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Etnoecológica Vol. 5 No. 7, 21-37pp

BIODIVERSITY AND INDIGENOUS AGROECOLOGY IN AMAZONIA:

THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF PASTAZA

Josep A. Garí

School of Geography & the Environment, University of Oxford. E-mail: [email protected]

“Tarpunchi karan lumu kaspita manachingarichun nisha” [We plant cuttings of every variety of cassava so that they do not disappear]

Verónica Andi, indigenous woman of the community of Curaray, Pastaza, Ecuador, 12 July 1999 Abstract Amazonia is generally regarded as a wild region that contains abundant natural resources, such as oil and biodiversity. The hegemonic development and environmental discourses enforce economic, productive and, more recently, conservationist projects that expand aside of the indigenous peoples. Amidst strong development-ecology tensions, the interface between biodiversity and indigenous lifestyles in Amazonia remains largely neglected. Field research on the indigenous peoples of Pastaza, in Western Amazonia, undermines the global perception of wild Amazonia and supports the indigenous context of Amazonian ecosystems and biodiversity. Indigenous communities conserve, use, cultivate, manage and exchange biodiversity as fundamental component of their rural lifestyle. The indigenous agroecology comprises the whole set of knowledge systems, agroecological practices and socio-cultural dynamics that shape indigenous agriculture in the context of biodiversity. The indigenous agroecology provides food security, health care, and ecosystem resilience through a local regime of biodiversity conservation and use. However, global development models neglect and dislocate the indigenous context of biodiversity. In this impasse, the indigenous peoples of Pastaza are advancing grassroots mobilisations to contextualise development in their ecological, epistemic, and cultural domain. Biodiversity and the indigenous agroecology can launch an ethnoecological vision of development. Resumen La Amazonía se concibe como una región silvestre que contiene abundantes recursos naturales, tales como petróleo y biodiversidad. Los discursos hegemónicos de desarrollo y ecología imponen proyectos económicos, productivos y, más recientemente, conservacionistas que se expanden sin contar con los pueblos indígenas. En las fuertes tensiones entre desarrollo y ecología, la intersección entre biodiversidad y modos de vida indígena en Amazonía permanece muy ignorada. Investigación de campo sobre los pueblos indígenas de Pastaza, en la Amazonía occidental, cuestiona la percepción global de una Amazonía silvestre y apoya el contexto indígena de los ecosistemas y la biodiversidad amazónicos. Las comunidades indígenas conservan, utilizan, cultivan, manejan e intercambian la biodiversidad como componente fundamental de su vida rural. La agroecología indígena comprende el conjunto de sistemas de conocimiento, prácticas agroecológicas y dinámicas socio-culturales que rigen la agricultura indígena en un contexto de biodiversidad. La agroecología indígena proporciona seguridad alimentaria, cuidado de la salud y robustez ecosistémica a través de un régimen local de conservación y uso de biodiversidad. Sin embargo, modelos globales de desarrollo ignoran y dislocan el contexto indígena de la biodiversidad. Ante esta crisis, los pueblos indígenas de Pastaza están impulsando movilizaciones para contextualizar el desarrollo en su ámbito ecológico, epistémico y cultural. La biodiversidad y la agroecología indígena pueden generar una visión etnoecológica del desarrollo. Biodiversity crisis in Amazonia

Amazonia is a region of about 7 million km2 spreading over nine South American countries (Gómez et al., 1998). It

houses enormous biological diversity and unique cultural diversity: Amazonia is a leading biodiversity centre in the world,

as well as the home to about 400 indigenous peoples.

Since the 16th century, Amazonia has been subject to a process of colonisation which dramatically intensified and

expanded along the 20th century. The discourses of modernisation and sustainable development are currently the main

forces ambitioning the control of Amazonia. Since the 1960s, the modernisation paradigm enforces "development" in

Amazonia through land colonisation, road building, agricultural expansion, deforestation, and extraction of natural

resources. This discourse advocates and spreads the technology, resource use, production systems, market processes,


and urban values of Western societies, thus dismantling the traditional values and practices (Hoselitz, 1952). On the

other hand, since the 1980s, the sustainable development paradigm emerges to reconcile the dominant

developmentalism and an emerging environmentalism, thus feeding a sort of green developmentalism (WCED, 1987). In

the 1990s, the sustainable development school becomes obsessed with biodiversity, constructing Amazonia as the

world's leading reserve of wild biodiversity resources. Then, a myriad of scientific projects began to colonise Amazonia,

creating natural reserves, advancing North-based biological research, and even supplying genes to pharmaceutical

corporations. Biodiversity and the associated indigenous knowledge became desired commodities in global markets,

joining classic resources such as oil and timber (Garí, 2000). Thus, green developmentalism proposes to privatise and

sell biodiversity to preserve and value it (McAfee, 1999).

In essence, global actors regard Amazonia as a wild space with free resources to appropriate such as oil, timber, land,

and biodiversity. These forces that impose a materialist and extractivist view over Amazonia include development

discourses, state policies, agricultural expansion schemes, private corporations, research interests, conservationist

initiatives, biological-business partnerships, and global markets. The indigenous societies are often neglected or, at most,

incorporated as simple elements to these ambitious endeavours. Many of these activities in Amazonia advance under the

claims to foster the development of local people, though they rather seem to drive many socio-ecological conflicts

everywhere (e.g. Tassi, 1992; Varea et al., 1997). In fact, biodiversity loss accelerates, whilst the ecological, social and

cultural domain of the indigenous people becomes severely disrupted.

