Benavides F.S. a Global Zero Tolerance

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    Resumen

    En este artculo quiero mostrar la historiadiscursiva de la reforma del sistemade justicia criminal y cmo la reformacolombiana est atada a una tendenciaglobal que est tratando de usar la prisinno como un lugar de rehabilitacin,sino como un lugar para el control delexceso. En Europa y en los EstadosUnidos este exceso es ejemplifcado conlos inmigrantes ilegales y las leyes quese usan para tratarlos, mientras que enColombia la ley criminal se usa contra losdesempleados y los pobres.

    Palabras clave: economa, ley criminal,sistema de justicia criminal, prisiones, leyy desarrollo, historia legal colombiana,tolerancia cero.

    Farid Samir Benavides Vanegas*

    A global zero tolerance?

    Colombian prisions from

    a world historical perspective**

    AbstRAct

    In this paper I show the discursive historyof reforms to the Criminal Justice Systemand how Colombian reform is tied to aglobal trend that attempts to use prisonfacilities not as places of rehabilitation,but as places for the control of excess. InEurope and the United States this excessis exemplified with illegal immigrantsand the laws that are used to deal withthem; whereas in Colombia, criminal lawis used against the unemployed and thepoor.

    Keywords: economics, criminal law,criminal justice system, prisons, law anddevelopment, Colombian legal history,Zero tolerance.

    * ProfesorAuxiliar.Grupode InvestigacinCOPAL.FacultaddeDerechoyCienciasPolticasySocialesUniversidadNacionaldeColombiafsbenavidesv@unal.edu.co

    ** ThispaperwasdeliveredattheLatin American Studies Association Annual Meeting,SanJuan,March,15-192006.ApreviousversionwaspresentedattheAnnual meeting of the Law and SocietyAssociation.LasVegas,June2005;Annual meeting of the American Political Science Association.

    Washington,September,2005;andtheConference on World-Systemic Crises and ContendingPolitical Scenarios. 29thConference of the Political Economy of the World System (PEWS) Section of

    the American Sociological Association (ASA).UniversityofMassachusetts.Amherst,April14-172005.

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    introduction

    InJuly1991ColombiasConstituentAssemblypassedanewconstitutionthattransformedthestructureofthepoliticalandlegalsystems.Severalnewmeasureswereincludedtoprotectthefundamentalrightsofthepeopleandamoreopenpoliticalorganizationwasestablished.Oneofthemostrelevantreformswasthetransformationofthecriminaljusticesystem,whichincludedareformtothejudiciary,creatingforthefirsttimetheAttorneyGeneralsOffice(Fiscala).Thenewattorneysweregivenhigherlevelsalariestoavoidcorruption,andaseparateadministrativeentityforthejudiciarywascreatedinordertoguarantee

    itsindependence.ThisreformdidntmakeanyreferencetothePrisonSystem,otherthanthedefendantsrighttoadueprocessunderthelawandtheinclusionoftherelevantUnitedNationsrulesinColombianlegislation1.

    The1991constitutionalreformforcedastructuraltransformationoftheCriminalJusticeSystem,whichwasunderstoodasareformtothelegalinstrumentsregulatingitssphereofaction.ThePenalCode,theProceduralCode,andthePrisonCodewerereformed.ThePenalCodemadeastructuraladjustmentofthepenaltiesandtwitchedcriminallawtomakeitconstitutionallysound;theProceduralCodegavecriminalproceduremoreelementsoftheadversarialsystem;

    finally,thePrisonCodecarriedasuperficialreformthatdidntaltertheideologyofrehabilitationthatwasinforceinthelawsincethe1960s2.

    However,in1995,asaresultofawaveofrobberiesonthestreetsofBogot,NestorHumbertoMartinez,thenMinisterofJustice,proposedareformtothecodethatmadeprisonmandatoryforminorcrimes(Law228of1995).Amongthemeasuresinthereform,amandatoryminimumprisontermwasestablishedforsomecrimesandprisonwasrecommendedasapreventivemeasureinothercases.PrisonandpreventivedetentionbecamethecentralelementsinthepenalpublicpolicyoftheColombiangovernmentundertheadministrationofErnestoSamper.

    Therationaleforthereform,accordingtoNestorHumbertoMartinez,wastheneedtoadoptazerotolerancepolicyagainstcrime.ForthefirsttimeinColombian

    1 SeeStandardMinimumRulesfortheTreatmentofPrisoners.AdoptedonMay13th1977.2 In2001 therewasa reformto the system that involveda substantialupdateofcriminallaw.Accordingtothelawyersleadingthereform,ColombiancriminallawneededtoadapttothenewdoctrinesexistinginGermany.In2005theCriminalProcesstheproceduralcodewasreformedinordertoincorporateanAmericanmodelofcriminallaw.Howeverinneitherreformtheprisonsystemhasbeentransformed,andthelawstillhasacorrectionalideology,despitethefactthatthe

    realityofprisonsgoesmorealongthelinesofawastemanagementmodel.SeeMalcolmFeeley&JonathanSimon.ActuarialJustice:theEmergingNewCriminalLaw.InDavidNelken.TheFutures of Criminology. (London/ThousandOaks/NewDelhi:Sage,1994).

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    criminaldiscourse,theideaofshowingzerotoleranceagainstcrimeandtheneedtodealwithminorcrimesforreasonsotherthanthemereenforcementofthelawwereusedasjustificationfornewrules.Theintroductionofthisregulationispartoftheconstructionofabuildingforlawandorderwherelawyershavelosttheirabilitytomakerelevantstatementsaboutcrimeandcriminallaw,andthe

    roletodosowaspassedontoeconomistsandmanagerstrainedinotherfields.Statementsaboutjudicialexpediencyandimpunityweremadefromaperspectivethatrarelyinvokedjustice,butmostlycorruption,efficiencyandtheattractivenessofColombianmarketstoforeigninvestment.

