ANA MARTINOSKA

ETHNIC STEREOTYPES IN THE MACEDONIAN

FOLKLORE AND THEIR REFLECTION IN THE

MACEDONIAN CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE

Initially, the paper “Ethnic Stereotypes in the Macedonian Folklore and their Reflection in

the Macedonian Contemporary Literature” is focusing on the ethnic stereotypes in folk-

lore, knowing that it often reflects the historical reality in a fuller, more penetrating way

than the other sources. In the Macedonian folklore, the positive image and the epic glorifi-

cation of the Macedonian heroes are opposed to the manifested negative judgments about

Others (mostly Turks and Arabs), often based upon ethnic stereotypes. The treatment of

the motifs and the characters in them are quite typicalized and even overproportioned by

frequent usage of hyperbolas and contrasts. The paper presents Bolen Dojcin and Marko

Krale as typical heroes whose images succumb to stereotyping and the Crna Arapina as

the perfect depiction of their enemy.

These folklore images and stereotypes have significant implications and reflections in

the Macedonian contemporary literature, especially in the poetry, so in the major part of

the paper it deals mostly with these expressions. One of the main reasons for the usage of

these “old-fashioned” stereotypes is to provoke familiar images in the people’s minds

(both good and evil), and to use this touch of the tradition as a base for the new ideas and

poetry innovations. This paper pursues their transformations in the contemporary poetry

of a few Macedonian authors, such as Blaze Koneski, Vlada Urosevic, Radovan Pav-

lovski and others. We read their poetry as intertext, namely as restoration and reseman-

tisation of the traditional oral poetry, and we follow up the modifications done in their

composition, versification and basic poetry idea. Apart from the poetry, these images and

stereotypes taken from the Macedonian folklore can be noted in the other genres of the

Macedonian contemporary literature, who enclose rereading of the ethnic stereotypes, up-

grading of mythical fables, unconventional, unconditional and often very complexed us-

age of the folklore elements, symbols, myths or motifs.

The paper leads to the conclusion that Macedonian folklore accumulates knowledge

and image of the Other, but at the same time abounds with ethnical stereotypes. In the text,

they were viewed through their manifestations and their alterations mainly in contempo-

rary Macedonian poetry, through a number of paradigms and poetic concepts, highlight-

ing their ability to make use of the spirit of the tradition as fundamentals for the fresh ideas

and expressive innovations.

0324–4652/$20.00 Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest© 2005 Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest Springer, Dordrecht

Neohelicon XXXII (2005) 1, 71–79

Ana Martinoska, Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Institute of Macedonian Literature, ul. Vasil

Gorgov 35, P.O.Box 455, 1000 Skopje, Macedonia; E-mail: anamar_mk@yahoo.com

72 ANA MARTINOSKA

Stereotypes are not new phenomena. Social categorization, from which stereotypes

emerge, is such a basic process that it has always been – and likely always will be – an

integral part of human existence. Psychology already provided some answers to the

basic questions about stereotypes and what they are. Historically, stereotypes were

“considered to be the ‘pictures in the head’ of individuals looking out into their social

worlds” and later proven that their effects are much more than this definition indicates

(Stangor, Shaller: 3). They represent one aspect of the entire collective knowledge of a

society, which includes the society’s customs, myths, ideas, religions, and sciences.

Cultural norms are the social system through which stereotypes are represented and

perpetuated across individuals, across generations, and across time.

Stereotypes about ethnic groups appear as part of the social heritage of society and

they are typically defined as a consensus among members of one group regarding the

attributes of another. Often additional qualifiers are added to the definition to suggest

their undesirability, so stereotypes have been described as overgeneralizations, irra-

tional beliefs, rigid generalizations, and false beliefs (Taylor, Aboud: 331). Ethnic ste-

reotypes are transmitted across generations as a component of the accumulated

knowledge of society. They are as true as tradition, as pervasive as folklore. No person

can grow up in a society without having learned the stereotypes assigned to the major

ethnic groups (Ehrlich, 1973). Still, ethnic stereotypes would not create a social prob-

lem if we did not use them so frequently in our interaction with others (Fein, Spencer:

251).