The values and roles of biodiversity at the indigenous grassroots attract much less interest and remain largely

neglected, though a growing evidence reveals how adequate coalitions between biodiversity and indigenous societies are

fundamental to both ecological integrity and rural survival in the South. Ecological research is illustrating the fundamental

roles of biodiversity in ecosystem resilience, ensuring countless ecological functions and services, whilst maintaining

stable and productive ecosystems (Perrings et al., 1995; Raven, 1990). Biodiversity sustains rural livelihoods, such as

providing nutritional and medicinal resources for poor communities. Since the 1980s, ethnoecological research indicates

the relevance of traditional ecological knowledge and practices in the use and conservation of native ecosystems

(Descola, 1986; Posey and Balée, 1989). The cultural and cosmological values of biodiversity at the indigenous and

peasant grassroots across the world are also increasingly recognised (Posey, 1999). On the other hand, grassroots

mobilisations and development discussions disclose alternative visions of Amazonia. Indigenous peoples struggle for

their territorial, ecological and cultural rights, advocating the crucial connections between biodiversity and indigenous

lifestyles (Garí, 2000). New ecological trends emphasise the conservation in-situ of biodiversity (Thrupp, 1998). The

increasing poverty and vulnerability of rural people encourage a struggle for local food security and livelihood. Some

innovative scholars discuss the need and potential of development alternatives (Peet and Watts, 1996). Overall, further

efforts are required to conciliate and empower the interface between biodiversity conservation and indigenous lifestyles.

This paper explores the indigenous context of biodiversity in Amazonia, addressing the ecological, epistemological,

livelihood, and cultural significations of biodiversity at the grassroots level. I conducted field research on the indigenous

peoples of Pastaza in 1998-99 to approach the human ecology of biodiversity in Amazonia, aiming at revealing the

connections between biodiversity and indigenous lifestyles.

The field research focused primarily on the biodiversity that the indigenous people cultivate, as well as on the

associated ecological knowledge system and cultural practices. The core of the ethnoecological field research was

conducted in the communities of Curaray and Mango Urco, inside the indigenous forests of Pastaza, but more extensive

field studies were done in other communities. I conducted informal interviews to both men and women, including old and

young people, as well as some indigenous leaders and healers [yachac]. Accurate translation for the interviews to

monolingual people was kindly provided by bilingual community fellows. Fundamental research was conducted in the

indigenous fields themselves, with the direct participation of their chief farmers, notably women. Visits to forests and


along rivers were also conducted with indigenous people to approach their wide ecosystem management strategies. The

Organisation of the Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza (OPIP), the main indigenous organisation in the region, provided

fundamental support, allowing access to indigenous territories, facilitating adequate contacts at the community level, and

providing valuable knowledge over important ecological, cultural and political issues of the indigenous society.

The indigenous peoples of Pastaza

Pastaza Province is a region of Western Amazonia, located in Ecuador (Figure 1). It comprises about 25,000 km2 of

native tropical rainforests and a Western colonised strip of around 5,000 km2. Most of Pastaza region is indigenous

forests, lacking roads, preserving significant ecosystem resilience, and housing a notable degree of indigenous

autonomy. The Western strip of the province is, however, notably affected by the colonisation process, which has

expanded deforestation, settlers, cash-crop agriculture, large pasturelands, biodiversity loss, and cultural erosion.

The Amazon Quichua, Shiwiar, and Zaparo peoples inhabit most of Pastaza region. They are sacha runa [forest

people] and they often regard themselves as "the indigenous peoples of Pastaza". They comprise about 150 indigenous

communities and around 25,000 people (OPIP, 1998). They are observant of their historical and current ethnic diversity,

asserting that they "descend from diverse peoples of the forest" (OPIP, 1992). They share a common indigenous identity,

a common ecological culture, and a leading indigenous political body: the Organisation of the Indigenous Peoples of

Pastaza (OPIP). They are politically innovative, especially since the OPIP is leading grassroots movements for their

territorial, ecological, and cultural rights. Most of the indigenous territory in Pastaza is the only Amazonian rainforest in

Ecuador that has not been massively disturbed by the industrial activities, the urbanisation processes, and the intensive

exploitation of natural resources (OPIP, 1996). In fact, the indigenous peoples of Pastaza are currently resisting the

threats of massive oil exploitation, deforestation, cultural erosion, biodiversity loss, and resource misappropriation in their

territories. Their struggles for Amazonia encompass a defence of the indigenous livelihood and identity, a commitment for

biodiversity conservation, and a claim for an indigenous-based development process.

In the indigenous society, nature comprises both sacha [forest] and chagra [cultivated fields]. Nature is simultaneously

wild and domesticated, source of knowledge and principle of fertility. The indigenous culture comprises ecological

knowledge, agricultural skills, hunting practices, and craft making, among others. These are not just material practices,

but they are embedded in cultural meanings that tie the human and the non-human, the wild nature and the cultivated

plants. Swidden farming, hunting, fishing, and fruit gathering are the main productive activities. Land tenure is

communitarian. Society is egalitarian and decision-making is rooted on the community. Women are in charge of family

fields [chagra]. Men also participate in the agricultural activities, but are rather responsible for hunting, which sometimes

bring them into the forest [sacha] for some days. The gender roles in food production convey a certain gender-based

knowledge of nature: women are deeply involved in the knowledge of crops and the chagra, whilst men in the knowledge

of hunting and sacha [forest]. However, there is not a gender border, since most significative variations in ecological

knowledge are found between families, rather than across gender or age.


Figure 1. The indigenous forests of Pastaza in Amazonia Ecosystem management

In Pastaza, indigenous people classify lands and landscapes in four main categories: llacta, purina, sacha and yacu.

This land-use classification is based on ecological conditions, indigenous land management strategies, ecological

practices involved, and diverse cultural and settlement criteria. Llacta [village] and purina [walking] are the main areas of

settlement and agriculture. They are forest areas where shifting agriculture is conducted. Llacta accommodates the

dispersed houses and the family fields of a community, while purina are areas for subsidiary residence that have isolated

houses and fields. Sacha [forest] comprises forest ecosystems under low human influence, where the main indigenous

activities are hunting, extraction of forest resources, and ritual practices. Sacha includes wildlife areas and game

reserves, whilst it is a sacred place for the indigenous society because of many cultural, ritual, and religious meanings

involved. Yacu [water] comprises the water ecosystems, like rivers and pools, that provide food, inter-ethnic natural

borders, and communication systems. Both sacha and yacu are shelter for mythic spirits and animals, and sacred home

for the ecological and spiritual training of the yachac [healer] and the young people.

