BEYOND JUBA PROJECT 2011 -2012 BRIEF 9 of 18: NAKAPIRIPIRIT DISTRICT

BEYOND JUBA PROJECTwww.beyondjubaproject.or

g2011 -2012

BRIEF 9 of 18: NAKAPIRIPIRIT DISTRICT

NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012

Main objectives of the NR&TJ Audit

To document community perspectives on post-independence armed conflicts across UgandaTo identify and assess the outstanding reconciliation and transitional justice needs related to each of these conflicts

BRIEF 9 of 18: Nakapiripirit District

Three field teams comprising four researchers and one videographer visit eighteen selected districts equally distributed over the Northern, Southern, Eastern and Central regions in Uganda.

Methodology

In each district, concerned Civil Society Organisations are contacted. The teams conduct Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) with four different groups namely adult women, adult men, youth and representatives of civil society and local government.

There are fifteen participants in each FGD and the discussions take the whole day. FGDs are split into two parts, and follow a simple structure: The morning is spent ‘Looking Back’, at conflicts, their causes, their impacts, and the stakeholders involved, while the afternoon is for “Looking Forward” at the possible justice mechanisms that could be used to address the legacies of conflicts identified – as well as sending messages to key persons and institutions.

In the course of each FGD, key informants are identified for further consultation. Findings are recorded on flip charts, through near-verbatim note taking, and on audio- and video recorders.

Preliminary Findings are presented initially in these Briefs. The final output will be a Compendium of Conflicts in Uganda, supported by video documentation.



PART 1: LOOKING BACKA. Is there peace in Uganda? Conflict Timeline (national/regional/district/village)

B. What were the Causes behind the conflicts you have identified?

C. What were the Impacts?

D. Who were the Stakeholders? - Victims- Perpetrators- Beneficiaries- Bystanders- Spoilers- Peacebuilders


Focus Group Discussion GuideBRIEF 9 of 18: Nakapiripirit District

WELCOME BACK - Reminder of purpose of second half: from looking back to looking forward

PART 2: LOOKING FORWARD

A. How does it feel to be talking about the history of this country?

B. 1. What does JUSTICE mean to you? 2. Has JUSTICE been done to the stakeholders? How do you think justice can be done? What would you like to see in the following processes? C. What messages do you

have for key persons and/or institutions?

TRADITIONAL JUSTICE

CHANGES IN LAW / INSTITUTIONS

AMNESTY

PSYCHOSOCIAL SUPPORT MEMORIALIZATION

REPARATIONS

TRUTH-TELLING PROSECUTIONS

RECONCILIATION

Focus Group Discussion GuideNR&TJ Audit2011 -2012


Map of Uganda showing

Districts


District Information Nakapiripirit District was first created out of Moroto District in 1973 by Idi Amin’s decree. In 1982 the Obote II Government merged it back with Moroto District, and it only regained district status in 2001. Nakapiripirit District borders Moroto District to the north, Amudat to the east, Kwen and Kapchorwa to the south, and Katakwi and Kumi to the south west. The population of the district is approximately 152.4007. The main ethnic group in the district is the Karimojong, primarily composed of the Pian and the Bokora sub-groups.

Accessed at http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_bsw9fKc0A6w/TNwg89BAzSI/AAAAAAAAAFI/1z4b-pgdYF4/s1600/map.JPG


This field brief is based on data collected from Nakapiririt District from 3-8 October 2011. Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were held with adult women, men, youths, civil society and local government officials. The preliminary findings below reflect opinions expressed in all the FGDs and key informant interviews. All the FGDs took place at Kadam Inn, in Namalu Sub-County. The field brief reflects conflict perspectives and opinions as narrated by the FGD participants and are not necessarily those of the Refugee Law Project (RLP) or its funders. This briefing note was written by Lyandro Komakech with valuable input from Annelieke van de Wiel and Kari Griffiths, all of the RLP.

This field brief is based on data collected from Nakapiririt District from 3-8 October 2011. Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were held with adult women, men, youths, civil society and local government officials. The preliminary findings below reflect opinions expressed in all the FGDs and key informant interviews. All the FGDs took place at Kadam Inn, in Namalu Sub-County. The field brief reflects conflict perspectives and opinions as narrated by the FGD participants and are not necessarily those of the Refugee Law Project (RLP) or its funders. This briefing note was written by Lyandro Komakech with valuable input from Annelieke van de Wiel and Kari Griffiths, all of the RLP.