    Colombianprisonsareincrisis.Thediscourseofrehabilitationisincreasinglylosingitsvalue;thenumberofinmateshasincreasedinthelastfifteenyears;thediscourseaboutprisonsgravitatesarounddiscussionsofinefficiencyintheCriminalJusticeSystemandtheneedforamoreeffectiveuseofincarcerationtime.Thelackofresourceshasledtoanoverloadofthesystem,whichhasgained

    moreadherentstothemoreprisonsareneededclaim,withoutaddressingtheissuesandpoliciesthatledtooverpopulationinthefirstplace.

    PenalpoliciesinColombiaarenotcreatedinavoid.Theystemfrompoliciesdesignedandappliedinotherplaces.InthispaperIwanttoshowthetransformationincriminalpoliciesintheUnitedStatesinthe1970s,andhowinthiscountry,aswellasinEurope,theCriminalJusticeSystemhasmovedfrombeingofacorrectionalisttypetobeingmorefocusedonthecontrolofpopulations,asortofrestrainoveradangerousclass.TheemergenceofanactuarialsystemofjusticeledtopolicieslikezerotoleranceinNewYork,incapacitationtheory

    intheprisonsystem,andanunprecedentedincreaseintheprisonpopulation,whichhassometimesmadetheCriminalJusticeSystemtobecalledthelargestcityintheUnitedStatesafterNewYorkCity.Ishallarguethatthereisaglobaltrendthatrenouncestothediscourseandpracticesofrehabilitationandinsteadoptsforamanagement/controlapproachofpopulationsthatarearisknotatriskforsociety.FollowingAlessandroDeGiorgisanalysis,Ihavelabeledthistrendaglobalzerotolerance,toexpresstheviewofthepeopleinvolvedandatthesametimetoemphasizethecentralityoftheAmericanexperienceinthistrend.Itseffectsinthereductionofcrimearedebatable,butthisattitudehasledtoan

    increaseinprisonpopulationandtoactsofpolicebrutality

    3

    .However,fromaworldhistoricalperspective,IaimtoshowthepathsthatbroughttheseideasandpoliciestoColombiaandthereasonswhytheAmericanmodelofcrimecontrolwasadoptedinColombiaduringthe1990s,aspartofthetransformationsinthemodelofdevelopmentcarriedoutundertheadministrationofCsarGaviriaandfurtherenactedinthe1991Constitution.TheparticularitiesoftheColombiancasewillshowthatthegroupsundercontrolrespondtodifferentconfigurationsthantheonesadoptedinEuropeandtheUnitedStates.

    3 Itisimportanttokeepinmindthatthereductionincrimeissubjecttodebate.Someauthorslike

    HarcoutandBowlingshowthatthereductionincrimeistheresultofadifferenttrendanditisnotrelatedtopolicieslikebrokenwindowsinNewYorkCity.SeeBenjaminBowling:1999andBernardHarcourt:2002;andAlessandroDeGiorgi:2000.

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    1.tHEEndofcorrEctionalism:

    towardsacontrolofriskypopulations

    In1973JockYoung,IanTaylor,andRogerWaltonpublishedabookentitledThe New Criminology(JockYoung,IanTaylor,RogerWalton:1973).Thisbookwasessentiallyanattackontraditionalpositivistandcorrectionalistcriminology;arguingthatthesetraditionsactedasanacademicjustificationfordiscriminatorypracticesintheprisonandcriminaljusticesystems,theseauthorsproposedaradicalapproachtocriminologyandcriminalsystemsthattookintoaccounttheinterestsoftheworkingclass(JohnMuncie:1998).Asaresultofthebook,butalsooftransformationsinsociologicaltheoryduringthe1960s,devianceandcrimewerenotseenasindividualpathologicalacts,butratherastheresultofdefinitionsthatcamefromsitesofpowerandinrelationshiptostructuraltransformationsinthenationalandworldeconomy.Thebookwasacritiqueofhowsocietyworksandhowsocialorderismaintainedandsubjectedtopoliticalchange4.

    Afteranalyzingdifferenttheoriesaboutcrime,Youngetal.showthatcrimeisanideologicalcategorygeneratedbystateagentsandintellectuals.Giventhisdiagnosisofcrime,itwasnotasurprisethatcriminologistwereconcernedaboutthefateofthecriminaljusticesystemandthewaytodealwiththisproblematicsituation(AlessandroBaratta:1986).InMarxistthoughttherewasadisputeaboutthedisciplineitself.Somecriminologist,writinginacollectionentitledCriticalCriminology(JockYoung,RogerWalton,IanTaylor:1975.),putintoquestiontheveryideaofaMarxistcriminology5.Fromthispointofview,thecriminaljusticesystemwasseenasoppressiveandintrusive.Thecorrectionalistideologywas

    criticizedasadisciplinaryinterventioninthesoulsofprisoners,andthereforeaspartofthecrisisofmodernity(MichelFoucault:1977).Theleftistcritiqueleftpenalandprisoninterventionswithoutlegitimacy.AccordingtoDavidGarland,duringthe1960stheleftcriticizedtheCriminalJusticeSystem(CJS)andfoundthatitwastoointrusiveinpeopleslivesandthatitcouldleadtoadisciplinarysociety(DavidGarland:2001).TocriticalaccountsoftheroleoftheCJS,theideaofrehabilitationwastoototalizinganditcouldnotbeacceptedinademocraticsociety.DuringthesetimescritiquesliketheonemadebyNilsChristieaboutthepaindeliverynatureoftheCJS,aswellasotheraccountsshowingtheneedtoeliminatetheprison,theCJS,orcapitalistsocietyingeneralwerethecommon

    currencyoftheday.Thealternativeswererestorativejustice,communityjustice,andadialoguebetweenthevictimandhervictimizer6.GiventhefailureofthealternativesandtheproblemsthatitcausedintheinterventionfromtheCJS,attheend,adiscourseofnothingworkslefttheCJSanditsalternativeswithoutlegitimacy.However,atthesametime,anotherdiscoursewasdeveloping.Facedwiththeinefficiencyofthesystem,someauthorslikeJamesQ.WilsonandGaryBeckerproposednottheeliminationoftheCriminalJusticeSystem,butinsteadatransformationoftheCJSandanimprovementofitsperformanceintermsof

