge as rationality1. Rationality1 is defined as the inferential processes that result in the application of mechanisms deemed relevant for the successful achievement of one's goals (cf. Baron, 1994). It is argued to be highly adaptive, and to thus underlie much of our cognitive behaviour. Evans and Over (1996) claim that the only conscious aspect of this heuristic processing is its output, which is the explicit representation of all information deemed relevant. Rationality2, in contrast, is assumed to consist of deliberate, analytic processing. This type of processing corresponds to traditional views of rationality, in that it requires abstract reasoning, the application of normative principles such as the P rule, and the ability to disregard prior beliefs in favour of evidence-based judgments.

The findings of Fugelsang and Thompson (2001) are clearly consistent with the main assumptions of this theory. Specifically, we found evidence to suggest that the recruitment of causal beliefs, a rationality1 processes, is unconscious and automatic, and that the information recruited in this manner constrains the deliberate, analytic processes of rationality 2. That is, reasoner’s evaluation of empirical evidence (i.e., their use of the covariation-based data we provided them) depended on the strength, and type of belief-based information that was available. Thus, similar to Evans and Over (1996, 1997, in press), we envision a model of reasoning that encompasses both automatic, heuristic processes and deliberate, analytic processes.

Finally, in a larger context, we suggest this interaction between belief-based and empirically-based processes may be an adaptive reasoning strategy. That is, when faced with an infinite number of potential causal candidates for every given effect encountered in the natural environment, it makes sense to restrict the set of candidates about which covariation information is assessed. Otherwise, an organism will expend much wasted effort examining the empirical evidence associated with implausible candidates. The practical strategy; therefore, is to import conceptual knowledge concerning the causal candidate in question to determine its plausibility before the decision is made to make use of any empirical cues.

CONCLUSIONS

It was the goal of the current chapter to review current theories and data that address both representational issues of causal beliefs, and suggest mechanisms by which beliefs might influence the evaluation of empirical evidence. Our data suggest that reasoners make use of both belief-based cues and empirical evidence, in the form of covariation information, when making causal judgments. Moreover, these cues are not simply combined in an additive manner, but instead, the weight given to empirical evidence varies according to the type and strength of the beliefs that are recruited. We demonstrated that: (1) when assessing causal

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Causal Reasoning

hypotheses about known objects, individuals appeared to make use of empirical cues primarily under conditions in which they hold a priori beliefs of causal candidacy, (2) the belief/evidence interaction is dependent on causal beliefs reflecting knowledge of a causal mechanism and not knowledge of past experience with covariation-based information, and (3) the application of causal beliefs may occur unconsciously and thus be beyond one’s control. Thus, the knowledge an individual brings to bear on a task may greatly influence his/her ability to carry out that task in a way deemed normatively appropriate, and do so in a manner that would make it difficult for the reasoner to introspect on, or modify the influence of, that knowledge.

REFERENCES

1. Ahn, W., Kalish, C. W., Medin, D. L., & Gelman, S. A. (1995). The role of covariation versus mechanism information in causal attribution, Cognition, 54, 299-352.

2. Allan, L. G. (1980). A note on measurements of contingency between two binary variables in judgment tasks. Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society, 15, 147-149.

3. Allan, L. G. (1993). Human contingency judgments: Rule based or associative? Psychological Bulletin, 114, 435-448.

4. Allan, L. G. & Jenkins, H. M. (1980). The judgments of contingency and the nature of response alternatives. Canadian Journal of Psychology, 34, 1-11.

5. Baron, J. B. (1994). Nonconsequential decisions. Behavioural and Brain Sciences, 17, 1-10.

6. Beasly, N. E. (1968). The extent of individual differences perception of causality. Canadian Journal of Psychology, 22, 399-407.

7. Boyle, D. G. (1960). A contribution to the study of phenomenal causality. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 12, 171-179.

8. Bullock, M., Gelman, R., & Baillargeon, R. (1982). The development of causal reasoning. In W. Friedman (Ed.), The developmental psychology of time (pp. 209-254). New York: Academic Press.

9. Busemeyer, J. R. (1991). Intuitive statistical estimation. In N. H. Anderson (Ed.), Contributions to information integration theory, Vol. 1. (pp. 187-215). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

10. Cheng, P. W. (1997). From covariation to causation: A causal power theory, Psychological Review, 104, 367-405.

11. Cheng, P. W. & Lien, Y. (1995). The role of coherence in distinguishing between genuine and spurious causes. In D. Sperber, D Premack, & A. J. Premack (Eds.), Causal cognition: A multidisciplinary debate (pp. 463-494). Oxford England: Oxford University Press.

12. Cheng, P. W., & Novick, L. R. (1990). A probabilistic contrast model of causal induction. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 58, 545-567.

13. Cheng, P. W. & Novick, L. R. (1992). Covariation in natural causal induction. Psychological Review, 99, 365-382.

14. Clark, H. & Clark, E. (1977). Psychology and language. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.

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15. Downing, C. J., Sternberg, R. J., & Ross, B. H. (1985). Multicausal inference: Evaluation of evidence in causally complex situations. Journal of Experiment Psychology: General, 114, 239-263.

16. Einhorn, H. J. & Hogarth, R. M. (1986). Judging probable cause. Psychological Bulletin, 99, 3-19.

17. Evans, J. ST. B. T. (1984). Heuristic and analytic processes in reasoning. British Journal of Psychology, 75, 451-468.

18. Evans, J. ST. B. T. (1989). Bias in human reasoning: Causes and consequences. Hove: Psychological press.

19. Evans, J. St. B. T., (1996). Deciding before you think: Relevance and reasoning in the selection task. British Journal of Psychology, 87, 223-240.

20. Evans, J. ST. B. T., & Over, D. E. (1996). Rationality and reasoning. Hove: Psychological Press.

21. Evans, J. ST. B. T., & Over, D. E. (1997). Rationality in reasoning: The problem of deductive competence. Cahiers de Psychologie Cognitive, 16, 3-18.

22. Evans, J. ST. B. T., & Over, D. E. (in press). Dual processes in thinking and reasoning. The Behavioural and Brain Sciences.

23. Fugelsang. J. & Thompson, V. (2000). Strategy selection in causal reasoning: When beliefs and covariation collide. Canadian Journal of Experimental Psychology, 54, 15-32.

24. Fugelsang. J. & Thompson, V. (2001). Reasoning about causes and consequences: Examining the interaction between causal beliefs and empirical evidence. Unpublished Manuscript.

25. Garcia, J. McGowan, B., Ervin, F., & Koelling, R. (1968). Cues: Their relative effectiveness as reinforces. Science, 160, 794-795.

26. Harre. R., & Madden, E. H. (1975). Causal powers: A theory of natural necessity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

27. Hart, H. & Honore, A. (1959). Causation in law. Oxford: Clarendon Press.28. Hilton, D. & Slugoski, B. (1986). Knowledge-based causal attribution: The abnormal

conditions focus model. Psychological Review, 93, 75-88.29. Hume, D. (1978). A treatise of human nature. Oxford: Oxford University Press. (Original

work published 1739).30. Jenkins, H., & Ward, W. (1965). Judgments of contingency between response and

outcomes. Psychological Monographs, 7, 1-17.31. Kant, I. (1965). Critique of pure reason. London: Macmillan & Co. (Original work

published 1781).32. Kao, S. F. & Wasserman, E. A. (1993). Assessment of an information integration account

of contingency judgment with examination of subjective cell importance and method of presentation. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 19, 1363-1386.

33. Kelly, H. H. (1967). Attribution theory in social psychology. In D. Levine (Ed.), Nebraska symposium on motivation, Vol. 15 (pp. 192-238). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

34. Kelley, H. (1973). The process of causal attribution. American Psychologist, 28, 107-128.35. Koslowski, B., Okagaki, L., Lorenz, C., and Umbach, D. (1989). When covariation isn't

enough: The role of causal mechanism, sampling method, and sample size in causal reasoning. Child Development, 60, 1316-1327.

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Causal Reasoning

36. Lober, K. & Shanks, D. (2000). Is causal induction based on causal power? Critique of Cheng (1997). Psychological Review, 107, 195-212.

37. Madden, E. H. & Humber, J. (1974). Non-logical necessity and C. J. Ducasse. In T. L. Beauchamp (Ed.), Philosophical problems of causation. Encino, CA: Dickenson.

38. McArthur, L. (1972). The how and the why: Some determinants and consequences of causal attribution. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 22, 171-193.

39. Michotte, A. (1963). The perception of causality. New York: Basic Books.40. Nisbett, R. & Ross, L. (1980). Human inference: Strategies and shortcomings of social

judgment. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.41. Peterson, C. R., & Beach, L. R. (1967). Man as an intuitive statistician. Psychological

Bulletin, 68, 29-46.42. Rescorla, R. A. (1968). Probability of shock in the presence and absence of CS in fear

conditioning. Journal of Comparative and Physiological Psychology, 66, 1-5.43. Salmon, W. C. (1965). The status of prior probabilities in statistical explanation.

Philosophy of Science, 32, 137-146.44. Schustack, M. W. & Sternberg, R. J. (1981). Evaluation of evidence in causal inference.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 110, 101-120.45. Shultz, T. R. (1982). Rules of causal attribution. Monographs of the Society for Research

in Child Development, 47, 1-51.46. Shultz, T. R., Fisher, G. W., Pratt, C. C. & Rulf, S. (1986). Selection of causal rules.

Child Development, 57, 143-152.47. Shultz, T. R., & Ravinsky, R. B. (1977). Similarity as a principle of causal inference.

Child Development, 28, 1552-1558.48. Siegler, R. S., & Liebert, R. M. (1974). Effects of contiguity, regularity, and age on

children's inferences. Developmental Psychology, 10, 574-579.49. Spellman. B. A. (1996). Acting as intuitive scientists: Contingency judgments are made

while controlling for alternative causes. Psychological Science, 7, 337-342.50. Tversky, A. (1977). Features of similarity. Psychological Review, 84, 327-352.51. Tversky, A. & Kahneman, F (1980). Causal schemas in judgments under uncertainty. In

M. Fishbein (Ed.), Progress in social psychology, Vol. 1 (pp. 49-72). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

52. Waldmann, M. R. (1996). Knowledge-based causal induction. The Psychology of Leaning and Motivation, 34, 47-88.

53. Wasserman, E. A., Chatlosh, D. L., & Neunaber, D. J. (1983). Perception of causal relations in humans: Factors affecting judgments of response-outcome contingencies under free-operant procedures. Learning and Motivation, 14, 406-432.

54. Wasserman, E. A., Dorner, W. W., & Kao, S. F. (1990). Contributions of specific cell information to judgments of interevent contingency. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 16, 509-521.

55. White, P. A. (1989). A theory of causal processing. British Journal of Psychology, 80, 431-454.

56. White, P. A. (1992). Causal powers, causal questions, and the place of covariation information in causal attribution. British Journal of Psychology, 83, 161-188.

57. White, P. A. (1995). Use of prior beliefs in the assignment of causal roles: Causal powers versus covariation-based accounts. Memory & Cognition, 23, 243-254.

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PART II.BEHAVIORAL PSYCHOLOGY

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Chapter 6

COMPUTER-MEDIATED COMMUNICATION:A TOOL FOR PUBLIC HEALTH; A BARRIER FOR

HEALTHY ACTIVITY

Michael J. Fotheringham, Ph.D.Cancer Control Research Institute,Anti-Cancer Council of Victoria

100 Drummond Street,Carlton, Victoria, 3053, Australia

Phone: +61 3 9635 5272Fax: +61 3 9635 5420

Email: [email protected]

Invited chapter for:F. Columbus (Ed.) Advances in Psychology Research. Nova Science: New York.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Part of this chapter first appeared in: Fotheringham MJ, Wonnacott RL, & Owen N. (2000). Computer-use and physical inactivity in young adults: Public health perils and potentials of new information technology. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 22(4): 269-75, and Fotheringham MJ. PA Web – Evaluation of an Internet-based physical activity behavior change program. Society of Behavioral Medicine, Annual Meeting, Seattle, WA, March 21-24, 2001.

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ABSTRACT

Computer-mediated communication (CMC) is playing an increasingly important role in providing health information to the public. The rapid development and fusion of new technologies, the expansion of the Internet, and the accelerating use of wireless, mobile telecommunication and palm-top computing devices, provide widely available opportunities to obtain interactive support and information, tailored to individual needs and preferences. Computer-mediated approaches have several advantages over earlier health education approaches, such as the enhanced convenience and appeal of CMC, its flexibility and interactivity, and automated processing. These approaches allow greater flexibility in the content of intervention material delivered to individuals. The instantaneous interactivity that can be incorporated into intervention material delivered through CMC is likely to make the material more engaging, and allow interventions to include interactions that consist of much more than just information provision. However, computer use is a sedentary behavior, potentially displacing physical activity. Sedentariness contributes to premature mortality and morbidity and increasing prevalences of overweight and obesity in industrialized countries. Computer use plays a significant role in many individuals’ discretionary time, and may be negatively associated with physical activity. This chapter reviews the benefits and drawbacks of using CMC as a tool for health behavior change.

COMPUTER-MEDIATED COMMUNICATION IN HEALTHBEHAVIOR CHANGE

Recent and ongoing innovations in communication and information technologies are creating new opportunities for behavior change intervention. The accelerating diffusion of the Internet and the increasing role of email in many people’s daily activities are altering patterns of communication and information gathering. ‘Computer-mediated communication’ (CMC) is a term used to refer to all forms of communication that operate through computers and telecommunications networks (Fotheringham & Owen, 2000). The focus of this chapter is the use of CMC for health behavior change.

Communication theory holds that the impact of a message is influenced not only by the message provider, but also by the channel through which the message is delivered (Bental, Cawsey & Jones, 1999). Given the scope of the growth of CMC, the avenues for potential application of these channels in public health are likely to be considerable. The potential of the Internet as a public health resource is clear. Rapid communication of health information between individuals and among large groups is facilitated by use of email, listservers and websites (Jadad & Gagliardi, 1998). The Internet presents arguably the most rapid expansion of technologies relevant to this field. In 1998, approximately 70 million US adults were active users of the Internet and the number of users worldwide was increasing exponentially (Nielsen Media Research, 1998; Wiese, 1998). Three years later, in March 2001, over 170 million US adults were active users of the Internet, and the number of users worldwide continued to increase (CyberAtlas, 2001a). During this period of rapid expansion it has been a consistent finding that more than half of those who use the Internet each month in the USA, access it to obtain health information and support (FIND/SVP, 1997; Fox & Rainie, 2000; Science Panel on Interactive Communication and Health [SPICH], 1999). The rate of

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

adoption of the Internet supercedes that of all preceding technologies: during the first four years of public availability, 50 million people accessed the Internet worldwide (US Department of Commerce [USDC], 1998). It took 38 years for radio and 13 years for television to attain this level of acceptance (Sheehan & Hoy, 1999; USDC, 1998). It has been estimated that by 2005, one billion people worldwide may be online (USDC, 1998).

The application of information technology to public health systems is likely to result in profound changes because most of the core functions of public health — monitoring health status, diagnosing community health problems, and evaluating personal and population-based health services — are all heavily reliant on the collection, analysis, and dissemination of data and information (Public Health Functions Steering Committee, 1994; SPICH, 1999).

With the increasing functionality of the web, new websites dedicated specifically to health behaviors, such as physical activity, smoking cessation and weight management, have begun to emerge which reflect the increasing public concern for health. Some websites now include interactive promotion materials based on current population health guidelines, (e.g., Canada’s Physical Activity Guide web site — http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/hppb/paguide). Such websites are becoming increasingly sophisticated, and current developments involve cross-pollination with other new technologies, such as online expert system promotion, and downloadable content for wireless and handheld applications. With these new technologies, new approaches to the delivery of public health campaigns and physical activity messages need to be developed (Ferguson, 1997).

This chapter reviews the emergence of CMC as a form of mass media, and discusses the capacities of CMC that may be used to advantage for health behavior change interventions. This discussion is followed by a consideration of the limitations and impedimenta to computer-mediated approaches. Two studies are then described, which provide a balanced account of the paradox of the relationship between computer use and healthy behavior. The first study examined the association between the amount of time spent by young people using computers, and their patterns of physical activity participation. The second study was an Internet and email based intervention designed to promote physical activity participation. The chapter concludes with a discussion of future directions and opportunities for the use of CMC in health behavior change.

COMPUTER-MEDIATED COMMUNICATION AS A MASS MEDIUM

CMC combines many of the advantages of individual face-to-face communications and mass media communication. Both individual face-to-face communication and CMC can tailor messages to each message recipient. Individual tailoring is the process of “custom-fitting” message content to each individual within a targeted group. The target group is selected based upon characteristics they possess that are believed to be important in the behavior change process. The data are used to produce messages that respond to individual distinctions along these main dimensions. It is in this role that interactive technology can have a key influence in promoting health behavior change (Marcus, Nigg, Riebe, & Forsyth, 2000).

CMC can be either synchronous (same time) or asynchronous (time delayed). Synchronous CMC means that the sender and recipient are available and attentive to the message simultaneously. Asynchronous CMC does not require the simultaneous attention of

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Michael J. Fotheringham

the sender and the recipient. This has the advantage of the individual being able to send, receive, save, or retrieve messages at their convenience (Chamberlain, 1994). Further, CMC can be used between individuals, or transmitted to a wider group. This means that CMC can be categorized in four ways:

1) one-to-one asynchronous communication, such as email;2) synchronous communication that can be between individuals or groups, such as

Internet Relay Chat services (IRCs, or ‘chat rooms’);3) asynchronous communication amongst groups, such as on Listservers and bulletin

boards; and4) asynchronous communication where information is sought out using information

searching strategies, such as World Wide Web (WWW) and FTP sites (Morris & Ogan, 1996).

It is noteworthy that these technologies may also confuse the distinction between communication media (through which information symbols pass) and informational tools. The Internet has been seen as the union of computing and communication technology. This convergence means that information can be communicated in a readily editable form almost as soon as it is created (Bikson & Panis, 1995). CMC allows the message provider to convey information, while at the same time allowing the message recipient to tailor what information they receive, according to their needs, by controlling and focusing their use to areas in which they are interested (Gustafson, Bosworth, Chewning, & Hawkins, 1987; Rafaeli, 1988; Pingree, Hawkins, Gustafson, et al, 1996).

ADVANTAGES OF COMPUTER-MEDIATED COMMUNICATIONS OVER TRADITIONAL MEDIA APPROACHES

New information technologies, or ‘new media’ have potential advantages over more traditional media for use in health communication (Harris, 1995). These advantages can be interpreted in terms of the characteristics of the new technologies and their use, issues of accessibility, and issues relating to credibility and honesty.

Table 1 presents some of the key characteristics of CMC which present potential advantages over more traditional media for health behavior programs (Fotheringham, Owies, Leslie & Owen, 2000). Several characteristics of new information technologies present potential advantages over traditional media for public health and health promotion. With traditional mass media, economies of scale, use of expert knowledge and independence from timing and space restrictions have been identified as strengths (Hawkins, Gustafson, Chewning, Bosworth, & Day, 1987). New media add to these strengths the capacity for interactivity using branching logic and expert systems. This provides the user with the most appropriate information at their convenience, rather than being restricted to mass delivery of a uniform message (Anderson, Bikson, Law, & Mitchell, 1995; Hawkins, et al, 1987). The innovation of these technologies also attracts additional interest from many users. Messages and information that are received via a new medium often seem more attractive, because of their novelty. Dynamic graphics and sound incorporated in these new multimedia

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

technologies can also enhance their appeal, thereby potentially improving message recall (Clark, AbuSabha, von Eye, & Achterberg, 1999; Hawkins, et al, 1987; Schneider, Schwartz, & Fast, 1995a; Sproull & Kiesler, 1991).

Table 1: Inherent capacities of new computer-mediated communication approaches, and their advantages for public health.

New Capacities AdvantagesInstantaneous Interactivity

Immediate feedback to program participants or students can be provided through linked websites, where the material presented is dictated by participants’ responses.

Convenience Computer-mediated communication eliminates the time restrictions on access to intervention and educational material.

Appeal Young adults have reported greater preference for computer-delivered information than for traditional print-based information.

Flexibility Program recipients can choose what material they receive, when, and how often they receive it.

Individual Tailoring Program delivery can be individualized and tailored according to the responses and characteristics of each person accessing the program, in real time.

Automated Data Collection

Participant data can be automatically collected, coded and entered - eliminating the considerable inherent time demands of these activities in more-traditional approaches.

Credible Simulations Participants can role-play and obtain information by exploring ‘virtual’ environments without exposure to risks inherent in the simulated activities.

Openness of Communication

Because participants interact with computers, rather than directly with other people, responses to sensitive questions and willingness to explore sensitive issues tend to be more open.

Multi-Media Interfaces

The use of still and video graphics and recorded sound files reduces the literacy requirements for intervention and educational material.

Synchronous and asynchronous communication

E-mail and ‘chat’ technologies allow asynchronous (message sender and receiver communicating at different times) and synchronous (message sender and receiver communicating in real time) communication between individuals and groups. Such communication mimics face-to-face interaction, while maximizing convenience and flexibility.

Access to the Internet permits users to receive information from a vast array of sources. The effectiveness of CMC as an intervention approach is enhanced by the convergence of text, audio, still and animated graphics, as well as the ability to interact in real time (Velicer & Prochaska, 1999). Information is accessible on demand and access is not restricted in terms of time or location (Dirkin, 1994; Robinson, Patrick, Eng, & Gustafson, 1998; Schneider, et al, 1995a). For health behavior interventions, participants can tailor the intervention to their

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Michael J. Fotheringham

own preferences; they can access intervention materials as often as they wish, making their intervention more or less intensive. This can be of great benefit to people with busy schedules who can’t commit to regular engagements or those that vary in their motivation levels (Schneider, et al, 1995a). Further, the use of graphical and audio interfaces allows users with limited reading skills to receive material which may have been inaccessible through traditional print media (Rhodes, Fishbein, & Reis, 1997; Robinson, et al, 1998).

A related advantage of new technologies is the capacity to gather data and produce feedback routinely (Dirkin, 1994). The manner in which an individual uses website materials and the way they respond to online questionnaires can be used to generate a personal profile. This results in a two-fold benefit for public health research: information on how intervention material is used can be portrayed more completely than in former times, and data entry and coding procedures for participants’ responses are more efficient.

It has been observed that information received through computer-mediated means is perceived to be more creditable by recipients than information received through more traditional mass media channels, such as television (Hawkins, et al, 1987; Robinson, et al, 1998). There is also evidence that participants who complete questionnaires through computer-mediated means respond more openly (Sproull & Kiesler, 1991). This may be because they are not as influenced by perceived social norms as those participating in interviews, even though their responses are recorded in either situation. There are several advantages to using computer-mediated assessment methods rather than face-to-face or telephone interviews or questionnaires:

1) computer-mediated assessments treat all subjects in the same manner, not demonstrating any preconceptions

2) the branching logic system of computer-mediated assessments can select and ask questions quickly, based on participants’ responses (Dirkin, 1994; Schneider, et al, 1995a; Sproull & Kiesler, 1991) and

3) respondents type in their answers directly to a form on a web page, so there is no need for an interviewer to have contact with the respondents - eliminating interviewer error (Schillewaert, Langerak, & Duhamel, 1998), and potentially resulting in cleaner data (McCullough, 1998; Sheehan & Hoy 1999).

Internet-Based Interventions: The Role of Instantaneous Interactivity

Perhaps the most obvious way in which CMC provides greater flexibility in the content of intervention material than more traditional approaches is in the interactive nature inherent in CMC. The classic definition of interactivity is the ability of a communication system to respond to user demands (Chamberlain, 1994; Dutton, Rogers & Jun, 1987). In the case of health behavior programs, interactivity is demonstrated in applications that adapt their content or the manner in which content is presented, according to the responses of users. In these terms, interactivity is not unique to CMC. Programs that provide information by mail, based on previously completed assessments, are interactive. There is evidence from physical activity self-help interventions supporting the suggestion that enhancing the interactivity of intervention delivery increases the sustainability of intervention effects (Cardinal & Sachs,

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

1995; King, Haskell, Taylor, Kraemer, & DeBusk, 1991; King, Haskell, Young, Oka & Stefanick, 1995; Marcus, Owen, Forsyth, Cavill, & Fridinger, 1998).

CMC applications have the potential to provide instantaneous interactivity that can be incorporated into intervention material. This is likely to make the material more engaging to recipients, and allows interventions to include interactions that consist of much more than just information provision (Hawkins, et al, 1987; Henderson, 1998; Oyama, 1998; Schneider, Schwartz & Fast, 1995b). Evidence shows that the more interactive the new media approaches are, the more effective the intervention becomes (Kumar, Bostow, Schapira, & Kritch, 1993; BARN Research Group, Bosworth, Gustafson, & Hawkins, 1994). This may be because increasing the interactivity of a program results in the participant more actively engaging with the program, rather than passively receiving information. More active engagement is likely to require greater attention to, and processing of, information being disseminated by the program (Boyle & Wambach, 2001; Kritch, Bostow, & Dedrick, 1995).

Individual Tailoring within a Mass Media Approach

Potential recipients of health care information embody a wide range of health interests and circumstances. Including all of the possibly relevant options in a standardized package would result in a long and involved message that would include inappropriate material (Kreuter, Farrell, Olevitch & Brennan, 2000; Strecher, Kreuter, Den Boer, et al, 1994). Computer tailoring of intervention content makes it more feasible to design and implement multiple, personally relevant versions of intervention materials (De Vries & Brug, 1999). It is argued that one of the main advantages of individually tailoring interventions is that the probability that the material is read and retained is increased (Brinberg & Axelson, 1990; Brug, Steenhuis, van Assema & De Vries, 1996; Skinner, Seigfreid, Kegler, & Strecher, 1994; Skinner, Campbell, Rimer, Curry, & Prochaska, 1999). Tailoring intervention content provides relevant information for each program participant, and can reach many participants relatively inexpensively, while maintaining their confidentiality (De Vries & Brug, 1999).

Through the continuing development of word processing and desktop publishing software, and the interactive nature of emerging technologies, health promotion program managers without computer programming expertise are now able to develop tailored print materials for each reader, based on their specific needs and characteristics (Harris, 1995; Rimer & Glassman, 1998; Skinner, et al, 1994; SPICH, 1999). These capabilities simplify the design and creation of multiple tailored versions of printed materials rather than a single standardized, generic version for all recipients. Health care professionals can tailor each version to each recipient, according to a range of specified characteristics.

Computer tailoring can range in sophistication from letters beginning with each reader’s name and address, to individualized elements of the content and structure of printed materials (Strecher, et al, 1994). The term ‘targeted’ is used to refer to material which is varied to suit characteristics of groups of people, such as age group, gender, or stage of motivational readiness; the term ‘tailored’ refers to material which is varied to suit the individual characteristics of each recipient (Kreuter, et al, 2000). Targeted and tailored print-based interventions have proved more effective than interventions that use generic print information (Marcus, Bock, Pinto, et al, 1998). Using individual data, a computerized tailoring system can compose complex intervention messages (Dijkstra, De Vries, Roijackers & van Breukelen

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Michael J. Fotheringham

1998). Computer-based interfaces also can improve the quality of personal health information, by collecting information from individuals such as health status, health risks, and fears and uncertainties (Gustafson, Wise, McTavish, et al, 1993; Locke, Kowaloff, Hoff, et al, 1992).

Computer-mediated approaches that use individual login accounts, ‘cookie’ technologies, or email dissemination, are capable of providing follow-up assessments of participants. This capacity means that pre- and post-intervention assessments can be compared; this comparison is not possible using traditional mass media strategies. Further, this capacity means that ipsative feedback can be provided to the participant. Ipsative feedback (sometimes called ‘iterative feedback’) is the comparison of current status with that observed at prior assessments. This facilitates participants examining their progress, lack of progress, or relapse, as well as enhancing the personalization of information provided.

Anonymity

Despite the knowledge that the computer is recording their responses, people completing computer-mediated assessments tend to be more open when answering questions on sensitive or threatening topics than those completing face-to-face, telephone, or pencil and paper assessments. This may be due to the lack of social cues, criticisms and examination, creating a feeling of privacy. This makes it less complicated to confront and disagree with others’ opinions and may facilitate forthright discussion (Robinson, et al, 1998; Sproull & Kiesler, 1991). There are a number of possible explanations for this increased openness.

Smith (1999) argues that, when using a computer, people tend to focus on the actual meaning of the message more than they do with other forms of communication. This may be due to the absence of non-verbal cues that comes with direct interpersonal communication. This sense of anonymity may lead to a lack of sympathy, apprehension and guilt over how they perceive themselves in relation to others. They are less likely to identify individuality in others, and are less affected by social standards. Electronic forms of communication may be advantageous for those who feel uncomfortable communicating their opinions or describing their behavior, as there is no danger of confrontation or criticism. Sensitive topics such as alcohol and drug abuse, sexually transmitted diseases, and birth control can be communicated anonymously over the Internet or discussed online with experts. Many people, especially adolescents, prefer this method to going to a healthcare professional in person (Kinzie, Schorling, & Siegel, 1993; Paperny, Aono, Lehman, Hammar, & Risser, 1990; Turner, Ku, Rogers, et al, 1998). It has also been reported that some individuals find it less embarrassing to ask, through a computer, possibly trivial questions than when speaking with a healthcare worker (Bental, et al, 1999).

Respondents can choose to be anonymous when filling out a web page-based survey. Previous research has indicated that anonymity may effect response rates positively, as respondents may be more willing to respond without fear that their answers may be identifiable to them (Kiesler & Sproull, 1986; Sheehan & Hoy, 1999). When used appropriately, these technologies can protect the anonymity and confidentiality of people who access sensitive information by avoiding the need for people to acquire such information in face-to-face settings (US General Accounting Office, 1996). People may be uncomfortable

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

acquiring sensitive information in a public environment or during a discussion. However with the use of computers, participants may remain anonymous (Robinson, et al, 1998).

Economic Costs of Intervention Delivery

CMC has many of the strengths of more traditional mass media, such as economies of scale, expert knowledge, and independence of time and space. At the same time, the branching logic of interactive programs allows the program to address the specific needs, situations, and questions of the individual directly. The physical nature of microcomputer technology makes this information available to the individual at their convenience, rather than only at a time of mass suitability. Such tailoring of the timing of communication is likely to be attractive to all potential users, and the accessibility and individuality are additional benefits for those less motivated to use mass-communicated health information (Hawkins, et al, 1987).

If computer-mediated programs are intended to be delivered to large audiences, then the cost structure of these new applications can at times be more favorable than print-based approaches. Although economies of scale operate such that the per unit cost of print materials decreases as the scale of production increases, the total cost of print-based interventions increases per unit reached. In contrast, the cost of computer-mediated interventions, after development, is held constant. In effect, the more people a print-based intervention reaches, the more it costs to deliver, while the cost of a computer-mediated intervention does not increase with increased reach. Most of the cost of implementation of the software for Internet-based applications is incurred in starting up, but in the long term, automated health assessment may be less expensive than retraining or hiring staff (Paperny, 1997). Minimal professional time is needed for consultation, due to the efficiency of these systems, even when the number of participants is very large (Schneider, et al, 1995a).

The cost structure for implementing health-promoting programs is changed by the use of new technologies - the cost of development and installation is higher. For example, the volume of content that needs to be created for use in tailored interventions is considerably greater than that required for generic intervention materials, and additional considerations, such as the development and testing of tailoring algorithms need to be considered. However, there is no unit cost associated with delivery, so large numbers of individuals can access the program without increased cost to the program. The initial cost of installation needs to be weighed against the ongoing cost of health professionals’ consultation time or ongoing program delivery through traditional channels.

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Michael J. Fotheringham

LIMITATIONS OF COMPUTER-MEDIATED APPROACHES

While several potential advantages may be identified for behavioral research in the capacities of CMC, the potential disadvantages of computer-mediated approaches should also be recognized. Three major limitations of CMC ought to be considered in reference to health communication. First, access to computers and to the Internet is not universal. Second, the quality of information available through CMC is not controlled, and is often dubious. Third, the sheer volume of information available through CMC can be prohibitive.

Access - The Digital Divide

Access to CMC continues to be problematic for the economically or geographically disadvantaged (Patrick, Robinson, Alemi, & Eng, 1999). The poor and others who have preventable health problems and lack health insurance coverage are the least likely to have access to such technologies (Eng, Maxfield, Patrick, et al, 1998; SPICH, 1999; USDC, 1998). Residents of rural areas, inner cities, and lower socioeconomic status neighborhoods tend to have less access to computer and communication infrastructure than those in other areas (USDC, 1995).

Widespread adoption of CMC applications will be impeded as long as a substantial proportion of the population, including low-income, rural, and inner-city families, certain racial/ethnic groups, disabled persons, and the elderly, lack access to technology infrastructure or lack the ability to utilize applications because of illiteracy, language, and other factors (Eng, et al, 1998). Although there are increasing available opportunities for free Internet access, through libraries and kiosks, lack of Internet access remains a barrier for many people (Henderson & King, 1995).

Recent survey data indicate that the profile of Internet users is becoming more representative of the general population (Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, 1999; USDC, 2000). Differences in access rates according to gender, ethnicity, educational attainment and income in the USA appear to be shrinking. In 2000, the US Department of Commerce published the fourth report in its ‘Falling Through the Net’ series, which indicated that 51% of the US population had home computers, and 41.5% had Internet access from their homes. These figures represent a rapid increase from 42.1% and 26.2%, respectively, in 1998 – home Internet access nearly doubling in two years (USDC, 2000). Further, a large-scale survey conducted in December 2000 indicated that 56% of adults in the USA had home Internet access (Rainie and Packel, 2001). If this pattern continues, home Internet access may reach saturation more rapidly than has any preceding technology (USDC, 2000).

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

Information Quality

There is no editorial control of information on the Internet. Literally anyone with control of an Internet site can claim to be a medical expert (Sonnenberg, 1997). This means that the quality of sites cannot be guaranteed, and for many consumers, it is difficult or impossible to determine whether a site is of good quality. The uncertain quality of information available through new media resources led to recent initiatives such as the (unsuccessful) lobbying to ICANN (the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers), for registration of ".health" domain names, with World Health Organization-certified quality health content (Illman, 2000).

A recent study indicated that, of those who used the Internet to seek health information, 65% did so using general search engines such as Yahoo! (http://www.yahoo.com) or Google (http://www.google.com), while only 24% used health portals such as WebMD (http://www.webmd.com) or DrKoop (http://www.drkoop.com), and only 11% used sites which were built to provide information about specific health topics, such as Oncology.com (http://www.oncology.com) (CyberAtlas, 2001b). This finding suggests that most consumers of online health information are not using information seeking strategies which are likely to optimize the quality of health information they receive.

Information Excess

The rapid growth and development of information technologies is changing the ways in which consumers acquire information. From the perspective of Consumer Information Processing Theory, the most important characteristics of the consumer choice environment are the quantity and quality of information available (Rudd and Glanz, 1990).

The quantity of information available through computer-mediated technologies is seemingly boundless (Shenk, 1998; Johnson, 1997). Increasingly, information-processing strategies and activities are playing pivotal roles in the decision making of individuals (Castells, 1993). While issues of information overload are not unique to computer-mediated sources, the rapid availability of computer-mediated information makes the issue more pertinent (Christensen & Griffiths, 2000). Strategies for information management are therefore becoming increasingly relevant (Kaminski, 2000; O’Brien & Cambouropoulos, 2000).