Past



When asked ‘is there peace in Uganda?’, many participants emphasised that although there is relative peace in Uganda, conflicts of varying intensity are still present in various parts of Uganda. At a national level, participants emphasised that peace is still elusive because politics continues to divide citizens. Political parties were cited as institutions requiring improvement in order to enhance living conditions for people. One participant said “It is politics that is disturbing people.” Another key informant said: “When Museveni came, he wanted to disarm but people refused and he decided to give us time. He told us to use the guns to protect our cattle. But people started to use these guns for mass raids.” At a national level, participants discussed the various conflicts that have affected Uganda historically, including the Kabaka crisis, Idi Amin’s military coup in 1971, the 1979 liberation war, the NRA bush war and the conflict in northern Uganda that pitted the Holy Spirit Mobile Forces of Alice Lakwena and that of Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army against the Government of Uganda.

Please remember that this brief reflects community perspectives on national issues.



At a regional level, participants emphasised that the first disarmament programme carried out in 2001 was peaceful and voluntary as many community members surrendered guns in exchange for peace. Participants also discussed the various raids that continue in Karamoja within the communities of Matheniko, Pokot, Pian, Jie, Bokora and Dodoth. Cattle raids are presently perceived as theft, compared to earlier times when they were regarded as rustling as the perpetrators did not have guns. Prior to obtaining guns, the rustling used to take place using spears. Weapons were obtained in 1979 when Karimojong youth looted the Moroto Barracks. Participants recognised that conflicts of varying intensity and magnitude continue to manifest throughout various parts of Uganda. Due to the varying nature of the conflicts, participants suggested various mechanisms that may be put in place to create an enabling environment for genuine forgiveness and sustainable peace in Uganda.




Karimojong conflicts with state organs (1926 to date): The conflict between the Karimojong and the Government stretches back to colonial times when the Central Government system was first introduced in the area, leading to the marginalisation of the Karimojong by both colonial masters and post-Independence governments. The Karimojong continue to have negative feelings towards the Government of Uganda, which they refer to as ‘arirang’ (enemy). They say the word can also mean ‘violent institution’ when referring to the Government army. This attitude has translated into several armed attacks on the national army, the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), by the warriors. However, accusations have also been made by the population and some local NGOs against the UPDF for alleged perpetration of violence and human rights abuses in the region. This has created a situation of mutual mistrust by both the Government and the community.

The Karimojong and the ‘Dress Code’ conflict (1971-1972): In 1972, Amin’s Government ordered all Karimojong to put on western clothes, a directive which was rejected by the local population. Brutal methods were employed by Amin’s forces to enforce this directive. One participant remarked, “Whoever was found putting on slippers made of vehicle tyres would be made to chew it”.

Amin’s religious conflict (1971-1979): Participants said that Amin wanted all Ugandans in Karamoja to convert to Islam. Idi Amin’s Government declared Friday as a public holiday while Saturday was made a normal working day. Amin favoured Muslims in various ways, including giving them sugar, which at the time was a scarce commodity. In addition, after expelling the Asians and Indians from the country, Amin allocated their shops and other investments to Muslims. He used these favours to persuade other people to convert to Islam, creating tensions that later manifested in revenge killings after the overthrow of Amin’s Government.

20121971 19861926

Conflicts Timeline: National Level


1972 1979 19891988


1997


National Resistance Army (NRA) vs Karimojong conflict (1986 to date): In 1986, there was a conflict between the Government and the people over the issue of ‘Kandoya’ (a method of torture used by National Resistance Army (NRA) soldiers that constituted tying both hands of suspected collaborators in a backward position). The Government tried to disarm the Karimojong warriors with force, resulting in several violent confrontations between Government forces and Karimojong warriors, leading to loss of lives and the confiscation of cattle.