    4 Ibid.P.221.5 AlongtheselinesseealsoRobertoBergallietal:1982.6 NilsChristie:1981;ThomasMathiesen:1974;LoukHulsman:1984.

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    efficiency.BeckeranalyzesthesupplyofoffensesandhowtheyaredealtwithbytheCJS.AfteranalyzingtheCJSintermsofcostsandbenefits,andintermsofthecoststhatcrimecarriesforthetaxpayers,Beckerpointsouttheneedtoanalyzetheoptimalconditionsinwhichcrimecanbecontrolledviaarationaldecision,wheretheagenthastoweighthebenefitsofthecrimeagainstthecost

    ofthepunishment.Beckerwrites:

    The main contribution of this essay, as I see it, is to demonstrate that

    optimal policies to combat illegal behaviors are part of an optimal allocation

    of resources. Since economics has been developed to handle resource

    allocation, an economic framework becomes applicable to, and helps

    enrich, the analysis of illegal behavior. At the same time, certain unique

    aspects of the latter enrich economic analysis: some punishments such as

    imprisonment are necessarily non- monetary and are a cost to society as

    well as to offenders; the degree of uncertainty is a decision variable that

    enters both the revenue and costs functions(GaryBecker:1968,169-217).

    Byapplyinganeconomicframework,Beckerisnotonlyintroducingtheideaofefficiencywithinthesystem,butsomethingmoreimportant:agentsintheCJSarerationalandtakerationalchoices;therefore,socialconditionsandhistoricalreasonsarenotexplanationstothecrimeproblem.Alongsimilarlines,JamesQ.Wilson,explainedthecrimeproblemasaquestionofcitydisorganizationandasasortofenvironmentalproblem(JamesQ.Wilson:1975).In1982,inanissueofTheAtlanticMonthly,WilsonwrotehisarticleonBroken Windowsthatledtoaseriesofpolicies,promotedfromtheconservativethinktankManhattan Institute,

    whichlateronwouldbeknownasZeroTolerancepolicies(JamesQ.WilsonandGeorgeL.Kelling:1982).InthisarticleWilsonanalyzessomeliteratureoncrimecontrolandshowsthatindividualsincertainareasofthecityarenotafraidofcrimebutratherofdisorderlybehavior.Wilsonconsidersthatdisorderlybehavioraffectspeopleslivesanditcanleadtoanincreaseincrime.Heanalyzessomeresearchwheretheeffectsofbrokenwindowswerestudied.ToWilson,thesestudies showthatdisorderlybehaviorsuggeststhat inthearea law isweaklyenforcedandtherebyanythinggoes.Ifdisorderlybehavioriscontrolled,peopleareinclinedtothinkthatthelawisenforcedandthereforemoreseriouscrimes

    willnotoccur.Thismeansamoreactiveroleforthepoliceandmoreinvolvementfromthecommunity.AnalyzingthecaseofNewYork,whereZeroTolerancepolicieswereimplemented,Bowlingshowsthelimitationsofthispolicyandthelackofsupportfromsocialsciences7.WilsonwritesattheendofhisarticleonBrokenWindows:

    But the most important requirement is to think that to maintain order

    in precarious situations is a vital job. The police know this is one of their

    functions, and they also believe, correctly, that it cannot be done to the

    exclusion of criminal investigation and responding to calls. We may have

    7 Bowling:1999andHarcourt:2002.Supran.3andBernardHarcourt:2001.

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    encouraged them to suppose, however, on the basis of our oft-repeated

    concerns about serious, violent crime, that they will be judged exclusively

    on their capacity as crime-fighters. To the extent that this is the case,

    police administrators will continue to concentrate police personnel in the

    highest-crime areas (though not necessarily in the areas most vulnerable

    to criminal invasion), emphasize their training in the law and criminalapprehension (and not their training in managing street life), and join too

    quickly in campaigns to decriminalize harmless behavior (though public

    drunkenness, street prostitution, and pornographic displays can destroy a

    community more quickly than any team of professional burglars).

    Above all, we must return to our long-abandoned view that the police

    ought to protect communities as well as individuals. Our crime statistics

    and victimization surveys measure individual losses, but they do not

    measure communal losses. Just as physicians now recognize the importance

    of fostering health rather than simply treating illness, so the police andthe rest of us ought to recognize the importance of maintaining, intact,

    communities without broken windows(JamesQ.Wilson:1983).