The indigenous ecosystem management is connected to the indigenous ecological knowledge forms and practices,

which drive local land-uses and shape many ecological processes inside Amazonia. The creation of agricultural fields

and the delimitation of natural reserves are relevant examples of the indigenous ecosystem management. Indigenous

communities conserve and manage a diversity of ecosystems aiming at social, nutritional, medicinal, cultural, ritual, and

ecological objectives. In addition, their local ecosystemic practices are highly valuable for global biodiversity concerns,

since large areas of sacha and yacu are culturally defined as spaces under low-intensity use, where the wildlife can


reproduce and indigenous people can learn about their natural world. In essence, they constitute the indigenous version

of natural parks.

The indigenous ecosystem management suggests the extent of an indigenous Amazonia versus the global images of

wild Amazonia. A 3-day canoe journey with some local indigenous people along Villano River, downstream from Villano

to Curaray, enabled me to investigate the distribution of land-uses and, in particular, the indigenous management of

Amazonian ecosystems. The river distance between Villano and Curaray is about 180 km, including ample and

continuous river meanders in this Amazonian lowland area. This river segment has the following land-use sequence: 25

km of llacta of 4 communities, 20 km of the purina area of the Villano sector, 5 km of llacta of the small community of

Lipuno, 40 km of sacha that belongs to the communities of Villano, 75 km of the purina area of the Curaray sector, and

15 km of llacta of 2 communities in Curaray. In consequence, about 25% of the river length corresponds to main

indigenous settlement areas (llacta), more than 50% of the area is under lower-intensity cultivation and temporary

habitation (purina), and around 22% of the riverside ecosystems are regarded and maintained as what ecologists would

define as wild forests (sacha). In summary, the indigenous people manage, inhabit, and use for agriculture a large forest

area in Pastaza, under land-use regimes of either llacta or purina (about the 75% of the studied river region). These

areas are subject to a complex set of indigenous ecological practices that enable agricultural systems within the

rainforest. This ecological survey questions the Western perception of Amazonia as pristine ecosystems that are free of

human influence. Indigenous communities use wide forest areas as dwelling space and agricultural places, whithout

eroding biodiversity but integrating unique agrobiodiversity dynamics.

Cultivating biodiversity

In lands of llacta and purina, the indigenous people conduct agriculture, which is their main productive activity. The two

main systems for agriculture are fields and home gardens. Agricultural fields of about 1 hectare are created inside the

tropical forest. They are sometimes close to the houses, but often a few kilometres away. Soil conditions and other

ecological factors determine the location of the fields, sometimes in the riverbanks, other times far from the rivers.

Moreover, a garden belt around every house adds about 0.3 hectares of agricultural land to every household.

In both gardens and fields, the indigenous people cultivate more than 50 plant species (Table 1). This large

agrobiodiversity comprises plant species of nutritional, medicinal, ritual, and timber values, among others. The cultivated

biodiversity grounds both the food security and a primary health care system for the indigenous households.

The gardens look like an anarchic agricultural place, where plants are cultivated rather randomly, according to the

interests and needs of every household. The fields, however, are created, cultivated, managed, and abandoned under a

complex agroecological system. The agroecological cycle that shapes the forest-integrated agricultural ecosystems aims

at ensuring the ecosystem resilience, while maximising a diversified production of food, medicines and other resources.

The indigenous agriculture is based on shifting cultivation. It consists in a temporal and spatially cyclical agricultural

system that involves the clearing of land and subsequent phases of cultivation (Thrupp et al., 1997). In Pastaza,

indigenous agriculture is totally integrated into the forest ecology. It requires the clearing of about 1 hectare of forest, but

the indigenous agroecological practices themselves will grow a new forest ecosystem over the time. The overall

cultivation of biodiversity provides many ecological and social services, such as: (a) the creation of a series of

agroecological stages that manage a process of ecological succession in the forest, (b) the provision of a wide array of

food, medicines and other resources, and (c) the progressive cultivation of a new forest to maintain the ecosystem

resilience.


Agriculture is rooted on biodiversity throughout a complex process, since some species are planted in the first period

of cultivation, while other species are adder later on. The management of agrobiodiversity, though flexible, is oriented

towards the stable supply of a diversified production, on the one hand, and towards the restoration of the forest

ecosystem, on the other. The two leading agroecological stages are chagra [field], followed by purun [mature field]. The

presence of cassava (Manihot esculenta), the leading indigenous crop, defines the chagra stage, whilst the substitution

of cassava by a diversity of crops indicates the subsequent purun stage.

The chagra [field] is the first agricultural stage, just after a field is cleared. Cassava is the leading crop, intercropped

with around other 20 plant species. Cassava dominates this agricultural stage because it is the primary staple crop for

most indigenous peoples in Amazonia. It comprises important nutritional, agroecological, gastronomic, and cultural

values at the indigenous level. Among tropical staple crops, cassava produces exceptional carbohydrate yields, much

higher than those of maize and rice (Jennings, 1995). Besides, cassava is particularly well adapted to the soil constraints

of large areas of Amazonia, particularly phosphorous deficiency, low potassium, aluminium toxicity, and very low pH

(Moran, 1989). Cassava ensures the local diet, while serves to produce the indispensable beverage chicha, which

grounds the social and cultural life of indigenous communities. In the symbolic culture of indigenous peoples, cassava

represents the fertility, both in the agricultural fields and in the indigenous lives. In essence, cassava is a fundamental

crop in agroecological, nutritional, social, and cultural terms.