In this paper I want to focus on the ethnic stereotypes in folklore, knowing that

these often reflect the historical reality in a fuller, more penetrating way than the other

sources (Krekovicova: 5). Folklore frequently supplies a substitutional role as a bearer

of real identification features, or only of those which are presented as such; in folklore

it is possible to decode the reflection of identification features (images, symbols, ste-

reotypes, prejudices), and folklore represents a mean for the constitution, confirma-

tion and proclamation of identity (Krekovicova: 6).

The same is true for the folklore in Macedonia. Due to its geographical and strate-

gic position, as well as its natural beauty, the conquering armies of many different na-

tions crossed over this small country. The numerous military conflicts, the political,

cultural, religious and assimilative pressures of those nations had great impact on his-

torical growth of the Macedonians and has been expressed in their ethno-physical as

well as character features (Penuwliski, 2003:7). Clearly, it influenced a great deal the

art creations of the Macedonians, therefore Macedonian folklore treasures many mo-

tifs taken from the country’s history and ideology. This particularly counts for the oral

literature created during the ruling of the Ottoman Empire for over 500 years, when

the Macedonians were trying to preserve the basic characteristics of their Slavic back-

ground, their language, customs and religion. The conditions of life in slavery, with-

drawal into themselves, and the jealous preservation of the folk tradition created cir-

cumstances for the maintenance, development and the blossoming of oral poetry

(Penuwliski, 2003: 8). Naturally, the folk songs were often about the fight of the Mace-

donians, their battles, victories, heroes, sacrifices, victims etc. In that sense when we

understand how significant these processes are for a nation, we see its self-centered-

ness expressed in the frequently manifested negative judgments about others, which

are often based on stereotypes and declarations of the opposition we-they.

The image of the Macedonians in their own folklore creations is frequently op-

posed to the members of the other ethnic groups present in the country – Turks,

Greeks, Albanians and others, and this ethnical and nationalistic aspect is acknowl-

edged as one of the most significant features of the Macedonian folklore in general.

Macedonian folk poetry and prose, as well as the minor genres (and the folklore of the

other South Slavic nations) abound with ethnic stereotypes attributing positive quali-

ties to the group to which they belong and negative qualities to the others. Typical

examples are the anecdotes, especially the ones about the national sage Itar Pejo and

his opponent Nasredin Hodja.

Of course this is not a unique Macedonian process, because other European coun-

tries especially in the period of the romanticism witness such occurrences, where

ethno-identity is often actualized at a point of comparison, when coming across out-

siders who do not belong to the same group as ours. The researcher Ilomaki from Fin-

land claims that war is often what brought people in touch with each other. The plot of

his people’s war and its legends and stories has a certain pattern. According to it, a

danger is caused by attacking the enemy and the situation is solved by the clever ac-

tion of us. Telling these legends is a vehicle of pointing out the contradiction between

the enemy and us, strengthening the feeling of sameness within one’s own society. It

causes a process of becoming ethnically conscious (Ilomaki: 103–105).

In the same way, the central position in Macedonian heroic poetry is reserved for

the victories of the Macedonian heroes in the battles against the Turks and the Arabs.

Treatment of the motifs and the characters in it is quite typicalized. The legendary

heroes are images of the Macedonian longing for justice, presented in the folklore as

fearless, invincible, honest, idealistic and always the winners. Everything about them

is idealised and over-proportioned, using the hyperbola and contrast as the most fre-

quent semantic figures. There are even cases where they obtain mythological and su-

pernatural features, being related to the fairies and dragons or being born as the “cho-

sen” ones.