    Theideaofmanagementthusentersthefieldofcriminallawandcrimecontrol.Thesetwoideasofamoreefficientcriminaljusticesystemmanagementofresourcesandtheneedtocontrolnotindividualsbutpopulations,thebiopoliticalmanagementofpopulations,werecentralelementsintheparadigmofsocietythatwasbeingdevelopedinthe1970sandthatFoucaultlabeledasgovernmentalityandthatDeleuzecalledsocietiesofcontrol8.InFoucaultwefindthetransition

    fromadisciplinarysocietytoasocietywheretransformationofthesoulisnotasimportantascontrolthroughfreedom.Foucaultshowsasubtlemovementfromdiscipline,wheresoulsaretheobjectofdisciplinarypractices,toregulation,whereundertheideaoffreedom,subjectsareleftwithoutstateinterventionandthereforetheyhavetocontrolthemselves9. Neoliberal governmentality complementsthelawwithregulatorypracticesthatarebeingexercisedoutsidethestate.Inneoliberalism,subjectsarenotdisciplinedwithinthestate,buttheyarelefttotheirownfreedomandprivateinstitutionsareinchargeofnormalizingpractices.AccordingtoHudson,neoliberalgovernmentalityestablishesagovernmentfrom

    adistance.Stateinstitutionsdonotinterveneinpeopleslives,atleastnotdirectly.LawbecomeswhatDeleuzeandGuattaricallanensembleofcapture,thatis,thelawandthelegalsystembecomeplaceswheredifferentsitesandwaysofpowermeetandconstituteagentsandfields.Inthismanner,thelawceasestobeusedasaninstrumentofdisciplineorofdirectpower,andbecomesatooltocontrolpopulationsthatcanconstituteariskforthemanagementofsociety10.According

    8 MichelFoucault:1990;MichelFoucault:1992;MichelFoucault:1998;MichelFoucault:1993;GilesDeleuze.SocietiesofControl.Lautre journal, Nr. I, Mai 1990.

    9 FrancoisEwald.Norms,Discipline,andthe law.EnRepresentationsNo.30.P.138;Nicholas

    Rose&MarianaValverde.GovernedbyLaw.SocialandLegalStudiesNo.7Vol.4.541-551.10 BarbaraHudson. PunishmentandGovernanceSocial and LegalStudiesNo. 7Vol.4, pp.554-559.

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    toVictorTadross,neoliberalgovernmentalityfocusesnotontheactsofindividualbutontheirlives,thelawbecomespartofabiopower(VictorTadross:1998).

    Theprisoncrisisisrelatedtotheemergenceofanewparadigmofcontrol,onethatismoreconcernedaboutcontrollingpopulationsthanaboutcontrollingcrime

    orparticularbehaviors.Thenewcriminalpoliciesarefocusedoncontrollingthecriminalordangerousclass,andthewholestructureofthecriminaljusticesystemisdedicatedtothisgoal;itistheefficientriskmanagementofthecriminalclass.Crimecontrolisde-individualized,agentsarenotparticulartargetsofdiscipliningpractices,butrathertheirclassasawholeisobjectofcontrol.AsMonaLynchhasputit:

    Feeley and Simon suggest that the new penal machinery may be heading

    towards a kind ofwastemanagementmodel in practice. Specifically,they argue that contemporary corrections may be pushing toward a self

    understanding that views its primary role asherdingaspecificpopulationthatcannotbedisaggregatedandtransformedbutonlymaintainedakindofwastemanagementfunction. The waste management model emphasizessecuring and neutralizing the threat posed by the criminal class at the

    lowest possible cost, while striving to downplay and deny the emotional,

    irrational, and psychological elements of punishment11.

    Asaresultofthemodel,increasingnumbersofpeoplehavebeensenttoprison.Theprisonbecameaplaceofconfinementandmanagementandnotaplaceforrehabilitation.Thisiswhathasbeenlabeledasacrowding crisis,acrisisthatisnot

    theparticularexperienceofindustrialnations,butalsopartoftheexperiencesofothercountrieslikeColombia,wheretheneedformoreimprisonmenthasbeenimported.InthesectionstocomeIllshowhowthisdiscursivefieldhasbeenconstructed,makingrelevantthestatementsofeconomistsinthefieldofcriminallawandcrimecontrol12.Thenextsectionisdevotedtoexplainhoweconomistsenteredthefieldofcriminallawandhowtheyrefashionedittointroduceideasofefficiencyandcrimecontrolcraftedforaneoliberalformofdevelopment.

    1.1. Cmn lw nd the Cvzn Pcess

    YvesDezalayandBryantG.GarthhaveanalyzedtheconstitutionofafieldofpowerinthelawinLatinAmerica.Intheirbooktheystudytherolelawyersandeconomistsplayedinthetransformationsthattookeffectfromthe1960stothe1990sintheregion.Intheiranalysistheyusetheconceptofpalace wars,aconcepttakenfromBourdieu,inordertoshowtheinternaldisputesbetweenlawyersandeconomistsforpowerandhowthesedisputesledtotransformationsinthestate.AccordingtoDezalayandGarth,lawyers,orwhattheycallgentlemen

    11 MonaLynch.Thedisposalof inmate#85271.Notesonaroutineexecution.AustinSaratand

    PatriciaEwick:2000,6.12 Onthistopicsee:RogerMathewsandPeterFrancis:2000;DavidNelken:1994;DavidGarland:2001.

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    politicians of the law, representedakindofaristocratic idealofgovernment(YvesDezalay&BryantG.Garth:2002).Despitethedifferencesinthehistoricaltrajectoriesineachofthecountriestheyanalyzed,whatiscommoninallofthemistherolelawyersplayedinthe19thcentury.GarthandDezalayshowthatthelegitimacyofthelawwasproducedthroughinternationallyscholarlycapital

    thatwasacquiredtraditionallyinEurope.Theyaddthattheclassicalpatterndidnotrequireallpoliticianstobelawgraduates,butthelawprovidedthekeynetworkofrelationshipsandlegitimizinglanguage(DezalayandGarth,2002,Pp.22).Ontheotherhand,usingJorgeI.Dominguezdescriptionofmodernrulers (Jorge I.Dominguez:1997),DezalayandGarthshowthat inthe1970stherewasatransformationintheelitescontrollingthecountriestheyanalyzed.Theyshowhoweconomists,educatedinitiallyattheUniversityofChicago,usedtheirconnectionstotheUnitedStatestoaccessthestateandtofinallyreplacelawyersinthegovernment.HavingaccesstotheUSwouldgivethemaccesstoprestigeandtointernationalcontactsthatwouldmaketheirculturalcapitalmore

    attractivethantheoneheldbylawyers.Whilelawyersfieldofexpertisewaslaw,theirswaseconomics.