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Michael J. Fotheringham

PARADOXICAL ASSOCIATIONS BETWEEN COMPUTER USE AND HEALTHY BEHAVIOR: TWO STUDIES

The use of computers for occupational, recreational and educational activities is increasing (SPICH, 1999). For many individuals, a growing amount of time each day is spent sitting in front of keyboards and screens. Two attributes of this time expenditure are of interest here: (1) the individual is engaged in a sedentary activity; and (2) they are engaged in an information-rich environment.

It has been argued that sedentary activities are a class of behaviors which may displace physical activity (Owen, Leslie, Salmon, & Fotheringham, 2000). Time spent in sedentary activity may result in decreased overall energy expenditure, and increase people’s risk of overweight and obesity as well as associated health outcomes (Owen, Leslie, Salmon & Fotheringham, 2000; Prentice & Jebb, 1995). Sedentary behaviors can be clearly identified by the low levels of energy required to perform them. The relationships between physical activity and computer use are not known. However, some studies have examined the relationship between physical activity and another common sedentary behavior — television viewing. One study found that previously established determinants of physical activity in young adults were inversely associated with television viewing (Williams, Sallis, Calfas, & Burke, 1999). Time spent viewing television has also been found to be associated with cardiovascular risk among 23-25 year olds (Sidney, Sternfeld, Haskell, et al, 1996), and with increased likelihood of overweight, independent of physical activity level, in a large population sample (Salmon, Bauman, Crawford, Timperio, & Owen, 2000). Whether such findings can be extrapolated to computer use is an important area for investigation as computer use takes increasing roles in day-to-day occupational, educational and recreational activities (SPICH, 1999). Further, previous research has not examined the extent to which the time demands of computer-based activities may act as barriers to physical activity participation.

The information-rich environment presented by computer use may also be viewed as an opportunity to positively influence individuals’ health behavior. In recent years, health-behavior intervention trials have demonstrated the efficacy of computer-generated print materials for targeting and tailoring the content of program material to attributes of message recipients (Marcus, Owen, et al, 1998; Abrams, Mills, & Bulger, 1999; Kreuter, Strecher, & Glassman, 1999).

In the two studies presented here, the association between physical activity participation and the above-mentioned attributes of computer use are investigated. The first study examines the association between time spent using computer and participation in physical activity. The second study examines the use of a targeted Internet and email-based physical activity promotion program, in comparison with a previously developed print based program.

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STUDY 1: LEVELS OF COMPUTER USE AND PHYSICALINACTIVITY IN YOUNG ADULTS1

Epidemiological data have demonstrated declines in physical activity in the teenage and young adult years (Sallis, 2000). This may be due in part to a displacement of these activities by more sedentary behaviors, such as computer use and television viewing. This study examined the associations of computer use with physical inactivity in a sample of young adults, their perceptions of computer use as a barrier to physical activity, and their preferences for gathering information through the use of computers or through more conventional print media.

METHODS

Procedures

Following Institutional Research Ethics Committee approval, participants were recruited at a metropolitan university campus. Second-year classes of more than fifty students were randomly selected across the participating schools. The survey was briefly explained to each class as an information sheet explaining the study in plain language was distributed, followed by the surveys. Students were then requested to voluntarily complete a confidential survey. Those who completed the survey did so during a designated period within the lecture.

Measures

The self-completed survey was divided into six sections addressing physical activity (2-week physical activity recall); computer use and preference; and demographics (age, gender, height and weight, employment status, and any physical limitations).

Physical ActivityFollowing the methodology employed in other Australian studies of physical activity,

students were classified as sufficiently or insufficiently active for long-term health benefits, using categories derived from previous studies and based on estimated energy expenditures from leisure-time physical activity reported in the previous two weeks (Booth, Owen, Bauman, Gore, 1996a, 1996b; Leslie, Owen, Salmon, et al, 1999). These measures assessed the frequency, duration and intensity of each type of activity. The rate of energy expenditure for walking, moderate activity and vigorous activity, in metabolic equivalents (METs; 1 MET is defined as the energy expended while resting, which is 3.5 ml of oxygen per kilogram of body weight per minute), was multiplied by the total time spent in each activity over the past two weeks. The resultant values were energy expenditure estimates for each activity and were expressed as kilocalories per kilogram over two weeks; these estimates were divided by 2

1 This section was originally published as: Fotheringham MJ, Wonnacott RL, Owen N. (2000). Computer-use and physical inactivity in young adults: Public health perils and potentials of new information technology. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 23: 269-275.

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Michael J. Fotheringham

(kcal.kg-1.week-1) and then multiplied by weight (kcal.week-1). Walking, moderate activity and vigorous activity were assigned MET scores of 3.5, 3.5 and 9.0 kcal.kg -1.hour-1, respectively. The data were summed to yield estimates of total energy expenditure due to physical activity, and were classified into four energy expenditure categories: Sedentary, less than 100 kcal.week-1; Low, 100-799 kcal.week-1; Moderate, greater than 800 kcal.week-1 but not including three 20-minute sessions of vigorous activity; High, greater than 1600 kcal.week-1

and with at least 3 sessions of vigorous activity of at least 20 minutes duration. These categories were based on previously validated population-representative Australian studies of physical activity (Booth, et al, 1996a, 1996b), and reflect public health recommendations for physical activity participation.

Body Mass IndexBody Mass Index (BMI) was calculated on the basis of self-reported height and weight

(height in metres / weight in kilograms2). Participants with BMI less than 20 were classified as underweight; those with BMI of 20-25 were classified as acceptable weight; those with BMI of 25-30 as overweight; and those with BMI over 30 as obese (National Health and Medical Research Council, 1997).

Computer UseTime spent using computers for study or course work, paid employment, non-study non-

recreational purposes (e.g., paying bills, gathering information), recreational use of the Internet, and playing computer games was summed. Tertiles of time spent using computers were calculated (Low use, less than 3 hours.week-1; Moderate use, 3 to 8 hours.week-1; High use, greater than 8 hours.week-1). Perceptions of whether time spent using computers prevents physical activity and preference for obtaining information using computers or through more conventional print-based media were also assessed.

Statistical Analysis

Data analyses were conducted using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS for Windows 9.01). Frequencies for all variables were examined for missing, unlikely or out-of-range values and where detected were checked against the original data source.

To examine the variations in computer use levels between males and females, between age and BMI categories and between physical activity levels, Chi-square analyses were conducted. This approach was also used to examine variations in reporting of computer use as a barrier to physical activity among gender, age, physical activity level and computer use groups, and in preferences for obtaining information from computers or from traditional print media in these groups.

To examine the variation in time spent in each computer-related activity according to age group, a nonparametric test, Kruskal-Wallis H, was used. This approach was adopted because of the large variance in reported time spent in each computer-related activity.

To determine the relationship between computer use and physical activity participation while controlling for age, gender and BMI, a Logistic Regression was performed. For the purposes of this regression, the four physical activity categories were collapsed into two categories: "Inactive" (Sedentary or Low, or <800 kcal.week -1), and "Active" (Moderate or

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

High, or 800 kcal.week-1). "Active" was based on levels of energy expenditure consistent with current national physical activity and health guidelines (Commonwealth Department of Health and Aged Care, 1999; Pate, Pratt, Blair, et al, 1995; US Department of Health and Human Services [USDHHS], 1996).

RESULTS

Characteristics of Respondents

The final sample size was 697 (31% male, 69% female); the overall survey response rate was 77%. The gender ratio for the sample was slightly more female-dominant than the overall campus gender ratio. The median age of participants was 20 years (range 18-30 years). Forty-three percent were aged 18-19 years; 35% were aged 20-21 years; 15% were aged 22-25 years; and 7% were aged 26-30 years. All participants were full-time students enrolled in second-year classes. A majority of participants had part-time or casual employment (77%); 21% were not employed and 2% reported full-time employment.

Based on the energy-expenditure criteria, 28% of the sample did not participate in physical activity at levels sufficient to achieve long-term health benefits; females were more likely to be inactive (34%) than were males (16%; 2=21.03, df=1, p<0.001). Twenty-six percent of participants were classified as underweight, 61% as acceptable weight, 10% as overweight and 2% as obese. Because of the low prevalence of overweight and obesity, and because none of the obese participants had BMI greater than 36, these categories were collapsed; the resultant category, overweight, represented 13% of participants. Females were more likely to be underweight (34%) than males (9%); males were more likely to be acceptable weight (72%) or overweight (19%) than were females (56% and 10%, respectively; 2=53.20, df=2, p<0.001).

Computer Use

Participants’ reported level of computer use varied in relation to their age, gender and physical activity level (Table 2). Participants who reported high levels of computer use were more likely to be in the sedentary or low activity categories; those reporting low level computer use were more likely to be in the moderate and high activity categories (2=18.18, df=6, p=0.006). Males were more likely to report high levels of computer use (41%) than were females (31%; 2=13.32, df=2, p=0.001). BMI was not associated with level of computer use. Those aged in their mid-to-late twenties were more likely to report high levels of computer use than those in their late teens or early twenties (2=27.43, df=6, p<0.001).

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Michael J. Fotheringham

Table 2: Gender, age, body mass index and physical activity by level of computer use.

Computer Use

(n)Low

<3 hr.wk-1

%

Moderate3-8 hr.wk-1

%

High>8 hr.wk-1

%Gender

Male (204) 26 34 41Female (460) 40 30 31

Age Group18-19 years (288) 43 27 3020-21 years (234) 34 36 3022-25 years (97) 24 28 4926-30 years (45) 22 27 51

Body Mass IndexUnderweight (BMI < 20) (163) 32 29 39Acceptable weight (BMI 20-25) (396) 39 31 31Overweight (BMI > 25) (80) 28 34 39

Physical Activity levelSedentary (<100 kcal.week-1) (43) 21 42 38Low (100-799 kcal.week-1) (126) 29 28 44Moderate (>800 kcal.week-1) (165) 35 32 33High (>1600 kcal.week-1 & 3x 20

minutes vigorous activity)(277) 43 30 27

The variation in computer use according to age was unlikely to be due to differing academic requirements, as all participants were drawn from the same academic level at the same institution. Further, this age association does not appear to be explained by employment-related computer use - although a higher proportion of participants aged 26-30 years reported full-time employment (20%) compared to 18-19 year olds, 20-21 year olds and 22-25 year olds (1% in each group), a greater proportion of those in the younger groups reported part-time or casual employment (81% in 18-19 and 20-21 year olds) than in the older groups (69% in 22-25 year olds; 51% in 26-30 year olds). In addition, greater proportions of the older participants reported not being employed (30% in 22-25 and 26-30 year olds) than younger participants (19% in 18-19 year olds; 18% in 20-21 year olds).

To further explore the variation in computer use between age groups, the time spent in each type of computer-related activity was explored by age group (Table 3). These analyses indicated: significant differences in time spent using computers for study or course work amongst the different age groups (higher use by the older age groups, p<0.001); significant age-related differences in time spent using computers for paid work (highest among 26-30 year olds, p<0.001); differences in non-study non-recreational use of computers (highest amongst older age groups, p=0.01); and differences in recreational use of the Internet (highest

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

among 22-25 year olds and 26-30 year olds, p<0.001). Use of computers for games did not significantly vary between age groups, and was less prevalent than other forms of computer use.

Table 3: Time (in minutes) per week spent in computer-based activities, bydifferent age groups.

Age Group Kruskal-Wallis H18-19 years 20-21 years 22-25 years 26-30 years

Study or course work

Mean (95% CI)Mean Rank*

159 (128, 189)321.8

149 (117, 179)307.7

277 (191, 363)398.4

353 (153, 553)413.9

2=25.18, df=3, p<0.001

Paid WorkMean (95% CI)Mean Rank

62 (37, 89)323.2

137 (92, 182)346.9

67 (13, 121)302.4

381 (152, 609)397.2

2=21.23, df=3, p<0.001

Non-study, non-recreational (paying bills, getting information)

Mean (95% CI)Mean Rank

31 (19, 43)314.8

33 (20, 46)337.3

75 (40, 111)361.2

86 (23, 149)372.4

2=11.45, df=3, p=0.01

Recreational Internet use

Mean (95% CI)Mean Rank

131 (104, 158)311.9

120 (97, 143)325.2

250 (183, 318)414.9

146 (74, 217)330.9

2=22.66, df=3, p<0.001

GamesMean (95% CI)Mean Rank

38 (24, 53)330.3

44 (27, 61)336.3

45 (17, 73)325.2

47 (16, 77)357.3

2=1.94, df=3, p=0.59

* Mean Rank is used to calculate Kruskal-Wallis H (Siegel, 1956).

Computer Use and Physical Activity

The logistic regression examined the relationship between computer use and physical activity participation while controlling for age, gender and BMI variations in activity levels (Table 4). Gender, BMI (acceptable weight, underweight, overweight) and age group were entered as a first block of independent variables to predict participation in physical activity. Young adult males were more likely to be physically active than were young adult females. Those in the younger age categories were more likely to be active than were the older participants. Those in the underweight category were more likely to be inactive than those in the acceptable weight, whereas those in the overweight category were less likely to be inactive than those of acceptable weight. After controlling for these factors, categories of computer use were entered into the regression equation; those who reported computer use at a Moderate level (3-8 hours.week-1) were 1.63 times as likely to be inactive as Low-level computer users (<3 hours.week-1), whereas those who reported High-level computer use (>8 hours.week-1) were only 73% as likely to be inactive, when compared to Low-level computer users.

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Michael J. Fotheringham

Table 4: Logistic regression: Computer use, age and body mass index as predictors of being physically inactive.

Odds Ratio 95% CI pGender

Male 1.00Female 2.69 1.65 - 4.38 0.0001

Body Mass IndexAcceptable weight (BMI 20-25) 1.00Underweight (BMI < 20) 1.68 1.10 - 2.57 0.016Overweight (BMI > 25) 0.73 0.38 - 1.44 0.36

Age group18-19 years 1.0020-21 years 1.35 0.87 - 2.10 0.1822-25 years 3.10 1.79 - 5.39 0.000126-30 years 3.13 1.49 - 6.56 0.003

Computer UseLow (<3 hours.week-1) 1.00Moderate (3-8 hours.week-1) 1.63 1.00 - 2.65 0.0009High (>8 hours.week-1) 2.23 1.39 - 3.59 < 0.0001

Computer Use as a Barrier to Physical Activity

Computer use was reported as a barrier to physical activity ‘often/very often’ by 15% of respondents, ‘sometimes’ by 28%, and ‘rarely/never’ by 57%. Table 5 presents participants’ reports of computer use as preventing physical activity, in relation to gender, age, level of physical activity, and level of computer use. There were no significant gender or age differences in reporting of computer use as a barrier to physical activity.

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Table 5: Age, physical activity levels and computer use according to perceptions of computer use as a barrier to physical activity.

Computer Use Prevents Physical Activity

(n)Never orRarely

%

Sometimes%

Often orVery Often

%Gender

Male (204) 52 28 20Female (462) 59 28 14

Age group18-19 years (288) 60 26 1420-21 years (235) 59 28 1322-25 years (100) 48 32 2026-30 years (43) 40 33 28

Physical Activity levelSedentary (<100 kcal.wk-1) (46) 44 35 22Low (100-799 kcal.wk-1) (126) 53 28 19Moderate (>800 kcal.wk-1) (166) 52 30 19High (>1600 kcal.wk-1 & 3x20

min. vig activity)(277) 67 24 9

Computer UseLow (<3 hr.wk-1) (234) 75 22 3Moderate (3-8 hr.wk-1) (197) 61 27 12High (>8 hr.wk-1) (223) 34 33 33

Inactive participants reported computer use to be a common barrier to physical activity more often than active participants (2=19.62, df=6, p<0.003). Participants who reported the highest levels of computer use were more likely to report computer use to be a barrier to activity than those who reported lower levels of computer use (2=107.39, df=4, p<0.001).

Preferred Source of Information - Computers or Conventional Print

Participants were asked whether they preferred to obtain information from computers or from conventional print media. Preferred information sources were examined according to levels of computer use, physical activity levels, gender and age (Table 6). Overall, 49% of participants reported preferring computers to access information, while 51% reported a preference for conventional print media. Males were slightly more likely to cite computers as their preferred source of information than females (2=5.49, df=1, p=0.02). There was no significant variation in preferred information source according to age.

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Table 6: Preferred sources of information according to physical activity levels, computer use, age and gender.

Preferred Source of Information

(n) Computers%

Conventional Print%

Computer UseLow (<3 hr.week-1) (232) 37 63Moderate (3-8 hr.week-1) (195) 51 49High (>8 hr.week-1) (221) 60 40

Physical Activity levelSedentary (<100 kcal.week-1) (46) 50 50Low (100-799 kcal.week-1) (124) 52 48Moderate (>800 kcal.week-1) (164) 47 53High (>1600 kcal.week-1 & 3x

20 min. vigorous activity)(274) 47 53

GenderMale (203) 56 44Female (456) 46 54

Age group18-19 years (284) 47 5420-21 years (234) 50 5022-25 years (98) 52 4826-30 years (43) 56 44

Those who reported the highest levels of computer use were more likely to cite preference for obtaining information from computers than those who reported using computers less (2=24.66, df=2, p<0.001). Fifty-two percent of the inactive (in the Sedentary and Low-activity levels) preferred computers rather than conventional print to access information, whereas 47% of the physically active (Moderate and High activity levels) cited this preference.

DISCUSSION

Study 1 examined patterns of computer use and physical activity of young adults. Physical inactivity was less frequent among males than among females and increased with age for both genders. Computer use was higher among participants in their mid-to-late twenties than among the younger participants and was higher among males than among females. Higher levels of computer use were associated with increased likelihood of physical inactivity. These findings are broadly consistent with previous investigations of sedentary behaviors, which have reported that television viewing is inversely associated with physical

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

activity participation (Dietz, 1996; Pate, Heath, Dawda, & Trost, 1996; Salmon, et al, 2000; Sidney, et al, 1996).

A possible limitation on the generalizability of the findings from Study 1 is that the sample was drawn solely from university students. However, students now make up a high proportion of the young adult population in Australia (39% of 15-24 year olds [Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1997]). Further, the findings of this study are consistent with those of previous research, that have reported higher levels of physical activity among males than females, and that physical activity levels declined with participants’ age (Leslie, et al, 1999; USDHHS, 1997). Also, being a group with a high rate of computer use, the young adults who participated in Study 1 may provide early indications of what will be the case for the wider population when personal computers and Internet access become ubiquitous (SPICH, 1999; USDC, 1998, 1999, 2000). The impact of new technologies is influenced by the rate of diffusion of innovation (Rimal & Flora, 1997); the rate of diffusion of the Internet has been more rapid than almost any preceding technological innovation (Broderick, 1997; National Academy of Science, 1996; Robinson, et al, 1998; SPICH, 1999).

Computer use played a significant role in the discretionary time use of the young adults we sampled, and was negatively associated with leisure-time physical activity. A significant proportion of the young adults who engaged in moderate to high levels of computer use reported that this acted as a barrier to physical activity. Although this study found no association between BMI and computer use in a relatively homogenous sample of young adults, it may be that the accumulation of a range of sedentary behaviors and the subsequent displacement of physical activity is related to the increasing prevalences of overweight and obesity seen in industrialized nations (Ching, Willett, Rimm, et al, 1996; Dietz, 1996; Williamson, Madans, Anda, et al, 1993).

The observed pattern of increasing computer use across age groups in this cross-sectional study of 18-30 year olds may be indicative of the increasing role played by computers in the lifestyles of young adults. Although drawn from the same university academic level, older students reported higher levels of computer use for study purposes. This finding, combined with the increasing computer use for recreational, bill-paying and information-gathering purposes across age groups, suggests an increasing role of computers in people’s lives.

The use of graphical and audio interfaces allows users with limited reading skills to receive material which may have been inaccessible through traditional print media (Rhodes, et al, 1997; Robinson, et al, 1998), although there is a possible danger that barriers of low literacy may be replaced with new ‘computer-literacy’ barriers. The greater independence from traditional literacy issues ultimately creates the potential to more easily reach socially disadvantaged groups as Internet use becomes ubiquitous. This potential is supported by the finding in the present study that a majority of the young adults who were physically inactive preferred to gain information from computers rather than from conventional print media.

As the capacities of the new information technologies for delivering targeted, tailored health behavior change programs are developed (Abrams, et al, 1999; Marcus, Owen, et al, 1998), the issues for physical activity promotion will become particularly salient. The emerging paradox is that this new behavior setting for physical activity program delivery is also a setting that strongly promotes long periods of sedentariness. Ecological psychology perspectives point to the key role of such ‘settings’ factors as determinants of behavior (Barker, 1968). Applied to physical activity (Sallis & Owen, 1997), a focus on such environmental determinants would suggest that broader public health and social policy issues

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may need to be addressed (Sallis, Bauman, & Pratt, 1998). If, as many have argued, the information environments for commercial, social, educational and health-related transactions become increasingly Internet-based (Broderick, 1997; Doheny-Farina, 1996; Lunenfeld, 1995; SPICH, 1999; USDC, 1998, 1999, 2000), large segments of the population will spend increasing amounts of occupational, domestic maintenance and recreational time in a context that in essence mandates sedentary behavior.

Given the association between computer use and physical inactivity, using computer-mediated communication to disseminate messages about the benefits of physical activity, and ways to become active, may present an opportunity to opportunely inform a group within the population who are at heightened need for intervention. For example, CMC may play a key role in disseminating interventions to increase physical activity in young adults. An evaluation of this approach is the focus of Study 2.

STUDY 2: PROMOTING PHYSICAL ACTIVITY PARTICIPATION THROUGH COMPUTER-MEDIATED COMMUNICATION2

Media-based physical activity interventions (those interventions which reach individuals using some medium other than personal contact with a health professional or service provider) offer potential means for reaching large numbers of people at less expense than that associated with face-to-face services. Given the association between computer use and physical inactivity shown in Study 1, computer-mediated communication may play a key role in disseminating interventions to increase physical activity in some inactive target groups.

The impact of a message may be influenced not only by message content and message-provider factors, but also by the channel through which the message is delivered (Bental, Cawsey, & Jones, 1999). The delivery of physical activity interventions by computer-mediated communication (particularly via the Internet) is an example of a message channel that may be more effective in reaching and influencing certain target populations, particularly young adults.

We developed a program for physical activity promotion, delivered through Internet/intranet sites and by email (Fotheringham, Owies, et al, 2000). The development of the PA_Web (Physical Activity Web) site was theory-based, emphasizing clear, interactive presentation, including instantaneous targeting of information by stage of motivational readiness. This quasi-experimental study was designed to test the feasibility, acceptability and efficacy of a stage-based Internet site plus weekly emails, in comparison to previously tested stage-based booklets and weekly letters.

2 Elements of this section were originally presented as: Fotheringham MJ. (2001). PA Web – Evaluation of an Internet-based physical activity behavior change program. Society of Behavioral Medicine, Annual Meeting, Seattle, WA, March 21-24.

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

METHODS

Procedures

Volunteer participants were recruited at a non-government organization in metropolitan Melbourne, Australia. Recruitment was preceded by a global email from the Executive Director of the organization, endorsing the program and encouraging employees to participate, specifying that they would be able to access program materials during working hours. A global email was then sent by the investigator, providing details of the program, and a hyperlink connecting to a website on which employees could enroll for the program and complete baseline physical activity assessments. Four days after the initial recruitment email, a second email was sent to employees who had not yet enrolled in the program, reminding them of the availability of the program and inviting participation.

Intervention Design

After enrolment into the intervention program and baseline assessment, participants were allocated to either a Computer-Mediated Intervention (a stage-of-change targeted website and weekly email intervention) or a Print-Mediated Intervention (using previously developed and tested stage-targeted booklets and weekly mail-outs). The information content in the two intervention approaches was matched, as was the timing of dissemination in each intervention (Figure 1). The study employed a quasi-experimental design; participants were randomized according to worksite location. The participating sites consisted of two buildings, of similar size and organizational characteristics, and located some 500 metres apart. This quasi-experimental design was used to minimize contamination between the interventions.

In the Computer-Mediated Intervention, the website component was targeted to the stage of change of individual participants each time they entered the site. The email component involved weekly emails sent for eight weeks, each including a tip relating to being physical active. Each of the emails included a hyperlink connecting to the website, linking specifically to a page relating to the topic of the weekly tip.

In the Print-Mediated Intervention, each booklet component was targeted to the stage of change of individual participants at their work address, based on their baseline assessment. The booklets were mailed to participants, accompanying the weekly letters – in the first week of the Print-Mediated Intervention, participants received the booklet reflecting their stage of change for physical activity at baseline; in the second week they received the other booklets in the series. The weekly letter component of the Print-Mediated Intervention involved weekly letters mailed over eight weeks, each including a tip relating to being physically active.

At the end of the intervention period, all participants were sent an email asking them to complete a follow-up physical activity assessment, and an evaluation of the intervention program.

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Michael J. Fotheringham

Figure 1: Intervention components of the Computer-Mediated Intervention and Print-Mediated Intervention

Participants

Recruitment emails resulted in the participation of 114 of the 195 potentially eligible employees (58%). The gender ratio for the participants was representative of the two worksites overall; 19% of the sample and 20% of the worksite population were male, 81% of the sample and 80% of the worksite population were female. The median age of participants was 37 years (range 21-69 years). Thirty-seven percent were aged 21-30 years; 28% were aged 31-41 years; and 34% were aged 42-69 years. The two sites did not differ in age and gender composition. Of the 114 employees who volunteered to participate in the study; 90 completed the follow-up assessment and program evaluations (78.9%).

Measures

Physical activity participation was assessed using a two-week recall measure, previously validated in a face-to-face interview format (Booth, et al, 1996a, 1996b), which was completed online. These measures assessed the frequency, duration and intensity of walking, moderate intensity activities, and vigorous activities. The recall measures were used to derive overall physical activity energy expenditure estimates. The rate of energy expenditure for walking, moderate activity and vigorous activity, in metabolic equivalents (METs), was multiplied by the total time spent in each activity over the past two weeks. The resultant values were energy expenditure estimates for each activity and were expressed as kilocalories

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

per kilogram over two weeks; these estimates were divided by 2 (kcal.kg-1.week-1) and then multiplied by weight (kcal.week-1). Walking, moderate activity and vigorous activity were assigned MET scores of 3.5, 3.5 and 9.0 kcal.kg -1.hour-1, respectively. The data were summed to yield estimates of total energy expenditure due to physical activity, and were classified into four energy expenditure categories: Sedentary, less than 100 kcal.week -1; Low, 100-799 kcal.week-1; Moderate, greater than 800 kcal.week-1 but not including three 20-minute sessions of vigorous activity; High, greater than 1600 kcal.week -1 and with at least 3 sessions of vigorous activity of at least 20 minutes duration. These categories were based on previously validated population-representative Australian studies of physical activity (Booth, et al, 1996a, 1996b), and reflect public health recommendations for physical activity participation.

Stage of motivational readiness is a central construct of the Transtheoretical approach (Prochaska & DiClemente, 1983). This approach suggests that individuals engaging in a new behavior move through a series of stages of readiness and use different processes to support the changes at different stages. For physical activity, these stages have been defined as: Precontemplation (no participation and no intention to begin participation in physical activity); Contemplation (no participation but intention to begin participation); Preparation (occasional participation or engaging in activities preparatory to regular participate); Action (regular participation in physical activity for less than 6 months); and Maintenance (regular participation in physical activity for 6 months of longer) (Prochaska & Marcus, 1994). Stage of motivational readiness for physical activity was assessed with a single item measure, asking: “Do you participate in vigorous physical activity three times a week for at least 20 minutes each time, or, in moderate physical activity five times a week for at least 30 minutes each time?” The possible responses were “No, and I do not intend to in the next 6 months,” which is equivalent to Precontemplation; “no, but I intend to in the next 6 months,” which is equivalent to Contemplation; “no, but I intend to in the next 30 days,” which is a component of Preparation; “yes, I have been, but for less than 6 months,” which is equivalent to Action; and, “yes, I have been for more than 6 months” which is equivalent to Maintenance. This is an updated version of the measure used by Booth, and associates (1993).

Program Evaluation

For both the Computer-Mediated Intervention and the Print-Mediated Intervention, program evaluations were conducted online. Participants completed a survey asking how much of the core intervention materials (i.e., the booklets or the website) they had read, how often they had used these materials, and whether they were aware of other programs promoting physical activity. Open-ended questions were included to determine which aspects of the interventions were perceived by recipients to be valuable, and what aspects of the program were perceived to need improvement.

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RESULTS

Process Evaluation

Of the 114 employees who volunteered to participate in the study, 11 withdrew (eight left employment; two cited health reasons, and one cited ‘too little time’); 90 completed the follow-up assessment and program evaluations (78.9%). There was no statistically significant variation in the retention rates in the two interventions (Computer-Mediated: 76.9%; Print-Mediated: 83.3%, t(112)=0.771, ns). At baseline, those who completed the programs did not differ from those who did not in terms of demographic characteristics, physical activity participation or stage of motivational readiness.

Participants’ use of the core intervention components (i.e., the website and the booklets) was assessed. Participants who received the Computer-Mediated Intervention reported using their core intervention material more often than those who received the Print-Mediated Intervention (Table 7; 2 = 20.67, p < 0.01).

Table 7: Use of intervention material by participants in the Computer-Mediated and Print-Mediated interventions.

Computer-Mediated(n=60)

Print-Mediated(n=30)

How often did you use the core intervention materials?Weekly or more 14 (23.3%) 7 (23.3%)Fortnightly 10 (16.7%) 2 (6.7%)Monthly 11 (18.3%) 5 (16.7%)Less than monthly 25 (41.7%) 16 (53.3%)

How much of the core intervention material did you read?None 0 (0%) 3 (10%)Some 37 (61.7%) 8 (26.7%)Half 11 (18.3%) 0 (0%)Most 9 (15.0%) 5 (16.7%)All 3 (5.0%) 14 (46.7%)

In their responses to the open-ended questions, participants receiving the Computer-Mediated Intervention responded positively to the use of email. Twelve of these participants (20%) reported that the email prompts keep physical activity "on their agendas", fit well with their work patterns, and were easy to read at their convenience. Nine (15%) of these participants spontaneously requested that the program be extended beyond the planned eight week program duration.

Participants receiving the Print-Mediated Intervention responded less positively to the open-ended evaluation questions. Seven Print-Mediated Intervention participants (23%) suggested that the use of printed material seemed more appropriate for elderly audiences.

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Prior to completion of the program, three participants (10%) suggested that printed letters were “environmentally unfriendly”, and recommended adopting an email approach.

Outcome Evaluation

Increased levels of physical activity participation compared to baseline were demonstrated by participants in both the Computer-Mediated Intervention (t (59) = 3.02, p < 0.01) and Print-Mediated Intervention (t(29) = 3.52, p < 0.01), despite the already high levels of activity reported at baseline assessment (Table 8). Participants in each intervention also showed progression in stage of motivational readiness for physical activity (p < 0.01; Table 8). There were no significant differences between the Computer-Mediated and Print-Mediated interventions in terms of increases in physical activity or stage progression.

Table 8: Physical activity participation and stage of motivational readiness amongst participants in the Computer-Mediated and Print-Mediated interventions

Computer-Mediated%

(n=60)

Print-Mediated%

(n=30)Baseline Completion Baseline Completion

Physical activity levelSedentary (<100 kcal.wk-1) 3.3 0.0 6.7 0.0Low (100-799 kcal.wk-1) 3.3 0.0 20.0 6.7Moderate (>800 kcal.wk-1) 16.7 10.0 13.3 6.7High (>1600 kcal.wk-1 &

3x20 min vig activity)76.7 90.0 60.0 90.0

Stage of changePrecontemplation 8.3 3.3 10.0 0.0Contemplation 18.3 20.0 26.7 10.0Preparation 11.6 1.7 26.7 16.7Action 10.0 25.0 6.7 43.3Maintenance 51.7 50.0 30.0 30.0

DISCUSSION

Study 2 demonstrates the feasibility, acceptability, and potential efficacy of an Internet based physical activity promotion program. This study has also demonstrated the feasibility of an entirely email- and Internet-based participant recruitment strategy. Using the Internet and email to deliver the intervention was acceptable to recipients, and the efficacy of the Computer-Mediated Intervention was comparable to that of the previously tested Print-Mediated Intervention; both the Computer-Mediated and Print-Mediated interventions resulted in stage progression and increased physical activity.

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The Computer-Mediated Intervention produced more positive evaluations, and was perceived to be more suitable to participants’ regular patterns of communicating. The findings of this study indicate that using the Internet and email to deliver intervention was highly acceptable to recipients, and appears to have been used more regularly than the Print-Mediated Intervention. The finding that the print-mediated material was perceived to be too generic, while computer-mediated delivery of the same material was not, may relate to the more interactive nature of the computer-mediated approach. This finding has interesting implications for the design of intervention materials. Further evaluation of the effectiveness of Internet-based health behavior change programs is warranted.

The capacity of computer-mediated approaches to select and seamlessly present selected material in real time based on formal decision rules is advantageous for the implementation of theory-driven programs. Theories and models of health behavior are valuable tools for accounting for the predicted influences on a particular behavior (Fotheringham and Owen, 1999; Sallis, Owen & Fotheringham, 2000). Based on a given model, the branching logic of an interactive program can be used to tailor program material on the fly3. The program reported here was based on a theory of stages of motivational readiness, but computer-mediated approaches are equally suitable for testing and implementation of programs based on, for example, the Health Belief Model, the Theory of Reasoned Action, or Social Learning Theory.

A limitation that needs to be taken into account when considering the findings of this study is the absence of a no-intervention control group. It has been argued elsewhere that if new intervention strategies do not improve upon standard interventions, there is no reason to adopt them (e.g., Dunn, Marcus, Kampert, et al 1997). The purpose of the present study was to assess the feasibility and acceptability of the Computer-Mediated Intervention, relative to the previously developed Print-Mediated Intervention. Given this intention, there would have been little merit in the inclusion of a no-intervention control group. A further possible limitation on these findings is based in the use of new media for the program evaluation. It may be that participants who received the Print-Mediated Intervention responded less enthusiastically to the program because the evaluation medium highlighted the convenience of using computer-mediated approaches. If this was the case, however, the benefit of using CMC strategies is only reinforced.

In brief, the findings of this study support the feasibility and acceptability of Internet-based physical activity interventions. Based on these promising findings, further evaluation of the effectiveness of Internet-based health behavior change programs appears warranted.

3 ‘On the fly,’ in terms of computer technology, may be defined as activities that occur dynamically rather than as a result of something that is statically fixed — e.g., web pages that can be developed (and varied) based on user input or the sequence of previously viewed pages. (What?is.com, 2001).

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

GENERAL DISCUSSION

The two studies presented here provide a broad account of the complex relationship between the use of computers and an important health behavior: physical activity. It is an interesting paradox that the use of computers is associated with reduced levels of physical activity participation, yet entirely computer-mediated communication approaches are beginning to show strong potential as tools for physical activity promotion.

It may be argued that this paradox is also found in the use of print materials and physical activity promotion campaigns that operate through television — the use of printed matter and television are both typically sedentary, and television viewing has previously been associated with sedentariness in children and adults (Buchowski & Sun, 1996; Salmon, Bauman, Crawford, Timperio & Owen, 2000; Strauss, Rodzilsky, Burack & Colin, 2001; Taras, Sallis, Patterson, Nader & Nelson, 1989). However, efforts to promote physical activity using print media and using television have been proven to be effective in a range of settings (Bauman, Bellew, Owen & Vita, 2001; Bock, Marcus, Pinto & Forsyth, 2001; Marcus, Owen, et al, 1998; Owen, Bauman, Booth, Oldenburg & Magnus, 1995; Owen, Lee, Naccarella & Haag, 1987).