When soil fertility starts dropping, after about 2-3 years or 3-4 cassava crops, the indigenous people do not plant

cassava any more. The field begins the stage that locally is named purun [mature field], which can be defined as "the

chagra after cassava crop". It is also characterised by its biodiversity component, since many diverse liana, shrubs and

fruit trees are planted in the space previously occupied by cassava, joining the other plants, shrubs and trees that were

planted in the previous chagra stage. The purun soon becomes a growing forest, an agroforestal ecosystem. The

indigenous people keep planting some shrubs and trees. During its first 2-4 years, the purun is also called llullu purun

[young purun]. The big fruit trees are still growing and provide no much food yet. However, smaller fruit trees and many

other cultivated plants keep producing abundant food and medicines. After about 4 years, the field becomes a rucu purun

[old purun], where the indigenous plants become tall trees, big shrubs, and high lianas that create a complex forest

ecosystem. The agroecosystem now produces plenty of fruits. The rucu purun has the ecological structure of a forest.

Indigenous people progressively cease cleaning activities, allowing many wild plants to grow together with the cultivated

species. The rucu purun keeps providing many fruits and other resources to the local people for a number of years. The

planted fruit trees attract fauna biodiversity, such as birds and mammals, which provide a valuable source of protein to

local people through hunting practices in the fields. Over time, the rucu purun becomes a dense forest, while cultivated

species progressively disappear, leaving their place to many wild species that colonise the land. A diluted transition from

an anthropogenic forest (purun) to a complex forest (sacha) happens. After about 20 years, the original field has become

a dense forest and has recovered its full systemic fertility. Then, a new field might be created again if needed.

The indigenous agricultural system is cyclic, integrated into the tropical forest ecology, and involving biodiversity as the

central component. The chagra is the initial open field, the llullu purun constitutes an agroforestry system, the rucu purun

becomes an anthropogenic forest, and sacha is the subsequent non-cultivated forest. The complete productive cycle

lasts about 15-20 years.


Table 1. Agrobiodiversity of the indigenous peoples of Pastaza (Ecuadorian Amazonia)

Quichua name

Spanish name English name

Scientific name Main use Location

Achogcha Achogcha Achogcha Cyclanthera sp. Food C/P Ajirinri Jengibre Ginger Zingiber officinale Medicinal/Ritual C/P/G Anunas Chirimoya Cherimoya Annona cherimola Food P/G Ayahuasca Ayahuasca Ayahuasca Banisteriopsis caapi Medicinal/Ritual C/P/G Barbascu Barbasco Barbascu Lonchocarpus nicou Fishing C/P Cacau Cacao Cacao Theobroma cacao Food P/RP/G Cafe Café Coffee Coffea arabica Food P/RP Cambi Cacao monte Cambi Herrania balaensis Food P/G Canua ruya Cedro Cedar Cedrela odorata Construction P/G Chili Fibra Fiber palm Aphandra natalia Food/Handicrafts P/RP Chini Ortiga Nettle Urera caracasana Medicinal P/G Chiricaspi Chiricaspi Chiricaspi Brunfelsia grandiflora Medicinal/Ritual C/P/G Chivilla Piña Pineapple Ananas comosus Food C/P/G Chunda Chonta Peach palm Bactris gasipaes Food/Construction P/RP/G Cumal Camote Sweet potato Ipomoea batatas Food C Guayaba Guayaba Guayaba Psidium guajava Food/Medicinal P/G Guinia Guineo/Orito Banana Musa acuminata Food C/P/G Hacha cebolla Cebolla Onion Allium cepa Food C Hierba luisa Hierba luisa Hierba luisa Cymbopogon citratus Medicinal/Food C/G Huachanso Maní de árbol Wild peanut Caryodendron

orinocense Food P/RP

Huanduc Floripondio Huanduc Brugmansia suaveolens Medicinal/Ritual C/P/G Huayusa Guayusa Guayusa Ilex guayusa Food/Medicinal P/G Huiru Caña azúcar Sugar cane Saccharum officinarum Food C/P/G Huituc Huituc Huituc Genipa americana Medicinal/Ritual P/RP Inchig Maní Groundnut Arachis hypogaea Food C/P Japiyu/Apiu Caimito Caimito Pouteria caimito Food/Construction P/G Julun Granadilla Passion fruit Passiflora sp. Food C/P/G Laranca Naranjilla Naranjilla Solanum quitoense Food C/P/G Limun Limón Lemon Citrus limon Food P/G Lumu Yuca Cassava Manihot esculenta Food C Manduru Achiote Annatto Bixa orellana Ritual/Food P/RP/G Pacay Guaba Guava Inga edulis Food P/RP/G Palanda Plátano Plantain Musa sp. Food C/P/G Palta Aguacate Avocado Persea americana Food P/G Papa Papa jíbara Yam Dioscorea trifida Food C/P Papachina Papachina Taro Colocasia esculenta Food C/P/G Papamandi Papamandi Cocoyam Xanthosoma sp. Food C/P/G Paparagua Frutipán Breadfruit Artocarpus altilis Food/Medicinal P/G Papaya Papaya Papaya Carica papaya Food/Medicinal C Pasu Paso Pasu Gustavia macaranensis Food P/G Pilchi Calabaza Tree gourd Crescentia cujete Handicrafts P/G Pitun Pitón Pitun Grias neuberthii Food/Medicinal P/G Purutu Fríjol Bean Phaseolus sp. Food C Quila Cacao blanco Wild cacao Theobroma bicolor Food P/RP/G Runduma Piripiri Runduma Cyperus prolixus Medicinal C/G Sara Maíz Maize/Corn Zea mays Food C Shihua Ungurahua Ungurahua Oenocarpus bataua Food P/G Tahuacu Tabaco Tobacco Nicotiana tabacum Ritual/Medicinal C/P/G Tsicta Tsicta Tsicta Tabernaemontana

sananho Food/Medicinal P/G

Uchu Ají Chili pepper Capsicum annum Food/Ritual C/G Uvilla Uvilla Uvilla Pourouma tomentosa Food P/G Verbena Verbena Verbena Verbena littoralis Medicinal P Zapallu Zapallo Squash Cucurbita sp. Food/Handicrafts C/P

Comments: Location (main): C: chagra; P: purun; RP: rucu purun; G: garden. See text for details. Source: Field research in the indigenous communities of Curaray and Mango Urco, Pastaza, Ecuador, 1998-99.