    Thisanalysisisimportantbecauseitshowstheagentsthatintroducedideasthatlaterwouldtransformthestructureofthestate.However,intheiranalysis,DezalayandGarthjustpayattentiontotheprestigethatEuropehadinthe19thand20thcenturyinLatinAmerica,buttheydonottakeintoaccountthereasonswhyEuropeanlegalknowledgewassovaluedintheregionandhowitwasperceivedbytheelites.Atthesametime,theydonottakeintoaccountthatthetransformationsinthemodelofdevelopmentandinthehegemonyoftheworld

    systemreshapedthesphereofpowerasaneconomicsphere,andhowthistransformationwasinstrumentalintheperceptionofthelawasaninstrumentandnotasconstitutiveorpolitical.AsTeivanenhasshown,inthe1990stheneoliberalmodelledtothedepolitizationofpolitics,andinthiscaseofthelaw(TeivoTeivanen:2002).InGarthandDezalaysanalysis,theconstructionofadiscursivesphereisleftasideandtheresultisputasoneofrationalchoice,whereagentslookforthemostprestigiousandexpeditewaytoaccesspower.

    Inthissectionwewanttoshowthegeographyoflegalknowledgeandshow

    howlawandcriminallawinparticularwasaninstrumentinthecivilizingmissionofthe19thcenturyinColombia.ColombianelitestriedtoapplyapolicyofwhiteningtheColombianpopulation,alongthelinesoftheSarmientomodel,andtodoso theyusedcriminallaw.ItisthisroleinthecivilizingmissionofColombiathatgaveEuropeanlawtheprestigeithadamongColombianlawyersanditisfromthispointthatwecanbuildouranalysisfollowingDezalaysandGarthsexplanations.

    2.lawandtHEcivilizingmission

    19th

    CenturyColombiaischaracterizedbyitsmanywarsandpowerstruggles.Atraditionalinterpretationwouldshowthisperiodasastruggleforeconomicpowerbetweenurbanrulersandrichlandowners,andasastrugglethatledto

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    thecentralizationofthestate.Thisapproachwouldshowthesefightsascombatsbetweenelites,leavingasidetherolethatothersectorsofsocietyplayedinthecreationoftheColombiannationandstate.Atthesametime,suchanapproachwouldnottakeintoaccountthespecialrelationsthatexistedbetweentheelitesandthegrossofthepopulation.Theserelationswereofdominationandcontrol,

    butthisisnotenoughtoexplainthespecialconfigurationofthestateandtheroleplayedbythelawinthisprocess.AsSalvatoreandAguirrehaveshown,apurelyFoucauldianorMarxistapproachdoesnottakeintoaccountthefactthattheworkingclassandthelowerclasseswereinaprocessofconsolidationandthattheEuropeanexperiencecannotexplaintheparticularhistoryofLatinAmerica13. In thissectionI want toattempt adifferentapproach, onewhichtakesintoaccounttheprocessofconstitutionofidentitiesinColombiaandalsoconnectscriminallawwiththecivilizingprocessthattoolplaceinColombiaduringthe19thcentury.

    Thewarsofthe19thcenturycanbebestunderstoodaswarsforcivilization.AftertheWarsofIndependence,Colombianelitesfacedtheconstructionofanewnation.TheywerenotpartoftheSpanishEmpireanymoreandtheywereclaiminganewidentity, thatofAmericans14.ButtobeAmericancouldmeanmanythings.InthediscourseofpoliticianslikeDomingoFaustinoSarmiento,theAmericannationhadtobewhiteandmorealongthelinesoftheUnitedStates.SarmientoisimportantbecausehisideasaboutwhiteningthenationwerefollowedinColombiabyoneofhisdisciples:FlorentinoGonzalez,whotranslatedthemintoconstitutionallaw(JaimeDuarteFrench:1971).In thelaw,thisideawastranslatedintoafearofthepeoplethepopularsectorandaneedtoconstitute

    theiridentitiesinawaythatwasfunctionaltocapitalismandcivilization(Rojas:2002,xxvii).

    IntheprocessofcivilizingthenationandmodelingitaswhiteandofEuropeandescent, stories of travelwere centralforColombianelites (Quijano,Anibal:2000).SomemembersoftheelitestraveledtoEuropeandlearnedhowtobecosmopolitanandwhite.Theywrotetheirimpressionsinbooksthatcirculatedwidelyamongst theregionalelitesandbecamemodelsofbehaviorforthem.Thesebookspresentedthecivilizingprocessintwoways:ontheonehand,the

    elitesconsideredthemselvestobedifferentfromthelowerclasses,becausetheyhaddifferentphysicalfeaturesandlightskin.Butatthesametime,theyrealizedthattheywerenotEuropeans,andthereforethattheywereuncivilized.Thisdoublenegationcharacterizedmosttravelaccounts.ElitestraveledphysicallyorsymbolicallytoEuropeandlearnedthedoublenegationandhowtooperatewithinit15.SimonBolivarexpressedthisdoublenegationinthefollowingway:

    13 RicardoD.SalvatoreandCarlosAguirre:1996;DarioMelossi&MassimoPavarini:1981;CarlosFranco:1981;AnibalQuijano:1981.

    14 Aboutthedilemmasoflawsee,JorgeEsquirol:1997.15 ThisdoublenegationisverysimilartotheexperienceofthesubalternexplainedbyDuboisandhisconceptofdoubleconsciousness.However,eliteshadtheopportunitytoshapetheirimage.Theyactassubalterns/oppressorsatthesametime.Cfr.W.E.B.Dubois:1939).