One of the most magnificent poetic accomplishments of the Macedonian folk po-

etry is the ballad song called “Bolen Dojcin” (meaning the Sick Dojcin, personal

name), which has approximately seventy-five variants, which indicate its popularity

among Macedonians. The song, later transmitted among the other South Slavic na-

tions as well, is composed upon an original motif: an Arab is violently attacking the

honor of Dojcin’s home, a sick hero finds the strength to get up from his bed, chal-

lenge the tyrant, kill him and save himself, his town and his people from the terrors of

the foreigner. The same motif can also be found in some legends and tales, such as the

one in which “the botanists are still taking care of the 500 year old tree, whose roots

conceal the grave of the slain Arab” (Penuwliski, 2003:91). The basic ground for this

motif is probably a poetic echo to the realistic situations experienced during the at-

tempts to conquer on Macedonia. We have an epic glorification of the Macedonian

hero Dojcin as the savior and the winner, and on the other side the Arab is an image of

ETHNIC STEREOTYPES IN THE MACEDONIAN FOLKLORE 73

the brutal man reaching for the peace and the freedom of a nation. He is an entirely

negative character, a rough, rowdy, violent and cruel man, striking unprotected peo-

ple’s freedom and dignity without any compassion. The Arab’s character sometimes

has monster’s features, but usually he is just a typical anti-hero. The Arab is constantly

caring the attribute “black” which even melted in the nickname “Black Arab,” the

same way as the epithet “sick” melted in the name of the Dojcin. The attribute “black”

mostly refers to the real facts about his appearance, i.e., the color of his skin, which is

often a substantial contributing factor for determining stereotypes, but can also be a

symbol for his cruelty, the horrors, and abuse he has perpetrated. Some researchers

even claim that this is a genetic remnant of the presence of a “black god” from pagan

times and the mythological stories. Still, we find it easier to believe that it is a conse-

quence of the actual Arab participation in some of the wars involving the South Slavic

nations’ territories, like the Arab-Byzantine wars and conflicts. On the other hand,

there are few songs where the attribute black is changed into “tzar” – the king,

referring to the Arab king Udavin. Not even the Black Arab has a name in Macedonian

folklore and even his physical description is rare. His portrait is usually depicted indi-

rectly with hyperbolisation of his monstrous acts. Still, sometimes we find a portrayal

of his physical appearance done according to the traditional folk image of the negative

hero: he is ugly and fat, with a head as big as a kettle, a huge mouth extending from his

belly to his forehead, and each day he eats bread from a whole bakery, drinks two

bowls of wine and one of brandy, eats three calves, and so on (Penuwliski, 2003: 114).

Hyperbolisation is used not only in the descriptions of his appearance, but also in the

descriptions of the huge taxes he was taking from the Macedonian people and the

other malicious things he did to them (didn’t allow them to get married for three years,

asked for a different bride for every night, in some variants he kills the girls after being

with them). Along with these stereotypical images of the two opposing heroes, the

fight between them is usually a fair one, done in accordance with the medieval

knightly traditions.

These types of songs have other characters, mainly Dojcin’s “blood brothers,” who

fail to help him in his preparations for the fight with the Black Arab (or ask for his sis-

ter’s affections in return). In some variants “a little yellow Jewish guy” supplies him

for free with a clothing to cover his wounds and his body. This “brothers by blood”

have different names, both Christian and Muslim, but the Muslim ones are more fre-

quent. They include: Ali, Asan, Imer, Jusuf, Mamut, Osman, and others. This is in part

because the needed handicrafts were usually performed by Turks, but also because it

demonstrates the stereotypical image that – like the proverb says – one can’t have faith

in Turks (Penuwliski, 2003: 130). In only one case this brother is a black Gypsy.

One of the non-typical elements found in the heroes’ songs is the episode of the

Turk honouring the heroism of the killed fighter Stojan, expressing condolences to the

grieving mother, telling her how difficult it was to capture and defeat her son. This is

one of the rare examples where the images of the enemy do not succumb to stereotyp-

ing and present the enemy to some extent in a positive manner.