The indigenous people manage agroecosystem diversity. The main agroecosystemic category is the aforementioned

chagra or lumu-chagra [cassava field], where cassava is intercropped with many other species. The diverse purun

[mature field] constitute a network of agroforestal ecosystems, housing a wide diversity of intercropped plants, including

many shrubs and fruit trees. In essence, chagra, purun, and rucu purun encompass agroecosystems, agroforestal

systems, and anthropogenic forests, respectively, inside Amazonia. Besides, there are variations in these leading

agroecosystems. The indigenous people create subsidiary fields that focus on fewer species, due to either fertility

constraints or particular food needs. For instance, a sara-chagra [maize field], a palanda-purun [plantain field], and a

cumal-chagra [sweet potato field] grow respectively maize (Zea mays), plantain (Musa sp.), and sweet potato (Ipomoea

batatas), which are intercropped with a few other species, often including cassava. On the other hand, according to

distinctive agroecological aspects in each river basin, fields can be either yacupata chagra [riverbank field] or urcu chagra

[inside field]. The diversity of agricultural and agroforestal ecosystems enable a broad indigenous management of the

forest ecosystems for the production of food, medicines and other resources.

Biodiversity characterises indigenous agroecological systems. According to the field research, every household

cultivates between 30 and 50 plant species at any given time, distributed as follows: 10-25 species intercropped with

cassava in the chagra, 16-40 different plant species cultivated in the diverse purun, and 10-32 species maintained in the

home gardens. Agrobiodiversity encompasses wide ecological and social values; in particular, it roots the food security,

health care, and ecosystem resilience of indigenous communities, as discussed next.

The indigenous agroecosystems house a large plant biodiversity that provide abundant and diversified food resources.

There are more than 40 main cultivated food plants in the fields and gardens of any particular household, which play a

relevant role in the food security of marginalised communities. Agrobiodiversity also embraces more than a dozen

medicinal crops that, together with many more wild medicinal plants, construct an indigenous primary health care system

inside Amazonia. It is worth to note that some cultivated plants play both nutritional and medicinal roles, illustrating that

nutrition and health care are connected in the indigenous culture. Nutrition is at the roots of health, since food plants do

not only feed people but also ensure their overall well-being.

On the other hand, biodiversity ensures a polyculture or intercropping process in most of the indigenous

agroecosystems. Such intercropping agroecosystems encompass many ecological and agricultural values (Altieri, 1995).

In particular, they provide diversified production, land-use efficiency, enhanced nutrient recycling, biological pest control,

efficient resource use, yield stability, soil conservation, and agroecosystem resilience, among other benefits. Wide

ecological research has shown that Amazonian ecology is unsuitable for monocultural cultivation and pastoralism, since

these practices cause severe ecosystem degradation (Hecht, 1985; Hemming, 1985; Herrera et al., 1978). Thus,

indigenous polycultures and intercropping systems ensure a resilient and integrated agroproductive system, while

maintaining the ecosystem functioning in Amazonia.

Biodiversity also ensures the indigenous agroecological cycle, aiming at restoring forest ecosystems through

biodiversity. Indigenous people cut down a piece of forest for agricultural activities, but they conduct particular

agroecological practices that soon lead to the growth of a new forest. Along their agroecological cycle, indigenous people

may plant around 20 trees, shrubs and lianas that will structure the growing forest. These cultivated plants form

anthropogenic forests, enriched with diverse species that will increasingly colonise the field. Biodiversity thus ensures the

ecosystem resilience and the recovery of the systemic fertility after agricultural activities.

In conclusion, biodiversity roots widely the food security, the health care, and the ecosystem resilience of the

indigenous communities. The knowledge systems and ecological practices of the indigenous people conserve and use

biodiversity while sustaining indigenous livelihoods inside Amazonian forests.


Cultivating genetic agrobiodiversity

The indigenous people cultivate a wide genetic diversity for many of their agricultural plants. At the community level,

they cultivate 3 or more varieties for about 30 plants (over 50% of their main agricultural species). This rich genetic

agrodiversity is also present at the household level. For instance, the genetic diversity of cacao (Theobroma cacao),

sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), and yam (Dioscorea trifida) comprises an average of 5 varieties per community and

household. Indigenous people cultivate at least 10 varieties of chilli pepper (Capsicum annum) per community.

Concerning cassava, the leading crop, most fields grow about 15 varieties, while every community houses more than 18

different varieties.

Crop genetic diversity is connected to ecological, gastronomic, medicinal, and cultural values, among others. Let us

see some examples. Each one of most of the varieties of the medicinal plant ginger (Zingiber officinale) address a

particular kind of pain. In the case of sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), the variety Asuana [making chicha] is particularly

valuable to make special kinds of the beverage chicha. In the case of huanduc (Brugmanisa suaveolens), the variety

Yacu [river] is particularly well adapted to riverbank fields, probably because it is the most resistant to water excess and

floods. Also in the case of huanduc, the varieties of this medicinal plant are used differently: some serve to prepare a

drinking liquid, while others are applied on the skin. The diverse varieties of nettle (Urera caracasana) have different

medicinal power and are used according to pain intensity. The indigenous people cultivate both bitter [auru] and sweet

[miski] varieties of naranjilla (Solanum quitoense). Some communities cultivate the Llambu variety of annatto (Bixa

orellana) because it is considered the best variety for the market in Puyo, while they keep the other varieties for their own

consumption. The diverse varieties of barbascu (Lonchocarpus nicou) yield diverse poisoning strength. Finally, the

diverse varieties of chilli pepper (Capsicum annum) have differences in taste, produce different spicy meals, and have

diverse gastronomic values.