Alice Lakwena’s Holy Spirit Mobile Forces (1986-1989): This group operated mainly in Acholi- and Lango sub-regions and briefly in Karamoja at a place called Ruraca. Their impact in Karamoja was minimal. Joseph Kony emerged through this conflict, and later started abducting Karimojong children into his army.

Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) vs Government of Uganda (1988 to date): Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army/Movement arose out of the Government’s inability to effectively manage the demobilisation of defeated former soldiers from northern Uganda. Participants noted that while fighting the LRA and other insurgents, the NRA/UPDF deployed combatants from other regions of the country while the senior officers, who were mainly from western Uganda, avoided direct frontline combat with the insurgents. The LRA still continues to commit atrocities against the civilian population in parts of South Sudan, DR Congo and Central African Republic. Many of the abducted children by the LRA remain at large in the bush under captivity. The LRA did not go to Karamoja frequently apart from a few incidents in Abim and Kaabong Districts where there were attacks and the LRA suffered severely at the hands of the Karimojong warriors. The Karimojong also suffered the brunt of the LRA atrocities when their daughters were abducted from Aboke Girls Secondary School.

Uganda People’s Army (UPA) (1988-1997): Many Karimojong youth were recruited by the UPA led by Peter Otai, Max Omeda and Musa Ecweru, to fight against the NRM Government. Despite this, these youths put more efforts into cattle raids than fighting the NRA and eventually abandoned the rebellion with all their fire arms. The deserters opted to raid in the areas of Teso, some parts of Acholi and Lango instead. This also explains the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in the Karamoja region.

Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) (1997 to date): The Allied Democratic Forces was an insurgent group that operated in western Uganda around the Rwenzori and had their base in Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of Congo. Participants said this rebel group operated in the western Ugandan districts of Kasese and Bundibugyo. Though the Government claims that they have defeated the ADF, the conflict remains unresolved and new insurgents continue to be recruited.

Gender Based Conflicts (Time immemorial to date):Another conflict mentioned by participants that cut across the region, district and village levels was Gender Based Violence which is widespread at community level in Karamoja. It is widespread due to the conservative patriarchal nature of their society where men have a stronger voice and privileges and are regarded as the head of the household. The emergence of the new regime of women’s rights, and the ongoing sensitisation of the Karimojong about these issues, contradicts the traditional power relations. This has inevitably caused conflict, pitting males against females. Participants also noted that domestic violence also manifested itself in terms of “injured pride” of men by women. They further noted that wealth in Karamoja was measured by the heads of cattle one had. In this regard, women have been effective conflict drivers as men aim to secure access to herds of cattle for marriage. It was said that after unsuccessful raids women often refer to men in derogatory terms like “weak man”, “you are a woman” or “useless”, and that this leads to fights.

20121962

Conflicts Timeline: Regional, District and Village Level




Water and pasture for cattle

Karimojong communities, including their children, fled their homes

Loss of lives and property

Lack of development

Strained relations between the Government of Uganda and the Pian community

Marginalisation of Karamoja

British policies

Poverty

Quarantine of the Turkana goats (1952)

Lack of protection by Government

Low education levels

Causes & ImpactsNR&TJ Audit2011 -2012

Exploiting the security vacuum




Marginalisation of Karamoja: Karamoja as a region has been marginalised by all post-Independence governments. This has resulted in a lack of development in the region and inadequate infrastructure. The roads in the region are inaccessible, there is no sustainable energy supply, and there are no adequate medical facilities. The neglect of the region is also evidenced by the biased approach and perception of the Karamoja region by Ugandans. The participants mentioned the saying “we shall not wait for Karamoja to develop” as an indication of how the region has been isolated. Both colonial and post-colonial governments have enacted special legislation to regulate law and order in Karamoja, and in the process have violated the rights of individuals and their communities.

British policies: The British attempted to categorise cattle in Karamoja by colour, and claimed that all cattle breeds that were not majorly white in colour, but brown and black instead, were not Karimojong cattle. They used this as an excuse to dispossess the Karimojong of some cattle which were then processed into meat for feeding the British troops during World War II. Furthermore, the British management style also created conflict. When the colonial government came, under the leadership of Semei Kakungulu, Karamoja region was deemed to be primitive and limited in their interactions with other ethnic communities. The British also used divide and rule tactics that put Karamoja in conflict with other neighbouring tribes. Quarantine of the Turkana goats (1952): An outbreak of disease among the Turkana goats led to sanctions being put in place to the effect that Turkana could not sell their goats at the regional markets at the border with Kenya, Sudan and Uganda. The Turkana thought the Karimojong were behind the sanctions so they revenged by raiding Karimojong cattle which were taken and sold at the same market.Please remember that this brief reflects community perspectives on national issues.