In this light, the association found in Study 1 between physical activity and computer use should not be interpreted as inexpedient for the development of computer-mediated physical activity promotion strategies. Rather, the preference for computer-mediated information sources indicated by many of the inactive participants in Study 1 suggests that computer-mediated approaches may present a valuable opportunity to convey physical activity information and motivational messages to important target groups.

Further studies might examine several aspects of the findings of Study 1. For example, laboratory studies could examine the short-term effects of prolonged computer use on subsequent physical activity. Such studies might examine not only leisure-time and recreational activity, but also habitual lifestyle activities using accelerometers to obtain objective measures of activity (Melanson & Freedson, 1995). Prospective studies examining potential changes in physical activity and in sedentary behaviors associated with increased computer and Internet use would be particularly informative. Replication of these findings in other, more heterogeneous populations would also be of benefit.

Study 2 provides early evidence of the utility of computer-mediated behavior change programs. The findings from this study present a range of new questions that warrant attention. The Computer-Mediated Intervention used in this study included both a stage-targeted Internet component and an email component. Other recent and current health behavior change programs similarly use combined email and Internet approaches (e.g., Fotheringham, Hunt, Balmford & Borland, 2001; Napolitano, Fotheringham, Tate, et al, 2001; Napolitano, Fotheringham, Tate, et al, under review; Tate, Wing, & Winett, 2001). There are important research questions to be addressed concerning the relative value of these components: Are interactive Internet sites without email supplements as effective? Are solely email-based interventions viable?

Although there has been extensive research on the use of personalized, targeted, and tailored interventions, questions remain to be answered about how tailoring should best be used. The extent to which information should be tailored, and on what variables, is not known definitively (Rakowski, 1999; Rimer & Glassman, 1999; Skinner, Campbell, Rimer, Curry &

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Prochaska, 1999). It appears that targeted information is more effective than generic information, and that individually tailored information is more effective that targeted information (Kreuter, et al, 2000). However, research on the use of tailoring and targeting has largely focused on print-based interventions (Rakowski, 1999). Study 2 indicates that stage-targeted information delivered in a printed format or by computer-mediated means had similar effects. As research efforts explore what variables are most useful for tailoring, consideration should also be given to whether the tailoring algorithms developed operate in equivalent ways when information is delivered in print or computer-mediated formats. It has been noted that difference variables are useful when tailoring information relevant to different health behavior domains, such as dietary change or smoking cessation (e.g., Rimer & Glassman, 1999). Research needs to examine whether the variables which most effectively tailor print-based information on a given health behavior, are also the most useful variables upon which to tailor computer-mediated information on that behavior.

REFERENCES

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2. Agency for Health Care Policy and Research. (1997). Consumer Health Informatics and Patient Decision-Making. Final Report. Rockville, MD: US Department of Health and Human Services, Agency for Health Care and Policy Research. AHCPR publication 98-N001.

3. Agnew PW, Kellerman AS. (1996). Distributed Multimedia: Technologies, Applications, and Opportunities in the Digital Information Industry. Reading, MA: ACM Press and Addison-Wesley.

4. Anderson R, Bikson T, Law S, Mitchell B. (1995). Universal access to e-mail: Feasibility and societal implications. Santa Monica: RAND.

5. Australian Bureau of Statistics. (1997). Australia at a glance. ABS Catalogue No. 4309.0. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics.

6. Balas EA, Austin SM, Mitchell JA, Ewigman BG, Bopp KD, Brown GD. (1996). The clinical value of computerized information services: A review of 98 randomized clinical trials. Archives of Family Medicine, 5: 271-277.

7. Balas EA, Jaffery F, Kuperman GJ, Boren SA, Brown GD, Pinciroli F, Mitchell JA. (1997). Electronic communication with patients: Evaluation of distance medicine technology. Journal of the American Medical Association, 278(2): 152-159.

8. Barker RG. (1968). Ecological Psychology. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.9. BARN Research Group, Bosworth K, Gustafson DH, Hawkins RP. (1994). The BARN

system: use and impact of adolescent health promotion via computer. Computers in Human Behavior, 10(4): 467-482.

10. Barry M, Cherkin D, Chang Y, Fowler F, Skates S. (1997). A randomized trial of a multimedia shared decision-making program for men facing a treatment decision for benign prostatic hyperplasia. Disease Management and Clinical Outcomes, 1(1): 1-14.

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11. Bauman AE, Bellew B, Owen N, & Vita P. (2001). Impact of an Australian mass media campaign targeting physical activity in 1998. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 21(1): 41-47.

12. Bental DS, Cawsey A, Jones R. (1999). Patient information systems that tailor to the individual. Patient Education and Counseling, 36: 171-180.

13. Bikson TK, Panis CWA. (1995). Computers and connectivity: current trends. In: Anderson RH, Bikson TK, Law SA, Mitchell BM (Eds.), Universal access to e-mail: feasibility and societal implications. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 13-40.

14. Bock BC, Marcus BH, Printo BM, Forsyth LH. (2001). Maintenance of physical activity following an individualized motivationally tailored intervention. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 23(2): 79-87.

15. Boyle DK, Wambach KA. (2001). Interaction in graduate nursing Web-based instruction. Journal of Professional Nursing,17(3): 128-134.

16. Booth ML, Macaskill P, Owen N, Oldenburg B, Marcus BH, Bauman A. (1993). Population prevalence and correlates of stages of change in physical activity. Health Education Quarterly, 20(3): 431-440.

17. Booth ML, Owen N, Bauman A, Gore CJ. (1996a). Relationship between a 14-day recall measure of leisure time physical activity and a submaximal test of physical work capacity in a population sample of Australian adults. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 67: 221-227.

18. Booth ML, Owen N, Bauman A, Gore CJ. (1996b). Retest reliability of recall measures of leisure-time physical activity in Australian adults. International Journal of Epidemiology, 25: 153-159.

19. Brennan PF, Moore SM, Smyth KA. (1995). The effects of a special computer network on caregivers of persons with Alzheimer’s disease. Nursing Research, 44(3): 166-172.

20. Brennan PF. (1998). Computer network home care demonstration: A randomized trial in persons living with AIDS. Computers in Biology and Medicine, 28: 489-508.

21. Broderick D. (1997). The Spike. Kew, Victoria: Reed Books Australia.22. Brinberg D, Axelson ML. (1990). Increasing the consumption of dietary fiber. Health

Education Research, 5(4): 409-420.23. Brug J, Steenhuis I, van Assema P, De Vries H. (1996). The impact of a computer-

tailored nutrition intervention. Preventive Medicine, 25: 236-242.24. Buchowski MS, & Sun M. (1996). Energy expenditure, television viewing and obesity.

International Journal of Obesity and Related Metabolic Disorders, 20(3): 236-244.25. Campbell MK, DeVellis BM, Strecher VJ, Ammerman AS, DeVellis RF, Sandler RS.

(1994). Improving dietary behavior: The effectiveness of tailored messages in primary care settings. American Journal of Public Health, 84(5): 783-787.

26. Cardinal B, Sachs M. (1995). Prospective analysis of stage-of-exercise movement following mail delivered, self-instructional exercise packets. American Journal of Health Promotion, 9: 430-432.

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28. Chamberlain MA. (1994). New technologies in health communication: Progress or panacea? American Behavioral Scientist, 38(2): 271-285.

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Michael J. Fotheringham

29. Ching PLYH, Willett WC, Rimm EB, Colditz GA, Gortmaker SL, Stampfer MJ. (1996). Activity level and risk of overweight in male health professionals. American Journal of Public Health, 86: 25-30.

30. Christensen H, Griffiths K. (2000). The Internet and mental health literacy. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 34(6): 975-976.

31. Clark KL, AbuSabha, R, von Eye A, Achterberg C. (1999). Text and graphics: manipulating nutrition brochures to maximise recall. Health Education Research: 14, 555-564.

32. Commonwealth Department of Health and Aged Care. (1999). National physical activity guidelines for Australians. Canberra: Commonwealth Department of Health and Aged Care.

33. CyberAtlas. (2001a). March 2001 Internet usage stats. CyberAtlas. Available: http://cyberatlas.internet.com/big_picture/traffic_patterns/print/0,,5931_747041,00.html. Accessed 1 May, 2001.

34. CyberAtlas. (2001b). Online health consumers more proactive about healthcare. CyberAtlas. Available: http://cyberatlas.internet.com/markets/healthcare/article/ 0,,10101_755471,00.html. Accessed 1 May, 2001.

35. De Vries H, Brug J. (1999). Computer-tailored interventions motivating people to adopt health promoting behaviors: Introduction to a new approach. Patient Education and Counseling, 36: 99-105.

36. Dietz WH. (1996). The role of lifestyle in health: The epidemiology and consequences of inactivity. Proceeding of the Nutrition Society, 55: 829-840.

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39. Doheny-Farina S. (1996). The wired neighbourhood. New Haven: Yale University Press.40. Dunn AL, Marcus BH, Kampert JB, Garcia ME, Kohl HW, Blair SN. (1997). Reduction

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43. Ferguson T. (1997). Health care in cyberspace: Patients lead a revolution. Futurist, 31(6): 29-33.

44. FIND/SVP Inc. (1997). The 1997 American Internet User Survey. New York, NY: Cyber Dialogue, Inc.

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

47. Fotheringham MJ, Owen N. (1999). Applying psychological theories to promote healthy lifestyles. In: JM Rippe (Ed.). Lifestyle Medicine. Shrewsbury, MA: Blackwell Science. 501-510.

48. Fotheringham MJ, Owen N. (2000). Editors’ Introduction: Interactive health communication in preventive medicine. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 19(2): 111-112.

49. Fotheringham MJ, Owies D, Leslie E, Owen N. (2000). Interactive health communication in preventive medicine: Internet-based strategies in teaching and research. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 19(2): 113-120.

50. Fotheringham MJ, Wonnacott RL, Owen N. (2000). Computer-use and physical inactivity in young adults: Public health perils and potentials of new information technology. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 23: 269-275.

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64. Kiesler S, Sproull LS (1986). Response effects in the electronic survey. Public Opinion Quarterly, 50: 402-13.

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77. Marcus BH, Nigg CR, Riebe D, Forsyth LH. (2000). Interactive communication strategies: Implications for population-based physical activity promotion. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 19(2): 121-126.

78. Marcus BH, Owen N, Forsyth LH, Cavill NA, Fridinger F. (1998). Physical activity interventions using mass media, print media, and information technology. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 15(4): 362-378.

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80. Melanson EL, Freedson PS. (1995). Validity of the Computer Science and Applicatioins, Inc. (CSA) monitor. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 27: 934-940

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82. Napolitano M, Fotheringham MJ, Tate D, Sciamanna C, Bauman A, Leslie E, Owen N, Marcus B. Physical Activity Web: 1-month outcome data from an Internet-based physical activity study. Paper presented at the Society of Behavioral Medicine 22nd

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84. National Academy of Science. (1996). The Unpredictable Certainty: Information Infrastructure Through 2000. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

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97. Pew Research Center for the People & the Press. (1999). Online Newcomers More Middle-Brow, Less Work-Oriented: The Internet News Audience Goes Ordinary. Washington, DC: The Pew Research Center for the People & the Press. Available at: http://www.people-press.org/tech98sum.htm. Accessed February 17, 1999.

98. Pingree S, Hawkins RP, Gustafson DH, Boberg E, Wise M, Berhe H, Hsu E. (1996). Will the disadvantaged ride the information highway? Hopeful answers from a computer-based health crisis system. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 40: 331-353.

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113. Sallis JF. (2000). Age-related decline in physical activity: A synthesis of human and animal studies. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 32(9): 1598-1600.

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116. Sallis JF, Owen N, Fotheringham M. (2000). Behavioral eidemiology: A systematic framework to classify phases of research on health promotion and disease prevention. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 22: 294-298.

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122. Sheehan KB, Hoy MG. (1999). Using e-mail to survey internet users in the United States: Methodology and assessment. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 4(3), online. http://www.ascusc.org/jcmc/vol4/issue3/sheehan.html. Accessed 20 July 1999.

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130. Smith MA. (1999). Invisible crowds in cyberspace. In: Smith MA, Kollock P. (Eds.), Communities in cyberspace. London: Routledge.

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Computer-Mediated Communication: A Tool for Public Health; a Barrier…

145. What?is.com. (2001). On the fly — a whatis definition. [Internet site]. whatis.com. Available: http://whatis.techtarget.com/definition/0,,sid9_gci212701,00.html. Accessed November 23, 2001.

146. Wiese E. (1998). America’s online: 70.5 million adults. US Today Tech Report. August 25, 1998. Available at: http://www.usatoday.com/life/cyber/tech/ctd392.htm. Accessed March 23, 2001.

147. Williams CD, Sallis JF, Calfas KJ, Burke R. (1999). Psychosocial and demographic correlates of television viewing. American Journal of Health Promotion, 13: 207-214.

148. Williamson DE, Madans J, Anda RF, Kleinman JC, Kahn HS, Byers T. (1993). Recreational physical activity and ten-year weight change in a US national cohort. International Journal of Obesity, 17: 279-286.

149

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Chapter 7

THE ROLE OF DIFFERENTIATED GROUP EXPERIENCE IN THE COURSE OF INPATIENT

PSYCHOTHERAPY

Ralph Grabhorn a

Johannes Kaufhold a

Gerd Overbeck a

a University Hospital for Psychosomatic Medicine and Psychotherapy of the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt/Main, Germany

Address: Dr. med. Dipl.-Psych. Ralph GrabhornKlinik für Psychosomatische Medizin und

Psychotherapie (Hs 17)Theodor-Stern-Kai 760590 Frankfurt a. M.

Germany

Phone: +49-(0)69 6301 7615Fax +49-(0)69-6301-6705

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DIE BEDEUTUNG DIFFERENTIELLEN GUPPENERLEBENS WÄHREND EINER STATIONÄREN PSYCHOTHERAPIE

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG

Die vorliegende Arbeit unternimmt den Versuch, den während einer stationären psychosomatischen Behandlung angebotenen „gesamten gruppentherpeutischen Raum“ hinsichtlich des Gruppenerlebens der Patienten empirisch zu erfassen.Über einen Zeitraum von einem Jahr wurde in jeder dritten Woche jeweils nach jeder Therapie-Gruppe der Stuttgarter Bogen (SB) und der Gruppenklima-Fragebogen (GCQ-S) gegeben. Zusätzlich wurden die 48 stationären Patienten über den General Symptom Index (GSI) des SCL-90-R in eine klinisch erfolgreiche und eine nicht-erfolgreiche Gruppe aufgeteilt.Theoretischen Überlegungen entsprechend konnte zwischen verschiedenen Therapieverfahren differenziert werden. Die Ergebnisse unterstreichen die Bedeutung der Gruppenkohäsion als einen die therapeutische Wirksamkeit wesentlich beeinflussenden Faktor. Patienten, die sich in Therapie-Gruppen wohl und akzeptiert fühlen, erleben sich gleichzeitig eher als selbstsicher und handlungsbereit. Überwiegt eine negative Gruppenstimmung, wird konformes Verhalten und eine Leiterorientierung der Gruppenmitglieder beobachtet. Des weiteren zeigte sich, dass die Patienten, die zu Therapiebeginn in den Gruppen ein ausgeprägtes Vermeidungs-Abhängigkeitserleben aufwiesen und im Behandlungsverlauf die Gruppen zunehmend als konflikthafter erlebten, von der Behandlung nicht profitieren konnten.

Schlüsselworte: Gruppentherapie, Psychotherapieforschung, Gruppenerleben, Stationäre Therapie, Stuttgarter Bogen, Gruppenklima-Fragebogen

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The Role of Differentiated Group Experience in the Course of Inpatient…

THE ROLE OF DIFFERENTIATED GROUP EXPERIENCE IN THE COURSE OF INPATIENT PSYCHOTHERAPY

ABSTRACT

The present study attempts to provide an empirical description of the "total group-therapeutic space" provided during an inpatient psychosomatic treatment with respect to the group experience of the patients.Over a period of one year, the Stuttgarter Bogen (SB) and the group climate questionnaire (GCQ-S) were given every third week after every therapy group. In addition, the 48 inpatients were divided up into a clinically successful and an unsuccessful group by means of the General Symptom Index (GSI) of the SCL-90-R.In line with theoretical considerations, it was possible to differentiate between different therapy processes. The results underscore the role of group cohesion as a factor that has a major influence on therapeutic efficacy. Patients who feel comfortable and accepted in therapy groups are also more inclined to experience themselves as self-confident and active. If a negative group atmosphere is predominant, conformist behavior and a leader orientation are observed in the group members. The patients who exhibited a pronounced avoidance-dependency experience in the groups at the beginning of the therapy and increasingly experienced the group as conflictual in the course of treatment were not able to profit from the treatment.

Key words: Group therapy, psychotherapeutic research, group experience, inpatient therapy, Stuttgarter Bogen, Group Climate Questionnaire

THE ROLE OF DIFFERENTIATED GROUP EXPERIENCE IN THE COURSE OF INPATIENT PSYCHOTHERAPY

Treatment in therapy groups plays a prominent role in nearly all approaches to treatment in inpatient psychotherapy. The integrative models of inpatient psychodynamic therapy as well as cognitive-behavioral therapy (cf. Janssen et al., 1998) are based on the assumption that only a combination of individual and group therapy, of verbal and extra-verbal methods, can create a therapeutic milieu in which the individual personality can unfold. Despite features that are specific to the respective psychotherapeutic hospitals, "the extraverbal methods, which make use of physical sensations, movement, creative arts, imagination, music, etc." (Müller-Braunschweig, 1998, p. 201), in other words, methods such as body-focused therapy, music therapy and creative arts therapy, in combination with the speech- and conflict-oriented methods of psychoanalytical individual and group therapy, form the therapeutic basis of inpatient psychodynamic therapy models. The interaction of different forms of therapy is thus intended to enhance the therapeutic efficacy substantially as compared with the application of just one form of therapy.

The still relatively small number of empirical studies on the efficacy of inpatient psychotherapy methods offer convincing evidence of their effectiveness in the meantime (e.g. Schmidt, 1991; Zielke,1993; Franz et al., 2000); but surprisingly little research has been done

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Ralph Grabhorn, Johannes Kaufhold, Gerd Overbeck

up to now on the question of the effect of combinations of various therapy methods. Upon closer examination, however, it becomes clear that group-therapy methods have generally been ignored by empirical psychotherapy research. As Tschuschke (1993) explains, the short tradition as well as the complexity of the subject matter, which becomes even more intense in the framework of inpatient treatment, plays an important role in this connection.

Thus, whereas the general efficacy of inpatient psychotherapy as well as individual group-therapy methods has essentially been confirmed (Vandieken et al., 1998), there are hardly any studies to date that are aimed at the "total group-therapeutic space". It is unclear how the patients experience the various forms of therapy, nor has it been shown as yet to what extent the therapies interact in such a way that the desired additive or even potentiated effects are actually achieved (Hoffmann et al., 1998). Therefore, it is hardly possible at this point to say which combination of the various therapy forms proves to be especially worthwhile for which group of patients.

In the present study, the group experience is chosen as the means of access to the differentiated experience of the various forms of group therapy and their interaction during an inpatient psychotherapeutic treatment. The group experience is a common point of reference, regardless of the respective content orientation involved in the various group-therapy methods. This makes the group experience suitable for comparison. In addition, for the purpose of recording and analyzing this area with the Stuttgarter Bogen and the group climate questionnaire (GCQ-S), measuring instruments were developed which enable assessments to be made of the efficacy of group therapy methods as well as group processes in various studies (Tschuschke, 1993; MacKenzie & Tschuschke, 1993; Sehring & Engel, 1998).

In the process, group cohesion proved to be a major aspect of the group experience (Bednar & Kaul, 1994). Group cohesion can be described with terms like cohesiveness or interrelatedness and is that force of which it is assumed that it leads the participants to remain in the group in difficult or conflictual phases. In terms of content, this corresponds to the concept of the good "therapeutic alliance" in the individual therapy (Budman et al., 1990). Empirically, there is evidence of a clear-cut connection between group cohesion and therapy success (Tschuschke, 1993). Nonetheless, the term continues to have multiple conceptual meanings. Bloch & Crouch (1985), for example, distinguish three aspects of cohesion in the sense of (1) a feeling of belonging (group spirit); (2) a feeling of being accepted; and (3) emotional support. To what extent cohesion tends to be rather more of a condition for therapeutic work in the group than an independent factor (cf. Tschuschke, 1996) has not yet been clarified. Consequently, a certain measure of group-relatedness would have to be given in order for further factors to have an effect. At the same time, in the above-mentioned measuring instruments, group experience is assessed as an indicator for the resource activation of the group participants according to how active and competently one experiences oneself in a group and covers the way in which one deals with conflicts (MacKenzie, 1996).

Referring to these partial aspects of the group experience (group cohesion, resource activation and perception of conflict), we want to pursue the following questions in the present study:

1. How do the patients experience their group therapies over the entire course of inpatient therapy?

2. To what extent can differences in the group experience be correlated with the various group-therapy methods?

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The Role of Differentiated Group Experience in the Course of Inpatient…

3. Are there differences in the group experience of successful and less successful patients?

METHODS

Clinical Setting

The psychotherapy ward of the Frankfurt university hospital for psychosomatic medicine and psychotherapy has 15 beds. The inpatient therapy model, which is limited to three months in duration, falls under the category of "integrative treatment methods" (Janssen, 1987), i.e. several therapists (a team) and various therapy components interact in the therapeutic process. The group therapies are continuous groups, i.e. "slow-open-groups". Figure 1 shows the various group-therapy methods, such as psychoanalytically oriented group therapy (GT)1, creative arts therapy (CR) (Creative arts therapy is a form of therapy that makes use of artistic media (painting, clay and other materials), based on depth psychology. Within the framework of the treatment, the aesthetic-artistic aspects of creative art remains in the background. In the foreground is the experience involved in the process of creating something and the subsequent verbal and emotional process of coming to terms with it, as well as insights into one's own experience and reaction as well as the group as a whole.), body-focused therapy (BO) (Body-focused therapy is applied as a group-centered process in the sense of a movement-therapeutic approach that is functionally centered on exercise or is oriented to experience. It is a matter of acquiring new emotional experience and getting to know one's own body.), music therapy (MU) (Music therapy is a method based on depth psychology that works with the elements of joint musical improvisation, speaking and listening to musical recordings. The non-language medium of music makes it possible in a special way to initiate relationships and appeal to the emotions.), fairy-tale therapy (FA) (In fairy-tale therapy, fairy tales are read aloud in the therapy group with the aim of opening up a realm of imagination for the patients in which often difficult conflict situations and the corresponding affects can be dealt with, figuratively and imaginatively.), autogenic training (AT) (Autogenic Training is offered in group form as a tried-and-proven method of relaxation (the basic exercises).) and physical exercise (PE), in the weekly schedule. Individual therapy is not considered in the following discussion and evaluation.

1 Abbreviated as "psa group therapy" in the following.

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Ralph Grabhorn, Johannes Kaufhold, Gerd Overbeck

Fig.1 : Therapy schedule

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday FridayIndividual

therapyMusic therapy Physical

exercise

Creative arts therapy

Individual therapy

Body-focused therapy

Team Conference

Team Supervision

Team Conference

Group therapy

Creative arts therapy

Autogenic training

Group therapy Autogenic training

Group therapy

Physical exercise

Body-focused therapy

Fairy-tale therapy

Music therapy Meeting with all patients on the

ward

Sample

The study included a total of 48 patients with three-month treatment durations. The sample comprises 36 women and 12 men, the mean age is 32.4 years, with ages ranging from 17 to 55 years. According to ICD-10 diagnosis, the patients show the following distribution in terms of their disorder: eating disorders 36.4%, depression 25.6%, anxiety disorders 21.2%, psychosomatoses 4.6%, functional and somatoform disorders 6.8%, dissociative disorders 3.5%, compulsion 2.1%. A personality disorder was diagnosed additionally in eight cases.

The group therapists all had many years of professional experience and the corresponding therapeutic further training.

Implementation and Measuring Instruments

In order to record between three and five measuring times per patient in the course of the three-month inpatient treatment, all therapy groups were examined for over a year, every third week. Within such a "measuring week", the patients filled out the Stuttgarter Bogen and the Group Climate Questionnaire after every completed therapy.

The Stuttgarter Bogen (SB) was originally developed to record the way in which members of psychotherapy groups experience themselves (Lermer & Ermann, 1976). In the meantime, it is considered to be a tried-and-proven instrument for the comparison of different group techniques as well as the description of group processes (Tschuschke, 1996). In the form of a six-stage polarity profile, a total of 15 pairs of items are offered, which have to be

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The Role of Differentiated Group Experience in the Course of Inpatient…

assigned to two factors (Czogalik & Költzow, 1987; Költzow, 1983). The first factor, "Emotional Relatedness" (ER)", covers the acceptance and support in the group and, according to Tschuschke (1990), yields a good measure for the cohesiveness of an individual group member and/or the cohesion of a group, using the group mean value. After the instruction "I felt....in the group today", the following items are presented: strange-familiar, insecure-confident, confused-perceptive, comfortable-uncomfortable, contented-miserable, misunderstood-understood, resigned-hopeful, protected-abandoned. The second factor, "Active Competence" (AC), refers to psychic activity and activity that affects behavior, willingness to take risks, influence on others, etc., with the items: superior-inferior, impulsive-self-controlled, assertive-evasive, aggressive-withdrawn, poised-helpless, spontaneous-hesitant.

The Group Climate Questionnaire (GCQ-S) , which goes back to MacKenzie (1981), was developed with the intention of recording the subjectively perceived group climate with regard to the factors "engagement," "conflict" and "avoidance/dependency" and was translated into German by Tschuschke, MacKenzie and Hess (1990). It involves items rated on a seven-point Likert scale ranging from 0 = "not at all" to 6 = "extremely." "Engagement" (E): (1) The group members liked each other and cared about each other. (2) The group members tried to understand why they do the things they do, tried to reason it out. (3) The group members felt what was happening in the group was important and there was a sense of participation. (4) The group members revealed sensitive personal information or feelings. "Conflict" (C): (5) There was friction and anger between the group members. (6) The group members were distant and withdrawn from each other. (7) The group members challenged and confronted each other in their efforts to sort things out. (8) The group members distrusted and rejected each other. "Avoidance/Dependency" (A/D): (9) The group members expected the group leader to tell them what they should do. (10) The group members appeared to do things the way they thought would be acceptable to the group.

The present study yielded the following interscale correlations for the two methods used to measure the course of therapy:

EB AC E C A/DER -AC .86** -E .06 .04 -C -.30** -.16* -.05 -

A/D -.15* -.17* .06 .44** -

Whereas the anticipated high correlation between "Emotional Relatedness" (ER) and "Active Competence" (AC) (.86) was confirmed (cf. Czogalik & Költzow, 1987) in the Stuttgarter Bogen, there is another positive correlation between the perceived "Conflict" (C) and the tendency towards "Avoidance and Dependency" (A/D) in the Group Climate Questionnaire. Negative correlations exist, on the other hand, between the scales "Emotional Relatedness" and "Active Competence" of the Stuttgarter Bogen as well as between the scales "Conflict" and "Avoidance/Dependency" of the Group Climate Questionnaire.

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Ralph Grabhorn, Johannes Kaufhold, Gerd Overbeck

The Symptom Check-List (SCL-90-R) by Derogatis (1977) to record the experience of symptoms (therapy success) was presented to the patients when they were admitted and when they were discharged. It is a method that records the patients' self-assessment in regards to mentally and somatically stressful symptoms by means of 90 items. The individual items are presented in a five-point scale with a variation of possible assessments ranging from "not at all" to "very strong". In addition to the nine subscales, it is possible to form a "General Symptomatic Index" (GSI), which represents the median range and thus a measure for the average intensity of the responses. The GSI has proved its worth in numerous studies as a criterion for assessing the success of therapy (cf. Schauenburg & Strack, 1998). The SCL-90, for example, allows the patients to be divided up into two groups according to whether they show clinically significant improvement or no improvement during the course of the inpatient treatment.

The symptom severity index of 1.31 at the beginning in the case of the sample studied here corresponds to the average for inpatient psychosomatic patients. At the end of treatment, it is significantly lower, at 0.97. To divide the patients up into those showing improvement and those with no improvement and/or whose condition is worse, the criterion determined by Schauenburg & Strack (1998) for statistically significant deviation of 0.42 was taken as the basis. This resulted in a division of the sample into 20 patients showing statistically significant improvements and 28 that showed no improvement, whose mean values of 1.39 and 1.19 in the GSI did not significantly deviate from one another statistically.

Evaluation methodology

Based on the level of the scale of measuring instruments and the frequently occurring violation of the normal distribution assumption for the data, only nonparametric significance tests were conducted. Because of the explorative character of the study, a -adjustment was dispensed with after that in spite of the large number of individual comparisons. In the case of therapies which took place several times a week, the mean value for the week was determined and factored into the calculation.

RESULTS

1. The Experience of the Group Therapies in the Course of Therapy

Based on the mean determined for all therapies, there is a significant increase in "Emotional Relatedness" as well as in "Active Competence" from the start of the therapy (T1) to the end of treatment (T2), whereas no changes can be observed on the scales of the Group Climate Questionnaire (see Table 1).

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The Role of Differentiated Group Experience in the Course of Inpatient…

Table 1: Comparison of the scores in the Stuttgarter Bogen and the Group Climate Questionnaire at the beginning of therapy (T1) and at the end of therapy (T2)

(Wilcoxon: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, n.s. = not significant)

T1 T2M SD M SD p

ER 28.4 3.9 30.7 4.9 *AC 19.6 2.4 21.5 3.3 **C 4.3 2.4 4.4 3.1 n.s.E 11.8 2.3 12.1 2.5 n.s.

A/D 7.8 3.3 7.4 3.8 n.s.ER = Emotional Relatedness, AC = Active Competence,

C = Conflict, E = Engagement, A/D = Avoidance/Dependency

Table 2: Comparison of the scores in the Stuttgarter Bogen and the GroupClimate Questionnaire in all therapy methods at T1 and T2

(Wilcoxon: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, n.s. = not significant)

Therapien1 T1 T2M SD M SD p

AT ER 29.9 5.4 30.5 7.2 n.s.AC 19.9 2.3 20.9 4.4 n.s.E 11.5 3.4 11.8 3.6 n.s.C 2.7 2.1 3.1 2.6 *A/D 9.5 5.2 9.4 4.2 n.s.

GT ER 27.2 4.2 29.6 5.9 **AC 19.4 3.5 21.0 4.2 *E 12.2 3.8 12.8 3.7 n.s.C 6.6 4.7 6.0 4.1 n.s.A/D 7.5 4.0 7.5 4.4 n.s.

CR ER 28.8 5.8 30.3 6.1 n.s.AC 17.3 3.7 19.6 4.4 **E 13.3 3.7 12.8 3.4 n.s.C 3.5 3.2 3.9 3.3 n.s.A/D 7.5 4.4 6.7 4.3 n.s.

BO ER 28.0 6.4 30.7 6.7 n.s.AC 19.8 3.9 21.3 5.3 n.s.E 13.1 3.5 12.7 3.4 n.s.C 4.7 4.0 4.7 3.7 n.s.A/D 8.0 4.0 7.5 4.3 n.s.

FA ER 28.1 6.4 32.6 6.4 **AC 20.2 4.8 23.0 4.6 **E 11.5 4.0 11.3 3.7 n.s.C 4.4 4.5 5.3 4.8 n.s.

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Ralph Grabhorn, Johannes Kaufhold, Gerd Overbeck

A/D 6.4 4.4 6.5 4.3 n.s.MU ER 27.4 5.5 29.5 6.7 n.s.

AC 19.0 3.9 21.0 4.4 *E 12.7 3.1 13.1 2.9 n.s.C 3.2 2.6 3.7 3.3 n.s.A/D 7.4 4.3 6.8 4.3 n.s.

PE ER 30.9 6.4 32.4 8.0 n.s.AC 21.8 5.1 24.0 5.7 *E 7.7 2.5 8.5 3.4 *C 3.9 3.6 3.0 3.5 n.s.A/D 8.4 4.6 8.1 4.3 n.s.

1 Therapies: The first two letters refer to the respective therapy group: (AT) Autogenic training, (GT) Group therapy, (CR) Creative arts therapy, (BO) Body-focused therapy, (FA) Fairy-tale therapy, (MU) Music therapy, (PE) Physical exercise; the third and fourth letters, the scales of the measuring instruments: (ER) Emotional Relatedness, (AC) Active Competence, (E) Engagement, (C) Conflict, (A/D) Avoidance/Dependency.

A significant increase in "Active Competence" can be observed in all therapies with the exception of body-focused therapy and autogenic training; in the case of "Emotional Relatedness", a significant change takes place in psa group therapy and in fairy-tale therapy (see Table 2). In the Group Climate Questionnaire, the only significant increase observable at the level of the individual therapies is on the "Engagement" scale (in physical exercise) and the "Conflict" scale (in autogenic training).

2. Differences between the Various Therapy Methods

At the beginning of therapy (T1), only physical exercise differs significantly from psa group, creative arts, body-focused and music therapy in "Emotional Relatedness" (mean value comparisons, see Table 3) due to its high value (scores, see Table 2). Creative arts therapy has a significantly lower "Active Competence" rating than all other therapies, i.e. the patients feel the least competent there. In line with "Emotional Relatedness", "Active Competence" is also most pronounced in physical exercise, resulting in significant differences from psa group, body-focused and music therapy.

"Engagement" is experienced as being the lowest in the physical exercise group, but is also rated significantly lower in fairy-tale therapy and in autogenic training than in body-focused and creative arts therapy.

The perception of "Conflict" is clearly most pronounced in psa group therapy, which is expressed in a significant difference in relation to all other methods. Autogenic training and music therapy exhibit the lowest conflict scores. This is also expressed in the significant differences between music and body-focused therapy as well as autogenic training, on the one hand, and body-focused and fairy-tale therapy, on the other.

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Table 3: The therapy groups that differ in T1 and T2 on the scales of the Stuttgarter Bogen and the Group Climate Questionnaire (Wilcoxon: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01)

T1 T2ER Physical exercise1: GT**-, CR*-, BO*-,

MU**-Physical exercise: GT*-, MU*-Fairy-tale: CR*-, GT**-, MU**-

AC Physical exercise: GT*-, CR**-, BO*-, MU**-Creative arts: AT**+, GT**+, BO**+, FA**+; MU*+, PE**+

Physical exercise: GT**-, BO**-, MU**-, AT**-, CR**-Creative arts: AT**+, GT*+, BO*+, FA**+, PE**+Fairy-tale: AT*-, GT**-, BO*-, MU*-, CR**-

E Physical exercise: AT**+, GT**+, CR**+, BO**+, FA*+, MU**+Autogenic tr: CR*+, BO*+, PE**-Fairy-tale: CR**+, BO**+, PE*-

Physical exercise: AT**+, GT**+, CR**+, BO**+, FA**+, MU**+Autogenic tr: MU*+, PE**-Fairy-tale: CR**+, GT**+, BO*+, MU**+, PE**-

C Groups: AT**-, CR**-, BO**-, FA**-, MU**-, PE**-Autogenic tr: BO**+, FA**+, GT**+Body-focused: MU*-, GT**+

Groups: AT**-, CR**-, BO**-, FA**-, MU**-, PE**-Autogenic tr: BO**+, FA**+, MU*+, GT**+Body-focused: PE*-, GT**+

A/D Autogenic tr: GT**-, CR**-, FA**-, MU*-Fairy-tale: CR*+, BO*+, PE*+, AT**+

Autogenic tr: MU*-, FA*-Body-focused: MU*-, CR*-Fairy-tale: AT**+, PE**+

Physical exercise1: GT**-, CR*-, BO*-, MU**- means that in Emotional Relatedness (ER), group, creative arts, body-focused and music therapy differ from Physical exercise due to a lower score (- after the *), etc. A + after the * indicates a difference in the direction of a higher score.