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    Neither Indians nor Europeans, but a race between the original natives

    and the Spanish usurpers; in short, being by birth Americans, and our

    rights those of Europe, we are obliged to dispute and combat for these rights

    against the original natives, and to persevere and maintain ourselves

    there in opposition to our invaders, so we find ourselves placed in a most

    extraordinary embarrassing dilemma16

    .

    Lawyers, asmembersof theelite, becamecentralagents in the process ofcivilization.Giventheirfundamentalrelationtothewrittenword,theybecameimportantelementsintheexerciseofpower.Thewordycharacteroflawyers,ina letteredcity,explainswhylawyersbecamepoliticiansandalsothecloseconnectionbetweenlawyersandthestate.FlorentinoGonzalez,alawyerhimself,epitomizes this ideaof the law as partof the civilizingproject.Gonzalez, aCreole,isoneoftheeducatedfewwhoareworkingtoattainthelevelofprogressperceivedinEurope;theyaretheonlyoneswiththepowertocivilizethecountry

    (FlorentinoGonzalez:1981;AngelRama:1984).FollowingBentham,hisproposalwasbasedontherationalityoftheindividualagainstthesolidarityofthetraditionalindigenouspeoples.Independenceisnotbasedonavengefulmorality,butonanethicsofprogress.InalettertoJoseMariaTorresCaicedo,FlorentinoGonzalezexpressescandidlytheracistcharacteroftheColombiannationheandtheelitesweretryingtobuild:

    Barbarians do not aspire to be equals to the civilized men, putting

    themselves at their level with science and property given to them by work

    and studyWe have nothing in common with the Indians or the Africans,

    who have barbarian tendencies and instincts that are against civilization.

    Civilization has nothing to expect from them; on the contrary, they have

    to fear everything from civilization17.

    Lawbooksbecamepartofthosetravelstorieswementionedearlier.LawyerstraveledtoEuropetostudylaw,towitnesstheworkingsofastate,andtounderstandhowpoliticalpowerworkedinacivilizedcountry.Giventhecolonialhistory,itisnotsurprisingthattheychoseSpainastheplacewheretheywantedtodeveloptheirstudies.InSpanishuniversities,butalsoinItalianandGerman

    duetotheculturaldependencyofSpain,theselawyersstudiedlaw.Thekindoftravelbooktheywroteisnotliketheoneswrittenbytheliteratibutingeneraltheysharedthesamefeatures:theytalkedaboutsplendidvenues,theycelebratedtheEuropeanculture,andfinallytheyreferredtotheoutdatedstateofourlaws.Bytreatinglawbooksastravelstories,theydidnottalkabouttherealworldofcrimeandcriminallaw,butwerespeakingtothecivilizedtoteachthemhowtodealwiththosebarbariansstillexistinginthenation,insum,toteachthemhowtowhitentheColombiannation.

    16 SimonBolivarasinRojas(2002):1.17 Gonzalez,1863asinNestorDiazVidela:1994.

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    ThefirsttreatyofcriminallawwritteninColombiawasbyJoseVicenteConcha,aconservativelawyerwhotraveledtoSpainandwhopublishedhisbookforconsumptioninLatinAmericabytheendofthe19thcentury.ItisimportanttonotethatConchawrotehisbookinSpanishandhaditpublishedinFrance,notonlyduetothelackofpublishinghousesinColombia,butalsoonaccountofhis

    desireofreachingallLatinAmerica18

    .ThetreatyisbasedonthemostadvancedtheoriesoflawdevelopedinEurope,whichappearedtoConchatobeclosetoperfection.HebasedhisworkonthestudiesofFrancescoCarraraandPellegrinoRossi,twoItalianlawyerswhodevelopedatheoryoflawbasedontherationalityoftheindividualandonaneconomictheoryoflaw.Totheseauthors,crimewasjustaviolationofthelawandpunishmentwasadeterrentagainstcrime.Thatis,theirtheoryofcriminalwasbasedonananalysisofcostsandbenefits.Whatisimportantaboutthesetheoriesishowtheyassumedthatcriminalswereequaltothemajorityofsociety.Theydidnotconstituteadifferentclassorrace;theywererationalindividualsbreakingthesocialcontract(FrancescoCarrara:1984

    andAlessandroBaratta:1986).

    Oneofthequestionsthatcomesupiswhytheelitedecidedtoapplytheoriesthatassumedequaltreatment foreveryone.However, thisadoptiondoesnotseemsostrangeifweanalyzetheprocessofstatebuildinghavingplacein19 thcenturyColombia.Aswementionedearlier,afterIndependencein1819,elitesbegan fighting forpower.These fights tookplace indifferentprovinces likeCauca,CundinamarcaandAntioquia.Localelitesfoughtforlocalpower.Sincecentralpowerwasnotatstake,andthefightwasbetweenequals,constitutionsassumedthatrebelswerenotcriminalsbutcombatants19.Thatis,criminallaw

    wasnotsupposedtobeaninstrumenttocontrolindigenouspeoplesorafro-descendants,becausetheydidntevenexistbeforethelaw.Indigenouspeopleswerecontrolledandconstitutedaspeasantswithotherinstrumentsthatdidnotinvolve thecriminalizationof theiridentities.ItwastheroleoftheChurchtotake careof indigenouspeoplesand tomake sureof theiroccidentalization.Withtheintroductionofliberalisminthemid1800s,indigenouspeopleswereconstitutedasindividualsandthereforeasequalsbeforethelaw.Thistimethekindofcontrolwasnotcriminallaw,buttheinformalstructureofthehacienda(LorenzoMuelasHurtado:2005).