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Inadequate civic awareness of Karimojong leaders: During the colonial era, the British established a meat factory in Karamoja. When Uganda became independent, a Karimojong Member of Parliament, Hon. Daniel Lupunye, claimed that the factory was meant to wipe out livestock from Karamoja and rejected its establishment. The Karimojong community did not know about meat packing as a source of investment. Similar meat factories were later established in Teso and Nyabushozi in Ankole and were successful. It was believed in Karamoja that cattle should not be slaughtered just for the sake of slaughtering but that they should die naturally. It was therefore unthinkable for the Karimojong to send their cattle for slaughter when the animals were still healthy. As a result of those acts, the British looked at the people of Karamoja with suspicion and the Karimojong viewed the British as a threat to their security.

Lack of protection by Government: As regards disarmament and protection, participants emphasised that the Government never honoured their promises to the community to ensure absolute protection of the cattle against Pokot raids. Instead, Pokot raiders from Kenya took over 6000 heads of cattle that were under the guard of UPDF soldiers. This raid took place in October 2010 from a “protected kraal” in Kagata. The issue of returnees and resettlement: Because of the violence that came with the forced disarmament process in Karamoja, as well as inter- and intra-tribal conflicts, many women and children fled to Kampala and other urban centres. With regards to protection of women and children who were forced by Government to return to Karamoja, participants emphasised that the Government never resettled them effectively since adequate basic facilities to cater for their needs were not provided. One of the participants who was part of the returnees had this to say “They took us to some place called Nabulengele which was a gazetted area; it was undesirable and uncomfortable. Not a single NGO has come to help us ever since we were returned in Karamoja”.Please remember that this brief reflects community perspectives on national issues.

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Exploiting the security vacuum: The Karimojong have used the unstable political and security situation to carry out raids. For example, during the LRA insurgency in northern Uganda, the Karimojong raided the Acholi and the Itesots since the Government was focused on fighting the rebel groups and not the raiders. Also during Tito Okello’s short rule, the Karimojong joined the armed forces in the name of fighting alongside the UNLA against the NRA, but strategically withdrew with all the arms allocated to them. The Karimojong army deserters later used these guns to raid and protect their animals. Participants also mentioned the failure by the Government to protect Karamoja’s unarmed neighbours such as the Itesots from cattle raids.

Water and pasture for cattle: Participants noted that Karamoja as a region is very dry for most of the year. During the dry seasons the Karimojong go to neighbouring districts for greener pastures and water for their animals. This creates conflict with the neighbours. In Teso, the Karimojong assume that any cattle they come across belongs to them, since their cultural belief system dictates that all cattle anywhere is their own and must be raided. Participants said that when the Karacuna (male youth) go to Teso for grazing their cattle, they believe that the water and resources in Teso originated from Karamoja, and that therefore it is their right to claim and use such resources.

Term limits and life presidency: Participants said a lack of term limits was the cause of most armed rebel activity in the country. This was in reference to the LRA, Lakwena’s Holy Spirit Mobile Forces, ADF, and other rebel groups that have been fighting against the ruling NRM Government since 1986.

Absence of free and fair elections: Electoral malpractice has plagued every election since Independence, causing tensions in the minds of the people and loss of confidence in the whole election system, both at a regional and national level.Please remember that this brief reflects community perspectives on national issues.

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NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012Frequent regime changes: The overthrow of different governments has provided

opportunities for the rapid proliferation of guns in Karamoja that has impacted livelihoods in the region. These guns have been used to terrorise the neighbouring communities of Karamoja. At the same time the Karimojong have accessed guns from their neighbours like the Turkana, Toposa, and Pokot in exchange for cattle, and this has also increased raids in the region.