Another significant folklore figure, one as popular as Dojcin, is Marko Krale (king

Marko), a historical person actively involved in the struggle against the Turks. His po-

74 ANA MARTINOSKA

etic and idealised image is well-known not only among Macedonians, but also among

the other South Slavic nations and the Balkan Non-Slavic countries. His efforts to pro-

tect his own people and his goal to gain a national victory made him a stereotyped

character of a hero: clever, wise and most of all, very brave. The scheme of his hyper-

bolic depiction is quite similar to the one used in the already quoted examples. He has

supernatural strength and even gets help from magical assistants like his horse, weap-

ons, and co-fighters. The Turks are once more illustrated as typical negative heroes,

whose stereotypic images portray them as cruel slaughterers, who like to cut people’s

heads off and display the decapitated heads in order to scare the people from the Mac-

edonian villages. Apart from the Turks, in some of the songs and stories he is also

fighting Albanian heroes like Musa Kesedjija and Gino Arnautce (Djemo Brganin).

Marko’s fight with Musa Kesedjija is not always a fair one. It is quite fascinating that

Musa is presented as far greater warrior (with three or more hearts, or snakes), but

Marko uses different means (his wisdom, as well as some tricks and deceptions) to de-

feat him; and he always succeeds, in all probability making the point that there is a

way to defeat any enemy however powerful they might be. The fight between these

two heroes was also painted on a wall in the entry of the church of Sv. Bogorodica (St.

Virgin Mary) in the village of Lopatica near Bitola in the middle of the nineteenth cen-

tury, where Musa is wearing an Albanian folk costume, which again indicated that he

was not a Turk, but fought on their side.

Some folklore creations show Marko’s fight with representatives of other nations,

like Filip Madjarin (Philip the Hungarian), who was most probably an Italian fighting

for the Hungarian king Sigmund and some Jewish heroes (always described as “yel-

low” Jews) and others, all of them presented in a similarly stereotypical way.

Another very common pattern in Macedonian folklore is the theme about young

women who refuse the Turks and their wish to make them Turkish brides. Their confi-

dence in their choice not to change their religion by marrying a foreigner is so strong

that they’re prepared to die for it. Although the majority of such songs talk about be-

coming a Turkish bride, there are few songs about a girl called Anka from Stip, who

was taken away from the city of her birth and her family by force, then brought to Ger-

many (or in some variants to Moscow), where she was baptised in 9 churches by 9

priests, and where she got three different names (probably an association with the

Catholic tradition).

Later in history, during and after the famous Ilinden uprising of the Macedonian

population in the 1903, the leaders of this movement, who fought under the motto

“Freedom or Death” also became the subject of many revolutionary songs. These

folklore songs demonstrate the different attitudes of the Macedonian anonymous au-

thors towards the other ethnic groups. On the one side we have deep human and demo-

cratic position towards all the ethnic groups that fought on the same side with the Mac-

edonians, namely Vlachs, Albanians and others. On the other side, we have a dual

standpoint toward the Turkish population, with the group of poor, average Turks op-

posed to the group of violent Turks (tyrants, despots, provoking suffering and misery).

The leader of this movement Goce Delcev states in one of the stories: “I am not against

the Turks, I am against the ones that are making the chaos!” There is one more thing

ETHNIC STEREOTYPES IN THE MACEDONIAN FOLKLORE 75

that ought to be underlined at this point and that is the fact that Macedonian relations

towards the Turks usually did not emerge as a basic element of folklore creation, but

usually depended on the main motif and developed from the circumstances or the oc-

casion described in it.

The same folklore tradition continued during the Second World War with numer-

ous creations about the partisans and their fight against the fascists. There are exam-

ples of adaptations of old songs with implementation of new words, so we noted

changes of the word Turk with the word German, Italian or similar. These songs as all

the others mentioned above are characterized by a constant system of epithets, formu-

las and stereotypical images of the rotten, bloody and cursed enemies.

Macedonian artistic literature, specially in its first phase, at the end of the nine-

teenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, is mostly created upon the roots and

the tradition of Macedonian folklore. This relationship to folklore is a natural process,

because the authors from this generation were generously using their talent in the

name of their people and their national and revolutionary ideals. The crowning

achievement of nineteenth-century Macedonian literature was the poem “Serdarot”

by Grigor Prlicev, whose inspiration for it came from the folk songs about the tri-

umphs of a hero called Kuzman Kapidan. It continues to glorify this hero, who is a his-

torical figure, known for his struggles against various Albanian groups in the Ohrid re-

gion during the nineteenth century. The poem starts with the death of the hero, whose

body is brought to his mother by four of his enemies, the Albanians who honor him.