    Bytheendof19thcentury,criminallawispartofthecivilizingmissionbutitisnotinchargeofcivilizingthebarbarians.IndigenouspeoplesarenotmentionedbecausetheirstatuswasregulatedbyLaw89of1890,alawthatdividedindigenouspersonsbetween civilized, semi-civilizedandsavages20.Forthecivilizedand

    18 JosVicenteConcha.Tratado de Derecho Penal.19 TheThousandDaysWar,forinstance,hadthecharacterofasortofinternationalwarbetweenequals.Whitecombatantsweretreatedasequals,indigenouspeoplesinCaucaweretreatedasguerrillerosandthereforeasoutsidethefieldofthelaw.SeeAryCamposChicangana.Montoneras:

    2003.20 Theimportanceofwarsinthedefenseof rightsof indigenouspeoplesis explainedbyAryR.CampoChicangana.Op.cit.

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    semi-civilizedthelawhadaregimeofcontrolbasedontheirconfinementintheareasassignedtothembytheGovernment,alsoknownasResguardos,butwheretheirautonomywasessentiallylimited.Forthelatter,thelawhadtheChristianmission,whereindigenouspeoplesweresubjecttotheabsolutepoweroftheCatholicChurch.VictorBonilla,analyzingthemissionsintheAmazon,showed

    howtheseCatholicmissionsconsideredthemselvesservantsofGod,mastersofmen(VictorD.Bonilla:1972).

    TravelstorieswereimportantintheprocessofcivilizationoftheColombiannation.TheywereusedtoshowthegoalColombianelitesneededtoachieve.Lawyers,asliterati,becamecentralagentsinthisprocess,becausetheyhadliteracyandthetoolsusedinEuropetocivilizethecountryfromthestate.UptothatpointConchasbookwasusedasatravelstoryusedbylawyersandjudgesintheirunderstandingofcriminallaw.Inthe1920s,Indigenouspeoplesandpeasantsbecamevisibleduetotheirstrugglesforrightsandland.TheSocialistpartywas

    createdandManuelQuintinLamewasfightingfortheindigenouspeoplesofCaucaandTolima21.In1925theelitestriedtopassareformtotheCJStoadaptittothetransformationsinthecultureanddoctrineoflawprevalentinEurope.CarrarasandFerrisconceptionoflawwasoutdatedandthisisonereasonwhythereformdraftedbyConchadidnotcomeintoforce,despitetheapprovalofCongress.Butanotherreasonthatisimportanttoconsideristheutility,orlackofit,ofConchasdoctrineforthecivilizingmissionandtheprocessofconstitutionofagentsasworkersandlowerclass.Theroleoflaw1890hadproventobeweak,indigenousandpeasantswererevoltingagainstthesystem,workerswereorganizingandprotestingagainstthestateofaffairs,insum,thecivilizingmission

    hadbackfiredbecauseithadgiventoolstoworkers,peasants,andindigenouspeoplestomakeclaimsagainstthestate.QuintinLame,forinstance,usedthelawasaninstrumentinhisstruggles,orasoneoftheleadersoftheColombianindigenousmovementhasputit:theyusedthelawtocontrolus;weusedittoliberateourselves22.

    Uptothispointlawyersweretheonesinchargeofpromotingthereformandgivingscientificadvicetopoliticiansintopicsrelatedtocriminallawandjudicialreform.NationalUniversityofColombiaandExternadoUniversity,twoinstitutions

    thatatthetimecouldbeconsideredliberal,werepromotingatransformationofthecriminaljusticesystem.SomeoftheprofessorsofthesetwoinstitutionstraveledtoEuropeandbroughtwiththemnewtheoriesthatweretobeusedinthereformoftheCJSin1936.JorgeElicerGaitn,CarlosLozanoyLozano,andJorgeGutirrezAnzolawerelawyersconnectedtoboththegovernmentandtheseUniversitiesthatbroughttravelstoriesintheformofacriminallawbook.Inthesestories,theyshowedtheadvancesofcriminallawinItalyandhowlawwasusefultocontrolthedangerousclasses.

    21 GonzaloSnchez:1976;MnicaEspinosaArango:2004;MedfiloMedina:1989.22 MonicaEspinosa.Of visions and sorrows: Manuel Quintn Lames Indian thought and the violences

    of Colombia.Supran.27andInterviewwithJoseVicenteGarcia.DirectoroftheIndigenousRegionalOrganizationofValledelCauca,ORIVAC.Cali,July7th2005.

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    In1936areformtothesystemwasapprovedandaconceptionofthecriminalmanasbiologicallydifferentandinneedoftreatmentwasintroduced 23.NationalUniversityofColombiacreatedtheInstituteofCriminology,appointedtostudythecausesofcrimeanddifferentaspectsofthecriminalmanfromapositivistpointofview.Gaitn,recognizedbyEnricoFerri,theItalianfounderoftheCriminological

    PositivismSchool,asoneofhismostbrilliantstudents24

    ,didnotwriteanybookoncriminallawbutheusedthetheoriesinhispracticeasalawyer(JorgeElicerGaitn:1983).Hisclosingargumentswerepublishedandwidelyreadamongstthepopulationofyounglawstudents.CarlosLozanoyLozanowouldpublishhisownbookin1950,sometimebeforehisdeath(CarlosLozanoyLozano:1950).WiththedeathsofGaitnandLozanoyLozano,thetorchincriminallawstudieswaspassedontotheExternadoofColombiaUniversity,duetothefactthatlawyerseducatedinthisinstitutionhadaccesstothenecessaryresourcesandnetworkstotraveltoEuropeanuniversities.