Absence of state border security: Participants observed that there was no protection at the border post. This was because of the absence of UPDF soldiers monitoring border security on both the South Sudanese and Kenyan sides. This allowed the Karimojong and their neighbours to freely move in and out to kill and raid.

Poverty: The forceful disarmament of the Karimojong means they can no longer carry out raids. They have no alternate source of income, adversely affecting their livelihoods. As a result they have resorted to acquiring guns illegally from the Toposa and Didinga of South Sudan.

Land use: The community complained that a big portion of fertile and productive land in Karamoja was gazetted for the National Game Reserve (Pian-Upe), leaving unfertile land for the community. The Game Reserve was believed to have been purposely located in such a way as to isolate the Karimojong from their neighbors such as the Bagisu, Sabinyi and the Itesots. The participants further said that another big portion of land was allocated to the prison farm and that some part of their land was claimed by the Itesots. As a result of the above, tension has remained and has resulted in full scale violence with the Government and the Itesots.


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NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012Desire for wealth: Participants said that traditionally, a true Karimojong was recognized by the

number of cattle he owned. The more cattle one owned, the more wealth and prestige in the community one had. The cattle also offered insurance in the event of an outbreak of disease or famine. These beliefs have been a key factor in conflicts in Karamoja because they inspire everyone’s desire to acquire cattle through raids.

Corruption: Corruption has delayed the development of Karamoja in terms of social and economic infrastructure. Nakapiripirit is one of the districts in the country with the poorest road networks. Participants emphasised that funds were allocated to work on the Nakapiripirit-Mbale road but unfortunately, as one elder said, it was carried in “a leaking basket” right from Kampala to Nakapiripirit and by the time the ‘basket’ reached its destination almost nothing was left. Participants also mentioned the extraction of gum-Arabic from Karamoja by the Government without community involvement or sensitisation with regard to the benefits for the community. Participants insisted that the Government should carry out the process transparently and that they should share the revenue from the exportation of the gum-Arabic.

Traditional beliefs in cattle: Participants explained that traditionally, the Karimojong are cattle keepers and up to the present day cattle define their life style. They believe that all cattle in the region belong to them because their neighbours are cultivators rather than cattle keepers. It is a reason why some Government programmes, like disarmament, are sabotaged. The Karimojong believe that cattle is the source of everything and removing guns from them would indirectly result in removing cattle as well.

Religious indoctrination: Conflicts between different religious groups such as the Anglicans and the Catholics, have been in existence in Uganda since colonial times. For example, the Anglicans were permitted by the British to run politics in Uganda, whereas the Catholics were reduced to running social services such as schools and hospitals. This deliberate marginalisation by the British of the Catholics prompted the emergence of the Democratic Party that fought for the Catholic laities and the oppressed and down trodden. In addition, the Holy Spirit Movement as well as the LRA used religion as a basis for recruitment into their ranks. Through this, they have been in a position to mobilise northern sentiments against Museveni’s regime for over 20 years.


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Loss of lives and property as a result of extended cattle raiding has affected livelihoods and has jeopardized the opportunities for wealth creation of the various communities in the region. Those communities include the Karimojong themselves, the Pokot, Turkana, Teso, Acholi, Lango, and the Tepeth. Strained relations between the Government of Uganda and the Pian community. Participants said that while the Government, through the UPDF, disarmed the Pian community, they did nothing to disarm the Pokot raiders in Kenya. The disarmament has intensified the vulnerability of the Pian community who are now defenseless against the Kenyan Pokot raiders.Participants mentioned that many Karimojong communities, including their children, fled their homes in search of better security, arising from intense raiding. Children and women fled mainly to Kampala and Jinja while most men sought refuge in the urban centers of Mbale, Soroti, and Tororo. Education levels. The British annexation of Karamoja in 1926 brought Karamoja into Uganda as part of the state. However, very little effort has been made by governments before and after Independence to improve on the provision of education facilities in the region. As a result, education levels have remained low and backward.Lack of development. Karamoja region lags behind in terms of development, due to deliberate policies instigated by both the British and post-Independence governments. Roads, hospitals and schools have not been developed at all in the region. The Government is blamed for ignoring the region. Many youth (Karacuna) are now in a position to marry as they are able to pay the bride price from the cattle they have raidedMutual suspicion between the Government of Uganda and the Karimojong due to forceful disarmament