The genetic diversity of cassava deserves special attention. Cassava is the main indigenous crop and it has the

largest genetic diversity. Indigenous people cultivate around 16 varieties of cassava per household on average. Every

community has generally more than 20 cultivated varieties of cassava. All cassava varieties are sweet in Pastaza region.

Every variety has often a particular value, and vernacular names sometimes tell either the physical distinctive traits or a

particular value of the particular variety. Some varieties are appreciated for the mild taste of their roots, such as Llauta,

Mikamama and Shihuamuyu. Other varieties render a high productivity, like Auca and Ucucha. Other varieties produce

large roots that are highly appreciated for special meals, such as Jatun [big]. Others have an early production, about 6

months instead of the average 9 months of cassava production in Pastaza, like Ichilla, so they are valuable in cases of

early need. Others like Sicuanga have a good ecological resistance, especially to floods, thus becoming an agricultural

advantage in riverbank fields with a risk of flood. Other varieties produce a strong fermented chicha beverage, which is

much appreciated in special celebrations, such as the varieties Huanduc [name of a medicinal tree that causes

hallucinations] and Mitsira [to-get-drunk]. Finally, some varieties produce roots with an intense white colour, which make

a very white and appreciated chicha, like the variety Ruyac [white].

The huge cassava biodiversity that the indigenous peoples of Pastaza cultivate, often involving almost 20 varieties in a

single 1-ha field, suggests a hypothesis that I propose for future ethnobotanical research in Amazonia: whether the

cultivation and consumption of cassava biodiversity encompasses a diversified nutritional supply on the basis of different

nutritional values among different varieties.

The culture-biodiversity connection


As explored by the field research, ecological practices and cultural meanings sustain the cultivation, conservation, and

management of biodiversity among the indigenous peoples of Pastaza. These relations between culture and biodiversity

are relevant for both conservation interests and development concerns.

The genetic diversity among the cultivated plant is variable. The leading indigenous crop, cassava, encompasses the

highest genetic diversity, with over 15 varieties per household and a higher amount at the community level. Indigenous

communities cultivate 1-2 varieties for a number of plants, about 3-6 varieties for other species, and over 10 varieties for

a few crops. This pattern is rather constant and widespread among the indigenous peoples of Pastaza inhabiting

indigenous forests, including both communities of River Curaray in northern Pastaza and communities in lower River

Bobonaza in southern Pastaza. Why is there such a differential and rather constant genetic agrobiodiversity at the

indigenous grassroots?

The wide variability in genetic agrobiodiversity among the different cultivated plants made me consider the hypothesis

of an underlying cultural reason. To investigate the hypothesis of a cultural root in the variable conservation and

management of genetic agrobiodiversity I conducted two parallel studies. On the one hand, an evaluation of the cultural

relevance of every cultivated species. On the other hand, an estimation of the average number of varieties of each

cultivated species at both community and household levels. I conducted the field research in some households of the

communities of Curaray (River Curaray) and Mango Urco (River Bobonaza), which are located in very distant areas

across the territory of the indigenous peoples of Pastaza. I defined 6 criteria of cultural value: agroecological (dominant

species in every agroecosystem type), cultivation (frequent or ubiquitous cultivation), medicinal (important or frequently-

used medicinal plants), nutritional (staple food plants), people's considerations (the cultivated species that constitute the

core of the crop system according to local people), and ritual (species of ritual values or associated cultural meanings).

Every criterion gives a particular species one point of cultural value. The criteria fulfilled accumulate and, adding one

point to every species for the fact of being cultivated (domestication criterion), we obtain a numerical value representing

the cultural relevance of every species. Genetic varieties and cultural relevance are then compared to each other, at both

community and household levels. The results indicate a correlation trend between cultural values and genetic

agrobiodiversity for the 53 main cultivated species in the indigenous agroecosystems of Pastaza. This suggests close

culture-biodiversity relationships, as illustrated by the resulting culture-biodiversity curve (Figure 2). In essence, the

indigenous cultural frame drives the conservation, use, selection, and production of biodiversity. Biodiversity conservation

and indigenous cultural systems are inextricable.

In addition, many cultural practices associated with biodiversity enhance the culture-biodiversity connections. In this

sense, indigenous people conduct particular practices: (a) they have a collective and open system of managing plant

biodiversity, (b) they exchange widely their plant genetic resources, (c) they regard fields and forests as simultaneously

germplasm banks, where biodiversity is preserved in-situ, (d) they possess a deep cultural interest in conserving

biodiversity, and (e) they continuously screen genetic resources in the forests, also observing and integrating new

varieties that naturally occur in their fields.

The exchange of plant varieties is a usual practice, both within and across communities. It has not only an agricultural

interest, but it also involves cultural meanings. The exchange of biodiversity resources enhances friendship bonds, feeds

social cohesion and reinforces the indigenous common regime over plant genetic resources. A simple look into the

vernacular names of the plant varieties suggests the significant degree of exchanging plant genetic resources in the

indigenous communities. For instance, a survey based just on the vernacular nomenclature in different communities

showed that approximately 20% of the growing cassava varieties come from outside the community. The exchange of

plant genetic resources has even expanded in recent years because grassroots movements such as indigenous


assemblies increase the visits to other communities and, therefore, promote a wider exchange of biodiversity resources

across the forests of Pastaza and beyond.

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

20

1 2 3 4 5 6

Cultural value

Gen

etic

agr

obio

dive

rsity

Community

Household

Figure 2. The culture-biodiversity curve

Comments: Cultural value and average number of plant varieties (genetic agrobiodiversity) are estimated for the 53 main cultivated

species. See text for details. Source: Field research in the indigenous communities of Curaray and Mango Urco, Pastaza, Ecuador, 1999.