"Avoidance/Dependency" experience is particularly prevalent in autogenic training, physical exercise and body-focused therapy, although autogenic training differs from all forms of therapy except physical exercise and body-focused therapy. The significant differences between fairy-tale therapy, on the one hand, and creative arts therapy, body-focused therapy and physical exercise, on the other, distinctly show the low level of avoidance-experience in these methods.

Towards the end of treatment (T2), a greater number of significant group differences are noted by comparison to the beginning of treatment (see Table 3). In "Emotional Relatedness", one now finds that fairy-tale therapy, and also the physical exercise group, also differ from the psa groups, creative arts therapy and music therapy. In regards to "Active Competence", creative arts therapy is again given a significantly lower rating. In fairy-tale therapy, there is also a distinct increase on the scale of "Active Competence", setting it off along with physical exercise from the other forms of therapy in this dimension.

In "Engagement", significant differences still exist between physical exercise and the other forms of therapy, but autogenic training and fairy-tale therapy also show lower scores than the other groups. Corroborating the findings at the beginning of therapy, the psa group therapy is also perceived as being especially "conflictual" towards the end. On the

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Ralph Grabhorn, Johannes Kaufhold, Gerd Overbeck

"Avoidance" scale, body-focused therapy now differs from music therapy and creative arts therapy through its higher score.

3. Differences between Successful and Less Successful Patients in Regards to their Group Experience

Although the improved patients show a greater increase in "Emotional Relatedness" in the course of therapy (see Table 4), there is no significant difference between the two groups in any of the therapy methods (see Table 5), which is attributable to the broad distribution within the groups.

Table 4: Comparison between succcessful and unsuccessful patients on the scalesof the Stuttgart Bogen and the Group Climate Questionnaire at T1 and T2(mean values M and standard deviation SD in brackets; Mann-Whitney:

*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, n.s. = not significant)

T1 T2successful unsuccessful successful unsuccessful

M M p M M pER 28.2

(4.1)28.7(3.7)

n.s. 31.7(3.4)

29.4(6.4)

*

AC 19.6(2.6)

19.7(2.2)

n.s. 22.4(2.3)

20.3(4.2)

*

E 11.7(2.4)

12.1(2.4)

n.s. 12.2(2.5)

11.9(2.7)

n.s.

C 4.3(2.4)

4.2(2.7)

n.s. 3.6(2.6)

5.2(3.4)

*

A/D 6.8(3.1)

9.1(3.2)

* 6.2(3.5)

9.2(3.5)

**

At the beginning of therapy, there is only one significant difference on the "Avoidance/Dependency" scale between patients who have improved and those who have not. The successful patients already experience less "Avoidance/Dependency" in the therapy groups at the beginning of treatment, a difference that becomes even stronger by the end of the inpatient treatment.

At the end of therapy, there is a sharp increase on the scales of "Emotional Relatedness" and "Active Competence" in the group of "improved" patients, which means that now significant differences also exist here. Moreover, this group also experiences its therapies as less "conflictual" in contrast to those who "have not improved", who exhibit a significantly higher perception of "Conflict".

The difference in the "competence experience" between patients whose condition has improved and those who have not at the end of treatment is mainly attributable to music therapy, body-focused therapy and autogenic training (see Table 5).

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The Role of Differentiated Group Experience in the Course of Inpatient…

Table 5: The therapy methods in which there is a difference between patients who have improved and those who have not at T1 and T2 on the scales of the Stuttgarter Bogen

and the Group Climate Questionnaire (Mann-Whitney: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01).

T1 T2ERAC Music-**+1, Body-focused therapy *+,

Autogenic training *+EC Creative arts therapy *-A/D Music therapy **-, Autogenic training *- Body-focused-**-, Creative arts-*-,

Fairy-tale*-, Music therapy*-1A + after the * means that the improved patients differ from the patients who have not improved through a higher score in this therapy; a – after the * indicates a lower score in the patients who have improved.

The patients who feel "worse" at the end experience creative arts therapy in particular as "more conflictual". The differences on the scale of "Avoidance/Dependency", which seems to distinguish the two groups from each other most sharply (also see Table 4), are also primarily expressed in the so-called experience-oriented and "creative methods", already at the beginning of therapy in the case of music therapy and autogenic training, and at the end in the case of music therapy, creative arts therapy, fairy-tale and body-focused therapy.

DISCUSSION

The results yield a differentiated assessment of the group experience. Patients who feel comfortable and accepted in therapy groups, for example, also feel self-confident and ready to act at the same time. A positive relationship to a group seems to be less pronounced if conflicts and friction in the group are perceived at the same time and also, in the case of a negative group atmosphere, more of a conformist behavior and a leader orientation by group members is observed.

The experience of group cohesion increases significantly from the beginning of therapy to the end of therapy in the case of all therapy methods. The increase in "Active Competence" is a general effect in the case of all methods; the increment in "Emotional Relatedness", on the other hand, is especially due to the increase in the psa group and fairy-tale therapy. In combination with the very high perception of "Conflict", the psa group therapy acquires a certain special status, since in the other methods it entails a high emotional group link with a lower conflict tension. The "creative methods" like body-focused therapy, music therapy and creative arts therapy are not decisively differentiated in the total sample, presumably due to our instruments. Creative arts therapy raises the greatest competency problems for the patients, which is combined with heightened perception of conflict at the end in those patients who do not show clinical improvement. In the case of music therapy, on the other hand, the perceived group conflicts diminish in these patients. In line with their special substantive character, autogenic training and physical exercise exhibit high cohesion scores and show a

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more intensive experience of "Avoidance or Dependency", which is also true of body-focused therapy. The increment in cohesiveness in combination with low "Engagement" in fairy-tale therapy could be due to the fact that, particularly in this form of therapy, the patients feel relatively free from group expectations.

These findings largely coincide with the theoretical considerations representing what we know from clinical practice, showing that the choice of therapies is intended to appeal to a large number of different facets of life: psa group therapy is relationship-intensive/conflict-oriented; fairy-tale therapy is receptive-close to experience; autogenic training and physical exercise are activity-promoting and at the same time leader-oriented. The strong performance-orientation in the "creative methods" is somewhat surprising, which may have something to do with the fact that precisely these methods are particularly strange and unusual for the patients at first.

The group comparison of those patients who show clinically significant improvement and those who do not improve also reveals differences in the Group Climate Questionnaire. This can be regarded as an indication that the self-experience in a group is independent of the person's perception of the group climate, and that the interpersonal events that are experienced as being critical within a group have something to do with the success of therapy, even though no regular pattern has been established as yet (cf. Sehring & Engel, 1998). With nearly the same degree of symptom severity at the beginning of therapy, it is the dimension of "Avoidance/Dependency" that covers substantive aspects of conformity and expectations of leadership (cf. MacKenzie, 1996), in which the two groups of patients differ at the beginning of treatment. This difference remains throughout the course of therapy. It is expressed especially in the “creative methods“ music, body-focused and creative arts therapy, which strongly suggests that, although a lot of "leeway" is opened up for the patients there, patients with pronounced dependency expectations cannot take advantage of it, and that it is probably experienced as expecting too much of them. It can be assumed that these patients combine their therapies with the idea of "having to be able to do something there" or "having to gain something there", which they do not succeed in, such as painting in creative arts therapy, playing the instruments in music therapy, speaking in group therapy or relaxing in autogenic training. The related internal conflict seems to be "projectively" warded off and now experienced in the groups. This would explain the significant increase in the perception of "Conflict" in the therapy groups during the course of therapy in the case of patients who do not show improvement, as opposed to patients whose condition does improve.

In the interpretation of the results just outlined, several aspects have to be critically considered. First, the influence exerted by the respective group therapist(s) and/or the peculiarities of the therapy ward studied; secondly, it has to be assumed that the circumstance of having a "slow-open group", which repeatedly changes the group composition, also has a determining effect on the results. Nor should it be forgotten that, in view of dispensing with an -adjustment in the large number of mean value comparisons, it cannot be ruled out that significant differences may also have come about by chance.

The dimensions of the group experience otherwise have to be regarded as too non-specific for them to be used to identify more differentiated mechanisms in the therapy process. Consequently, no conclusions can be drawn about qualitative differences between the therapy methods and their specific active mechanisms at this point. However, our results clearly seem to indicate that patients who benefit from the treatment on the whole are more likely to do so in all forms of therapy, and vice-versa. In regards to considerations about an

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The Role of Differentiated Group Experience in the Course of Inpatient…

"optimal combination of therapies", therefore, one might expect that a smaller "dose of therapy" would probably not produce any more negative results, at least not as far as the aspects of the group experience are concerned. Put in the form of a critical question, does this mean that the patients are even aware of the specificity or complexity of the treatment being offered them, or is the experience of the relationship and/or cohesion in the various forms of therapy during an inpatient "short-term" therapy ultimately and clearly the most important consideration after all? Even if further empirical studies are necessary in order to answer these questions, it can clearly be postulated on the basis of the present results that a development of therapy-specific factors in groups at least seems unlikely in groups without sufficient cohesion.

REFERENCES

1. Bassler, M., Potratz, W. & Krauthauser, H. (1995). Der "Helping Alliance Questionnaire" (HAQ) von Luborsky. Möglichkeiten zur Evaluation des therapeutischen Prozesses von stationärer Psychotherapie. Psychotherapeut, 40, 23-32.

2. Becker, H. & Senf, W. (1988). Praxis der stationären Psychotherapie. Stuttgart: Thieme.

3. Bednar, R.L.& Kaul, T.K. (1994). Experiential group research. In Birgin, A.E. and Garfield, S.L. (Eds.), Handbook of Psychotherapy and Behavior Change (pp. 631-663), New York: Wiley.

4. Bloch, S. & Crouch, E. (1985). Therapeutic factors in group psychotherapy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

5. Budmann, S.H., Sloldz, S., Demby, A., Feldstein, M., Springer, T. & Davis, M.S. (1990). Kohäsion, therapeutische Allianz und Therapieerfolg in der Psychotherapie. Eine empirische Untersuchung. In Tschuschke, V. and Czogalik, D. (Eds.), Psychotherapie – welche Affekte verändern? (pp. 386-396), Berlin: Springer.

6. Czogalik, D. & Költzow, R. (1987). Zur Normierung des Stuttgarter Bogens. Gruppenpsychotherapie und Gruppendynamik, 23, 36-45.

7. Derogatis, L.R. (1977). SCL-90-R, administration , scoring and procedures manual – I for the revised version . Johns Hopkins School of Medicine.

8. Hoffmann, S.O., Egle, U.T., Bassler, M., Nickel, R., Petrak, F. & Porch, U. (1998). Psychotherapeutische Kombinationsbehandlung. Psychotherapeut, 43, 282-287.

9. Janssen, P.L. (1987). Psychoanalytische Therapie in der Klinik. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta.

10. Janssen, P.L., Martin, K., Tress, W. & Zaudig, M. (1998). Struktur und Methodik der stationären Psychotherapie aus psychoanalytischer und verhaltenstherapeutischer Sicht. Psychotherapeut, 43, 265-276.

11. Lermer, S.P. & Ermann, G. (1976). Der Stuttgarter Bogen zur Erfassung des Erlebens in der Gruppe. Gruppenpsychotherapie und Gruppendynamik, 2, 133-140.

12. Müller-Braunschweig, H. (1998). Zur Funktion extraverbaler Psychotherapieformen in der Behandlung frühtraumatisierter Patienten. In Vandieken, R., Häckl, E. and Mattke, D. (Eds.), Was tut sich in der stationären Psychotherapie? (pp.201-220), Gießen: Psychosozial-Verlag.

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13. MacKenzie, K.R. (1981). Measurement of Group Climate. International Journal of Group Psychotherapy, 31, 287-295.

14. MacKenzie, K.R. (1990). Bedeutsame interpersonelle Ereignisse – Der Hauptansatz für therapeutischen Effekt in der Gruppenpsychotherapie. In: Tschuschke, V. and Czogalik, D. (Eds.), Psychotherapie – welche Affekte verändern? (pp. 323-348), Berlin: Springer.

15. MacKenzie, K.R. & Tschuschke, V. (1993). Relatedness, Group Work and Outcome in Long-Term Inpatient Psychotherapy Groups. Journal of Psychotherapy Practice and Research, 2, 47-156.

16. MacKenzie, K.R. (1996). Der Gruppenklima-Fragebogen. In Strauß, B., Eckert, J. and Tschuschke, V. (Eds.), Methoden der empirischen Gruppentherapieforschung (pp.172-196), Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag.

17. Schauenburg, H. & Strack, M. (1998). Die Symptom Checklist-90-R (SCL-90-R) zur Darstellung von statistisch und klinisch signifikanten Psychotherapieergebnissen. Psychotherapie Psychosomatik Medizinische Psychologie, 48, 257-264.

18. Schepank, H. (1988). Die stationäre Psychotherapie in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. In Schepank, H. and Tress, W. (Eds.), Die stationäre Therapie und ihr Rahmen (pp. 4-38), Berlin, Heidelberg, New York: Springer.

19. Schmidt, J.(1991). Evaluation einer Psychosomatischen Klinik. Frankfurt/M: VAS.20. Sehring, H. & Engel, K. (1998). Selbstwahrnehmung und Gruppenerleben in

stationärer Gruppenpsychotherapie. Gruppenpsychotherapie Gruppendynamik, 34, 337-354.

21. Strauß, W. & Burgmeier-Lohse, M. (1994). Evaluation einer stationären Langzeitgruppentherapie – Ein Betrag zur differentiellen Psychotherapieforschung im stationären Feld. Zeitschrift für Psychotherapie Psychosomatik und Medizinische Psychologie, 44, 184-192.

22. Tschuschke, V., Hess, H. & MacKenzie, K.R. (1990). Der Gruppenklima-Fragebogen (GCQ-S) – Methodik und Anwendung eines Messinstruments zum Gruppenerleben. Gruppenpsychotherapie und Gruppendynamik, 26, 340-359.

23. Tschuschke, V. (1993): Wirkfaktoren stationärer Gruppenpsychotherapie. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht.

24. Tschuschke, V. (1996): Prozeß-Ergebnis-Zusammenhänge und Wirkfaktorenforschung. In Strauß, B., Eckert, J. and Tschuschke, V. (Eds.), Methoden der empirischen Gruppentherapieforschung (pp.52-75), Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag.

25. Vandieken, R., Häckl, E. & Mattke, D. (1998). Was tut sich in der stationären Psychotherapie? Gießen: Psychosozial-Verlag.

26. Zielke, M. (1993). Wirksamkeit stationärer Verhaltenstherapie. Weinheim: Beltz.

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Chapter 8

THE ASSESSMENT OF DANGEROUS BEHAVIOR

Lynne EcclestonMark BrownTony Ward

University of Melbourne

Author for Correspondence: Dr Tony Ward, Department of Criminology, University of Melbourne, 234 Queensberry Street, Melbourne 3952, Australia.

Email: [email protected]

ABSTRACT

Mental health professionals in forensic settings are increasingly called upon to assess the probability of dangerous behaviour, or level of risk, that certain individuals pose to the community. These assessments may inform decisions concerning the containment and management of violent offenders within forensic settings, sentencing options, and whether or not to grant bail or parole. In this chapter we provide an overview of the key issues associated with the assessment of dangerous behaviour. Specifically, we briefly consider the debate on clinical versus actuarial assessments of dangerous behaviour and risk, and provide a synopsis of the current research on dangerous behaviour, focusing on the key areas of developmental issues, substance use, mental disorder, and psychopathy. We discuss assessment models, indicators of risk and causal variables. Finally, we outline guidelines for addressing specific content areas in the clinical risk assessment process and discuss areas for future research.

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INTRODUCTION

The assessment and prediction of dangerous behaviour can be viewed as one of the central issues facing professionals in the mental health and criminal justice systems. In the two decades since the publication of Monahan’s (1981) small volume The Clinical Prediction of Violent Behavior, the idea of risk and the proliferation of research and actuarial tools to measure it has transformed the practice of forensic psychology. Transformed also has been the subjectivity of mental health professionals who now, in a way that could not have been foreseen during the 1970s, include risk management alongside therapy as a key professional obligation. There is little doubt that these shifts in professional thinking and practice have been driven by increasing public concern over violent crime and anxiety about the dangers posed by mentally disordered individuals in the community. These concerns have arisen against a backdrop of massive deinstitutionalisation of inmates from state mental hospitals since the 1960s and, since the mid 1970s at least, a more than fourfold increase in rate of imprisonment (Caplow and Simon, 1999). In this context, mental health professionals have been forced to balance a variety of competing pressures upon their judgement, ranging from political and public concerns about safety to more complex arguments about offender and patient rights and the role of professionals in State-lead systems of social control.

In this chapter we attempt to provide a review of some of the key issues associated with the assessment of dangerous behaviour. Yet there remains considerable debate and disagreement in the literature concerning the term ‘dangerousness’ and whether or not it can universally be associated with acts of violence and harm towards others (Mason, 1999). Since the 1970s, legal standards for dangerous behaviour assessment in the United States have emerged from two landmark cases. Justification for imposing involuntary treatment, whilst simultaneously setting a standard of care for dangerous individuals, was provided in O’Connor v. Donaldson (1975). Legal guidelines concerning the duty to warn or protect a potential victim of imminent dangerous behaviour emerged from Tarasoff v Regents of the University of California (1976).

Dangerous behaviour is a complex construct; it implies personality characteristics within an individual that interact with external environmental factors that manifest as violent acts, but more subtle forms of harm to others such as poisoning or stalking can also be defined as dangerous behaviour (Mason, 1999). Violence denotes overt acts that cause excessive physical harm to victims but can include coerced violence committed by paedophiles and rapists. A violent criminal act is a legally-defined behaviour that is targeted towards a victim, ranging from aggravated burglary, aggravated assault, and forcible rape, to manslaughter, murder and sadistic rape/murder (Feldman, 1993). We define acts of violence perpetrated by individuals as ‘dangerous behaviour’ to emphasise violence that manifests as observable behaviour rather than intangible concepts of violence that are difficult, if not impossible, to observe and measure. We therefore exclude from the discussion that follows violence of a psychological nature, including the many tactics of power and control that are exerted without physical contact and that often are referred to as forms of spousal violence. Also excluded from this discussion will be conceptions of dangerousness that have been articulated in civil commitment statutes and that increasingly seek to bypass, or at least reframe, clinical diagnostic categories of mental disorder. This omission should not be read, however, to imply that understandings of dangerousness established in cases such as Kansas vs Hendricks

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The Assessment of Dangerous Behavior

(1997) should not be understood by clinicians, but rather that the size and complexity of the issues it raises are too great to be considered here (see Janus, 2000).

We begin this review of dangerousness assessment with consideration of three crucially important, yet largely neglected, theoretical points. These are firstly the distinction that must be drawn between the notions of dangerousness and of risk. Secondly, the varying conceptions of risk that underpin the judgements of clinicians, of legal and correctional workers that underpin actuarial assessment instruments. Finally, there is the important distinction between methods of assessment that require clinical training and methods or approaches to assessment that are more generalist in nature and that commonly are applied by correctional staff and other para-professionals. After establishing these important conceptual distinctions we move into a consideration of what we think are key issues in dangerousness assessment. Specifically, we briefly consider the debate on ‘clinical’ versus actuarial assessment, and static versus dynamic risk factors. We then provide a synopsis of the current research on dangerous behaviour, focusing on the areas of developmental risk factors, substance abuse, mental disorder and psychopathy. This is followed by a discussion of the conceptualisation of risk including assessment models, indicators of risk, and causal variables. The chapter concludes with guidelines for addressing specific-content areas in the clinical risk-assessment process and a discussion of pressing areas for future research.

DANGEROUSNESS AND RISK

To describe an individual as dangerous is to mark that person out as posing some form of threat, not simply to individuals but also to the social order more generally. Rennie (1978) traces the way this term has been used for almost eighteen hundred years to demarcate particular groups or classes whose status or conduct poses such threat. It was not until the mid-nineteenth century, with the emergence of the human sciences of psychiatry and psychology, that the individual was isolated from the group and social pathology transformed from a class matter to an individual construct. The political rationale underlying this shift in thinking and approach has been described by Foucault (1977) in Discipline and Punish, but the complex arguments contained therein are perhaps best summarised by O’Malley (2000) who describes them thus:

It was Foucault’s (1977) view that no paradox existed in the resort to disciplines (which work on and through individuals) in order to govern the dangerous classes. Quite to the contrary, he argued that the disciplines’ focus upon the individual had crucial political effects, for they disaggregated the dangerous classes in crucial ways. By focusing upon the pathological individual, the political reality of these classes was disrupted; by subjecting ‘criminals’ to scientific method, the apolitical reality of their pathology was neutrally confirmed; by locating such individuals in segregated buildings, their difference was graphically symbolised. (p.21)

For the past century or more psychologists concerned with the subject of dangerousness have thus been engaged in two separate but related tasks. They have worked, firstly, through their research and through the promulgation of disciplinary standards, to create a lens of individual pathology that would justify the separation of particular individuals from their

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social or political group and thus to create a kind of standard for dangerousness. Yet such a standard only makes sense, and its scientific authority only is retained, if its use is limited. Thus, a second key task of psychologists concerned with dangerousness has been the restriction of its designation to just a few. The dangerous offender has been accepted as dangerous precisely because of this fact: because he (and it usually is a he) embodies so roundly what is threatened when norms, assumptions, trust and reasonable expectation are transgressed.

It should be apparent then that dangerousness and risk are quite separate and in many ways antagonistic concepts. The re-emergence of risk and its related nineteenth century concepts of responsibilisation, prudentialism, contract and the like reflect the fading authority of psychological conceptions of dangerousness. In a return to the class-based notions of danger traced by Rennie (1978), risk has replaced danger as the key conceptual tool of governance. Unlike danger, the notion of risk may be applied to all offenders, and indeed to non-offenders as well (e.g. in the notion of at-risk children or youth). Unlike danger, the markers of risk are largely either external to the individual or do not relate directly to psychological processes (e.g. key dynamic risk factors such as antisocial associates). In an attempt to maintain its role in governance and to retain its professional authority, psychology has in the past two decades undergone a massive transformation in professional subjectivity in order to accommodate these new conditions (Rose, 1998). Where once therapy stood at the centre of psychological practice there now reside strategies of risk management. As Rose observes, to the extent that therapy continues to have a role in forensic psychological practice, it is a role that is conditioned by the broader assumptions of risk management. In this view, the possibility of cure and reform has been replaced by conceptions of chronicity and coping. Assessments or risk are undertaken not solely to inform therapeutic intervention. They also serve to minimise chances of litigation, to complete fields in a record management system, to aid the tracking of changes over time within a kind of risk management dossier and to provide detailed data that, for the next psychologist, will reduce or even eliminate the need for face to face contact with the client.

This chapter is concerned with the technical development of these systems within psychology, including recent advances in thinking about and measuring risk. Before proceeding on to consider these, however, it will be important to recognise the way that risk as a structuring theme in dealings with offenders has not only restructured psychological thinking and practice, but also dispersed psychological authority, allowing in different and often diverging views of what ‘risk’ reflects.

CONCEPTIONS OF RISK

To the extent that psychological expertise in diagnosing dangerousness was widely, if not wholly, recognised by the courts it could be said to have had an authoritative role in the constitution of this notion of dangerousness. The same importance has not been accorded psychology where notions of risk are concerned. Indeed, a number of competing views of risk and strategies of risk assessment are to be found both within psychology and throughout the corrections process. Perhaps most familiar and most central to the debates of psychology are the competing modes of clinical and actuarial assessment. Though we will deal with this issue

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The Assessment of Dangerous Behavior

on a technical level below, it should be recognised to begin with that much of the difficulty involved in shifting clinicians toward actuarial assessment models (or vise versa) stems from fundamental differences of epistemological approach. Much has typically been made of the potential for unreliable and idiosyncratic decision making inherent in clinical assessment strategies. Bonta (1996) rather unhelpfully portrays clinical judgement as a wretched process involving gut feeling, intuition and ill-specified professional opinion, now superseded by actuarial methods. Yet much of what he describes are simply the distinguishing features of ideographic and nomothetic forms of explanation.

Actuarial methods of risk assessment, relying as they do upon the statistical principle of extensionality to connect a new case with a base-rate group, are nomothetic in form. They are not concerned, as are ideographic methods, with the teleological issue of why, and particularly of why this particular individual will behave in a certain way. The process of reasoning lying behind clinical and actuarial judgements is thus quite different in form. It cannot be explained, as Bonta (1996) attempts, as a generational progression from the archaic to the modern. A much better explanation and description is in fact provided by Hacking (1975). The ideographic/nomothetic or clinical/actuarial schism so important within psychology can be understood in Hacking’s terms as the classical tension between aleatory and epistemic logic.

It is upon aleatory logic that probability theory rests. It assumes that the characteristics of an individual (e.g., whether or not the person is likely to reoffend) can be described solely by reference to class membership and without reference to the unique properties that make the person, literally, individual. The reason why individual factors ought not to be considered is that individuals within the group are not regarded as unique. This, essentially, is the principle of extensionality referred to earlier: the idea that all elements of a set are mutually intersubstitutable. Epistemic logic, on the other hand, draws upon knowledge of the individual case to develop causal structures which, in turn, imply an outcome. It is the veracity of such causal models and the reliability of their application that seem to affect the predictive accuracy of clinical judgements. But to assess epistemic reasoning solely upon the criterion of accuracy is to apply to it the criterion against which probability theory was constructed. Epistemic methods seek to achieve much more, and it is in this dispersal of focus that much of the confusion about their worth lies.

Take for example the following scenario posed by Beach (1990). On any one weekend a wedding party is randomly selected. The best man is asked two questions: first, what is the probability that a randomly selected marriage will end in divorce within ten years; and second, what is the probability that this particular marriage will end in divorce over the same period? Assuming he knew the national divorce rate, he could be presumed to recount it, and drawing upon an aleatory strategy, to extrapolate to the randomly selected case and answer the first questions with such a figure – perhaps o.5 likelihood of failure. Yet when asked the probability that this particular marriage will fail, it is likely he would draw upon an epistemic model of probability assessment, looking to specifically contextual factors, to an understanding of this particular couple, and so on. Two things can be found in this vignette: one has to do with accuracy, the other with appropriateness. In respect of accuracy it is a simple matter of fact that long run accuracy is maximised by predicting on the base-rate (recognising, of course, the need to adjust estimates in the face of highly diagnostic ‘broken leg’ cues). The greater accuracy of statistical prediction is thus factual and carries no moral value. Yet there may be moral or ethical demands embedded in a decision context. This

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Lynne Eccleston, Mark Brown, Tony Ward

couple, for instance, might argue that their decision to marry is different in important ways and that it is inappropriate to allocate to them the failure rate of those who have preceded them. Similarly, it is an elementary principle of individual justice that decisions concerning the disposition of an individual should be based upon assessments that are particular to that person in addition to showing that he or she is a member of some larger group or class. To avoid such particularising is in fact to avoid justice itself.

Thus, the appropriateness of different assessment strategies is bound in important ways to the context of their use. To valorise accuracy as an ultimate criterion is to make an argument for the primacy of aleatory reasoning, but it must be recognised that such reasoning is a-moral and that in the sphere of justice (as opposed, for instance, to weather forecasting) there may be strong arguments for grounding decisions in some broader moral or ethical structure. Such a tension is discussed in the report of the Floud Committee of enquiry into dangerous offenders in the United Kingdom (Floud & Young, 1981). Here they attempt to distinguish accuracy and justice concerns in the following way:

The mere fact of a future outcome is not what determines the justice or injustice of preventive measures. The objective in dealing with ‘dangerous’ offenders is to find the just course and not simply the practical way out of the difficulty they present. (p. 60)

The type of thinking that Floud and Young give voice to seeks to embed risk assessment in the more complex objective of a just outcome. Yet, juridical decision makers and other actors within the justice process, from parole board members to probation officers, also frequently view the notion of risk itself in a way that is wholly different to psychologists. One of us has discussed these contrasting forms of risk thinking in detail elsewhere (Brown, 2000). Put simply, it is possible to regard psychological methods of risk assessment, whether they be actuarial, clinical or anamnestic in nature, as varying primarily at the level of assessment approach: the conception of risk underlying each one is essentially similar. Risk is understood as a shifting and malleable entity. Its markers are measurable and quantifiable, they exist in some kind of predictable relation to each other, and when brought together in the form of a risk profile – empirically or theoretically based – they make offending behaviour explicable and predictable. This form of risk, which might be termed fluid risk, is thought of as falling upon an underlying behavioural continuum, such that lower levels of risk are metrically related to lower levels of offending behaviour, and higher risk levels to higher or more serious levels of offending. The distinction between clinical and actuarial methods, in this view, is thus one between different methods of identifying, measuring and combining risk factors: they are different ways of tapping the same phenomenon of fluid risk.

While psychologists might recognise the contours of their own risk thinking and modes of assessment in this description, they will likely agree that legal and correctional decision makers often defy these assumptions of object and method. For the purposes of contrast, the conception of risk they hold might usefully be described as categorical as opposed to fluid in nature. Under a categorical view, risk is grounded in a non-scientific (common, philosophical, legal) reading of human characteristics. Although it might admit scientific evidence in the assessment process, the metric upon which categorical assessments ultimately are made is one of human virtue or individual character. It is by no means a muddled or popular attempt at accessing psychological categories, not least because modern psychology has abandoned the questions of experimental moral philosophy that give shape to the categorical risk assessment

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The Assessment of Dangerous Behavior

exercise. The ways in which categorical risk may be constructed are complex, but considering one form of such assessment may serve to illustrate some important distinctions in object and method.

It is not uncommon for psychologists dealing with serious offenders to consider the matter of remorse. If some measure of remorse could be obtained it might assist in the task of locating the offender on that continuum of risk described earlier, ranging from low to high, both accounting for past behaviour and predictive of conduct in the future. Remorse might be a focus of a categorical risk assessment also because knowledge of remorse would aid determination of who that person was: could he or she be called a good person, or vengeful, humble or evil? These are the elementary categories of human virtue and it is toward a classification of an individual upon these dimensions that categorical assessment proceeds. The criticism that this simply is a search for essences and thus properly in the realm of the metaphysical (e.g. Popper, 1966) is misplaced, for it fails to understand the foundation of moral reasoning, which is those things that lie within the domain of human agency – in this case the human capacity to know. Thus, as Fingarette (1972) has noted, the judge of character seeks not metaphysical certainty but rather moral certainty.

How then might remorse be interpreted by the judge or parole board member that is so different to its significance for the psychologist? Firstly, since the offender’s guilt is predicated upon their capacity to function as a moral actor, remorse assumes importance because it provides insight into the person’s response to morality’s demands: the recognition of guilt. In order to repudiate a course of conduct one must understand what it is to have behaved badly and to be that bad person. Understanding an individual’s progression through such a course of self-knowing, toward repudiation, would provide insight into future conduct. Secondly, in contrast to fluid risk assessment strategies which group offenders together as a class, assessment of remorse would indicate the offender’s acceptance of their singularity. Remorse involves a recognition in the guilty person that he or she cannot claim common cause with other wrong-doers. To have done wrong and to be a wrong doer is to be outside community, and the recognition of that provides further insight into whether guilt has checked behaviour. Finally, since evil done and evil experienced are sui generis, the determination of remorse is a fundamental ethical determination of individuality. The metaphysical quality of human categories such as badness or evil find a practical and moral anchor in the conduct of individuals and their retreat from that behaviour through the expression and experience of remorse.

Seen in this way, human virtues such as remorse feed logically into the moral discourse of law. Their assessment seeks to individuate, to locate the offender on the moral and ethical field upon which the law operates. A just decision in respect of a dangerous offender is thus, as Floud and Young (1981) claim, more than a simply a practical solution. It is a solution grounded in the sorts of concerns that psychologists tend to eschew for precisely the same reasons: they are non-technical, they are not bounded by disciplinary structure and they concern fundamental aspects of human morality.

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STRATEGIES OF RISK ASSESSMENT

Despite differing conceptions of what risk ‘is’ there has been widespread acceptance in criminal justice of the need for it to be measured. The apparent paradox this involves, of individuals holding one view of risk yet using the methods of another to measure it, is to some extent resolved by the extensive anecdotal evidence and occasional investigation (e.g. Carlisle, 1988; Hilton & Simmons, 2001; Kincraig 1989; Saint, 2000) showing that assessment tools or data frequently are manipulated or ignored to match the intuitive assessments of correctional decision makers. It is possible that in some cases at least the reasons for have as much to do with lack of understanding of what assessment tools actually do as with any fundamental epistemological objection (see Fong, Lurigio & Stalans, 1990). Yet there is no doubt that risk assessment schedules have become central not just to legal judgements but also to correctional planning and management. The result is that the vast bulk of risk assessments undertaken on any particular day are made by correctional staff with little or no formal training in clinical assessment, measurement theory or statistics. To meet this need a variety of nominally actuarial assessment tools have been developed, most if not all relying upon a mixture of basic demographic information and case history data that can be obtained by line or para-professional corrections staff. We review two such instruments, the SIR (Nuffield, 1982) and the LSI-R (Andrews & Bonta, 1995), below.

These instruments may be contrasted with assessment tools that utilise professional clinical expertise in the collection of data and in the scoring and processing of scale or dimensional scores. In this case, actuarial assessment subsumes a certain degree of clinical expertise and input, bundling the two into a kind of global risk assessment. We review below the PCL-R (Hare, 1991) and VRAG (Quinsey et al. 1998), two of the more prominent and validated measures currently in use. It is important to note, therefore, when discussing clinical and actuarial methods of assessment, that the two are not entirely separate in current practice. Similarly, when discussing actuarial assessment, it must be recognised that some assessment tools are ‘more actuarial’ to the extent they reflect their roots in the insurance industry and seek broad demographic and situational data that may be collected and scored by clerical level workers. Other actuarial assessments, such as the PCL-R, are thus perhaps ‘less actuarial’ and ‘more psychometric’ to the extent they tap psychological constructs or processes, are more rigorously construct in the likeness of the classical psychological test, and are designed for use by professionals rather than general correctional staff.

CLINICAL VERSUS ACTUARIAL PREDICTION OF DANGEROUS BEHAVIOUR

Dangerous behaviour predictions can be categorised into two areas, clinical prediction based on professional training and experience, and actuarial prediction which attempts to predict an individual’s behaviour from statistics based on similarity to other individuals with shared demographic or personality characteristics, and exhibiting similar behaviours. Dangerous behaviour predictions - whether based on clinical expertise, or actuarial assessment - are not mutually exclusive, as actuarial tools are invariably constructed from statistical composites of case history variables. The predictor variables are usually entered

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into some form of regression analysis to predict violent recidivism (Quinsey et al., 1998). The presence of such an algorithm in actuarial prediction tools allows an explicit interpretation of the weighting of the various relevant components in predicting dangerous behaviour. However, during the 1960s and again more recently classification tree methods have been utilised in the hope that a greater range of predictor variables may be utilised to identify distinct offender types or offence pathways (See e.g. Monahan et al. 2001)

Debate has continued to revolve around the accuracy of clinical versus actuarial predictions of dangerous behaviour since the first-generation studies of dangerous behaviour began in the 1960s. These studies criticised the low levels of reliability and accuracy in clinical predictions of dangerous behaviour and indicated that clinicians were inaccurate in predicting dangerous behaviour in psychiatric patients in as many as two-thirds of cases (Goldberg, 1968; Monahan, 1981).