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Victims

Conflicts

BeneficiariesBy-standers

Peace Builders

Spoilers




Among the victims of the conflicts in Nakapiripirit District are:


Karimojong community suffered the forceful disarmament process by the UPDFNeighbouring communities (Itesots, Bagishu, Acholi, Sabiny, Langi) of Karamoja lost lives and property at the hands of Karimojong cattle raiders Pian community suffered and lost lives and cattle from the Pokot and Turkana raiders from KenyaBokora community suffered loss of lives and cattle from the Pokot and Pian cattle raiders Pokot community suffered loss of lives and cattle from the Pian and Bokora cattle raidersWomen and Children fled Karamoja due to hostile environments and are now internally displaced in Mbale, Tororo, Busia, Malaba, Jinia and Kampala Civil society groups and civil servants lost their lives and property in ambushes by cattle raiders

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Government of Uganda’s forceful disarmament has led to the loss of more innocent livesThe Karamojong/Pokot/Turkana warriors who raided cattle, killed and raped women The British Colonial Government which annexed Karamoja in 1926 and cut off the Kidepo Valley as a national park even though this was the richest grazing green belt in KaramojaGeneral Idi Amin and his soldiers who killed and forced many Karimojong to dress against their willThe UPDF who have been brutal in implementing the forceful disarmament exercise and also failed to protect the people of Acholi, Teso, and Lango during the time of insurgencyThe UPDF which also looted and failed to protect Karimojong cattle from the Pokot and TurkanaJoseph Kony of the LRA is responsible for some of the killing of innocent civilians in KaramojaGeneral Tito Okello Lutwa recruited many Karimojong male youth (Karacuna) to fight alongside the UNLA and many lost their livesMilton Obote implemented a forceful disarmament exercise resulting in the loss of many livesKaracuna of Karamoja have been responsible for spearheading raidsMuseveni and Besigye’s political disagreements continue to destabilize peace in UgandaThe Uganda Police Force is responsible for miscarriages of justice in the district because of corruptionThe Uganda Prisons have taken most of the arable and fertile land for farming in the district at the expense of the local communityWitchdoctors who involved in facilitating raids through various ritual sacrifices.


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The key perpetrators of the violence identified in Nakapiripirit district are:


President Museveni has failed in the last 26 years to resolve the issues in KaramojaElders of Karamoja failed to guide the youth and community on matters of peaceful coexistenceThe United Nations has not ensured the protection of the minority ethnic communities within the Karimojong, like the Tepeth and the IkEast African Community has not addressed the issues of pastoral communities in the region Members of Parliament from Karamoja do not have a uniform voice on the best way to solve the problems in KaramojaThe general population of Uganda who continue to say “we shall not wait for Karamoja to develop”The British Colonial Government took control of Karamoja but never set up core frameworks for development

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The by-standers of the conflict include:

Joseph Kony failed to sign for peaceThe Police often do not work on behalf of the victims but on behalf of the person who offers them money, even when there are obvious cases of defilement or domestic abuse against women.Some local traitors used the forced disarmament exercise to settle scores by providing, often false, information with regards to the possession of illegal firearms to the UPDF. This generated further conflict in the community.Political opportunists wanted to gain popularity at the expense of the communityPoliticians continue to play double rolesThe print and electronic media reports are unreliable and do not put the spotlight on the plight of the peopleWitchdoctors only focus on their sources of livelihood rather than community wellbeingArms dealers continue to supply small arms and light weapons to areas of conflict like Karamoja The Pokot and Turkana raiders from Kenya run violent raids into the Karamoja area


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Among the spoilers of peace are:


Cattle raiders have been robbing the community for their personal material gainMuseveni has used the current situation in Karamoja as a foreign policy strategy to sustain development partners’ support for the Ugandan GovernmentThe Karacuna paid bride price from the cattle they raided and subsequently got marriedCommanders in the UPDF have benefited from the cattle of the internally displaced KarimojongUPDF soldiers’ promotions have been on account of conducting forceful disarmament exercises in Karamoja