On the other hand, the agroecosystems are simultaneously germplasm banks, where the indigenous people conserve

their plant genetic resources in-situ and in-vivo. That ensures the reproducibility of the indigenous agroecological

practices. The sacred dimension of the fields as places of fertility and life enforces the respect for their inextricable

agrobiodiversity. Moreover, the indigenous people sometimes collect and integrate plant genetic resources during

journeys into the forest. Seeds and cuttings of at least 25 plant species are occasionally transplanted from the forests to

the indigenous gardens and fields, thus diluting the border between wild and cultivated plants. As a leading

anthropologist stated long time ago, "it is not always easy to distinguish between wild and cultivated plants in South

America" (Lévi-Strauss, 1963). The perception of the forest as a local germplasm bank enables the indigenous society to

rescue genetic resources that remain in the wild, and to incorporate new plant species and varieties. This biological and

cultural exchange between forests and indigenous agroecosystems accelerates biodiversity dynamics, fosters crop gene

flows, and provides the basis for informal agricultural innovation.


Indigenous societies display deep cultural interests in biodiversity. Beyond the evident benefits of biodiversity,

indigenous people conserve biodiversity because they like it. Biodiversity is a fundamental component of the cultural

identity and the biological heritage of the indigenous society. Carmen Gualinga, an indigenous woman from the

community of Mango Urco, explains why she keeps agrobiodiversity in her fields with these words: "Tucuita sharinata

munani" [I like to have everything]. Verónica Andi, an indigenous woman of the community of Curaray, states: "Tarpunchi

karan lumu kaspita manachingarichun nisha" [we plant cuttings of every variety of cassava so that they do not

disappear]. In essence, a biodiversity-based culture conveys the indigenous agroecological practices. This cultural

dimension fosters the selection and maintenance of biodiversity, which is also associated to ecological, nutritional,

gastronomic, and medicinal values. Overall, the indigenous support to rich biodiversity dynamics provides them many

potential benefits and future opportunities. Maintaining an ample resource base enhances nutritional and health care

systems, empowers strategies to control agroecological risks, enriches local gastronomies, and allows agricultural

innovation, among other opportunities. In fact, the cultural value of biodiversity suggests the existence of cultural

codifications of deep ecological insights (Århem, 1996). Biodiversity is at the roots of the indigenous culture, rooting

successful ecosystem management and resilient livelihoods in Amazonia.

Finally, a last example of the unique indigenous management of biodiversity illustrates the integrated coupling of

forests and agroecosystems. When conducting research on the cassava varieties in the field of Carmela Dahua's family

in the community of Curaray, she and her husband were unable to recognise one particular cassava variety. She called it

muyu lumu [seed cassava], arguing that her mother probably cultivated this variety when she had a field in the same

place about 20 years earlier. Since new fields are sometimes opened in forest areas that were formerly fields, genetic

resources of cultivated plants may remain there and grow when a field is established again. The forest-agriculture

integration enables, in cases like that, the continuous enrichment of the genetic resource base.

The indigenous agroecology

In recent years, the science of agroecology has been established to address the agricultural ecosystems from both

ecological and social perspectives (Altieri, 1995). Agroecology discloses an innovative framework to analyse and design

agricultural activities, taking care not just in productivity maximisation, but addressing many other factors such as

ecological services, food supply, and social benefits.

The agroecological practices of the indigenous peoples of Pastaza meet the criteria of the modern science of

agroecology. In fact, the field research legitimates the concept of "indigenous agroecology", which I introduce to

emphasise the wholeness of the indigenous agroecological systems and practices in Pastaza. Indigenous agroecologies

are likely to be found among many native peoples around the world, as field research that I have conducted in the high

Andes also suggests (Garí, 2000).

The indigenous agroecology is based upon the indigenous ecological knowledge, coevolving with indigenous cultural

forms. It contributes fundamentally to the food security and the primary health care system of the indigenous people. It

provides a variety of ecological and social services, whilst integrating ecological concerns. Overall, the indigenous

agroecology shapes the conservation and use of biodiversity, rooting local livelihoods and ensuring ecosystem resilience.

In Pastaza, the indigenous agroecology comprises relevant processes such as follows: (a) the cultivation and

conservation of biodiversity, (b) the management of a diversity of agroecosystems and agroforestry systems, (c) the

cultivation of anthropogenic forests, (d) a rich culture-biodiversity dialogue, (e) a collective regime of plant genetic

resources, and (f) the role of agroecosystems as germplasm banks. The indigenous agroecology discloses the crucial

roles of biodiversity in food production, food security, community health care, and forest ecosystem resilience. In addition,

the indigenous agroecology ensures the conservation in-situ of biodiversity, at both agroecosystemic and forest levels.


Ethnoecological visions of development

The colonised strip in Western Pastaza constitutes an empirical ground to assess the crucial values of the indigenous

agroecology versus the mainstream development dogmas. Agricultural development discourses expanding since the

1960s have spread tea plantations, cash-crop monocultures of naranjilla and sugar cane, and large cattle pasturelands

along the Western Pastaza strip. Deforestation is widespread. There, indigenous communities have become surrounded

by pasturelands, roads, and settlers' fields. State agricultural policies, increasing land loss, and deforestation have forced

the indigenous people to adopt the productive model of the colonisation, abandoning their agroecological practices and

driving a large biodiversity erosion. In consequence, current agricultural activities of indigenous communities inhabiting

the colonised strip are characterised by low agrobiodiversity use, high material inputs, cultural impoverishment, high

market dependence, crop vulnerability, food insecurity and ecosystem degradation. In particular, the agrobiodiversity

base of the colonised strip comprises less than 8 food plants and 3 cassava varieties, versus over 50 species and about

20 cassava varieties inside the indigenous forests. In addition, the indigenous agroecological cycle is mostly abandoned,

thus eroding the ecosystem resilience. This ethnoecological view reveals that indigenous agroecology and modern

farming systems are radically different, thus requiring new debates over the whole concept of rural development (Table

2).