Goldberg (1968) summarised these early studies of clinicians’ judgments of dangerous behaviour and concluded that experience and amount of clinical training was unrelated to accurate prediction. For example, naïve judges increased their accuracy rates from approximately 52% to 58% following 17 weeks of training. Notably, middle and expert judges maintained an average accuracy rate of 65% pre- and post-training. In addition, clinicians presented with the same data disagreed in their predictions of dangerous behaviour. Arguably, accuracy was related more to clinicians' confidence in their own judgments, rather than to factors actually associated with violent behaviour.

Critics have attributed such high levels of clinical inaccuracy to various factors ranging from differences in clinical methods of assessment, to subjective interpretations of what actually constitutes dangerous behaviour (Litwack & Schlesinger, 1999; Quinsey et al., 1998). Moreover, clinicians are susceptible to judgment errors, stereotypical biases and cognitive heuristics that can influence their decisions regarding an individual’s level of risk and potential dangerous behaviour (Cannon & Quinsey, 1995). For example, the representative heuristic suggests that clinicians may not consider the objective data associated with violent recidivism. Instead, they base their assessment on their knowledge, and experience, of other clients with similar characteristics who have exhibited past episodes of dangerous behaviour. Clinicians who adopt this stance place themselves at risk of wrongly assessing a specific violent individual, particularly if that individual has a unique clinical presentation.

A factor that further confounds, and may reduce, clinician accuracy is that individuals are invariably assessed for dangerous behaviour in controlled environments such as psychiatric hospitals, or prisons. It is difficult for clinicians accurately to assess and take into account contextual factors that may trigger dangerous behaviour once an individual is returned to a potentially volatile environment (Melton et al., 1997). In such controlled environments - due largely to restraint via medication or correctional supervision - violent behaviour will remain dormant if the triggering antecedents of violence are absent.

Arguably, clinicians' abilities to foresee volatile contextual factors can be likened to the vagaries of weather forecasting, such as predicting the destructive path of a tornado. Monahan and Steadman (1996) drew an analogy between violence risk assessment and meteorology to illustrate how precarious violence prediction can be. Hurricane warning alerts, for example, are given a category coding ranging from minimum to maximum risk. Similarly, risk and violence can be classified into categories ranging from ‘Category 1: low violence risk’, where few risk factors are present to ‘Category 4: very high violence risk’ where many key risk

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factors are present (Witt, Delrusso, Oppenheim, & Ferguson, 1996). Without the triggering contextual factors - analogous to the path of a tornado that changes without prior warning - clinicians may miss the warning signs, and inadvertently class dangerous individuals as low risk.

Given such high levels of clinical inaccuracy, attempts have been made to improve clinicians’ accuracy in predicting dangerous behaviour by generating actuarial scales to investigate relationships between case factors and predicted violence (Gardner, Lidz, Mulvey, & Shaw, 1996). Since Monahan’s (1981) influential monograph on violence risk assessment, when he suggested that a history of violence is the best predictor of future violent behaviour, there has been renewed interest in attempting to refine the accuracy of dangerous behaviour predictions. Monahan’s criticism that clinicians are limited in their ability to accurately predict dangerous behaviour in psychiatric patients led to a new era of dangerous behaviour research. This second-generation research attempted to address the methodological flaws evident in earlier studies (Melton et al., 1997). Later research extended the focus beyond degree of accuracy by seeking to identify complex variables that might predict, and/or mediate, dangerous behaviour (Monahan, 1996; Monahan & Steadman, 1994; Otto, 1992; Zeiss, Tanke, Fenn & Yesavage, 1996).

Evidence has accumulated since the 1980s for the superiority of actuarial methods over clinical judgment in predicting dangerous behaviour and violent recidivism (e.g., Borum, 1996; Dawes et al., 1989; Gardner, et al., 1996; Mossman, 1994; Quinsey & Maguire, 1986). Common risk factors identified by actuarial measures tend to fall within four broad domains: (1) historical factors such as adverse developmental history, prior history of crime and violence, prior hospitalisation, and poor treatment compliance; (2) dispositional factors such as psychopathic, or antisocial personality characteristics, cognitive variables and demographic data; (3) contextual antecedents to violence such as criminogenic needs (dynamic risk factors of criminal behaviour), deviant social networks, and lack of positive social supports; and (4) clinical factors such as diagnosis, poor level of functioning, and substance abuse (Borum, 1996).

Increasingly, clinicians are making dangerous behaviour and risk prediction decisions using a combination of actuarial assessment tools, guided clinical interviewing, and assisted actuarial approaches that combine the evidence-based strengths of prediction tools with individual risk factors identified by clinical assessment. Recently, advanced risk prediction technology has been introduced to define guidelines for clinical assessment. Clinical judgement can thus be enhanced by clinicians using actuarial information to aid them in the decision-making process. Moreover, clinical judgments in the form of structured behavioural rating scales can assist in the construction of actuarial risk assessment and prediction instruments (Quinsey et al., 1998). This ‘structuring discretion’ approach to clinical decision-making ensures clinical judgment is anchored by utilising an actuarial estimate of risk of future dangerous behaviour (Gottfredson, Wilkins, & Hoffman, 1978). The use of standardised assessment instruments in guided clinical assessment can improve the reliability and validity of risk assessment (Borum, 1996).

The fact that actuarial methods are based exclusively on empirically-established relationships between the variables and the criterion, suggests they may function as more valid predictors of risk of dangerous behaviour than clinical judgment. Multivariate techniques such as logistic regression, discriminant function analysis and survival analysis are typically utilised to produce prediction models concerning the probability of violent or

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dangerous behaviour (McNiel, Binder, & Greenfield, 1988). A major limitation of multivariate techniques however, is their reliance on large populations with normative data to reach statistical power and significance. Some offender groups, particularly pervasively violent offenders with psychopathic characteristics, are not representative of the wider offender population. These offenders invariably score in the maximum range on quantitative measures, creating in essence a 'ceiling effect' and thus making discrimination difficult if not impossible. Arguably, predicting differences between 'ceiling effect' type offenders requires combining clinical judgment with a more flexible analytical approach to enhance risk prediction for specific individuals.

STATIC AND DYNAMIC RISK PREDICTORS OF DANGEROUS BEHAVIOUR

Risk factors for dangerous behaviour can be categorised into static (fixed) and dynamic (changeable) variables. Static risk factors are defined by past events such as a history of childhood maladjustment, having criminal biological parents, offence history, or previous substance abuse (Hanson, 1998; Quinsey et al., 1998). Dynamic risk factors of dangerous behaviour reflect the contextual, situational, and temporal criminogenic needs (antecedents of criminal behaviour) of the offender prior to an offence (Andrews & Bonta, 1994; Quinsey et al., 1998).

Historical static predictors may be advantageous in indicating an offender’s deviant developmental trajectory, and propensity to violence, and thus have a role to play in determining criminal misconduct. They are nonetheless inadequate predictors of recidivism. For example, static predictors fail to account for why two brothers with similar developmental histories could both commit violent offences, but only one brother progress to become a violent recidivist. Arguably, dynamic risk factors, interacting with other factors such as personality characteristics, have a more important role to play in predicting recidivism.

Typically, dynamic risk factors include difficulties offenders experience in interpersonal relationships, the presence or absence of social support networks, difficulties in finding (and keeping) legal employment, money problems, substance abuse, criminogenic needs, and continued contact with peers with criminal attitudes and behaviours. Although it is 20 years since Monahan (1981) stressed the importance of investigating contextual, proximal and temporal dynamic factors as either antecedents to crime, or operating as protective factors against crime, this area of research has proven difficult to develop and remains largely unexplored.

In contrast, static variables that consistently predict violent recidivism have been reliably identified by researchers during the past decade, notably criminal history and background variables (for a review see Quinsey et al., 1998). For example, Hanson and Bussière (1998) reviewed studies on sexual offenders, from 61 different databases. They reported that the best predictors of long-term recidivism - for sexual and non-sexual violent offences - were offence history, and highly stable factors, such as personality disorders. Static variables nevertheless, are severely limited. The static predictors of dangerous behaviour and violent recidivism identified in the literature rely almost exclusively on measures defined by past events such as age, having criminal biological parents, offence history, or previous substance abuse. These

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predictors are subject to slow and incremental change, if any, such as an increase in the offence rate, and fail to capture the current criminogenic needs of the offender (Andrews & Bonta, 1998; Zamble & Quinsey, 1997). Moreover, the predictive accuracy of static variables used in studies of dangerous behaviour and violence is relatively small, and no variable has proved to be an adequate predictor to justify its use in isolation. Historical static variables, nonetheless, are still important in determining criminal misconduct, for understanding the origins of violent behaviour in an offender, and for their already proven predictive capability.

Since models of dangerous behaviour and risk prediction that use static predictors typically account for only 20 to 30% of the variance in violent re-offending, controversy has surrounded the efficacy of using static predictors alone to predict dangerous behaviour in violent offenders (Quinsey et al., 1998). Static prediction models fail to identify contextual factors that may be intrinsically more important in precipitating dangerous behaviour and violent recidivism. Because static prediction models are limited, a ‘third generation’ approach to risk assessment of dangerous behaviour that incorporates both static and dynamic predictors is crucial if risk prediction is to advance (Monahan & Steadman, 1994; Silver, Mulvey, & Monahan, 1999). Dynamic factors such as an offender's substance abuse, level of community support, presence or absence of social support networks, or opportunity for crime, may better reflect the contextual, situational, and temporal criminogenic needs that elevates an individual's potential risk (Monahan, 1981, Monahan & Steadman, 1994).

Improving prediction models by incorporating dynamic variables to target high-risk dangerous offenders is particularly important, especially for individuals at risk of imminent or short-term dangerous behaviour. Zamble and Quinsey (1997) targeted this neglected area of research and retrospectively studied dynamic predictors of short-term risk recidivism in offenders who reoffended while on parole within 1 year of release from prison. They reported that relatively stable behavioural patterns in offenders such as coping style, antisocial attitudes and values, and criminal socialisation could be subject to change, and interacted with current emotional experiences, thoughts and perceptions. Common dynamic predictors included interpersonal conflict financial difficulties , and substance abuse. The majority of offenders had been drinking immediately prior to the offence , or had been heavily abusing drugs throughout the period of release. Other substances most commonly used in the 24 hours prior to an offence were cocaine and cannabis .

Importantly, Hanson and Harris (2000) posit that dynamic risk factors can be further categorised into stable, and acute dynamic factors. The latter include variables such as an offender’s mood or transient cognitive state immediately prior to an offence. Due to their very nature, continuously varying acute dynamic variables are more difficult accurately to predict than stable dynamic risk factors.

Although Zamble and Quinsey (1997) identified dynamic predictors of recidivism - that operated as better predictors of risk than static variables alone - the study has limitations. One major criticism is that the data was collected retrospectively. The majority of questions in the interview focused on events in the community prior to the new offence to target dynamic risk factors. Offenders reported evidence of changes in the pre-offence period such as lowered mood state, reduced coping ability, and increased anger towards others - particularly those who re-offended within a month of their release. This method of targeting dynamic variables retrospectively may be questionable given the time elapsed between the offence and data collected during interviews. Offenders' perceptions of their own acute dynamic risk factors,

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such as mood state prior to the offence, may have been subject to perceptual and cognitive distortions, including hindsight, and recall bias.

Arguably, although it may be almost impossible accurately to predict acute dynamic factors, prediction models that include stable dynamic factors such as continuous substance abuse, may increase the chance of predicting changing mood states that precede violent behaviour. Prediction models that incorporate stable dynamic factors - and may tap into transitory acute dynamic risk factors - will necessarily be far more relevant to the short-term, rather than long-term, prediction of dangerous behaviour.

DANGEROUS BEHAVIOUR RESEARCH

The prediction of general and violent recidivism of offenders released from correctional and secure hospital facilities has been extensively researched and well documented. Canadian researchers have dominated actuarial prediction of violent recidivism research with additional studies being undertaken in America and England (for reviews see Andrew & Bonta, 1994; Monahan, 1981; Quinsey et al., 1998). Overall, the personal characteristics and predictors of violent recidivism are fairly consistent across different populations including prisoners, patients in secure psychiatric facilities, and patients in standard psychiatric hospitals (Quinsey et al., 1998). Studies vary in the follow-up time period used to predict recidivism, typically between 1 (Monahan et al., 2001) to 15 years (Hanson & Thornton, 2000; Quinsey et al., 1998; Rice, Quinsey, & Harris, 1991). Generally, the longer the at-risk period, the greater the likelihood of failure, with violent offenders recidivating more quickly than sex offenders (Quinsey, et al., 1998; Hanson & Bussière, 1998).

Four key areas have been targeted by researchers in their attempts to predict dangerous behaviour, namely: background and demographic variables; the presence of psychiatric symptomatology; psychopathy; and the nexus between criminal behaviour and substance abuse. Much of the Canadian research has focused on psychiatric patients in forensic institutions and/or has studied antisocial behaviour among insanity acquittees discharged from hospitals. Other investigators have studied recidivism among adult prisoners released from prison, or studied juvenile offenders (Quinsey et al., 1998). The most common predictors of risk of violent recidivism are shown in Table 1.

In general, the strongest indicator of violent offending is prior contact with the criminal justice or mental health systems. Younger offenders are at higher risk and continue to be so as they age, by virtue of their early criminal activity (Hare, McPherson, & Forth, 1988; Harris, Rice, & Cormier, 1991), Also offenders are at increased risk of reoffending when they abuse alcohol and other drugs (Anglin & Speckhart, 1988; Dawkins, 1997; Wieczorek, Welte, & Abel, 1990). Individuals who score high on measures of psychopathy (e.g., PCL-R), and personality-disordered individuals, have been found to be a group who remain at high risk of exhibiting dangerous behaviour and committing violent offences for many years (Hare, et al., 1988; Harris, et al., 1991).

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Table 1. Common Predictors of Risk of Violent Recidivism

Domain Reference Pearson's rGender - Males pose a higher risk of violence particularly in serious expressions of violence

Monahan et al., 2000 .08*

Age - Youth is associated with higher risk - with elevated risk in late adolescence to early adulthood.

Gendreau, Goggin, & Law, 1997Monahan et al., 2001Myner, Santman, Cappelletty, & Perlmutter, 1998

-.14*-.12***-.58***

History of past criminal and violent behaviour. The most robust predictor of future violence is a history of multiple prior offences, that is, criminal versatility (Monahan, 1981) and early onset of violent behaviour (prior to age 13), notably age at first arrest (Poythress, 1999).

Gendreau et al., 1997 - prior recordMyner et al., 1998. - first conviction – property

- violent convictionMonahan et al., 2000 - any arrest person crimeRice, Quinsey, & Harris, 1991

- nonsexual offences- previous violent convictions

.15*

.20*.26**

.13***

.33***.19*

Low educational attainment. History of leaving school early, truancy, and disruptive behaviour during school years (Quinsey et al., 1998).

Gendreau et al., 1997 - educational achievementMonahan et al., 2000 - years of education

.11*-.11***

Alcohol/Drug abuse. Dawkins, 1997 - Serious injury to victim- alcohol- heroin

- Weapon used in crime- alcohol- heroin- marijuana

Mills, Kroner, & Weekes, 1998- alcohol-related violence- substance-related violence

.32***.17**

.15*.17**

.24***

.36***

.30***Psychopathy - as measured by the Psychopathy Checklist Revised (PCL-R),

Hare & McPherson, 1984 - institutional violenceSerin, 1996 - violent recidivism

.46*

.28*

A diagnosis of Antisocial Personality Disorder.

Rice et al., 1991 .18**

Childhood variables - including a history of conduct disorder, history of physical abuse, parental criminal history, parental substance abuse.

Gendreau et al., 1997 - early family factorsMonahan et al., 2000 - serious abuse as a child

- frequency of abuse- father ever arrested- father excessive alcohol use

- father ever used drugs

.07*.14***.12***.15***.11**

.16****p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001

Monahan's (1994) important research on the risk of violence in mentally disordered individuals introduced four domains of risk factors to consider in assessing or predicting

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dangerous behaviour: dispositional or personal factors, clinical or symptom factors, historical or developmental factors, and contextual or situational factors. Monahan incorporated previous research on violence and mental disorder within the four identified domains (that include both static and dynamic risk factors) and married this actuarial research with clinical experience. Monahan and his colleagues (2001) have recently released outcome data from the MacArthur Violence Risk Assessment Study which was designed to address three areas in risk assessment: to improve the validity of clinical risk assessment, to enhance the effectiveness of clinical risk management, and to provide information on mental disorder and violence for use in mental health, law and policy reform.

The researchers suggest that they were able accurately to classify three-quarters of patients into one of two risk categories. They found that "High violence risk" patients were at least twice as likely as the average patient to commit a violent act within 20 weeks of being discharged from hospital . "Low violence risk" patients were reported to be at most half as likely as the average patient to commit a violent act during the same time period following release from hospital .

In summary, for forensic patients and prisoners, predicted risk of dangerous behaviour increases when offenders: (1) originate from adverse family backgrounds; (2) combine substance use with criminal activity, (3) have active psychotic symptoms of a persecutory nature; and (4) exhibit high levels of psychopathy. Although it is acknowledged that other psychological states may also result in dangerous behaviour, this chapter will provide a synopsis of the predominant areas identified within risk prediction: developmental risk factors, substance abuse, mental disorder, and psychopathy.

Developmental Risk Factors

Research has identified key developmental factors that elevate the risk of future dangerous behaviour and criminality in offenders. Dominant familial risk factors include lack of family support, family conflict, antisocial parents, and childhood abuse and neglect (Baron & Hartnagel, 1998; Dutton & Hart, 1992; Kemph, Braley, & Ciotola, 1998; Myner et al., 1998; Richards, 1996). Specifically, risk is elevated when children are separated from their parents at an early age, experience early physical and emotional abuse, parents have a diagnosis of mental disorder and/or substance abuse, parents apply inconsistent and/or punitive parenting strategies, and children witness violence within the home (Caputo, Frick & Brodsky, 1999; Eiden, 1999; Forth & Mailloux, 2000; Monahan et al., 2001).

The MacArthur study revealed that 69% of patients were physically abused during childhood, 60% reported excessive paternal alcohol use, and 33% had fathers with a history of arrest (Monahan et al., 2001). Physical abuse was associated with future violent behaviour, but prior sexual abuse was not. Despite paternal drug and alcohol use, and criminal history, patients who lived with their father until 15 years old were less violent as adults. Monahan et al. (2001) postulated that despite familial risk factors, individuals raised in dysfunctional families that were less criminogenic overall, were less likely to become violent as adults.

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Table 2. Developmental Risk Factors for Violent Arrests and Adult Convictions

Risk Factor Reference Odds RatioSex Male Weiler & Widom, 1996 6.7Ethnicity Black Weiler & Widom, 1996 4.1School Highest School Grade Completed

Delinquent school (21%)Low attainment (23%)Parent uninterested in education (17%)

Weiler & Widom, 1996Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000

0.82.5*3.3*1.7

Family Convicted parent (27%)Delinquent sibling (11%)Behaviour problem sibling (38%)Young mother (22%)

Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000

2.9*2.9*2.4*1.9*

Child Rearing Poor child-rearing (24%)Poor supervision (19%)Disrupted family (22%)Father uninterested in child (12%)Abuse/neglect

Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000Weiler & Widom, 1996

1.42.2*2.7*1.21.4

Socioeconomic Low family income (23%)Poor housing (37%)Large family size (24%)

Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000Farrington, 2000

2.0*1.8*2.6*

* p < .05.

Table 2 provides a synopsis of several of the key developmental risk predictors from two recent studies. Research suggests that children who originate from dysfunctional families - particularly those who experience inadequate or abusive parenting - fail to acquire socially acceptable behaviours, and are at greater risk of deviant behaviour and violent interaction within the family, and with peers (Feldman, 1993; Quinsey et al., 1998). Family problems have also been found to be the single most important predictor of post-release behaviour in young offenders (Fendrich, 1991). Child abuse and neglect have also been linked to offenders being diagnosed with personality disorders and/or psychopathy (Weiler & Widom, 1996). Dutton and Hart (1992) reported that offenders who had suffered family abuse and violence had a prevalence rate of 43.5% for Axis II disorders, compared with 34.1% of offenders exposed as children to stranger violence, and 13.6% who were not abused as children.

Familial developmental risk factors may also exacerbate, or interrelate, with other risk factors, such as a history of truancy and aggressiveness in school, conduct disorder, and peer pressure resulting in delinquency. Myner et al. (1998) found that 75% of juvenile offenders performed poorly in school, 53% were affiliated in gangs, 58% had a diagnosis of conduct disorder, 85% had a history of property offences as their first conviction, and 77% had convictions for violent offences.

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Substance Use

Studies have generally revealed a positive relationship between criminal behaviour, and substance abuse (Awad & Saunders, 1991; Chaiken & Chaiken, 1984; Dawkins, 1997; Richards, 1996; Spunt, Goldstein, Brownstein, & Fendrich, 1994; Villeneuve & Quinsey, 1995). The rise of illicit substances in recent years had led to a greater number of drug-related arrests and convictions (Sinha & Easton, 1999). It has been proposed that the disinhibiting effects of alcohol in particular, and/or other substances, may increase the propensity towards impulsivity, risk-taking, and crime (Fergusson & Horwood, 2000).

In general, research has reported that violent crimes and offences against other people, including sexual assaults, were more likely to be committed by individuals who abused alcohol and ‘hard’ drugs, such as heroin, cocaine, and amphetamines (Anglin & Speckhart, 1988; Dawkins, 1997; Seto & Barbaree, 1995; Wieczorek, et al., 1990; White, 1997). In general, violent offenders have been found to be much heavier drinkers than non-violent offenders, or the general population. Alcohol abuse has been reported as the most important substance-related factor in homicides and other violent crimes (Wieczorek et al., 1990).

Yarvis (1994) studied substance abuse and intoxication in murderers He reported that 58% experienced some type of active substance abuse problem in proximity to their homicidal behaviour, and 48% were intoxicated at the time of the homicidal events. Males were intoxicated in 19.3% of homicides, used other substances in 14.8% of homicides, and used a combination of drugs and alcohol in 29.5% of homicides. Gresnigt, Breteler, Schippers, and Van den Hurk (2000) also found that substance use influenced violent crime in 31% of drug-using prisoners. Moreover, one study of violent offenders found that violent prison incidents were related to alcohol abuse, and total substance abuse (Mills, et al., 1998).

In an attempt to determine the relationship between specific substances and violent crime, Dawkins (1997) interviewed incarcerated juvenile delinquents to assess three substances - alcohol, marijuana, and heroin. He found the strongest, and most consistent relationships between alcohol and violent crime - notably serious injury to victims, physical attack, serious fights and arson . Marijuana was associated with general trouble with the police, gang fighting, and use of a weapon during the crime. Heroin abuse however has been associated with drug-related and property crimes, rather than violent offences (Ball, Schafer, & Nurco, 1983; Nurco, Ball, Schaffer, & Hanlon, 1985).

Offenders who abuse alcohol and other substances are also considered to be poor candidates for rehabilitation. Moreover, substance abusers with antisocial personality disorder, depression and other psychiatric disorders were found to be even more intractable (Pottenger et al., 1978; Reid & Gacono, 2000; Rounsaville, Dolinsky, Babor, & Meyer, 1987; Sinha & Easton, 1999).

Mental Disorder

Research on violence and risk prediction suggests a convergence between violence and mental disorder, with individuals diagnosed within specific categories of mental disorder at greater risk of violent behaviour than others (Monahan & Steadman, 1994; Silver, et al.,

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1999). The relationship among diagnosis, crime and violence in psychiatric patients, nonetheless, is ambiguous.

In the recent MacArthur study, Monahan et al. (2001) reported statistically significant prevalence rates of violence for patients according to diagnostic categories. Prevalence rates at 1 year were: for individuals with schizophrenia 14.8%, for patients with depression 28.5%, and for patients with bipolar disorder 22.0%. Other research (Swanson, Holzer, Ganju, & Jono, 1990) found that in comparison to non-mentally disordered individuals, the prevalence of violence was: higher in mentally disordered individuals; similar for individuals with Axis 1 diagnoses (APA, 1994) such as schizophrenia, major depression, or mania/bipolar disorder; 12 times higher for individuals with a diagnosis of alcoholism; and 16 times higher for individuals who met the diagnostic criteria for substance abuse. Further, patients with three or more concurrent psychiatric diagnoses demonstrated more violent acts compared with those without a diagnosis (Swanson, et al, 1990).

Several studies have reported that dangerous behaviour in the form of interpersonal violence increases when psychotic symptomatology is present (Cirincione, Steadman, Clark-Robbins, & Monahan, 1992; Hersch & Borum, 1998; Monahan, 1992; Rice & Harris, 1992). In particular, delusional beliefs have been reported to be significantly related to violence (Nestor, Haycock, Doiron, Kelly, & Kelly, 1995), and when individuals experiencing command hallucinations ordered towards others complied with those orders (Kasper, Rogers, & Adams, 1996). Severely violent offenders have also been reported to have more delusional beliefs about specific targets and paranoid ideas about significant others being replaced by imposters (Nestor et al., 1995). It is possible that offenders with severe delusional themes of paranoia are likely to be suspicious of therapeutic interventions and less compliant with medication, which increases their risk for dangerous behaviour and recidivism.

Conversely, Monahan et al. (2001) reported that patients who were delusional while hospitalised were less likely to be violent following discharge. Investigation of different types of delusions - persecutory, body/mind control, and religious delusions - maintained a significant negative relationship at 20 weeks, and 1 year, following discharge. Violent delusional content did not predict violence towards others during the short - or longer-term - follow up periods. It may be that violent delusional content was reduced more by maintenance of medication, and close monitoring of patients.

Although psychotic patients, especially those with a diagnosis of paranoid schizophrenia, were reportedly dangerous on release, researchers have found that other factors were more predictive of recidivism (Bieber, Pasewark, Bosten, & Steadman, 1988). Bieber et al. (1988), studied recidivism in 132 insanity acquittees discharged from hospital. Discriminant function analysis revealed the strongest predictors of recidivism were: number of pre-arrests, severity of arrests per year, a psychotic diagnosis, a Not Guilty by Reason of Insanity (NGRI) offence of homicide, fewer street years, and average pre-arrest severity.

Contrary to public opinion that individuals with schizophrenia are more likely to commit violent crimes, studies suggest that a diagnosis of schizophrenia does not increase the risk of violent re-offending. Instead, consistent with the MacArthur data, schizophrenia has been found to predict lower risk for future dangerous behaviour compared to violent offenders without schizophrenia (Harris, Rice, & Quinsey, 1993; Teplin, Abram, & McClelland, 1994).

A recent meta-analysis of 58 studies was conducted to determine the best predictors of recidivism in offenders who had received mental health interventions (Bonta, Law, & Hanson, 1998). The best predictor of violent recidivism across all groups of offenders was the

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domain of criminal history, compared to deviant lifestyle. The presence of psychotic symptoms or schizophrenia at the time of the index offence, or hospital admission, was negatively related to risk. In comparison to other offenders, mentally disordered offenders were less likely to reoffend violently. Other major predictors were antisocial personality, substance abuse, and family dysfunction.

Overall, the meta-analysis reported little difference between the predictors for mentally disordered offenders compared to non-disordered offenders. Since past criminal offences have proved to be the best single predictor of future criminal acts, it may be difficult to estimate the weighting, or contribution, of psychiatric diagnosis in predicting criminal behaviour. Moreover, early research reported that a dual diagnosis of personality disorder was related to higher recidivism rates in mentally disordered offenders (Quinsey, Pruesse, & Fernley, 1975).

Importantly, the nexus between alcohol/drug use and psychiatric diagnosis has been found to escalate an offender’s propensity towards violence. A Melbourne study (Wallace et al., 1998) reported that male offenders with personality disorders were almost 16 times more likely to commit violent offences when there was a co-morbidity of substance abuse. These findings support earlier research that suggested a dual diagnosis increased the likelihood of contact with the criminal justice system (Rice & Harris, 1995a, 1995b; Swanson, 1994). Swanson (1994) found that 27% of offenders had a major psychiatric diagnosis combined with alcohol or drug dependence compared to 13% of offenders who presented with a mental health diagnosis alone. Additionally, offenders with dual diagnoses were three times more likely than offenders with a single diagnosis to be in contact with the criminal justice system.

Although research suggests that mentally disordered offenders typically reside in psychiatric facilities, studies have revealed the presence of psychiatric disorders in prisoners to be high. The most prevalent diagnoses are schizophrenia, major depression, bipolar disorder, organic brain syndrome, substance abuse/dependence, and antisocial personality disorder (Steadman, Fabisiak, Dvoskin, & Holohean, 1987).

Taylor (1985) found that in a group of male prisoners, 75% reported positive psychotic symptomatology at the time of the offence. Prisoners attributed their criminal behaviour directly to their psychotic symptoms, or blamed their behaviour on auditory command hallucinations, rather than to contextual factors. Further investigation however, revealed that only 20% of offenders with positive symptoms were actively psychotic at the time of committing a criminal offence. Instead, for the majority of offenders, violent crimes were driven by motives rather than active psychosis. The motives included self-defence, sexual gratification, calculated revenge, material gain, morbid jealousy, accident and immediate retaliation.

It could be argued that offenders may attempt to blame their crimes on psychosis, rather than admit intent and responsibility, particularly if a violent crime yields a hefty penalty within the legal context. This type of manipulation suggests that personality characteristics may be more related to dangerous behaviour and violent offending than the presence of psychosis.

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Psychopathy

Researchers have argued that individuals with certain personality types, such as antisocial characteristics, are more likely to be at risk of dangerous behaviour and recidivism (Andrews & Bonta, 1994; Grann, Langstrom, Tengstrom, & Kullgren, 1999; Rasmussen, Storsaeter & Levander, 1999; Rogers, Salekin, Sewell, & Cruise, 2000). The criteria for a diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder (APA, 1994) depends largely upon a history of delinquent and antisocial acts prior to the age of 18 years. Although psychopathy has been associated with criminal and antisocial behaviour, it refers to a persistent personality syndrome that does not equate to a DSM-IV diagnosis of Antisocial Personality Disorder or criminality (Cornell et al., 1996).

Psychopathy has traditionally been defined as a cluster of affective, interpersonal and behavioural characteristics (Cleckley, 1976; Hare, 1998). Typically an individual who scores high on measures of psychopathy (e.g., PCL-R) exhibits glibness and superficial charm; lack of empathy, guilt and remorse; egocentricity; selfishness, deceitful and manipulative behaviour; impulsive and irresponsible behaviour, and a lack of interpersonal attachments (Hare & Hart, 1993). Hare (1998) made a distinction between psychopathy and antisocial personality disorder (ASPD). He argued that the DSM-IV (APA, 1994) criteria for diagnosis relies on specific violations of social and legal norms, and identifiable and persistent antisocial personality characteristics, but that these individuals are not necessarily psychopathic. In addition to impulsive and explosive forms of violence, psychopaths also engage in more predatory, dispassionate, remorseless and instrumental violence than antisocial individuals.

Harpur, Hare, and Hakstian (1989) factor-analysed the Psychopathy Checklist Revised (PCL-R) and presented a two-factor conceptualisation of psychopathy: Factor 1 (selfish, callous, and remorseless use of others) and Factor 2 (chronically unstable and antisocial lifestyle). Other research has identified specific predictors of future violent behaviour that are consistent with Factor 2 of the PCL-R (antisocial personality characteristics). Table 3 highlights personality characteristics associated with violence - impulsivity, risk-taking behaviour, sensation-seeking, and boredom.

Interestingly, Hart, Hare, and Forth (1994) suggest that it is not only the social deviance components of psychopathy (Factor 2) that are related to risk of violent behaviour, but that the affective-interpersonal components (Factor 1) may be as predictive, if not more so, of violent behaviour. Cornell et al. (1996) argue that due to insensitivity to social, moral or emotional prohibitions against violence, individuals who score higher on psychopathy measures may be more inclined to act in a violent manner. It could be argued however, that 'psychopaths' who score high on both factors may instead use their affective personality characteristics (Factor 1) to mediate and control their antisocial behaviour. Hare (1998) argued that within the criminal justice system the presence of psychopathy should be given special consideration, particularly when decisions surrounding risk assessment, and prediction of dangerous behaviour, and violent recidivism are made. Researchers have reported that the relationship between psychopathy and violent crime is substantial. High scorers (‘psychopaths’) have been reported to commit a disproportionately greater number of general and violent crimes than other criminals (Hall, 1988; Hare & Hart, 1993; Heilbrun, 1979; Hemphill, et al., 1998; Holland, Beckett, & Levi, 1981; Quinsey & Maguire, 1986, Serin, 1996).

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The Assessment of Dangerous Behavior

Table 3. Predictors of Violent Behaviour Consistent with Factor 2 Characteristics (Antisocial)

Domain Sample Reference Pearson's r & Effect Size1

Health Risk behaviour Reduced harm avoidance Violent offenders vs

controlsCaspi et al., 1997 Effect size = .39

Low levels of control Caspi et al., 1997 Effect size = .73Aggression Caspi et al., 1997 Effect size = 1.44Sensation seeking (correlated with age - older significant)

Adolescents (2 locations) Gordon & Caltabiano, 1996

Location 1, r = .50*Location 2, r = .85*

Sensation seeking (regression analysis - substance use)

Adolescents Wood, Cochran, Pfefferbaum, & Arneklev, 1995

Tobacco, b = .29***Alcohol, b = .24***Marijuana, b = .07*Hard drugs, b = .03

Boredom/low frustration tolerance (correlated with self-esteem)

Adolescents (2 locations) Gordon & Caltabiano, 1996

Location 1, r = -.17Location 2, r = -.16

Impulsivity Murderers & Arsonists (measured for violent recidivism)

Dejong, Virkkunen, & Linnoila, 1992

Murderers, r = .37***Arsonists, r = .38***

Impulsivity (correlated with alcohol abuse)

Violent offenders Zhang, Wieczorek, & Welte, 1997

r = .023**

Impulsivity (regression analysis - substance use)

Adolescents Wood, et al., 1995 Tobacco, b = .21***Alcohol, b = .15***Marijuana, b = .02Hard drugs, b = .02

* p < .05., ** p < .01, *** p < .0011 Please note that an effect size for a correlation is considered moderate at .3 and .5 for a t-test. The beta weights (b) should be interpreted cautiously as the statistic quoted depends on other variables in the original regression model.

Offenders with a psychopathic profile begin their criminal behaviour and contact with the criminal justice system as young as 15 or 16 years old - much earlier than other offenders (Hare, Forth, & Strachan, 1992). Psychopathic adolescents engage in more non-violent behaviour, violent behaviour, versatility, i.e., a wide variety of non-violent behaviours, and versatility of violent behaviours, than non-psychopathic adolescent offenders (Forth, 1995). Moreover, Harris et al. (1991) reported that in a study of young mentally disordered male offenders, the violent recidivism rate of high scoring offenders on the PCL-R was four times greater than scores of ‘non-psychopaths’.