So, even though the poem describes the horrifying things those Albanians did to the

Macedonian people, still the poet describes them with positive human features as

well, a reflection of the same motif from the folklore songs and its stylization.

Many other poets sing their songs in the style of the folklore tradition: Rajko

Zinzifov, Nikola Jonkov Vapcarov, Atanas Razdolov, Nikola Kirov Majski, Kole

Nedelkovski, Mite Bogoevski, and others. Not only most of their songs are based

upon folklore poetry motifs, but they are also using the folklore language, poetics,

stylistics and semantic figures, folklore typical metaphors, constant epithets and hy-

perbolas. A number of songs about Krale Marko are using the already defined contrast

and the same stereotypes as the folklore songs about the good Macedonian hero op-

posed to the negative image of the enemies, the cursed and ruthless Turks.

Folklore stereotypes also have significant implications and reflections in contem-

porary Macedonian literature, i.e., from 1945 till present day. One of the key reasons

for the usage of these conventional stereotypes is to provoke familiar images in peo-

ple’s minds, both good and evil, and to use this touch of the tradition as a base for the

new ideas and poetry innovations. The paper pursues their transformations in the con-

temporary literary work of a few Macedonian authors.

Many researchers have pointed out Blaze Koneski, one of the greatest Macedonian

poets ever, as a perfect example of the influence and inspiration of Macedonian oral

literature upon the contemporary writers. “Relying on the mythological, ethnical and

inherently mosaic Macedonian folklore, which to an author of his caliber is an empiri-

cal verifier, he has created incredibly original poetry” (Momirovska: 242). As Koneski

76 ANA MARTINOSKA

has himself stated, he was brought up with a strong sense of respect towards the anon-

ymous authors of folklore creations, he grew up listening to those songs and stories,

and they lived inside him as long as he has been alive. That’s how his life’s philosophy

was innovated in his poetry, how he found a way to implement the old messages into

contemporary expression, and varying them in a way that suits the interests of today

(Koneski: 9–10). This corresponds with the literary theories about literature as art of

ambivalence, resemantisation, restoration of the tradition, magical rennaisance, actu-

alization, and the like, as well as about the literary text defined as intertext. Macedo-

nian folklore is the intertext in Koneski’s poetry, actualising mythical images, histori-

cal-legendary collective and cult memories, folk speech and the oral transmission, the

biblical stylistics and the orthodox topics and his personal view of the world

(Þulafkova: 249).

The central position in this poetry is without any doubt the cycle of songs about

Marko Krale as well as the song about Bolen Dojcin, resembling the epic folk songs

on the same topic. These songs achieved the highest artistic level of the poetry of ex-

pression. The two persons, both Marko Krale and Bolen Dojcin, in Koneski’s inter-

pretation are extraordinary people that are expressing a specific uniqueness. They

have both been blessed with a spiritual and physical strength that make them men ca-

pable of achieving any success. They are both persons who, at the end, are suffering

exactly due to their extra strength, this special mark that is turning in some kind of

curse. So we can say that these two epic heroes are suffering from hybris, the same as

many persons from Greek mythology and antique drama (Uroweviß: 190). Hibris is a

result of the possession of an extraordinary power, which gives a person an exagger-

ated sense of self-confidence that results in imprudent gestures, entering conflicts

with gods and their principles. Marko Krale in Koneski’s song is endowed with “un-

believable strength” and he grows as “muscular, as a tree”; Bolen Dojcin is “brimming

with strength, which is swelling like a muddy river.” But that gift is by itself a chal-

lenge from fate. This excessiveness is disturbing to the balance of the cosmos and

leading the person into disaster. Marko Krale feels that he is like a “dry underground