Cattle raiders have been robbing the community for their personal material gainMuseveni has used the current situation in Karamoja as a foreign policy strategy to sustain development partners’ support for the Ugandan GovernmentThe Karacuna paid bride price from the cattle they raided and subsequently got marriedCommanders in the UPDF have benefited from the cattle of the internally displaced KarimojongUPDF soldiers’ promotions have been on account of conducting forceful disarmament exercises in Karamoja


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Among the beneficiaries of the conflicts are:

NR&TJ Audit2011 -2012The Government of Uganda has made some

attempts at peace building through opening up more police stations and military barracks, improving security. They also allocated a Cabinet Minister to Karamoja.Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) such as Mbale Nakapiripirit Sironko Peace Initiative mediated peace between the Karimojong and the affected districtsDANIDA facilitated peace talks between Bagisu and KarimojongInternational Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC) conducted impact assessments and supported the victims with food and non-food itemsOXFAM-Great Britain has been providing interventions in terms of livelihood support programs to the whole of KaramojaReligious leaders have to date continued to pursue peaceful and voluntary approaches to the disarmament processElders have been involved in various peace dialogues and reconciliation processes within Karamoja and the neighbouring communitiesLocal youth artists have used songs for peace in the regionThe media, especially FM radio stations, have provided a platform for informing, educating, entertaining and facilitating peace discussions across the region


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Peace builders of the several conflicts include:

Future




The majority of the participants felt bad about the history of Uganda because it brings back past memories that are bad as well memories of opportunities that Uganda has squandered. Participants noted that looking to the past should allow Uganda to correct the past mistakes and address all structural causes of conflict with long lasting remedies that may sustain national peace and stability. It is good to talk about the history of Uganda to the young generation because it may help improve on what the past Governments failed to do, as well as providing opportunities for children to learn about their history and know the truth. Others said that it is good to compare the past with the present because it gives people time to investigate many incidents.



When asked how they felt talking about the different conflicts and their legacies, the majority of the participants said it was important, as illustrated below;

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Truth-tellingProsecutionPerpetrators should be taken for

trial in courts of law. For example the shooting dead of the LCI chairman of Lomorunyang by a UPDF soldier in Namalu remains unresolved to date. The Government Uganda should be sued in the court of laws for defaulting in their role to protect the property of the citizens e.g. the raids by Kenyan Pokot in Kagata in 2010, during which recovered cattle were ferried away to Kampala by some UPDF senior officers. Mobile courts to facilitate quick access to justice are needed as this will reduce the number of cases piled up at the formal courts.


Truth-telling is significant for the appropriate implementation of transitional justice mechanisms.There should be local truth-telling for those whose problems can be presented at the local level and national for those whose problems can be presented at national level because every region has got its problems. Laws should be enacted to protect witnesses during truth-telling. This, they emphasised, will build confidence in the minds of witnesses and many people will be encouraged to tell the truth



Recon

cilia

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With Government involvement, reconciliation was revealed to be the appropriate way of peace building in Karamoja and the surrounding regions. The reconciliation should be intra-communal, combining Pian, Bokora and Matheniko. It should also take place at a national level. Participants further noted that a national truth and reconciliation commission would be a better way of facilitating an effective truth-telling process to investigate past injustices in Uganda. Cross border reconciliation should be encouraged, especially with the Pokot of Kenya, the Turkana, the Toposa and Didinga of South Sudan.

The Government should be responsible for compensating the communities that are affected, for instance the cattle stolen on 8 October 2010 by the Pokot at Kagata must be returned. Funds should be provided to support and empower women to improve their livelihoods. The Government of Uganda should degazette the Pian–Upe Game Reserve to allow social interaction for Teso, Karamoja, Sebei and Bagisu. The disarmed Karacunas should be compensated for the guns they surrendered to the Government. They should also be taken back to school to undergo vocational training. Those who lost their property in 1984 and 1986 to Tito Okello Lutwa’s burnings of Namalu trading centre should be compensated.

Rep

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Accou

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Special institutions should be set up to provide psychosocial support.Counseling institutions should be based at Sub-County level with well trained personnel as well as funding support by Government.