It has been suggested that early criminality in psychopathic adolescents may be related to poor social and environmental influences (Gretton, 1998). Forth, Hart, and Hare (1990) however, reported that a dysfunctional family background was related to the emergence of early criminal behaviour in ‘non-psychopaths’ but not in ‘psychopaths’. Age of first contact with the criminal justice system averaged 13 years regardless of family background. Other

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research contradicts these findings. One study using the Youth Version of the PCL (PCL:YV) reported that adolescent psychopathy was related to parental criminality, specifically maternal criminality, and maternal non-violent offences (Watt, Ma, Lewis, Willoughby, & O'Shaughnessy (1997). Interestingly, maternal and paternal criminality correlated with Factor 2 more than Factor 1, but paternal violence exclusively was correlated with Factor 2.

Psychopathy scores (PCL-R) have been reported to predict violent behaviour in high-risk samples of correctional inmates. Hart et al. (1988) investigated the relationship between psychopathy and recidivism following conditional release from prison. The PCL-R was related to repeat offending, previous violation of conditional release, age at release, and for release type, i.e., parole. The authors found that the PCL-R made an important contribution to the prediction of violent outcome over and beyond predictions or risk based on criminal history and demographic variables. Offenders who scored in the top third of the PCL-R were four times more likely to commit a violent crime than offenders who scored in the bottom third. Serin (1996) later investigated the extent to which psychopathy and history of violence contributed different information, but found that the number of prior violent convictions was not significantly related to violent recidivism.

Interestingly, the antisocial personality activities in offenders who score high in psychopathy have been found to decrease with age in both frequency and severity, particularly from the age of 40 years (Harpur & Hare, 1994). Arguably, as offenders age the behavioural traits attributed to Factor 2 decline, and they may be less likely to engage in impulsive dangerous behaviour.

Monahan et al. (2001) have recently criticised the existing factor structure of the PCL-R. Cooke and Michie (in press), removed items from the PCL-R that failed to indicate psychopathy from the 'antisocial behaviour' factor, such as 'adult antisocial behaviour'. The 'affective personality' factor was divided into two factors, one denoting an 'arrogant and deceitful interpersonal style', and a 'deficient affective experience'. Monahan et al. (2001) argue that several of the items loading on the 'behavioural factor' are in essence related to personality traits, such as impulsivity, irresponsibility and a lack of goals/planning. They posit that the factor more traditionally perceived as 'behavioural', represents instead a personality construct that is more closely related to violence.

DANGEROUS BEHAVIOUR RESEARCH - METHODOLOGICAL LIMITATIONS

In general, dangerousness prediction research differ extensively, resulting in discrepancies between studies and reported findings. For example, many studies have obtained information directly from correctional patient/prisoner records that may be incomplete, or prone to clerical error, which threatens the reliability and validity of the research.

Differences in methodology also occur in: the length and consistency of the follow-up period; the study sample, such as the demographic characteristics of the sample; the criterion for recidivism (arrest for a crime, e.g., Hart et al., 1988 versus conviction, e.g., Ross, 2000); the source of criterion information (multiple source, e.g., Broadhurst, 1991 versus single record source, e.g., Simourd & Hoge, 2000), the operationalisation and measurement of

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recidivism (self reported re-offending, arrests, charges, e.g., Dawkins, 1997, versus conviction, e.g., Farrington, 2000), and the kind of outcome criminal activity assessed (Hall & Proctor, 1987; Quinsey et al., 1998). It may be presumed that such differences in definitions of recidivism may result in significant variation in dangerous behaviour predictions.

One intrinsic difficulty in accurately predicting dangerous behaviour in violent offenders has been the problem of low base rates for violent offences. For example, if 5% of violent offenders committed another violent offence, you would be correct 95% of the time if you predicted that none of these individuals would reoffend (Quinsey et al., 1998). Violent sexual offences in particular are relatively rare events although acts of rape occur frequently compared to acts of child molestation (Doren, 1998). Difficulties arise in attempting to predict relatively rare events, since the possibility of predicting an offence when none occurs is high, leading to false positive errors (offenders wrongly classified as dangerous). Low base rates for homicide for example, can result in high false positives. In fact, as the base rate of an offence approaches zero, the chance of accurate prediction is considerably enhanced by simply predicting that the offence will not occur, regardless of any risk factors that may be present and potentially ignored.

Interestingly, in 1978 Monahan posited that contextual factors should be considered in determining base rates of violent offences. He argued that in emergency commitment decisions and bail decisions, base rates would be higher and more accurate since the context of the violent behaviour to be predicted was more immediate temporally and situationally.

Prediction estimates based on severely psychiatrically disturbed offenders may not generalise to the criminal prison population. It is assumed that offenders in psychiatric institutions present with more florid psychotic symptomatology that is associated with their violent behaviour. The prevalence of DSM-IV diagnoses, predominately Axis 2 disorders (personality disorders), within prison populations suggests that the triggers for violence would be different, given differences in the two populations.

PROTECTIVE VS RISK FACTORS

Prior to a violent offender's release into the community assessment of future dangerous behaviour plays a crucial role in his/her release date (Witt et al., 1997). Decisions to release dangerous individuals are based on assessment of whether the person has been sufficiently rehabilitated, remains dangerous, or is likely to reoffend (Harry & Beck, 1989). Risk and protective factors are weighed up in the decision-making process. Risk factors are defined as personality characteristics, or environmental triggers, that place an individual at excessive risk to the community if he is released. Protective factors are those that mediate or moderate the effect of exposure to risk factors, resulting in reduced incidence of violent re-offending (Fitzpatrick, 1997; Pollard, Hawkins, & Arthur, 1999).

Although risk factors have been widely researched in assessment of dangerous behaviour, less is known about protective factors. Like risk factors, protective factors may be individual personality characteristics (for example, motivation and determination to succeed on parole, bail, or discharge from psychiatric institutional care), having supportive partners and family, being employed and financially secure, having networks of prosocial friends, and utilising

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supervision and rehabilitation therapy. Protective factors mediate risk and act as 'buffers' to help reduce the negative impact of risk factors such as, for example, continued contact with antisocial peers (Fitzpatrick, 1997). Arguably, if protective factors operate as buffers only, risk factors may still impact on offenders' behaviour under certain conditions, such as when protective mechanisms are reduced or removed.

Hughes (1998) explored factors that instigated positive change in men between the age of 18 and 28 with histories of destructive behaviour. Their crimes included violent acts, property crimes, illegal drug use and drug trafficking. She interviewed 20 participants and qualitatively analysed the transcripts. Hughes reported that despite their early trajectory towards criminal activities, four significant protective factors emerged that related to the men making radical life changes. They were, respect and concern for children, fear of physical harm or incarceration, contemplation time, and support and modeling.

Fitzpatrick (1997) studied risk and protective factors in predicting fighting and violent behaviour in adolescents. Risk factors included youths who thought they should not apologise following a confrontation, and those who believed it was 'cool' to possess a gun. Youths living in non-intact families (other than biological parents) reported more fighting and violence than youths living in intact families. The only protective factor reported as statistically significant was 'Talking to Parents'. The author concluded that when youths have bonded to adults, they are insulated against the negative effects of risk. This study however fails to consider the mediating effects of dynamic risk factors such as antisocial peer networks, or substance abuse, that may diminish or negate any protective factors.

Since many violent offenders and psychiatric patients are subject to community supervision orders following their release from institutional care, it is assumed that supervision functions as an important protective factor. Unfortunately, the literature on the effectiveness of parole and mandatory supervision is minimal and fraught with methodological problems (Zamble & Quinsey, 1997).

For example, research into the antecedents of parole failure has treated offenders as homogeneous. Heilbrun, Brock, Waite, and Lanieret (2000), examined the records of 140 juvenile offenders from three study sites - 56.3% urban, 18.3% suburban, and 25.4% rural. A total of 41% had committed crimes against persons, 43% had committed crimes against property, and 13% had committed drug offences. They reported that 76.3% violated the conditions of their parole, with significant differences between time at risk, and site. The authors defined parole adjustment as 'obeying rules, not oppositional, (to supervision), and no new verified or suspected crimes'. A total of 73% were rated as having poor adjustment while on parole. It is difficult to measure the effect of supervision as a protective factor for parole adjustment since it is combined with offending behaviour. It would have been preferable to separate 'supervision' (a protective factor) from a variable measuring 'no new or specified crimes'.

Importantly, Zamble and Quinsey (1997) found that being supervised had little effect on offenders' parole outcome. The majority of offenders (55.6%) had broken their release terms within the first week. The authors argued that the specific violations highlight the ineffectiveness of supervision. For example, 72.4% of those with restrictions on the use of alcohol drank within the first week, and 61.4% with illegal substance restrictions had also used within the same timeframe. They found that supervision, in fact, hindered some offenders from actively seeking substance abuse programs in the community. They speculated

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that if offenders had admitted their substance use to their supervisors, their parole orders would have been revoked, resulting in a return to custody.

Despite the apparent lack of effective supervision, most offenders believed that their relationship with their supervisor was satisfactory (Zamble & Quinsey, 1997). Approximately 50% believed there was nothing their supervisor could have done differently within the system to help them adjust on parole - only 18.9% felt their supervisor had hindered them, whereas 35.1% reported positive, but trivial help from their supervisors.

ASSESSMENT TOOLS

There are numerous psychometric and actuarial scales that can be used to assess risk of dangerous behaviour. Some notable North American actuarial scales are the Statistical Information on Recidivism (SIR) scale (Nuffield, 1982) and The Level of Service Inventory (Andrews & Bonta, 1995). Considerable work has also been undertaken in the United Kingdom where the Offender Group Reconviction Scale has been developed to predict both general reconviction (Copas & Marshal, 1998) and sexual and violent reconviction (Taylor, 1999). Similar methodology lies behind other population-specific scales developed to reflect offender characteristics and offending patters in New Zealand (Hudson, Wales, Bakker, & Ward, in press) and Western Australia (Morgan, Morgan, & Morgan, 1998). Among the clinical psychometric scales currently in use the Psychopathy Checklist Revised [PCL-R] (Hare, 1991) and the Violence Risk Appraisal Guide [VRAG] (Quinsey, et al., 1998) are perhaps most prominent and are therefore given greater prominence in this chapter. However, other tools used to assess risk in violent and sex offenders include the HCR-20 (Webster, Eaves, Douglas, & Wintrup, 1995), the Static 99 (Hanson & Thornton, 1999), the SONAR (Hanson and Harris 2000), and the Violence Prediction Scheme (Webster, Harris, Rice, Cormier & Quinsey, 1994).

Statistical Information on Recidivism (SIR)

The SIR Scale pioneered the use of risk assessment instruments in Canadian Corrections. The SIR was developed by Nuffield to predict general criminal recidivism and formally adopted in 1988 by the National Parole Board and Correctional services of Canada (Cormier, 1997; Rice & Harris, 1995b). Nuffield identified 15 static variables related to criminal activity and social functioning in a sample of over 2,500 federal prisoners released and followed up over a three year period. The 15 predictor variables were assigned a weighting depending upon the difference between the recidivism base rate for offenders with the characteristics and the overall recidivism rate (Bonta & Hanson, 1995). The scores which ranged from –27 to +30 were grouped into five categories of risk (very good, good, fair, fair/poor and poor). The SIR scale (Nuffield, 1982) measures factors such as age, marital status, and a number of aspects of the offender's criminal history.

Although the SIR scale has been reported to differentiate between offenders at high and low risk of recidivism it has been criticised for its limitations in predicting violent recidivism and in assessing risk in female, Aboriginal and sex offenders (Cormier, 1997). A recent meta-

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analysis (Hanson & Bussiere, 1998) reported that the SIR correlated .41 with general recidivism, .34 with nonsexual violent recidivism but only .09 with sexual recidivism. Moreover, the SIR scale has further limitations as it is composed of static risk factors that are difficult to target for treatment interventions or measuring risk over time.

The Level of Service Inventory (LSI)

The Level of Service Inventory-Revised (Andrews & Bonta, 1995) was developed in the early 1980s and used in Canada in institutions, halfway houses and the community to aid decision making of supervision requirements for probation or parole (Loza & Khaliwal, 1997; Wormith, 1997). The LSI-R is a quantitative survey for persons aged 18 and older. The tool measures offenders' attributes and their situations, the level of supervision offenders' receive, and treatment decisions. The LSI-R helps predict parole outcome, success in correctional halfway houses, institutional misconducts, and recidivism. It comprises 53 checklist items that tap into 10 categories of risk/need variables: criminal history, education/employment, finances, family/marital, accommodations, leisure/recreation, companions, alcohol/drugs, emotional/personal, and attitudes/orientation (Loza & Khaliwal, 1997). Higher scores denote higher risk of recidivism and need for supervisory intervention.

The LSI-R has advantages over the SIR since it also incorporates dynamic risk factors to target criminogenic needs. Although the original LSI was designed to predict general recidivism and parole outcome it has been shown to predict violent recidivism also. The LSI-R overcomes one of the major limitations of the SIR by including dynamic as well as static risk factors, and so allowing risk to be measured over time. This capability makes the instrument useful in treatment planning and evaluation (Rice & Harris, 1997).

The Psychopathy Checklist - Revised (PCL-R)

The PCL-R has been shown to be a reliable predictor of general and violent recidivism. It also offers a distinct advantage in being able to differentiate between offenders with ASPD and those most at risk of dangerous behaviour (Hemphill, et al., 1998; Serin, 1996).

The PCL-R is a 20-item measure constructed by Hare (1991) to capture and operationalise Cleckley’s clinical conceptualisation of psychopathy. It consists of a semi-structured interview that integrates interview and case materials (Harris, Rice, & Quinsey, 1993). Each of the 20 items is rated on a scale of 2 = definitely applicable, 1 = potentially applicable or 0 = absent. The diagnostic cut-off for psychopathy is 30 out of a potential score of 40. Factor analysis of the PCL-R (and PCL:SV) has revealed two distinct factors associated with personality disorders that represent characteristics present in many offenders (Harpur et al., 1989; Hemphill et al.,1998). Factor 1 taps core interpersonal and affective personality traits associated with psychopathy defined as lack of empathy, guilt, or remorse, and a callous disregard for others, and Factor 2 taps characteristics of psychopathy associated with an impulsive, antisocial and unstable life-style and consistent with a DSM-IV diagnosis of Antisocial Personality Disorder (ASPD) (Cooke & Michie, 1998, 1999; Lilienfeld, 1998; Rogers, Duncan, Lynett, & Sewell, 1994).

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The PCL-R is becoming increasingly recognised as a valid and reliable method for assessing psychopathy in male forensic populations. The PCL-R has been shown to be a reliable predictor of general and violent recidivism (for a review see Hemphill et al., 1998) and in cross-cultural studies (Cooke, 1995, 1997; Hobson & Shine; Rasmussen et al., 1999; Ross, 1998; Zinger & Forth, 1998). The Screening Version of the PCL-R (PCL:SV) is conceptually, and empirically, related to the PCL-R, and can be used as a research tool or to screen for psychopathy in forensic populations (Cooke, Michie, Hart, & Hare, 1999: Hare, 1996). The PCL-R and PCL:SV have also successfully measured the functioning of psychopaths in industrial and occupational settings (Babiak, 1995, 1998, 2000).

The PCL-R also offers a distinct advantage in being able to differentiate between offenders with ASPD and those most at risk of dangerous behaviour (Hemphill et al., 1998; Serin, 1996). Other scales, for example, the antisocial scale from the Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory (MCMI-II), measure social deviance and fail to measure the affective and interpersonal antisocial characteristics that may better predict violent behaviour. PCL-R scores have also found to be valuable predictors of violent behaviour and criminal activity in mentally disordered offenders (Harris, et al., 1993).

The Violence Risk Appraisal Guide (VRAG)

The VRAG is considered one of the best actuarial tools currently being used to predict violent recidivism in forensic psychiatric patients and violent male prisoners (Quinsey et al., 1998). The VRAG (Quinsey et al., 1998) was originally developed to predict violent recidivism among offenders (both sexual and non-sexual) referred to a maximum-security psychiatric institution. A sample of 618 men were chosen from two earlier studies of forensic patients who had a potential opportunity to reoffend over a 7-year period (Harris et al., 1993). Quinsey et al. (1998) added data from sex-offender recidivism rates to extend the length of the follow-up period to 10 years. The performance of the VRAG in predicting violent recidivism is similar for violent and sex offenders. The VRAG comprises 12 variables, including the PCL-R.

The VRAG requires gathering a comprehensive psychosocial history addressing childhood conduct, family background, antisocial and criminal behavior, psychological problems, and details of the index offense. Eleven of the 12 items target static variables including personality disorders, early school maladjustment, age, marital status, criminal history, alcohol abuse, schizophrenia, and previous parole or bail violation. Items 10 and 11 are scored from file information, in combination with the assessor's clinical judgment. Diagnoses, consistent with DSM-IV diagnostic criteria, are formulated from PCL-R questions designed to assess past, and current mental status, and a history of chronic and pervasive antisocial behaviour since childhood. The VRAG uses a system developed by Nuffield (Quinsey et al., 1998) that calculates the weight of an average response to a number of stimuli within a category on the basis of how different the individual is from the base rate. Scores for individuals are derived by adding up weights variable by variable. This range and overlap in the VRAG variables has been shown to increase reliability and validity (Quinsey et al., 1998).

Table 4 highlights VRAG replication studies for violent recidivism and suggests that the VRAG appears to be a useful determinant of risk of recidivism in violent offenders for medium- to long-term prediction. Moreover, the accuracy of the VRAG in predicting violent

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recidivism has been tested and demonstrated, by independent researchers reporting positive results using several different samples of serious offenders.

Table 4. VRAG Replication Studies

Authors Offender Group Results/Comments

Douglas, Hart, Dempster, & Lyon, 1999.

80 forensic patients CLES for VRAG of .60. Not significantly different than PCL-R

Grann, Belfrage & Tengstrom 2000

404 Swedish forensic patients

CLES with VRAG of .68

Kroner & Mills, 1997 Prisoners in a maximum security prison

VRAG scores significantly predicted assaults and other disciplinary infractions

Kroner & Mills, (in press) Federally sentenced offenders

Used PCL-R, HCR-20, VRAG, LSI-R (Lifestyle Criminality Screening Form). VRAG significantly better in predicting institutional misconduct than other four

Nadeau, Nadeau, Smiley, & McHattie, 1999

Institutionalised offenders

VRAG correlated .43 (p <.001) with total institutional charges, .38 (p <.001) with total serious charges, and .31 (p <.001) with violent charges inside institution

Nichols, Vincent, Whittemore, & Ogloff, 1999

Forensic psychiatric patients

VRAG significantly correlated (r = .21, p <.05) with inpatient aggression within the first 3 months of hospitalization

Nugent, 1999 High risk federal offenders

VRAG significantly predicted recidivism over 2.5 year follow-up

Quinsey, Coleman, Jones, & Altrows, 1997

Mentally disordered offenders

VRAG differentiated serious violent recidivists from other mentally disordered offenders

Rice & Harris, 1999 396 sex offenders from federal corrections and Ontario forensic hospitals

VRAG and SORAG 2 very similar (correlated .931 with each other) and significantly better than RRASOR in predicting violent and sexual recidivism. CLES of .73 in forensic hospital sample

Seto & Barbaree, 1999 215 federally sentenced Sex offenders followed for 2.3 years

CLES 1 of .74 for the VRAG in predicting violent or sexual reoffending

Source: Professor Vernon Quinsey, personal communication 2000.1 CLES is the common language effect size, the probability with which a randomly chosen recidivist will have a higher score than a randomly chosen non-recidivist. The CLES is numerically the same as the area under the curve (AUC) in a Receiver Operating Characteristic (ROC) analysis. The latter examines the trade off between hits to false alarms as a function of score on the instrument.2 SORAG refers to the Sex Offender Risk Assessment Guide developed by Quinsey et al. (1997).

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The Assessment of Dangerous Behavior

RISK ASSESSMENT: CLINICAL ASSESSMENT

A pervasive concern in risk assessment is the extent to which ‘scientific knowledge’ may inform and improve clinicians’ risk assessment practices (Towl & Crighton, 1996). Monahan (1993) proposed that clinicians can improve their risk assessment practices by becoming familiar with basic concepts in risk assessment, such as predictor and criterion variables, true and false positives and negatives, decision rules, and base rates, in addition to the latest findings of key risk assessment research. Low base rates for offences such as homicide, for example, can lead clinicians to overestimate risk of reoffending and so to produce high rates of false positive predictions. Nothwithstanding clinicians attempts to familiarize themselves with the base rates of specific target behaviours and the impact of high and low base rate conditions on predictive accuracy (see Towl & Crighton, 1996), low base rates present a continuing and largely insurmountable obstacle to the predictive enterprise.

Borum (1996) commented that mental health professionals who must assess, manage and communicate about individuals at risk of dangerous behaviour also face major difficulties because there are in psychology no explicit national professional standards for the assessment and management of violence risk. He also criticised the lack of systematic training programs in risk assessment taught at graduate level in professional psychology, and the lack of evaluation of risk assessment training capacity to improve clinicians’ assessments, judgments, and decision making abilities.

Research indicates that an individual who has exhibited dangerous behaviour in the past is likely to act violently in the future unless there has been a significant change in his/her attitudes and the circumstances that typically trigger a dangerous act (Slovenko, 1988). Steadman, Monahan and their colleagues (1993) suggested that in order to conduct a professionally adequate risk assessment it is necessary to complete four key tasks to understand which key variables are relevant to risk (added): (a) clinicians must be educated about what information to collect regarding risk; (b) they must collect the relevant information; (c) they must use this information to estimate risk; and (d) if not the ultimate decision maker, they must communicate the information and estimation of risk to those who are responsible for making clinical decisions. Clinicians must gather information from a variety of sources including the client interview to obtain the individual’s account of him/herself and events, mental status examination, a review of past medical and/or forensic records germane to the case, communications from other professionals familiar with the client’s treatment, and information from other reliable sources such as the client’s family or police (Borum, 1996). Speaking to significant others in the individual’s life helps to corroborate accounts of critical events (Towl & Crighton, 1996).

Consistent with the risk prediction research, clinicians need to gather information concerning factors that impact upon the risk of violence and dangerous behaviour: past or current assaultive behaviour or threats of such; age; sex; race; social class; alcohol and/or substance abuse; educational attainment; family environment; peer environment; job environment; availability of victims, availability of weapons and the presence of command hallucinations (Monahan, 1981; Slovenko, 1988; Towl & Crighton, 1996). Each of these factors requires detailed consideration. In assessing individual cases, however, clinicians may not have sufficient accurate actuarial data. In practical terms this means being aware of the

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limits of the knowledge that they have access to and a clear understanding of its value in relation to the case being assessed (Towl & Crighton, 1996).

One of the ‘blindspots’ in risk assessment is the failure to incorporate situational and environmental information in assessments of dangerous behaviour (Monahan, 1981). A crucial component of the risk assessment process involves the monitoring of the client. ‘Risk’ as a concept is not static, it is dynamic, and as such it is imperative that risk factors are closely and systematically monitored. Individuals change, both in terms of themselves and their circumstances, in response to dynamic contextual factors. Monahan (1981) cites six types of situational dynamic factors that may impact upon the likelihood of reoffending: family environment; peer environment; job environment; availability of victims; availability of weapons; and the availability of alcohol and/or drugs. Individuals and situations are not independent of each other, people will often influence, as well as select, situations. This emphasises the importance of the interrelationship between person and situational variables. Therefore, during the risk assessment interview it is important to establish which of the specific characteristics of the individual, interrelated with his/her lifestyle, is likely to increase the chance of engaging in specific violent acts. Risk assessment should also determine the protective factors that function in individuals’ environments that minimise or negate the risk of dangerous behaviour, such as supportive interpersonal relationships.

Hall (1987) proposed different guidelines for risk assessment depending on whether long-term, short-term, or imminent prediction of dangerous behaviour was being attempted: (a) long-term violence is best estimated by the base rate of violence in the group to which the individual belongs; (b) short-term (next several months) violence potential is a function of the interaction of historical variables (nature of violent exposure, experience, and behaviour), current operating variables (long-term disposition and short-term triggers), opportunity variables, criminogenic needs, and inhibitory variables; and (c) imminent (next several days) violence is a function of perpetrator variables, contextual stimuli, victim characteristics, criminogenic needs and inhibitory factors. Importantly, regardless of the time period in question, when assessing risk of dangerous behaviour clinicians must consider criminogenic needs (antecedents to criminal behaviour) as they consist of both static and dynamic components.

When clinicians are conducting risk assessments of dangerous behaviour they make assumptions about criminogenic needs in relation to violence, and about the psychological mechanisms underlying criminal behaviour. In assessing dangerous behaviour, Towl and Crighton (1996) emphasise the importance of examining in detail the individual’s personality and world view, the situations in which he or she is more (or less) likely to offend in, and crucially, how the individual’s disposition and the relevant situations may interact.

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The Assessment of Dangerous Behavior

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, much of the dangerous behaviour research has focused predominantly on psychiatric patients in forensic institutions and/or studied antisocial behaviour among insanity acquittees discharged from hospital. Such prediction estimates based on severely psychiatrically disturbed offenders may not generalise to the general criminal prison population. Further empirical research within prison environments and with violent offenders released into the community is necessary to establish the scope of these earlier findings. Current prediction methods are limited by their almost exclusive reliance on static variables. These predictors are subject to slow and incremental change, if any, such as an increase in the offence rate. Dynamic risk factors that reflect the contextual, proximal and criminogenic needs of an individual prior to a dangerous act have yet to be reliably researched and identified. Protective factors that may operate as buffers to mediate an individual’s chance of engaging in future dangerous behaviour also require further investigation.

Furthermore, it would appear from the majority of dangerous behaviour research that the relationship between mental disorder and violent behaviour is complex and may be confounded by a dual DSM-IV diagnosis of substance abuse and/or a diagnosis of personality disorder. Another outstanding issue concerns the relationship between psychopathy, personality disorder, criminality, and violence. Using total PCL-R scores to predict dangerous behaviour and violent recidivism may artificially categorise offenders as 'psychopathic' rather than 'antisocial' with poor behavioural controls and high levels of impulsivity.

Additionally, mislabeling offenders as psychopaths also has rehabilitative repercussions. Since psychopaths are notoriously resistant to therapeutic interventions (Ogloff et al., 1990), resources could be allocated more effectively to fund violent offender programs to treat antisocial offenders. Antisocial offenders are more likely than psychopaths to benefit from programs that help them understand their offence patterns, manage negative emotional states, increase problem-solving and interpersonal skills, challenge violence supportive beliefs, strengthen self-regulatory capabilities, and modify the environmental and dynamic triggers that precipitate acts of violence. Furthermore, programs can be introduced during offenders’ incarceration and linked to transitional supportive community programs to ensure offenders maintain the skills they need to 'arm' themselves with protective factors to reduce risk of dangerous behaviour. Our point is that the construct of ASPD is a complex one and research investigating the contribution of personality traits relying solely on the DSM-IV perspective runs the risk of oversimplifying these relationships.

Monahan (quoted in Edwards, 1986, p. 10) suggested with the second generation of risk prediction that ‘The research would indicate that clinicians are [now] better than chance, but worse than perfection’ at predicting dangerous and violent behaviour. Clinicians are now able to use the information from improved actuarial methods of risk assessment, that include reduced rates of false positives (individuals predicted to commit dangerous acts who do not) and false negatives (individuals predicted not to behave dangerously and do) to assist them in risk assessments. It is important to stress, however, that clinical judgment and risk assessment decision-making should be based on a combination of information gleaned from the clinical interview, collateral documentation from records and reliable informants, and current research and assessment tools. Clinicians well practiced in the scientific method increase their chances of accurate risk assessment, particularly in assessments of imminent dangerous behaviour

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(such as in the emergency room) when it may be impossible to access actuarial risk assessment tools.

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86. Harris, G.T., Rice, M.E., & Cormier, C.A., (1991). Psychopathy and violent recidivism. Law and Human Behavior, 15, 625-636.

87. Harris, G.T., Rice, M.E., & Quinsey, V.L., (1993). Violent recidivism of mentally disordered offenders: The development of a statistical prediction instrument. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 20, 315-335.

88. Harry, B., & Beck, N.C. (1989). Psychiatric consultation to a Parole Board. In R. Rosner & R.B. Harmon, (Eds.), Criminal court consultation (pp. 209 - 220). London: Plenum Press.

89. Hart, S.D., Hare, R.D., & Forth, A.E. (1994). Psychopathy as a risk marker for violence: Development and validation of a screening version of the Revised Psychopathy Checklist. In J. Monahan & H.J. Steadman (Eds.). Violence and mental disorder (pp. 81 - 98). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

90. Hart, S.D., Kropp, P.R., & Hare, R.D. (1988). Performance of male psychopaths following conditional release from prison. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 56, 227-232.

91. Heilbrun, A.B. (1979). Psychopathy and violent crime. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 47, 509-516.

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92. Heilbrun, A.B., Brock, W., Waite., D., & Lanier, A. (2000). Risk factors for juvenile criminal recidivism: The postrelease community adjustment of juvenile offenders. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 27, 275-291.

93. Hemphill, J.F., Hare, R.D., & Wong, S. (1998). Psychopathy and recidivism: A review. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 3, 139-170.

94. Hersch, K., & Borum, R. (1998). Command hallucinations, compliance and risk assessment. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, 26, 353-359.

95. Hilton, N.Z. & Simmons, J.L. (2001) The influence of actuarial risk assessment in clinical judgements and tribunal decisions about mentally disordered offenders in maximum security. Law and Human Behavior, 25, 393-408.

96. Hobson, J., & Shine, J. (1998). Measurement of psychopathy in a UK prison population referred for long-term psychotherapy. British Journal of Criminology, 38, 504-515.

97. Holland, T.R., Beckett, G.E., & Levi, M. (1981). Intelligence, personality, and criminal violence: A multivariate analysis. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 49, 106-111.

98. Hudson, S. M., Wales, D., Bakker, L., & Ward, T. (in press). Dynamic risk assessment in sex offenders. Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment.

99. Hughes, M. (1998). Turning points in the lives of young inner-city men forgoing destructive criminal behaviors: A qualitative study. Social Work Research, 22, 143-151.

100. Janus, E. (2000). Civil commitment as social control: Managing the risk of sexual violence. In M. Brown & J. Pratt (Eds.) Dangerous offenders: Punishment and social order (pp. 71-90). London: Routledge.

101. Kasper, M.E., Rogers, R., & Adams, P.A. (1996). Dangerousness and command hallucinations: An investigation of psychotic inpatients. Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, 24, 219-224.

102. Kemph, J.P., Braley, R.O., & Ciotola, P.V. (1998). A comparison of youthful inmates who have committed violent versus nonviolent crimes. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 26, 67-74.

103. Kincraig Committee (1989) Report on parole and related issues in Scotland. Cm 598.104. Kroner, D., & Mills, J. (1997). The VRAG: Predicting institutional misconduct in

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107. Limandri, B.J., & Sheridan, D.J. (1995). Prediction of intentional interpersonal violence: An introduction. In J.C. Campbell (Ed.), Assessing Dangerousness: Violence by Sexual Offenders, Batterers, and Child Abusers (pp. 1-19). Sage Publications: London

108. Linburn, G.E. (1998). Donaldson revisited: Is dangerous behaviour a constitutional requirement for civil commitment? Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, 26, 343-351.

109. Litwack, T.R., & Schlesinger, L.B. (1999). Dangerous behaviour risk assessment: Research, legal and clinical considerations. In A.K. Hess, & I.B. Weiner, (Eds.), The handbook of forensic psychology (2nd Ed.) (pp. 171 - 217). New York: John Wiley & Sons.

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110. Loza, W., & Loza-Fanous, A. (2001). The effectiveness of the self-appraisal questionnaire in predicting offenders' postrelease outcome: A comparison study. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 28, 105-121.

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incidence of serious misconduct in violent offenders. The Prison Journal, 78, 45-54.116. Monahan, J. (1978). Prediction research and the emergency commitment of dangerous

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123. Monahan, J., Steadman, H., Silver, E., Appelbaum, P., Robbins, P.C., Mulvey, E.P., Roth, L.H., Grisso, T., & Banks, S. (2001). Rethinking risk assessment: The MaCarthur study of mental disorder and violence. New York: Oxford University Press.

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128. Nadeau, J., Nadeau, B., Smiley, W.C., & McHattie, L. (1999). The PCL-R and VRAG as predictors of institutional behaviour. Paper presented at conference on "risk assessment and risk management: Implications for the prevention of violence". Vancouver.

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130. Nichols, T.L., Vincent, G.M., Whittemore, K.E., & Ogloff, J.R.P. (1999). Assessing risk of inpatient violence in a sample of forensic psychiatric patients: Comparing the PCL:SV, HCR-20, and VRAG. Paper presented at the conference on risk assessment and risk management: Implications for the prevention of violence. Vancouver, Canada.

131. Nugent, P. (1999). The use of detention legislation: Factors affecting detention decisions and recidivism among high risk federal offenders in Ontario. Doctoral dissertation at Queen's University supervised by Ed Zamble.

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133. O’Connor v. Donaldson, 422 U.S. 563 (1975).134. O’Malley, P. (2000) Risk societies and the governance of crime. In M. Brown and J.

Pratt (Eds.) Dangerous offenders: Punishment and social order (pp. 17-33). London: Routledge.

135. Otto, R.K. (1992). Prediction of dangerous behavior: A review and analysis of ‘second-generation’ research. Forensic Reports, 5, 103-133.

136. Pitchers, J. (1999). The Parole Board and the mentally disordered offender. In D. Webb & R. Harris (Eds.). Mentally disordered offenders: Managing people nobody owns (pp. 112-126). London: Routledge.

137. Pollard, J.A., Hawkins, J.D., & Arthur, M.W. (1999). Risk and protection: Are both necessary to understand diverse behavioral outcomes in adolescence? Social Work Research, 23, 145-158.

138. Popper, K.R. (1966). The open society and its enemies, vol. 1: The spell of Plato . London: Routledge.

139. Poythress, N.G. (1999). Prediction of dangerousness and release decision making. In, V.B. Van Hasselt & M. Hersen, (Eds.), Handbook of psychological approaches with violent offenders: Contemporary strategies and issues (pp. 473 - 492). New York: Plenum Publishers.

140. Prentky, R.A., Lee, A.F.S., Knight, R.A., & Cerce, D. (1997). Recidivism rates among child molesters and rapists: A methodological analysis. Law and Human Behavior, 21, 635-659.

141. Quinsey, V.L., & Maguire, A. (1986). Maximum security psychiatric patients: Actuarial and clinical prediction of dangerous behaviour. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 1, 143-171.

142. Quinsey, V.L., Coleman, G., Jones, B., & Altrows, I.F., (1997). Proximal antecedents of eloping and reoffending among supervised mentally disordered offenders. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 12, 794-813.

143. Quinsey, V.L., Harris, G.T., Rice, M.E., & Cormier, C.A., (1998). Violent offenders: Appraising and managing risk. Washington: American Psychological Association.

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144. Quinsey, V.L., Pruesse, M., & Fernley, R. (1975). Oak Ridge patients: Prerelease characteristics and postrelease adjustment. Journal of Psychiatry and the Law, 3, 63-77.

145. Rasmussen, K., Storsaeter, O., & Levander, S. (1999). Personality disorders, psychopathy, and crime in a Norwegian prison population. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 22, 91-97.