river whose darkness still isn’t calmed down from the roar of the waves”; Bolen

Dojcin in talking about himself says, “I bend like a cherry tree with too much fruit.” In

the same way as characters from antique drama, Oedipus for example, Marko Krale’s

and Bolen Dojcin’s fate, their self-confidence and defiance carry within them the ba-

sis of the tragic mistake, whose final consequences are horrible. Hibris is a Balkan

fate, reaching out for the ones that are on the top of their fame, power, and glory, the

ones born with the feeling that they are the chosen ones. This Balkan curse derived

from antique mythology and entered Greek tragedies, from there into the folklore, and

from folklore into the poetry of Blaze Koneski (Uroweviß: 191). This shows that

Koneski’s songs are not just about changing the composition and the metrics with free

prosodian organisation of the verse, but about complete modification of the idea and

theme basic. Compared to the folklore songs which always have a happy ending with

the triumph of the Macedonian heroes, the final message of Koneski’s poetry is pro-

foundly tragic. This opinion of academic Vlada Urosevic, among other things, are

ETHNIC STEREOTYPES IN THE MACEDONIAN FOLKLORE 77

proving the attractiveness of the topic itself, that found reflection in his own poetic

achivements. In the song “Bolen Dojcin” Urosevic is borrowing his characters from

folklore, but not the other features or the poetics of the folk song. His Dojcin is de-

picted as a difficult man who cannot be satisfied, nervous and edgy, even unbearable,

who as the poet says “is thinking how good it would be to get sick, so that he could

read in peace the thick novels about the Black Arab” ((Uroweviß: 1986:25).

Next on the list of the Macedonian authors, whose contemporary writings also wit-

ness the transmission of the well known stereotypes from the Macedonian folklore, is

Radovan Pavlovski. He is a poet whose songs are incomparably fresh, authentic and

metaphorically rich, which awarded him the nickname “the Macedonian prince of

metaphors.” Still, even his poetry reflects these stereotypes, like the already expli-

cated stereotype of the Black Arab.1 In Pavlovski’s poetry he remains a stereotyped

negative hero, but presented in slightly surreal images of grief, bells, white roads, an

unsheathed black sward, and the scent of a rose. And even more, the Black Arab is be-

coming “an incarnation of the entire metaphysical evil that is intimidating people”

(ºurhinov: 139).

One of the youngest authors whose poetry includes comparable reflections is

Jovica Tasevski – Eternijan, whose song “Bolen Dojcin” in spite of the title is not

completely the equivalent to the folklore motif, but nevertheless uses the typical epi-

thet “black” in a few variants – the beat of the black drums in his veins, the victory

over the wild black dog, and in one verse he expresses his desire to kill personally the

Black Arab.

Apart from the poetry, these images and stereotypes taken from Macedonian folk-

lore can be noted in the other genres of the Macedonian contemporary literature, like

the novels “Marko Krale” by Slobodan Mickovic, the dramas “Bolen Dojcin” and

“Angelina” by Georgi Stalev, “Beautiful Angelina” by Blagoja Risteski-Platnarot and

others. Each and every one of them have thematic composition based upon a folklore

motif, which is often directly quoted in the texts themselves; but at the same time we

have a continuation of the action from the poetic folk variants or rereading and up-

grading the mythical fable. In the meantime, the usage of these elements, symbols,

myths or motifs are extremely unconventional, unconditional and often very complex,

which factors depend on the individual features of their writers, as well as on the par-

ticular demands of their personal poetics (ºurhinov: 140).

This paper has led to the conclusion that Macedonian folklore accumulates knowl-

edge and images of the “Other,” but at the same time abounds with ethnical stereo-

types. In our text these images and stereotypes were viewed through their manifesta-

tions and their alterations in the contemporary Macedonian poetry, through a number

of paradigms and poetic concepts, highlighting their ability to make use of the spirit of

the tradition as fundamentals for fresh ideas and expressive innovations.

78 ANA MARTINOSKA

1 O Crna Arapina vo poxod^ Troglava pesna za priglavata Arapina etc.

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