Genetic diversity of chilli pepper in a single indigenous field

In addition to modern agricultural expansion, two new development endeavours threat both biodiversity conservation

and indigenous lifestyles in Pastaza region: oil production and bioprospecting activities. In the 1990s, the Ecuadorian

state granted oil concessions to international companies for about 12,000 km2 in Pastaza, affecting almost half of the

indigenous territory. In addition, some international biological research aims at intellectual property rights over the native

biodiversity of the indigenous peoples, while some bioprospecting activities have been already conducted in Pastaza

(Garí, 2000b). Besides, road building, introduced species, religious groups, military bases, and some ecotourism

programmes further threat and disrupt the indigenous lifestyle.

Amazonia thus faces a wide ecological and developmental impasse, where alien actors appropriate local resources

under global developmental discourses. The Organisation of the Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza (OPIP) is leading a

resistance against the mainstream development models that just focus on the exploitation of oil, land, and biodiversity.

The OPIP claims the indigenous context of Amazonia, in all territorial, ecological, and cultural terms. In the 1980s, the

OPIP struggled for the indigenous territorial and cultural rights, reaching its climax in a massive march in 1992 where


about 2,000 indigenous people walked from their rainforest communities to the capital city of Quito up in the Andes

mountains. Along the 1990s, the OPIP initiated an innovative struggle, aiming at grassroots development alternatives

based on the indigenous ecological knowledge and the native biodiversity. In particular, the OPIP is creating a network of

institutions and projects, which includes a wildlife farm to conduct research on Amazonian native animal species, the

Omaere Ethnobotanical Park to support ethnobotanical knowledge and training, the indigenous Palati Co-operative to

grant credits to family projects that are based on the traditional ecological systems, the Amasanga Institute for research

and advising on ecological and developmental issues, and the Nunguli Project to restore the indigenous agroecological

practices in the communities of the colonised strip (Báez and Castillo, 1997; Guardera and Jácome, 1997; OPIP, 1992;

OPIP, 1998). The indigenous peoples of Pastaza engage in cross-boundary alliances with non-governmental

organisations and international institutions to foster ethnoecological visions and development alternatives in their

territories.

Table 2. Agroecological comparison between indigenous Amazonia and colonised Amazonia (Pastaza, Ecuador).

Indigenous Amazonia Colonised Amazonia Agricultural model Indigenous agroecology Monocultural farming Staple agrobiodiversity (No. species) 12 3 Agrobiodiversity (No. species) > 50 < 8 Cassava genetic diversity 15-20 2-3 Material inputs Low High Cultural inputs High Low Market dependence Low or almost non-existent High Nutrition Fair Poor and irregular Food security High Low Ecosystem resilience High Low Biodiversity conservation High Low Main challenges Market integration

Cultural-ecological sovereignty Food insecurity Vulnerable crop production

Source: Field research in Pastaza, Ecuadorian Amazonia, 1998-99.

In summary, the indigenous peoples of Pastaza aim at an innovative development process in Amazonia where the

indigenous knowledge, the native biodiversity, and the cultural identity are leading forces. Simultaneously, they advance

transcultural alliances and adopt global concepts such as biodiversity conservation and ecological sustainability to

empower their local visions of social development and cultural autonomy. In 1996, the OPIP endorsed the Declaration of

the Indigenous Territories of Pastaza as Biodiversity and Cultural Heritage of the Quichua and Shiwiar Peoples (OPIP,

1996). This document illustrates the emergence of hybrid processes, where mainstream conservationist trends are

reconstructed within the indigenous ecological and cultural context. In essence, the indigenous peoples of Pastaza are

leading a pioneering grassroots mobilisation for livelihood and development alternatives in Amazonia on the basis of their

agroecological and cultural systems.

Concluding remarks

The indigenous peoples of Pastaza use, cultivate, conserve, manage, and exchange biodiversity at a large scale. In

their cosmos, biodiversity is simultaneously wild and cultivated, conserved and shared, sacred and manipulated, food


source and cultural script. The indigenous livelihood relies on the indigenous agroecology, embedded in both ecological

practices and cultural meanings. Biodiversity is thus a crucial component of indigenous lifestyles. However, global models

of resource use in Amazonia ignore and disrupt the indigenous context of biodiversity, threatening the well-being and

eroding the biodiversity of local communities. The historical trends of ecological disruption and cultural exclusion in

Amazonia are, however, starting to change through lucid resistances, mobilisations, and cross-cultural experiences that

emerge from the indigenous grassroots.

In 1972, the President of Ecuador visited the area of Puyo in Pastaza. In his speech, he emphasised that development

needed a modern land-use, the abandonment of the indigenous swidden agriculture, and the substitution of native crops

like cassava (Whitten, 1976). About 25 years later, the indigenous peoples of Pastaza are advancing innovative and

pioneering struggles for a development alternative based precisely on the native biodiversity, the indigenous

agroecological practices, and the cultural identity. In current times of major ecological threats and increasing social

vulnerability, biodiversity and indigenous agroecologies become crucial forces for the ecological integrity, the food

security, and the well-being of poor and marginalised communities inhabiting megabiodiversity centres. Recognising and

empowering the indigenous ethnoecological mobilisations can enhance both biodiversity conservation and rural

development in Amazonia.

Acknowledgements This research is dedicated to the indigenous peoples of Pastaza and to all indigenous peoples that struggle for biodiversity and cultural dignity in Amazonia. I wish to thank the backing of the Organisation of the Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza (OPIP) and the generosity of the indigenous communities of Curaray and Mango Urco, among others. César Cerda, OPIP's President, and Leonardo Viteri, Director of OPIP’s Amasanga Institute, provided unconditional support, not only allowing me to access the indigenous homelands, but also involving me in indigenous life. I am finally very grateful to all the indigenous people that shared with me their time, their knowledge, their food, their chicha, their chagra, their forests, their songs, their dances, their struggles, and their hopes. Without their support this research would have been impossible. With their generosity, this research has also become a unique journey into the dwelling lands of sacha runa [the forest people]. References Altieri, M.A. (ed.). 1995. Agroecology: The science of sustainable agriculture. Westview Press / ITP. Boulder, USA, and

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