146. Reid, W.H., & Gacono, C. (2000). Treatment of antisocial personality, psychopathy, and other characterologic antisocial syndromes. Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 18, 647-662.

147. Rice, M.E. (1997). Violent offender research and implications for the criminal justice system. American Psychologist, 52, 414-423.

148. Rice, M.E., & Harris, G.T. (1995a). Psychopathy, schizophrenia, alcohol abuse, and violent recidivism. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 18, 333-342.

149. Rice, M.E., & Harris, G.T. (1995b). Violent recidivism: Assessing predictive validity. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 63, 737-748.

150. Rice, M.E., & Harris, G.T. (1999). A multi-site follow-up study of sex offenders: The predictive accuracy of risk prediction instruments. Third Annual (University of Toronto) Forensic Psychiatry Program Research Day. Penetanguishene, Canada.

151. Rice, M.E., & Harris, G.T., (1992). A comparison of criminal recidivism among schizophrenia and nonschizopohrenic offenders. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 15, 397-408.

152. Rice, M.E., Quinsey, V.L., & Harris, G.T. (1991). Sexual recidivism among child molesters released from a maximum security psychiatric institution. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59, 381-386.

153. Richards, I. (1996). Psychiatric disorder among adolescents in custody. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 30, 788-793.

154. Rogers, R., Duncan, J.C., Lynett, E., & Sewell, K.W. (1994). Prototypical analysis of antisocial personality disorder: DSM-IV and beyond. Law and Human Behavior, 18, 471-484.

155. Rogers, R., Salekin, R.T., Sewell, K.W., & Cruise, K.R. (2000). Prototypical analysis of antisocial personality disorder: A study of inmate samples. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 27, 234-255.

156. Rose, N. (1998). Governing risky individuals: The role of psychiatry in new regimes of control. Psychiatry, Psychology and Law, 5, 177-95.

157. Ross, D. (2000). Predictive validity of the French Psychopathy Checklist: Male inmates on parole. www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/rsrch/regional/summary21.

158. Rounsaville, B.J., Dolinsky, Z.S., Babor, T.F., & Meyer, R.E. (1987). Psychopathology as a predictor of treatment outcome in alcoholics. Archives of General Psychiatry, 44, 505-513.

159. Saint, D. (2000) The efficacy of risk assessment within Victorian community correctional services: How community corrections officers use the tool. Unpublished postgraduate diploma thesis. University of Melbourne.

160. Serin, R.C. (1991). Psychopathy and violence in criminals. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 6, 423-431.

161. Serin, R.C. (1996). Violent recidivism in criminal psychopaths. Law and Human Behavior, 20, 207-217.

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162. Serin, R.C., Peters, R.D., & Barbaree, H.E. (1990). Predictors of psychopathy and release outcome in a criminal population. Psychological Assessment, 2, 419-422.

163. Seto, M.C., & Barbaree, H.E. (1999). Psychopathy, treatment behavior, and sex offender recidivism. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 12, 1235-1248.

164. Seto, M.C., & Barbaree, H.E., (1995). The role of alcohol in sexual aggression. Clinical Psychology Review, Vol. 15 (6), 545-566.

165. Silver, E., Mulvey, E.P., & Monahan, J. (1999). Assessing violence risk among discharged psychiatric patients: Toward an ecological approach. Law and Human Behavior, 23, 237-255.

166. Simourd, D.J., & Hoge, R.D. (2000). Criminally psychopathy: A risk-and-need perspective. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 27, 256-272.

167. Sinha, R., & Easton, C. (1999). Substance abuse and criminality. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, 27, 513-526.

168. Slovenko, R., (1988). The therapist’s duty to warn or protect third persons. The Journal of Psychiatry and Law, Spring, 139-209.

169. Spunt, B., Goldstein, P., Brownstein, H., & Fendrich, M. (1994). Alcohol and homicide: Interviews with prison inmates. Journal of Drug Issues, 24, 143-163.

170. Steadman, H.J.; Monahan, J.; Robbins, P.C.; Appelbaum, P.; Grisso, T.; Klassen, D., Mulvey, E.P.; & Roth, L., (1993). From dangerous behaviour to risk assessment: Implications for appropriate research strategies. In S. Hodgins, (Ed.), Mental disorder and crime. Newbury Park, CA, USA: Sage Publications, Inc.

171. Steadman, J.H., Fabisiak, S., Dvoskin, J., & Holohean, E.J. (1987). A survey of mental disability among state prison inmates. Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 38, 1086-1090.

172. Swanson, J.W. (1994). Mental disorder, substance abuse, and community violence: An epidemiological approach. In J. Monahan & H.J. Steadman (Eds.), Violence and mental disorder: Developments in risk assessment (pp.101 - 136). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

173. Swanson, J.W., Holzer, C.E., Ganju, V.K., & Jono, R.T. (1990). Violence and psychiatric disorder in the community: Evidence from the epidemiological catchment area surveys. Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 41, 761-770.

174. Tarasoff v. Regents of the University of California, Sup. 131 Cal. Rptr. 14 (1976).175. Taylor, P.J. (1985). Motives for offending among violent and psychotic men. British

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revised offender group reconviction scale. Home Office Research, Development and Statistics Directorate, Research Findings No. 104. London: Author.

177. Teplin, L.A., Abram, K.M., & McClelland, G.M. (1994). Does psychiatric disorder predict violent crime among released jail detainees? American Psychologist, 49, 335-342.

178. Towl, G.J., & Crighton, D.A., (1996). The handbook of psychology for forensic practitioners. London: Routledge.

179. Villeneuve, D.B., & Quinsey, V.L. (1995). Predictors of general and violent recidivism among mentally disordered inmates. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 22, 397-410.

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180. Wald, H.P., Flaherty, M.T., & Pringle, J.L. (1999). Prevention in prisons. In R.T. Ammerman, P.J. Ott, & R.E. Tarter, (Eds.), Prevention and societal impact of drug and alcohol abuse, (pp. 369-381). New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

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184. Webster, C.D., Harrris, G.T., Rice, M.E., Cormier, C., & Quinsey, V.L., (1994). The Violence Prediction Scheme: Assessing dangerousness in high risk men. Toronto, Ontario: University of Toronto.

185. Weiler, B.L., & Widom, C.S. (1996). Psychopathy and violent behaviour in abused and neglected young adults. Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health, 6, 253-271.

186. White, H.R., (1997). Alcohol, illicit drugs, and violence. In D.M. Stoff, J. Breiling, & J.D. Maser (Eds.), The handbook of antisocial behavior (pp.511 - 523). New York: John Wiley & Sons.

187. Widiger, T.A., & Corbitt, E.M., (1995). Antisocial Personality Disorder. In W.J. Livesley (Ed.), The DSM-IV Personality Disorders. New York: Guildford Press.

188. Wieczorek, W., Welte, J., & Abel, E. (1990). Alcohol, drugs and murder: A study of convicted homicide offenders. Journal of Criminal Justice, 18, 217-227.

189. Witt, P.H., DelRusso, J., Oppenheim, J., & Ferguson, G. (1997). Sex offender risk assessment and the law. The Journal of Psychiatry and Law, Fall, 343-377.

190. Wood, P.B., Cochran, J.K., Pfefferbaum, B., & Arneklev, B.J. (1995). Sensation-seeking and delinquent substance use: An extension of learning theory. Journal of Drug Issues, 25, 173-193.

191. Worsmith, J.S., (1997). Research to practice: Applying risk/needs assessment to offender classification. Forum, January, Vol. 9, No. 1, 1-8. http://198.103.98.138/crd/ forum/e09/e091f.htm

192. Yarvis, R.M. (1994). Patterns of substance abuse and intoxication among murderers. Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, 22, 133-144.

193. Zamble, E., & Quinsey, V.L., (1997). The Criminal Recidivism Process. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

194. Zeiss, R.A., Tanke, E.D., Fenn, H.H., & Yesavage, J.A. (1996). Dangerous behaviour commitments: Indices of future violence potential? Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 24, 247-253.

195. Zhang, L., Wiezorek, W.F., & Welte, J.W. (1997). The nexus between alcohol and violent crime. Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, 21, 1264-1271.

196. Zinger, I., & Forth, A.E. (1998). Psychopathy and Canadian criminal proceedings: The potential for human rights. Canadian Journal of Criminology, 40, 237-27

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PART III.BIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

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Chapter 9

OPTIMISING BLOOD PRESSURE REDUCTIONIN MILD UN-MEDICATED HYPERTENSIVES

Ashley Craig and Saroj LalDepartment of Health Sciences

PO Box 123 Broadway, NSW Australia 2007University of Technology, Sydney

Australia

ABSTRACT

The value of behaviour change learned in the clinic context can often be limited due to the generally poor transfer of skills and gains into non-clinic environments. While discussion has centred upon the value of incorporating transfer and generalization procedures into cognitive- behavioural change programs, research investigating the efficacy of such programs is scarce. As a result, research in this area needs serious attention, and this is certainly the case for the problem of managing hypertension within non-pharmacological behavioural regimens. There are a number of studies that have examined the efficacy of treating hypertension with non-pharmacological techniques. However, there are relatively few studies that have carefully investigated the usefulness of employing transfer and generalization techniques so that clinic gains can be transferred to contexts outside the clinic like home and work. Furthermore, our knowledge of factors that are associated with successful outcome is rudimentary. This chapter first presents a discussion on the nature of lifestyle diseases, focussing especially on hypertension. A brief review of non-pharmacological treatments for hypertension will be presented, with special reference to biofeedback approaches. This will then be followed by a discussion on the concept and strategies involved in transfer and generalization procedures within a behavioural context. A review of behaviour change strategies that have been used for optimising the transfer of blood pressure reduction gains to non-clinic environments will follow. This will involve discussion of our own work involving mild hypertensive clients participating in a controlled trial. Hypertensive subjects participated in continuous blood pressure feedback treatment designed to reduce systolic blood pressure in the clinic. They were also trained to maintain gains in their home environment using appropriate skill transfer technology. Psychological and physiological factors that may be associated with

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successful reduction of blood pressure and successful transfer to the home environment were also explored. Implications for the cognitive-behavioural treatment of hypertension are discussed.

LIFESTYLE DISEASES

Stress related or lifestyle diseases are prevalent in the industrialised nations and seem to involve numerous inter-related factors that somehow combine to stimulate the disease process (Alderman & Marantz, 1990; Krantz, Grunberg & Baum, 1985). Coronary heart disease (CHD), cancer, asthma and hypertension are a few examples of diseases considered to have multiple causal factors that are also major public health problems (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 1996). While death rates from the infectious diseases have declined dramatically in the industrialised countries since the beginning of the twentieth century, this has been contrasted with the rise of morbidity and mortality from the lifestyle diseases (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 1996). This trend for an increased prevalence in the lifestyle diseases has shadowed increases in the gross domestic product of the industrialised nations. In other words, society’s affluence influences the way people live, and the consequent lifestyle raises risks of disease like cancer and CHD (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 1996). Some quick examples will help illustrate this relationship: (a) increased busy work schedules may lead to a higher intake of foods higher in fat and sugar (eg. take away food), raising risks of disease like CHD and diabetes. (b) Living in an industrialised society may cause a person to under-exercise, raising risks of CHD and hypertension. (c) Increased leisure time in an affluent society could lead to increased exposure to the sun, raising risks of skin cancer, and so on. Furthermore, there is now substantial evidence linking behaviour and these lifestyle diseases (Craig, Hancock & Craig, 1996; Krantz, et al., 1985). This suggests that a comprehensive approach to the management of these diseases is necessary. This means that in addition to the prescribed medical therapies used with the lifestyle diseases, non-pharmacological therapies employing cognitive, social and behavioural strategies should also be used.

HYPERTENSION: AN INTRODUCTION

Hypertension or high blood pressure is a lifestyle disease and is defined in Stedman’s Medical Dictionary as a disease that occurs when a person has a sustained elevation of systemic arterial blood pressure that can be associated with cardiovascular damage or other possible health problems (Pugh, 2000). Presently, it is believed that at least 90% of hypertensive cases are due to multiple causes, and not to an underlying physical condition such as renal disease (Pugh, 2000). This type of hypertension is called essential hypertension. Essential hypertension is believed to be a major cause of disease and death in industrialised countries (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 1996; Pugh, 2000). For instance, it is believed to be associated with a three-fold increase in heart disease, and up to a 10-fold increase of stroke (Pugh, 2000). Risk factors for hypertension are multiple and are themselves associated with health risks (Alderman & Marantz, 1990) and include factors like obesity,

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Optimising Blood Pressure Reduction in Mild Un-Medicated Hypertensives

lack of exercise, and a high salt diet (Herbert, Bolt, Borhani, Cook, Cohen et al., 1995; Staessen, Fagard & Amery, 1988). It is also a prevalent disease, with at least 60 million people in the USA having elevated blood pressure (Alderman & Marantz, 1990; Hunyor, Henderson, Lal, Carter, Kobler, Jones, Bartrop, Craig & Mihailidou, 1997). Research also suggests that the mortality and morbidity arising from this disease (as well as other cardiovascular diseases) is unequally distributed by social grouping (Craig, Bauman, Cubbage & Bell, 1990). For example, it is more common in those with lower levels of education (Craig et al., 1990; Simons, Simons, Magnus, & Bennett, 1986). Furthermore, hypertension is the most common diagnosis for patients visiting their physicians (Schappert, 1994). This all suggests that the treatment of this condition should be comprehensive (eg. pharmacological, social and behavioural based) and sensitive to the multiple possible factors that may inter-relate to cause the disease.

TREATMENT OF HYPERTENSION

Hypertension is a major independent risk factor for cardiovascular disease and is generally controlled with anti-hypertensive drugs (Alderman & Marantz, 1990; Doyle, 1990). Antihypertensive drug regimens are known to be effective, with mean reductions in blood pressure of at least 10 to 12 mmHg systolic and up to 6 mmHg diastolic (Collins, Peto, MacMahon, Hebert, Fiebach, Eberlein, et al., 1990). However, there are potential problems with drug therapy due to their side effects and consequent lowering of quality of life (Bauer, 1990; Croog, Levine, Testa, Brown, Bulpitt, Jenkins, Klerman, & Williams, 1986). As a result of this, there has been an increasing interest in non-pharmacological treatments for hypertension (Joint National Committee on Detection, Evaluation and Treatment of High Blood Pressure, 1986). For instance, there has been active interest in behavioural programs like the efficacy of salt restriction and/ or weight reduction programs that have been shown to reduce blood pressure significantly (Herbert, et al., 1995; Staessen et al., 1988). Interest has also centred on cognitive-behavioural stress reduction techniques for the control of hypertension, such as meditation, progressive muscle relaxation, cognitive restructuring and biofeedback (Andrews, MacMahon, Austin & Byrne, 1982; Eisenberg, Delbanco, Berkey, Kaptchuk, Kupelnick, Kuhl & Chalmers, 1993; Jacob, Chesney, Williams, Ding & Shapiro, 1991). This interest in cognitive therapies is supported by evidence that suggests that autonomic nervous system activity (eg. sympathetic arousal) does contribute to hypertension, before vascular and cardiac factors amplify the problem (Hunyor et al., 1997). Furthermore, many antihypertensive drugs work by inhibiting autonomic activity, and blood pressure declines substantially when a person sleeps or relaxes and increases when they become stressed (Hunyor et al., 1997).

However, the efficacy of cognitive based therapies needs clarification. While it is believed that such therapies do reduce blood pressure, it is not clear how much more effective they are than an active placebo. Eisenberg et al (1993) conducted a meta-analysis in which the efficacy of the cognitive stress reduction therapies was examined. Altogether, Eisenberg et al (1993) studied more than 800 published works, though only 26 studies met the minimum scientific criteria set for the meta-analysis (eg. the study had a randomised control group, adequate sample sizes to provide sufficient power to reject the null hypothesis, appropriate

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blood pressure assessment etc.). Eisenberg et al., (1993) concluded that these types of treatments are certainly effective when compared to waiting list controls or active placebos. Stress reduction therapies could be expected to reduce systolic blood pressure by at least 6 to 13 mmHg and 4 to 9 mmHg for diastolic blood pressure. However, when longer baseline measurements were included in the analysis, these reductions reduced to 3 to 4 mmHg systolic blood pressure reductions and 1.3 to 4 mmHg diastolic reductions. There were no differences in efficacy found between any of the stress reduction techniques. In contrast, Andrews et al., (1982) found weight reduction, yoga and muscle relaxation techniques to be the only effective non-pharmacological strategies for lowering blood pressure. Healthy lifestyle programs that include a range of strategies such as diet change, weight loss, exercise, have been tested for their effectiveness in reducing blood pressure (Craig & Hancock, 1996; Elmer, Grimm, Liang, Grandits, Svendsen, Van Heel et al., 1995). The problem with changing lifestyle to obtain reductions in blood pressure is the tendency for people to relapse, that is, to stop performing the desirable behaviours like exercising, maintaining a low fat diet, and so on (Elmer et al., 1995). This is demonstrated in a controlled study by Craig and Hancock (1996) who investigated the efficacy of a program that consisted of a combination approach involving health promotion and education, stress reduction skills, social skills training, exercise and diet control. Among other benefits, they found significant reductions in arm cuff systolic and diastolic blood pressure (6% decrease in systolic and 3% decrease in diastolic from baseline) compared to a no treatment control in the short-term. However, these gains disappeared after two years.

THE EFFICACY OF BIOFEEDBACK FOR TREATING HYPERTENSION

The question of whether biofeedback for hypertension is effective has been investigated with, as yet, no clear results. However, it is believed to hold promise. The American College of Physicians (Health and Public Policy Committee, 1985) reported that biofeedback of systolic and diastolic blood pressure can produce average systolic decreases of almost 8 mmHg (5 mmHg diastolic). Consequently, the College recommended biofeedback at least as a second line treatment for those who are likely to gain benefit (Health and Public Policy Committee, 1985). Reductions in mortality rates, associated with reductions in blood pressure as a result of biofeedback, have been shown to occur (Health and Public Policy Committee, 1985). If biofeedback is an efficacious therapy, the question of how it works also needs to be considered. Messerli, De Carvalho, Christie and Frohlich (1979) showed that biofeedback reduces blood pressure in much the same way that anti-hypertensive medications such as beta-blockers and diuretics reduce blood pressure. They suggested that the initial decline was mediated by reduced cardiac output (perhaps via neural control), and that long-term changes were mediated by decreased peripheral resistance. Other possibilities could include reducing blood pressure via baroreceptor control. A sustained reduction in blood pressure learned during biofeedback could result in the baroreceptors resetting blood pressure to a lower level.

The basis of biofeedback has been to provide direct or indirect physiological feedback so that a person could learn to control voluntarily their physiological responses with the aim of lowering blood pressure. While the effectiveness of biofeedback has been questioned (Lane, Greenstadt, & Shapiro, 1983; Musso, Blanchard, & McCoy, 1991; Steptoe, 1978), a number

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Optimising Blood Pressure Reduction in Mild Un-Medicated Hypertensives

of studies employing indirect feedback have shown that biofeedback can be effective in lowering blood pressure in hypertensive patients (Health and Public Policy Committee, 1985). For example, thermal biofeedback has been used as an indirect mode of reducing blood pressure. It involves measuring the finger temperature of the client (with a thermistor attached to one finger) and the temperature signal fed back say on the computer screen and used as an indication of arousal. A high finger temperature may indicate the person is relaxed, while a lower temperature indicates the person is less relaxed (depending of course, on the ambient room temperature). The goal of thermal biofeedback is to train the subject to increase their average finger temperature, with the consequent aim of a reducing resting blood pressure. Limited success in reducing blood pressure using this technique has occurred (Blanchard, Eisele, Vollmer, Payne, Gordon, Cornish & Gilmore, 1996; McGrady, 1994). However, the effectiveness of biofeedback in lowering blood pressure over an active placebo has been equivocal (Eisenberg, et al., 1993; Furedy & Shulhan, 1987; Jacob, Wing & Shapiro, 1987) and the research in the area is believed to be lacking in cohesion and direction (Engel, 1998). For example, one possible problem is the feedback mode used to train hypertensive subjects to lower their blood pressure. Thermal biofeedback produces limited success in lowering blood pressure, and this may be due to the indirect nature of the feedback of the blood pressure. Learning does somewhat depend upon the sensitivity of the feedback (Craig, Bartrop, Lal, Henderson, Hart, & Hunyor, 2001), and it has been shown that visual feedback is superior to auditory feedback in reducing blood pressure (Lal, Henderson, Carter, Bath, Hart, Langeluddecke & Hunyor, 1998). Engel (1998) challenges researchers in the area of non-pharmacological research into the treatment of hypertension to conduct studies that would provide significant clinical practice information. Limitations of many studies in biofeedback are a lack of control of placebo and expectancy effects, small subject numbers, and the lack of a direct and continuous blood pressure feedback mode (Hunyor, et al., 1997). Indirect feedback modes may well provide insensitive feedback for controlling blood pressure.

Hunyor et al., (1997) conducted a randomised controlled clinical trial investigating the effectiveness of direct, continuous blood pressure feedback, in a study with sufficient subjects to ensure valid conclusions. Two groups of 28 un-medicated mild hypertensive patients who satisfied the exclusion criteria were entered into the study. Exclusion criteria consisted of: (i) too low a BP for entry despite at least three months off anti-hypertensive drugs; (ii) too high a blood pressure for inclusion, that is greater than 200 mmHg systolic and/ or greater than 115 diastolic. (iii) medical complications such as retinal haemorrhage, left ventricular hypertrophy and secondary hypertension. The 28 participants were randomised using a random number technique into two groups comprising a continuous blood pressure feedback group and an active placebo biofeedback group. The continuous systolic blood pressure biofeedback involved eight 12-minute sessions of two per week over four weeks. These sessions involved training the subjects to manipulate (raise and lower) their blood pressure, with the emphasis on lowering resting blood pressure. Systolic blood pressure feedback incorporated a visual signal on a desktop computer, and subjects were required to raise and lower this signal. Blood pressure was continuously measured and fed back to the subjects using volume clamp photoplethysmography (Hunyor et al., 1997; Lal, Henderson, Cejnar, Hart, & Hunyor, 1995). The control group received an active placebo in the form of false blood pressure feedback. This false feedback was designed so that the signal appeared to be their real blood pressure signal, however, it was modified sufficiently so that the systematic blood pressure level

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changes appearing on the screen were false. The placebo signal was altered just enough so that it was truly degraded (and thus it could not provide sensitive information about their blood pressure), but not too much so that the subjects would not become aware that the signal was a placebo. The control group received the same treatment protocol as the active feedback group. Outcome measures included arm-cuff blood pressure. Subjects from both groups had similar blood pressure on entry to the study, being around 153 9 mmHg for systolic and 97 4 mmHg for diastolic blood pressure.

For the active feedback group (n=28), baseline entry arm-cuff blood pressure before biofeedback was 154/98 mmHg (SD=10.6/4.3 mmHg). After four weeks of biofeedback their blood pressure had fallen to a mean 146/92 mmHg (SD=15.9/8.9 mmHg). This represents a drop of around 5% in systolic pressure and 6% in diastolic pressure. However, the control group (n=28) also marginally improved. For the control group, entry arm-cuff blood pressure was 152/96 mmHg (SD=6.5/3.3 mmHg), and after four weeks of placebo, their mean blood pressure was 146/93 mmHg (SD=9.8/6.9 mmHg). This represents a drop of around 4% systolic and 3% diastolic pressure. While the differences in blood pressure reductions were not significant between the two groups, the study showed that up to 40% of mildly hypertensive subjects benefited by reductions of at least 5 mmHg following active blood pressure biofeedback. These findings are in line with the conclusions reached by Eisenberg et al., (1993). That is, cognitive based treatments such as biofeedback are superior to no treatment at all, but are not significantly different to an active placebo. Obviously, further controlled research in this area is needed.

IMPROVING BIOFEEDBACK OUTCOMES: TRANSFER AND GENERALISATION OF CLINICAL SKILLS

The efficacy of blood pressure biofeedback may rely more upon placebo effects than specific treatment effects (Hunyor et al., 1997). However, the results of the Hunyor et al., (1997) study does suggest it could be efficacious for some subjects. Therefore, the cognitive-behavioural technology used should be investigated and improved, and as some subjects do show improvement, this raises the question of what factors are associated with a successful outcome in biofeedback. Factors that are related to successful reduction of blood pressure should be isolated. There are a number of possible strategies of improving outcomes using biofeedback. For instance, the effectiveness of blood pressure feedback may be improved by employing appropriate transfer and generalisation technology in order to ensure patients can use skills they have learned in the clinic in their everyday environment such as at home and work. Transfer and generalization technology is believed to be an important strategy for enhancing therapy outcomes (Stokes & Baer, 1977). Behavioural strategies are used to transfer (to non-clinic environments like the home and work context) and generalise (maintain skills over time) treatment-based skills.

Such strategies would include (i) structuring treatment goals so they are consistent with the person’s everyday life. For example, employing reinforcements that occur naturally in the person’s environment. (ii) It is important not to make the goals unrealistic so that the goals become unpleasant to the client. Goals must be achievable in the person’s social schedule. (iii) Consistent with the above, teaching self-control skills so that the client can act as their

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Optimising Blood Pressure Reduction in Mild Un-Medicated Hypertensives

own therapist, initiating behavioural change in the client’s natural environment. These skills could include relaxation, monitoring behaviour, self-reinforcement, using graded hierarchies for performance, teaching self-assessment of performance etc. (iv) Enlisting social support from family members, friends and work colleagues. Such a strategy must be negotiated with the client wisely, as inappropriate support could have a negative influence on transfer and generalisation. (v) Providing continued access for the client to the clinician for problem solving, encouragement, planning for future strategies and follow up advice. The little research that has been conducted in this area suggests that utilising transfer and generalisation techniques such as the above enhances therapy outcome. This is true for reducing stuttering (Craig, Feyer & Andrews, 1987; Craig, 1998); overcoming learning difficulties (Lamb, Bibby, Wood & Leyden, 1998); correcting social skills deficits (Pfiffner & MacBurnett, 1997); and enhancing lifestyle change (Baghurst, Baghurst & Record, 1992; Craig & Hancock, 1996). Thermal biofeedback incorporated into a home practice regimen was associated with improvements in migraine headache (Gauthier & Cote, 1994). Biofeedback is often taught in the clinic due to limited availability of the equipment needed. It could well be more effective if the client is taught biofeedback in the clinic, followed by transferring these clinic based skills to their homes, so that they can deliberately participate in daily practice regimens in their everyday environments (Ericsson, Krampe & Tesch-Romer, 1993). Daily practice has been found to enhance performance in sensory motor skill tasks (Miller & Dworkin, 1977).

TRANSFER AND GENERALISATION OF ANTI-HYPERTENSIONSKILLS

The efficacy of controlling hypertension through transfer and generalisation strategies is not clear. For example, research has not shown significant blood pressure reduction benefits from home practice when subjects were provided with feedback devices like relaxation tapes or thermometers (Blanchard, Nicholson, Radnitz, Steffek, Appelbaum & Dentinger, 1991; Hoelscher, Lichstein & Rosenthal, 1986). In contrast, the frequency of practising relaxation in the home has been shown to be associated with successful blood pressure reduction outcome (Wittrock, Blanchard & McCoy, 1988). The development of a painless and direct blood pressure measure using infra-red photoplethysmograph finger cuff technology that continuously measures systolic blood pressure and the use of a desktop computer to provide visual feedback of this continuous signal was a major technological breakthrough in the non-pharmacological control of blood pressure (Hunyor et a., 1997). Such an advance meant that clients could effectively use technology that provided direct feedback of their blood pressure in the home environment in order to practise reducing their blood pressure. It also meant that a hitherto restricted technology (eg. restricted to clinic based training) could be used on a daily basis in the home. Henderson, Hart, Lal and Hunyor (1998) conducted a transfer and generalisation study of 30 un-medicated mild hypertensive patients who had participated in the abovementioned controlled trial for blood pressure reduction using biofeedback (Hunyor et al., 1997).

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0

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systolicdiastolic

Figure 1 shows the ability of the mild un-medicated hypertensive patients to lower blood pressure (mean change from baseline) during practise sessions in the home for systolic

and diastolic blood pressure for an active feedback and placebo feedback groups. Standard deviation bars are shown.

The last 30 of the 56 subjects who were randomly assigned in the clinic study were asked to participate in the home feedback study. Numbers for the home study were restricted due to the limitations on the number of home feedback monitors available. Due to the randomisation process, 16 (6 females) of the 30 who had received active blood pressure feedback in the clinic received active home blood pressure feedback (mean age was 55 years, SD = 8.4). Fourteen (6 females) who were controls in the clinic study, received placebo feedback (mean age was 53 years, SD = 7.6). The design employed was double blind. That is, subjects and clinicians were unaware of which group the subjects were randomised into. Of the 30 persons, 29% had the equivalent of four years higher education, 20% had the equivalent of six years of education, 37% were tertiary educated and 14% had post-graduate qualifications. The education breakdown between the two groups was similar (Craig, Bartrop, Lal, Henderson, Hart & Hunyor, 2001). The active and placebo feedback technique for the home participants was the same as used in the clinic (Craig et al., 2001; Henderson et al., 1998; Hunyor et al., 1997).

The home blood pressure feedback protocol required participants to perform 12 biofeedback sessions in the home environment over four weeks (or three per week). Home feedback sessions were similar in length and task as those conducted in the clinic. All 30 participants received a biofeedback unit that included a finger blood pressure module linked to a PC computer with the systolic feedback software installed. All subjects were trained in the use of the equipment at least two days prior to having one installed in their homes by a research technician. This allowed the participants to practise their biofeedback at home as they had practised in the clinic. All blood pressure data was collected on diskettes that were returned to the laboratory for analysis. This served as a measure of adherence to the treatment

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Optimising Blood Pressure Reduction in Mild Un-Medicated Hypertensives

strategy. Customised software served to monitor, display and store digitised blood pressure values as well as control the device. The beat to beat blood pressure feedback provided to the subjects was displayed in simplified graphical form on the PC. The placebo feedback was similar to that used in the clinic study (Hunyor et al., 1997). That is, it was designed so that the signal appeared to be 'true', while degrading the information sufficiently so as to disguise the systematic changes occurring in the continuous signal. The control group received the same treatment protocol as the active feedback group in both the clinic and home settings. There was no obvious evidence that the placebo group detected the false feedback. Furthermore, it is significant that the placebo group all completed the 12 home feedback sessions, suggesting that the control subjects were not aware that the signal they received was a placebo.

In terms of the ability to lower blood pressure, the active feedback group showed substantial ability to reduce their blood pressure compared to the controls who had placebo home training. Figure 1 shows the active feedback group was significantly and substantially more effective in lowering blood pressure in the home feedback sessions (treatment group mean change= 10.8 mmHg, SD= 8.0 mmHg; control mean change= 4.0 mmHg, SD= 6.2 mmHg) and approaching significance for diastolic blood pressure (treatment group mean change= 3.2 mmHg, SD=3.1 mmHg; control mean change= 1.2 mmHg, SD=2.7 mmHg). Arm cuff blood pressure measures showed that continuous blood pressure biofeedback was an effective treatment for hypertension when compared to the active placebo group, though differences were not large. Figure 2 illustrates the reductions in systolic blood pressure from the clinic to the end of the home study. For the active feedback group, baseline entry arm-cuff blood pressure to the clinic was 154/98 mmHg (SD=10.6/4.3 mmHg); after clinic it was 145/91 mmHg (SD=13.4/5.8 mmHg), entry to home was 146/92 mmHg (SD=15.9/8.9 mmHg) and directly after home feedback it was 144/91 mmHg (SD=11.4/9.9 mmHg). This represents an overall reduction in systolic blood pressure from baseline of 6.5%. Furthermore, these gains were maintained after home feedback had finished. These results are contrasted to those of the controls. For the control group, entry arm-cuff blood pressure to the clinic was 152/96 mmHg (SD=6.5/3.3 mmHg); after clinic it was 148/92 mmHg (SD=12.4/8.6 mmHg) and entry to home placebo feedback was 146/93 mmHg (SD=9.8/6.9 mmHg) and directly after home it was 147/93 mmHg (SD=10.7/8.1 mmHg). This represents an overall reduction in systolic blood pressure from baseline of only 3.3% and there is no evidence of maintenance of reduction in blood pressure as the post home measure is on an upward trend.

IMPROVING BIOFEEDBACK OUTCOMES: INDIVIDUAL CHARACTERISTICS

The efficacy of biofeedback in the clinic and home environment may also be improved by isolating characteristics of the individual that may be related to treatment success (Jacob et al., 1987). Investigators have attempted to predict which subjects would be most likely to achieve benefit from biofeedback for hypertension (Blanchard, McCoy, Berger, Musso, Pallmeyer, Gerardi, Gerardi, & Pangburn, 1989; Craig et al., 2001; Hunyor, Bartrop, Craig, Cenjar, Liggins, Henderson, & Jones, 1991; Lal, et al., 1998; McGrady, 1994; McGrady &

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Higgins, 1989; McGrady, Williams Utz, Woerner, Bernal & Higgins, 1986; Mullins & Sharpley, 1988; Nakagawa- Kogan, Garber, Jarrett, Egan, Hendershot, 1988; Wittrock, et al.,

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pre-c post-c pre-h post-h

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Figure 2 shows the arm cuff systolic blood pressure reductions (mmHg) from pre-clinic (c) to post-clinic, and pre-home (h) to post-home. Standard deviation bars are shown.

1988). Research has focussed upon demographic, psychophysiological and psychological factors. Blanchard et al. (1989) found little relationship between psychological and biochemical measures such as trait anxiety, plasma renin, plasma norepinephrine and blood pressure reduction. However, they found a significant prediction rate could be achieved using a discriminant function analysis in which nine variables were shown to predict clinical outcome in combination. Five of the nine predictor variables were social-demographic (expectancies and motivational type factors) and three were psychophysiological in nature. Wittrock et al. (1988) showed that outcome and efficacy expectancies predicted blood pressure reduction. In contrast, McGrady et al., (1986) showed that blood pressure reduction was related to higher urinary and plasma cortisol levels, trait anxiety and forehead muscle tension levels. In a further study, McGrady and Higgins (1989) found lowering of blood pressure was related to autonomic reactivity (such as high anxiety, higher cortisol levels and cool hands). Hunyor, et al. (1991) found associations between controlling blood pressure and factors like expectancies (locus of control), and state and trait anxiety. McGrady (1994) showed that those who successfully reduced BP also reduced trait and state anxiety levels in comparison to controls. Lal et al., (1998) found factors like increased trait anxiety, anger-hostility and depressive mood were related to diminished ability to lower blood pressure. They also found that increased vigour-activity (higher energy levels) was related to increased ability to lower blood pressure. Jacob et al. (1991) concluded that to date, the empirical basis for the prediction of successful reduction of blood pressure is limited. However, it is clear from the above review that some factors have consistently been shown to predict the ability to

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Optimising Blood Pressure Reduction in Mild Un-Medicated Hypertensives

reduce blood pressure using biofeedback. These include outcome and efficacy expectancies and anxiety. As a result, Craig et al., (2001) examined the relationship between expectancy, anxiety and the ability to lower blood pressure, as well as a number of other factors that may be associated with successful blood pressure reduction in those 30 subjects who had participated in the clinical trial and home study presented above (Henderson et al., 1998; Hunyor et al., 1997). The study by Craig et al., (2001) investigated the association of demographic, psychophysiological and psychological factors with successful reduction of blood pressure in hypertensive patients using continuous blood pressure feedback in the home environment.