There is a deficit of candid accountability in Uganda. All perpetrators of violence must be made to account for what they did and the full force of the law must apply to them. Accountability should not be selective as this may exclude senior government officials who may be key perpetrators in some of the past conflicts in Uganda.




Tra

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Justic

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Am

nesty

Participants agreed that amnesty is still relevant in Uganda because the northern Uganda conflict has not yet been resolved. Amnesty should be given to those still in the bush, like the LRA rebels. Amnesty would help the country to end the war since reporters will not be worried about any arrests or revenge killings by the local community.

Participants emphasized that akiriket (Karimojong traditional justice) should continue as a means of traditional justice. It should be revived and elders should be the ones to submit cases to LCs for investigation, not anyone else.There needs to be a change in attitude in order for people to appreciate traditional justice mechanisms and their role in resolving disputes at the local level. Formal and traditional justice should complement each other in resolving disputes in the community. One elder remarked; “Human rights institutions should know their boundaries not popping their noses in to the traditional setting and their time tested wisdom in resolving disputes before these human rights institutions were formed.”





To President Museveni: You should not under-look the people of Karamoja and you should stop lying to them with regards to guaranteeing security after disarmament exercisesProvide for us in Nakapiripirit District a hospital nearer to us, because Mbale and Moroto are far and the roads are very badOur roads are very bad, it takes us a week to get to Mbale We do not know whether the Ministry of Transport and Work even existsPlease review the electoral law so as to criminalize the use of money during campaignsThe Government is giving us electricity but it is not our priority now. Our priority is a good road network. The road will help us to conduct business.Restore the term limits as per the 1995 ConstitutionInstead of transporting limestone to Tororo for processing, establish a factory for cement in NakapiripiritCompensate us here in Nakapiripirit for the 5000 heads of cattle that the Pokot raiders took to KenyaMuseveni of 1986 is different from the Museveni of today because he said African leaders should not over-stay in power, but he failed to honour this Please remember that this brief reflects community perspectives on national issues.


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On DisarmamentParticipants called for comprehensive disarmament, including disarmament of the neighboring communities. Government should do all it can to work with other governments in the region (Kenya, Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia) to control the flow of illegal guns into the region. Specifically, the Government of Uganda should cooperate with the Governments of Kenya and South Sudan to disarm the Pokot, the Turkana and the Toposa who sometimes attack the Karimojong. Emphasis was as well put on the need to change the mindset of the Karimojong from cattle rustling and make them explore alternative livelihoods like agriculture and encourage young people to go to school. On livelihood support Participants requested the Government in collaboration with other stakeholders to develop programmes that will accommodate a change in livelihoods in the region. The emerging livelihoods such as charcoal burning and firewood collection are definitely not sustainable since they lead to further degradation of the environment.Please remember that this brief reflects community perspectives on national issues.

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On governance The community complained about the imbalances in the sharing of the national cake. Karamoja region is lagging behind in terms of development because the national cake is not shared equally. Karamoja is not well represented at the national level. There is a gap in the allocation of jobs in Karamoja compared to the rest of the country. This comes back to the lack of education facilities in the region as few Karimojong are educated. Urgent measures need to be taken to address the lack of education opportunities in the region. Participants called for an investigation into the extraction of the limestone from Moroto Mountain to Tororo cement factory. They would like the cement to be named Karamoja Cement. A participant asked “Who benefits from the royalty of Karamoja limestone?”


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The Refugee Law Project is very grateful for the contributions made by various organisations and individuals towards the success of the National Reconciliation & Transitional Justice Audit research in Nakapiripirit District. We are particularly indebted to the Office of the LC V and III Chairpersons for mobilising participants for the various FGDs. Longoli Simon, RLP’s Community based researcher in Nakapiripirit, is very much appreciated for the team work he exhibited in the course of the study.

Finally, our greatest appreciation goes to all our FGD participants and interviewees for actively participating in the discussions and to the Swedish International Development Agency and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for providing financial support for this research. Presentation prepared by Opiny Shaffic, with inputs and edits from Chris Dolan, Annelieke van de Wiel and Moses Alfred Nsubuga.



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BEYOND JUBA PROJECT 2011 -2012 BRIEF 9 of 18: NAKAPIRIPIRIT DISTRICT