Demographic factors were assessed including age, sex, and education levels. Psychophysiological measures included entry systolic and diastolic BP and body mass index. Blood pressure was taken in triplicate in a standard arm cuff format with a random zero sphygmomanometer. A number of standardized psychological measures were taken. Anxiety was assessed by the Spielberger State Trait Anxiety Questionnaire that has been shown to have excellent reliability and validity (Spielberger, Gorsuch, Lushene, Vagg, & Jacobs, 1983) with high scores signifying high anxiety. The state anxiety measure was completed before and after the biofeedback program, while the trait measure was delivered only once immediately before the study. Locus of control, an outcome efficacy measure, was assessed by the Locus of Control of Behaviour scale (LCB; Craig, Franklin & Andrews, 1984). This measures the extent to which a person perceives life outcomes to be controlled by themselves (internal control) or controlled by outside forces (external control). Low scores suggest an internal expectancy and high scores an external expectancy. The LCB has been shown to have excellent reliability and validity (Craig et al., 1984). The LCB measure was completed before and after the biofeedback program. Self-efficacy, a measure of a person’s belief or expectation concerning, for example, their own ability in executing change (Bandura, 1982), was also assessed before and after by four 4-point expectancy scales (ranging from 1: strongly disagree through to 4: strongly agree). These were created for the study by modifying Likert scales used by Bandura (1982). They consisted of the following questions: "I expect that I will gain benefit from the treatment skills" (Expectancy Scale 1), "I believe that the skills I have learnt will help me reduce my blood pressure" (Expectancy Scale 2), "I believe that the biofeedback skills will help me maintain the reduction in blood pressure" (Expectancy Scale 3) and "I believe I have mastered the skills learnt in the program" (Expectancy Scale 4). The reliability of these expectancy scales was tested by randomly assessing 10 of the 30 hypertensive patients and having them complete the scale over a period of four weeks. The mean scores correlated highly (r=0.85, p<.01) and there were no significant differences between the pre and post scores using a related t-test (p=ns). How people react when they feel angry was measured immediately before the study by the Anger Expression Scale (Spielberger, Jacobs, Russell, & Crane, 1983), which has been shown to have acceptable reliability and validity. High scores suggest high levels of anger. Defense Styles were measured immediately before the study by the modified version of the Defense Style Questionnaire (Andrews & Pollock, 1989), which has been shown to be a reliable and valid measure. This scale measures three types of defense, namely mature defense (such as humour, anticipation, sublimation, and suppression), immature defences (passive aggression, projection etc), and neurotic defences (such as undoing, reaction formation, idealization). The higher the score, the greater the extent it is believed the person utilizes the particular type of coping mechanism. As the active home feedback group reduced systolic blood pressure

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substantially in the feedback sessions in comparison to the placebo controls (Henderson et al., 1998), only this group was used to isolate associations with blood pressure reduction.

There were no physical measures that were shown to be associated significantly with blood pressure reduction. However, a number of psychological factors were shown to be associated with the ability to lower blood pressure. Table 1 shows the means for the psychological measures. Table 2 shows the psychological variables that significantly correlated (at p<.05) with reduction in systolic and diastolic blood pressure in the home for the active feedback participants. Factors that were shown to be associated with blood pressure reduction in the home included the expectations scales and locus of control. Pre-clinic expectancy scales 2, 3 and 4 were shown to be positively associated with the ability to reduce systolic blood pressure. Expecting or believing in their ability to master the treatment skills was found to be associated with a greater ability to reduce systolic blood pressure. Scales 2 and 3 were highly correlated (r=0.99) and this was not surprising given the similarity in the items questions. However, scale 4 was only correlated moderately with the other two scales (around r=0.6). Both pre- and post-home LCB scores were positively associated with reduction in diastolic blood pressure. This suggests that a belief in one’s own control over one’s behaviour and outcomes may influence one’s ability to lower diastolic blood pressure.

Table 1 Psychological assessment breakdown for the two groups over three occasions in the home study (pre-clinic, pre-home or post-clinic and immediate post-home). Results

are reported as means (standard deviations).

Active Feedback Placebo ControlVariable (n=16) (n=14)

Pre-Clin Pre-Home Post-Home Pre-Clin Pre-Home Post-HomeTrait anxiety 42.0(4.3) --- --- 45.0(3.5) --- ---Anger Scale 21.0(5.9) --- --- 21.0(4.3) --- ---Mature DSQ 2.7(.49) --- --- 2.9(.33) --- ---Immature DSQ 1.6(.32) --- --- 1.5(.37) --- ---Neurotic DSQ 1.9(.48) --- --- 2.0(.65) --- ---State Anxiety 41.0(4.9) 42.0(2.8) 42.0(4.9) 43.0(4.7) 41.0(3.1) 44.0(5.1)LCB 36.0(5.7) 37.0(4.3) 33.0(6.1) 37.0(3.4) 35.0(6.4) 36.0(7.6)Expectancy Scale 1 3.4(.62) 3.3(0.5) 3.1(0.5) 3.7(0.5) 3.6(0.5) 3.4(0.5)Expectancy Scale 2 .43(1.2) 2.9(1.2) 3.1(0.5) .4(0.5) 3.5(0.6) 3.2(0.7)Expectancy Scale 3 .37(1.0) 2.8(1.2) 3.0(0.6) .5(0.6) 3.5(0.6) 3.1(0.7)Expectancy Scale 4 .18(.75) 2.3(1.3) 2.9(0.6) .5(0.5) 3.1(0.5) 3.1(0.7)

It is important to note that the LCB score was not significantly associated with the Bandura self-efficacy measures. It is also important to note that the self-efficacy and LCB measures did not significantly correlate with reduction of systolic or diastolic blood pressure in the placebo feedback control group. In fact, no variables were shown to be significantly associated with blood pressure reduction in the control group. This suggests that the mild benefit in blood pressure reduction derived from the placebo feedback was truly non-specific, and not due to any expectation or increased confidence arising from treatment. This finding highlights the importance of providing true feedback linked to physiological performance such as blood pressure control, if a person is to learn to reduce blood pressure. It also suggests

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Optimising Blood Pressure Reduction in Mild Un-Medicated Hypertensives

that a person is more likely to gain psychologically from a biofeedback treatment in contrast to a placebo feedback control treatment.

Table 2 shows Pearson correlations and the 95% confidence intervals for the r statistic between the self-efficacy scales 1, 2 and 3, as well as locus of control scales pre and post home feedback, and the ability to lower either systolic or diastolic blood pressure in the

home for the active biofeedback subjects (n=16). These were the only significant association found in the study.

Reduction in blood pressureScales Systolic Diastolic

Pre Expectancy 2 0.52* (0.02, 0.81) 0.62 * (0.17,0.86)Pre expectancy 3 0.50* (0, 0.80) 0.58 * (0.11,0.84)Pre expectancy 4 0.49* (-0.02,0.80) 0.60 * (0.14,0.85)Pre Home LCB 0.18 (-0.36,0.63) 0.55 * (0.06,0.83)Post Home LCB 0.01 (-0.50,0.51) 0.51 * (0.01,0.81)

* p<0.05

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR BIOFEEDBACKTREATMENT FOR HYPERTENSION

Treatment regimens for hypertension other than pharmacological approaches are needed given the high prevalence of hypertension in society. However, alternative strategies have not yet proven as effective as drug therapies. While some lifestyle (such as weight reduction and dietary restrictions) or cognitive behavioural programs (such as relaxation and biofeedback) do produce substantial short-term systolic blood pressure reductions of around 6 to 10 mmHg in comparison to waiting list controls, quite often these gains are short lived. Many people relapse, that is, they stop exercising, they put weight back on, they eat high fat and salt diets again, and consequently, their blood pressure increases to pre-treatment levels. The controlled clinical trial conducted by Hunyor et al., (1997) that investigated the efficacy of continuous systolic blood pressure feedback demonstrated that a non-pharmacological cognitive-behavioural strategy like biofeedback can result in significant reductions in blood pressure in the clinic. In an extension of this trial, clinic biofeedback skills were transferred to the patients’ homes where they practised biofeedback daily over four weeks (Henderson et al., 1998). This resulted in clinically significant and substantial improvements in the ability to reduce blood pressure in the feedback group in comparison to the controls (Henderson et al., 1998). From the clinic entry blood pressure to the post-home measure, systolic pressure fell a mean 10 mmHg and diastolic blood pressure fell around 7 mmHg. In contrast, the control feedback group mean systolic blood pressure fell only 5 mmHg and mean diastolic pressure reduced by 3 mmHg. This study was conducted to address the limitations in prior biofeedback studies. It utilised a direct and continuous mode of blood pressure feedback, sufficient numbers of subjects participated to ensure it was conducted with 80% statistical power, the design utilised a gold standard clinical trial involving a randomised double blind study, and

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Ashley Craig and Saroj Lal

the control was an active placebo feedback. The study also included transfer and generalisation strategies.

A third extension of the study involved a search for factors that may be associated with the ability to lower blood pressure. Since at least 40% of the subjects in the clinical trial were able to produce significant reductions in their blood pressure, the rationale for this component of the clinical trial was to isolate factors that may enhance the success of biofeedback outcomes. Although a number of physical and psychological factors were investigated, very few were actually found to be associated with successful blood pressure reduction. However, the extent to which the patient believed they could master the treatment skills was associated with ability to lower blood pressure, as was the extent to which they believed they were in control of their outcomes. In other words, those who expected that the blood pressure feedback would help them master and maintain blood pressure reduction were more likely to have success in lowering systolic blood pressure at home. In addition, persons whose perceptions of control were more internal (that is, those who believed their behaviour was due more to their own efforts and ability) were generally those who were more able to reduce blood pressure. These findings add weight to prior research in this area (Wittrock et al., 1988; Blanchard et al., 1989; Hunyor et al., 1991; Lal et al., 1998). This strengthens the belief that outcome and efficacy expectancies contribute to an individual's ability to control their blood pressure. Perhaps such expectancies enhance the person=s attentional functioning which improves the learning required in biofeedback. No other variables including state and trait anxiety were shown to be related to blood pressure reduction.

Implications for anti-hypertensive therapy arise from the results of this research. First, if therapies such as biofeedback are to be employed, strategies should be used to train clients to use the therapy skills in non-clinic environments (such as the home). The benefits of such transfer and generalisation have been demonstrated in the controlled trial research described in detail above (Craig et al., 2001; Henderson et al., 1998; Hunyor et al., 1997). It is possible that practising in familiar surroundings such as in ones= home, interacts adaptively with expectations of control, enhancing confidence and self-efficacy, which may in turn optimise use of skills leading to reductions in blood pressure. Second, the blood pressure feedback treatment regimen must be designed so that it optimises self-efficacy beliefs and internalises outcome expectancies. That is, the person should eventually come to believe that he or she has the skills necessary for lowering their blood pressure and that they can utilise these skills to reduce their blood pressure. The important role of cognitive appraisal in biofeedback has been argued previously (Lazarus, 1975). The results of the clinical trial also suggest that it is possible to predict and isolate characteristics of those mild hypertensive people who could benefit from biofeedback. For instance, those who believe they are responsible for their own behaviour (internal) may be more likely to benefit from biofeedback. Persons who demonstrate external expectancies (eg. Amy success is due to luck or powerful others@) may benefit from therapies that are designed to enhance perceptions of control (such as self-monitoring and social skills training) which may in turn enhance their ability to respond to non-pharmacological anti-hypertensive treatments such as biofeedback, relaxation or exercise. The findings of the three components of the clinical trial research provide encouraging evidence that mild hypertension can be treated successfully without resorting to anti-hypertensive drugs. It strengthens the belief that biofeedback treatment can be streamlined and tailored to meet the patients’ needs and personality, including transferring

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Optimising Blood Pressure Reduction in Mild Un-Medicated Hypertensives

blood pressure lowering skills learned in the clinic into the natural everyday environment of the patient.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Supported by grants from the National Health and Medical Research Council, National Heart Foundation (Australia), The Government Health Employees Research Fund (NSW) and the North Shore Heart Research Foundation (NSW Australia).

REFERENCES

1. Alderman, M. H., & Marantz, P. R. (1990). Cardiovascular risk: the impact of high blood pressure and its correction. In F. R. Buhler and J. H. Laragh (Eds.). Handbook of hypertension Vol 13: The management of hypertension. New York: Elsevier Science Publications.

2. Andrews, G., MacMahon, S.W., Austin, A., and Byrne, D. G. (1982). Hypertension: comparison of drug and non-drug treatments. British Medical Journal, 284, 1523-1526.

3. Andrews, G., and Pollock, C. (1989). The determination of defense style by questionnaire. Archives of General Psychiatry, 46, 455-460.

4. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (1996). Australia’s Health, Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service.

5. Baghurst, K. I., Baghurst, P. A., and Record, S. J. (1992). Public perceptions of the role of dietary and other environmental factors in cancer causation or prevention. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 46, 120-126.

6. Bandura, A. (1982). Self-efficacy mechanisms in human agency. American Psychologist, 37, 122-147.

7. Bauer, G.E. (1990). Predictability, assessment and improvement of compliance with regard to taking anti-hypertensive drugs. In: W.H Birkenhager (Ed.). Practical Management of Hypertension (pp.147-161). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

8. Blanchard, E. B., Eisele, G., Vollmer, A., Payne, A., Gordon, M., Cornish, P., & Gilmore, L. (1996). Controlled evaluation of thermal biofeedback in treatment of elevated blood pressure in unmedicated mild hypertensives. Biofeedback and Self-Regulation, 21, 167-190.

9. Blanchard, E. B., McCoy, G. C., Berger, M., Musso, A., Pallmeyer, T. P., Gerardi, R., Gerardi, M. A., and Pangburn, L. (1989). A controlled comparison of thermal biofeedback and relaxation training in the treatment of essential hypertension. IV Prediction of short-term clinical outcome. Behavior Therapy, 20, 405-415.

10. Blanchard, E. B., Nicholson, N. L., Radnitz, C. L., Steffek, B. D., Appelbaum, K. A., and Dentinger, M. P. (1991). The role of home practice in thermal biofeedback. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59, 507-512.

11. Collins, R., Peto, R., MacMahon, S., Hebert, P., Fiebach, N. H., Eberlein, K. A. et al., (1990). Blood pressure, stroke, and coronary heart disease. Part 2. Short-term reductions

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in blood pressure: overview of randomised drug trials in their epidemiological context. Lancet, 335, 827-838.

12. Craig, A. (1998). Treating stuttering in older children, adolescents, and adults. A guide for clinicians, parents and those who stutter. Sydney: Feedback Publications.

13. Craig, A., Bartrop, R., Lal, S., Henderson, R., Hart, M., & Hunyor, S. (2001). Optimizing blood pressure reduction: predicting success in the home environment. Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy, 8, 33-40.

14. Craig, A., R., Bauman, A., Cubbage, M., & Bell, P. (1990). Health status inequity: occupation, and prevalence of risk factors for heart disease in university staff. Journal of Occupational Health and Safety-Australia and New Zealand, 6, 119-125.

15. Craig, A.R., Feyer, A.M., and Andrews, G. (1987). An overview of a behavioural treatment for stuttering. Australian Psychologist, 22, 53-62.

16. Craig, A. & Hancock, K., (1996). The influence of a healthy lifestyle program in a work environment: a controlled long-term study. Journal of Occupational Health and Safety-Australia and New Zealand, 12, 193-206.

17. Craig, A., Hancock, K., Craig, M. (1996). The lifestyle appraisal questionnaire: A comprehensive assessment of health and stress. Psychology and Health, 11, 331-343.

18. Craig, A.R., Franklin, J.A., and Andrews, G. (1984). A scale to measure locus of control of behaviour. British Journal of Medical Psychology, 57, 173-180.

19. Croog, S. H., Levine, S., Testa, M.A., Brown, B., Bulpitt, C. J., Jenkins, C. D., Klerman, G. L., and Williams, G. H. (1986). The effects of antihypertensive therapy on the quality of life. New England Journal of Medicine, 314, 1657-1664.

20. Doyle, A. E. (1990). The implications of major studies of antihypertensive treatment. In: S. Hunyor, J. Whitworth (Eds.) Hypertension Management (pp. 29-32). Sydney: MacLennan & Petty.

21. Eisenberg, D. M., Delbanco, T. L., Berkey, C. S., Kaptchuk, T. J., Kupelnick, B., Kuhl, J., and Chalmers, T. C. (1993). Cognitive behavioral techniques for hypertension: Are they effective? Annals of Internal Medicine, 118, 964-972.

22. Elmer, P. J., Grimm, R. J., Liang, B., Grandits, G., Svendsen, K., Van Heel, N., et al. (1995). Lifestyle intervention: results of the treatment of mild hypertension study (TOMHS). Preventive Medicine, 24, 378-388.

23. Engel, B. T. (1998). An historical and critical review of the articles on blood pressure published in Psychosomatic Medicine between 1939 and 1997. Psychosomatic Medicine, 60, 682-696.

24. Ericsson, J. A., Krampe, R. T., & Tesch-Romer, C. (1993). The role of deliberate practice in the acquisition of expert performance. Psychological Review, 100, 363-406.

25. Furedy, J. J., and Shulhan, D. (1987). Specific versus placebo effects in biofeedback: Some brief back-to-basics considerations. Biofeedback and Self-Regulation, 12, 211-215.

26. Gauthier, J., & Cote, G. (1994). The role of home practice in thermal biofeedback treatment of migraine headache. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 62, 180-184.

27. Health and Public Policy Committee, American College of Physicians (1985). Biofeedback for hypertension. Annals of Internal Medicine, 102, 709-715.

28. Henderson, R. J., Hart, M. G., Lal, S. K. L., and Hunyor, S. N. (1998). The effect of home training with a direct blood pressure biofeedback of hypertensives: a placebo-controlled study. Journal of Hypertension, 16, 771-778.

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Optimising Blood Pressure Reduction in Mild Un-Medicated Hypertensives

29. Herbert, P. R., Bolt, R. J., Borhani, N. O., Cook, N. R., Cohen, J. D., Cutler, J. A. et al. (1995). Design of a multcenter trial to evaluate long-term lifestyle intervention in adults with high-normal blood pressure levels. Trial of hypertension prevention (Phase II). AEP, 5,130-139.

30. Hoelscher, T. J., Lichstein, K. L., and Rosenthal, T. L. (1986). Home relaxation practice in hypertension treatment: Objective assessment and compliance induction. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 54, 217-221.

31. Hunyor, S. N., Bartrop, R., Craig, A., Cenjar, M., Liggins, G., Henderson., R. and Jones, M. (1991). Voluntary blood pressure control by biofeedback: relationship to psychological characteristics. Clinical and Experimental Pharmacology and Physiology, 18, 55-59.

32. Hunyor, S. N., Henderson, R. J., Lal, S. K., Carter, N. L., Kobler, H., Jones, M., Bartrop, R. W., Craig, A. & Mihailidou, A. S. (1997). Placebo-controlled biofeedback blood pressure effect in hypertensive humans. Hypertension, 29, 1225-1231.

33. Jacob, R. G., Chesney, M. A., Williams, D. M., Ding., Y., and Shapiro, A. P. (1991). Relaxation therapy for hypertensives: design effects and treatment effects. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 13, 5-17.

34. Jacob, R.G., Wing, R. & Shapiro, A.P. (1987). The behavioral treatment of hypertension: Long-term effects. Behavior Therapy, 18, 325-353.

35. Joint National Committee on Detection, Evaluation and Treatment of High Blood Pressure (1986). Final report of subcommittee on nonpharmacological therapy of the 1984 Joint National Committee on Detection, Evaluation and Treatment of High Blood Pressure. Nonpharmacological approaches to the control of high blood pressure. Hypertension, 8, 444-467.

36. Krantz, D. S., Grunberg, N. E., & Baum, A. (1985). Health psychology. Annual Reviews in Psychology, 36, 349-383.

37. Lamb, S. J., Bibby, P. A., Wood, D. J., and Leyden, G. (1998). An intervention programme for children with moderate learning difficulties. British Journal of Educational Psychology, 68, 493-504.

38. Lal, S. K. L., Henderson, R. J., Carter, N., Bath, A., Hart, M. G., Langeluddecke, P., & Hunyor, S. N. (1998). Effect of feedback signal and psychological characteristics on blood pressure self-manipulation capability. Psychophysiology, 35, 1-8.

39. Lal, S. K., Henderson, R. J., Cejnar, M., Hart, M. G., & Hunyor, S. N. (1995). Physiological influences on continuous finger and simultaneous intra-arterial blood pressure. Hypertension, 26, 307-314.

40. Lane, J.D., Greenstadt, L., and Shapiro, D. (1983). Pulse transit time and blood pressure: an intensive analysis. Psychophysiology, 20, 45-49.

41. Lazarus, R. (1975). A cognitively oriented psychologist looks at biofeedback. American Psychologist, 30, 553-561.

42. McGrady, A. (1994). Effects of group relaxation training and thermal biofeedback on blood pressure and related physiological and psychological variables in essential hypertension. Biofeedback and Self-Regulation, 19, 51-66.

43. McGrady, A. and Higgins, J.T. (1989). Prediction of response to biofeedback-assisted relaxation in hypertensives: development of a Hypertensive Predictor Profile (HYPP). Psychosomatic Medicine, 51, 277-284.

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44. McGrady, A., Williams Utz, S., Woerner, M., Bernal, G. A. A., and Higgins, J. T. (1986). Predictors of success in hypertensives treated with biofeedback-assisted relaxation. Biofeedback and Self-Regulation, 11, 95-103.

45. Messerli, F. H., De Carvalho, J. G. R., Christie, B., & Frohlich, E. D. (1979). Systemic haemodynamic effects of biofeedback in borderline hypertension. Clinical Sciences, 57 (suppl) 437s-439s.

46. Miller, N. E., & Dworkin, B. R. (1977). Effects of learning on visceral functions- biofeedback. New England Journal of Medicine, 296, 1274-1278.

47. Mullins, R.M., and Sharpley, C. (1988). Biofeedback as a procedure for teaching blood pressure control to normotensives. Behaviour Change, 5, 51-65.

48. Musso, A., Blanchard, E., and McCoy, G. (1991). The evaluation of thermal biofeedback treatment of hypertensives using 24 hour ambulatory blood pressure monitoring. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 29, 469-478.

49. Nakagawa-Kogan, H., Garber, A., Jarrett, M., Egan, K.J., and Hendershot, S. (1988). Self-management of hypertension: predictors of success in diastolic blood pressure reduction. Research in Nursing and Health, 11, 105-115.

50. Pfiffner, L. J., and MacBurnett, K. (1997). Social skills training with parent generalization: treatment effects for children with attention deficit disorder. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 65, 749-757.

51. Pugh, M. (2000). Stedman’s Medical Dictionary (27th Edition). Lippincott Williams and Wilkins: Baltimore, USA.

52. Schappert, S. M. (1994). National ambulatory medical care survey: 1991 summary. US Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Hyattsville, Md. Vital Health Statistics, 13, 1-110.

53. Simons, L. A., Simons, J., Magnus, P., & Bennett, S. A. (1986). Education level and coronary risk factors in Australia. Medical Journal of Australia, 145, 446-450.

54. Spielberger, C.D., Gorsuch, R.L., Lushene, R.E., Vagg, P.R., and Jacobs, G. (1983) Stai Manual for the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory, New York: Consulting Psychiatry Press.

55. Speilberger, C. D., Jacobs, G., Russell, S., and Crane, R. S. (1983). Assessment of anger: The State-Trait Anger Scale. In J. N. Butcher and C. D. Spielberger (Eds.). Advances in personality assessment. Hillsdale, NJ: LEA.

56. Staessen, J., Fagard, R., & Amery, A. (1988). The relationship between body weight and blood pressure. Journal of Human Hypertension, 2, 207-217.

57. Steptoe, A. (1978). The regulation of blood pressure reactions to taxing conditions using pulse transit time feedback and relaxation. Psychophysiology, 15, 429-438.

58. Stokes, T. F., and Baer, D. M. (1977). An implicit technology of generalization. Journal of Applied Behaviour Analysis, 10, 349-367.

59. Wittrock, D.A., Blanchard, E.B., and McCoy, G.C. (1988). Three studies on the relation of process to outcome in the treatment of essential hypertension with relaxation and thermal biofeedback. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 26, 53-66.

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Extra Chapter 10

BIOPSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF MEMORY AND EDUCATION

HermanAuthor Affiliation

EVOLUTIONARY ASPECTS

Advances in any mental functioning beyond genetically-programmed reactive functioning must have their origins in the evolution of humans. Two such origins are relevant for this discussion. The first was the step from apes to hominids. The second was what has been called the Great Leap Forward.

In the steps between the chimpanzee to the first of the branch leading to hominids, average body weight dropped from about 53 kg to 37 kg, but, what is more important, without a drop in brain size (Wood and Collard, 1999). That means that, in the successful hominids, the particular mutations that led to the reduced body size were selected for because a novel use was found for the left-over brain that formerly sensed and controlled the now-absent body parts. The hominid could use the “extra” grams of brain for developing additional and/or more complex mental functions.

To estimate how much unused brain is left by that drop in body weight we use the brain weight difference of chimpanzee males and females of 31.7 g. Their body weight difference is 28.8 kg. Thus, the ratio is 31.7/28.8 = 1.100 gm/Kg which can be thought of as the amount of brain needed to sense and control each kg of chimpanzee body. Thus, this amount of brain is 1.1 gm/Kg x 36 Kg = 3.96 gm, which is about 1% of the Australopithecine brain available for use for the new mental functions.

“The Great Leap Forward” (Diamond, 1993) took place about 60,000 years ago when the hominid suddenly became able to deal with complex or abstract problems. Planned agriculture replaced gathering, planned hunting replaced scavenging, abstract paintings appeared (as in the Lascaux caves), and awareness of the individual as a member of a group which had regular properties such as dying replaced just noting when an animal was dead.

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The origin of The Leap will only be able to be displayed and discussed after looking into some aspects of brain and mind development.

THE BRAIN GROWTH STAGES

Anatomical studies have revealed a provocative insight into development of the human brain and, therefore, of human mental functioning. It is that the human brain, and all vertebrate brains, have stages of rapid growth and slow growth after birth. In humans the rapid brain growth periods are about 3-10 months and 2-4, 6-8, 10-12, and 14-16 years. Perforce there is slow brain growth during the spans of 10 months to 2 years and 4-6, 8-10, and 12-14 years.

One of the more remarkable features of the brain growth spurts is that, although both genders have a brain growth spurt in the 10-12 year period, females have twice as much brain growth as males during that time! That could explain why 12-year old females seem quite adult-like in comparison with the more childish males of that age. Boys catch up during the 14-16 year period of rapid brain growth when males have twice as much brain growth as females. As adults, females have a greater ratio of brain weight to body weight. It takes more brain to be competent for the things that need to be done by females.

If we ask why such differences were selected for, it is easy to discover that the gender difference mentioned above (10-12 years) is paralleled by greater female spurts in sensitivity to non-verbal cues such as facial expressions, body language, grunts, etc. The reason for this is almost certainly the need for females to be able to take better care of their soon-to-be born babies who arrive entirely non-verbal.

But, there is another important brain growth difference between humans and apes: only humans have the fifth brain growth spurt. So, we are clued into looking at what abilities are linked to the fifth spurt.

THE PIAGET STAGES

To understand what is happening we have to look into the studies of functioning in humans, and we will use the studies of Piaget and his associates. We do not use Piaget’s theories; we only use the experimentally discovered stages of reasoning development. Those data show that the stage of concrete reasoning starts to appear around age 6 years and the beginning of the stage of formal reasoning is around age 10 years. That means that girls acquire more extensive early formal reasoning skills than boys and that boys are likely to acquire more extensive post-formal reasoning skills during the 14-16 year period.

The question must be asked whether very bright children acquire the reasoning stages early. It has been found that very high IQ children (140-160) don’t acquire concrete reasoning schemes before about age 6 years (Brown, 1973) nor do they acquire formal reasoning schemes before age 10 years (Webb, 1974). Therefore, we infer that it is the increased amount of brain (which we will show below to be mainly in more complex networks) which makes possible the acquisition of those reasoning levels and that requires instruction in those reasoning schemes with the help of parents and teachers and society.

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Biopsychological Aspects of Memory and Education

Note that the onsets of the Piaget stages coincide with the onsets of the stages of rapid brain growth so that it is plausible to suspect that the brain growth stages are the biological bases of the Piaget stages - as I discussed with Piaget when I told him that I seemed to have discovered a biological basis for his reasoning stages. He replied that he was pleased but not surprised because he had long ago realized that there can be no functional stages without a biological basis.

To go further with this analysis we have to discover what is happening biologically during those stages, and it is now established that, during those spurts, the axons and dendrites elongate and branch so that the neurons appear much more bushy; this bushiness is called the arborization of the neural networks.

INSTRUCTION-DEPENDENCE

The question then arises of how those newly added networks are programmed for whatever functions they will support. It is readily shown that the new networks do not appear already programmed but must acquire their functions by a combination of experiences and instruction. And, since the programming all comes from external events, there is no way to select for those formal and post-formal functions any more than one can select dogs for fetching newspapers. In brief, if a function can be taught, it would be difficult, if not impossible to select for it in evolution. Therefore, we will always need to be taught those formal and post-formal reasoning functions. In other words, we will remain instruction-dependent for acquiring those higher cognitive functions. This places the burden of helping children to develop their inborn mental potentials to the maximum squarely on parents and society (especially teachers).

The Piagetians evaluated the cognitive levels by means of what they called a clinical interview which required a trained interviewer to ask selected questions and then probe to discover the reasoning that led to the answers that were given. Both the concrete and formal reasoning have been shown to be composed of ten or more simpler reasoning schemes such as, for concrete reasoning, the ability to classify objects by one or two or three properties such as color, size, age, etc. By probing for those reasoning schemes, the individual’s reasoning status could be determined.

THE WORK OF SHAYER

One problem with the clinical interview was that it took two or more hours for each person. For this reason, a number of investigators attempted to create a pencil and paper test that could be given to many persons at the same time. That would allow statistically significant characterization of populations. Of the tests that were created, that by Shayer and Adey and their associates is probably the most accurate. With their test, they studied the cognitive levels of 2,000 children at each age from 10 to 16 years. The table below includes their data along with estimates for other ages derived from papers in the literature done for other purposes but from which estimates could be made.

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Herman

The Cognitive Level Table

Percentages of Persons at Each Cognitive Level at Each AgeSensori-Motor Level Concrete Level Abstract Level

Age (Years1 1002 1003 98 24 92 8

4.5 97 35 95 15

5.5 78 226 68 327 35 658 25 759 15 85

10 12 87 111 6 89 512 5 83 1213 2 78 2014 1 75 2415 1 68 3116 1 63 36

16-17 3 66 3117-18 1 65 34Adult 20 48 32

THE STORY OF 1/3

The data in the table show that there is a large increase in those at the concrete reasoning level starting around age 6 years when that percentage rises from 15% to 65% between ages 5 and 7 years. For the formal or abstract level, the percentage starts increasing at age 10 years, as found by clinical interviews by the Piagetians.

The table contains a number of other interesting points. We now tell two stories of the value 1/3 that appears at the end of the table’s data.

From the point of view of society, a very important finding is that the fraction of abstract reasoners reaches about 1/3 by the end of high school and, what is more striking, doesn’t get beyond that value even in adults. That means that only about 1/3 of adult citizens (in both democracies and in totalitarian societies) can understand the more complex issues being discussed and voted on. Unless such significant issues can be adequately formulated in concrete terms, most adults will not understand the issues well enough to form a logical viewpoint. In turn that means that the very existence of democracies is imperiled unless ways can be found to increase the fraction of formal reasoners.

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Biopsychological Aspects of Memory and Education

The second story of 1/3 concerns the need for formal reasoning in colleges and universities. Principals and teachers have estimated for me that perhaps half of the topics in senior high school require formal reasoning. It follows therefore that 4-year colleges and universities will need formal reasoning for much more than half of their subject matter. Given that insight, we would predict that, if such institutions evaluate student performances honestly, only about 1/3 of college-age students will succeed in graduating from those institutions. And, that is precisely the fraction that actually gains 4-year degrees; this value has been true for decades. It is, therefore, illusionary to advocate, as President Clinton and other heads of state have proclaimed, that one goal of education should be to enable 100% of college-age persons to go to college. That cannot now be done without debasing the educational level of those institutions.

TEACHING STRATEGIES AND TACTICS

Studies of learning have given novel insights into teaching strategies and tactics.

Consolidation

One very important example is the determination of how long it takes for new information to be consolidated in human memory. That is, will additional, but unrelated information hinder the storage of the new information if provided too soon after teaching the information. Muller and Pilzecker, in 1900 (!), studied this question and found that additional unrelated information will hinder storage and retention of information if presented within 6 minutes of finishing the teaching. That tells teachers that they must avoid such extraneous interference with the storage. This question needs some careful research in order to specify just what constitutes interference in the instructional situation.

The Junior High School

A second example is from another old study (Shuttleworth, 1939)that deals with the determination of the mental ages of school children. During the two years of the rapid brain growth stage between ages 10 and 12 years, the average mental age increased by about three years. During the next rapid brain growth stage (14-16 years) the mental age again increased by close to three years. But, during the two years of slow brain growth (12-14 years)the average mental age increased by only 3/4 of a year. This suggests that the impending sexual maturation is not the only possible reason for the slow mental development during the 12-14 year period; the slow brain growth would certainly add to the reasons for creating the junior high school that presumably was created in response to educators becoming aware of the slowed mental developmental during those years.

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Herman

THE GREAT LEAP FORWARD

We can now return to the connection of evolution with mental development. Around 60,000 years ago, as stated earlier, the hominid suddenly became able to deal with complex or abstract problems. The proposition is that some of the hominids discovered how to make use of the new arborization to become able to reason abstractly. That made possible the strikingly novel functions described by those anthropologists. And, as pointed out earlier, such functions cannot be selected for because they can be taught. From that time on, education became the means of spreading the new competencies so education became, and has remained, the main activity of human maturation.

It is unfortunately true that the instruction-dependence of abstract reasoning means that not everyone will succeed in acquiring that capacity. Those who have acquired the capacity can enhance the quality of life of all the people, enabling most others to profit from the abstract reasoning of the few. However, those advanced persons are subject to the moods and actions of the less-advanced persons. This is eerily reminiscent of the biblical story of eating from the tree of knowledge of good and evil. Those who do not acquire the advanced capacities live in a world of experiences without awareness of the abstractions from that world. Perhaps this is one of the sources of the criminal mentality which pervades all human societies.

REFERENCES

1. Brown, A.L. (1973). Conservation of Number of Continuous Quantity in Normal, Bright, and Retarded Children. Child. Devel., 44: 376-379.

2. Diamond, J. The Third Chimpanzee. Harper, 1993.3. Shuttleworth, F.K. (1939). The physical and mental growth of girls and boys age six to

nineteen in relation to age at maximum growth. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 4(Serial No. 22).

4. Webb, R.A. (1974). Concrete and Formal Operations in Very Bright Six- to Eleven-year olds. Human Devel., 17, 292-300.

5. Wood, B and Collard, M. The Human Genus. Science 284: 65-71, 1999.

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INDEX

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Page 227: Book 7x10 - Template (ver_18 - TNR 10.5p)leadserv.u-bourgogne.fr/IMG/doc/Psych_12-P.doc · Web viewVolume 12 Serge P. Shohov (Editor) Nova Science Publishers Huntington, New York

Index 237