    Colombianprofessorsoflawwerenotfulltimeprofessors,butmostlypractitionersthatusedtheteachingof lawaspartoftheirsymboliccapital,or judgeswhowereconnectedto theUniversityaspartofthosesamenetworkstoadvancetheircareers(BernardoGaitnMahecha:1961).AlfonsoReyesEchandawasamixtureofboth.HewasonceapractitionerandtheChairoftheCriminalLawDepartmentintheExternadoUniversity.AfterhavingbeentoItalyandGermany,hecamebacktoColombiatoteachandpracticelaw.HebroughthisowntravelbookandintroducedGermanlawanddoctrineinColombia.HisbookDerechoPenal,publishedintheearly1960s,introducedtheoriesthatunderstoodthecrimeproblemasa technicalone,oneinwhichcriminalsweresanctionedfollowing

    certainprocedures(AlfonsoReyesEchanda:1964).HealsowroteCriminologybooksthatwereusedbythePoliceandbymembersofotherlawenforcementagencies.HisbooksandtheUniversitypositionedthemselvesastheepitomeofcriminallawinColombiaforabout40years,andthefigureofReyesEchandawascentralinthatpositioning,untilhisdeathinthemassacreofthePalaceofJusticein1985.However,heleftthedooropenforGermanlawinColombia25.Colombian lawyershave traveledsincethentoGermany,Italy,andSpain, tolearnGermanlawanddoctrineandtotranslatetheworksofGermanauthorsinordertokeepupwiththedoctrineinthiscountry.Inthe1970s,forinstance,

    Colombianlawyersgotinvolvedinthediscussionabouttwotheoriesofcriminal

    23 Lombroso analyzed first thecriminalman andlaterthecriminalwoman.In anycase, thefunctionsoftheCJSweredifferentdependingonthegenderoftheviolatorofthelaw.Cfr.CesareLombroso:1971.

    24 Giventhelackofprestigeinotherregions,itissafetosaythathewasbrilliantbecausehefollowedhisdoctrines.

    25 The2001reformwaspromotedbyAttorneyGeneralAlfonsoGmez,whostudiedinGermany,andhisadvisorswereeducateddirectlyorindirectlyinGermanCriminallaw.ItisinterestingtonotethatthedisputeswereaboutwhichGermanschooloflawincorporateinCriminalLaw:GuntherJakobsdoctrinepromotedbylawyerslikeEduardoMontealegreandhisteamofadvisers

    intheProcuradura(sortofOmbusdmanoffice)orClausRoxinstheory,promotedbylawyerslikeFernandoVelasquez,CarlosArturoGmezandtheteamofadviserintheAttorneyGeneralsoffice.

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    law,atechnicaldiscussionthatemergedinthe1950stocovertheparticipationofthoselawyersinvolvedintheNaziregime26.Thereformpassedin2001wastheresultoftheinfluenceoflawyersfromthisUniversity,anditwasbasedontheneedtoupdateColombianlawsanddoctrines,inordertoremainfullparticipantsofthecommunityofcivilizedcountries.Thisapproachtocriminallawcame

    underattackintheearly1990s,butthistimetheattackdidntcomefromotherlawyers,butfromtheeconomistseducatedintheUnitedStates.Thisattackcouldonlybepossiblewithinaframeworkofdevelopmentpolicies,wherelawmadesenseasaninstrumenttopromotethem.Inthenextsectionwewillseehowthemovementforlawanddevelopmentsetthebasesthatallowedeconomiststomakemeaningfulstatementsinthesphereoflaw.

    3.tHEprojEctofdEvElopmEntandtHErolEoftHElaw

    ThefirstwaveofLawandDevelopmentwasassociatedtotheideaofnational

    developmentanditwas connected to institutions likeUSAIDand the FordFoundation.InthediscussionsaboutdevelopmentinLatinAmericainthe1960stherearefewreferencestotheroleofthestateandnonetotheroleofcriminallawintheprojectofdevelopment(CesarRodriguez:2001).DespitethefactthatPrebischsideasaboutdevelopmentinvolveanimportantroleforthestate,criminallawwasnotconsideredaspartofthisprocess.ForPrebisch,thestateprotectsprivate initiativeand thedevelopmentofthe forcesofthemarket.Accordingtohim,theroleofthestateistochannelsocialresourcestotheprivatesector,correcttheforcesofthemarket,developinfrastructureforfurthergrowth,andmediatebetweendomesticentrepreneursandinternationalaid 27.Aswesee,in

    CepalsandPrebischsthought,theroleofthestateisjustoneofhelpinganationaleconomyandthemarkettodevelop.Criminallawisnotmentionedbecauseithasnoroleindevelopment,excepttheexpectedoneofstabilizingthestateandbringingaboutorderinsociety.Atthesametime,criminallawwasseenaspartofthesecuringofuniversalvalues,andtostatethatitcouldbeusedasatoolforeconomicdevelopmentwouldleadtotheideathatcriminallawdoesnotprotectuniversalvalues,butparticularinterests.

    SponsoredbyUSAIDandtheFordFoundation,therewasanattemptintheUnitedStatestoinvolvethelawintheprocessofdevelopment.However,asinLatinAmericanthought,thelawcametoolatefortheprojectofdevelopment.Law

    26 EdmundMezgerandHansWelzelhadparticipatedin theNaziregime,especiallyMezgerwhodraftedsomeofHitlerslaws.Aftertheendofthewar,andasawaytodivertattentionfromhisNazipart,bothauthorswereinvolvedinapolemicaboutthenatureofhumanaction.Apolemicthatlasteduntilthe1970swhenGermanCongresspassedthenewGermanCriminalCodewithastructureofcriminallawthatwasmorealongthelinesofWelzelstheory.Inthe1970sthepolemicwasimportedtoArgentina,wherelawyersgotinvolvedinitasawaytoavoiddiscussingthepoliticalsituationofthecountryandthefactofthedictatorship.RobertoBergallihasshownthat

    inArgentinathemorecriticalthesituation,themoreabstractthediscussionsincriminallaw.SeeFranciscoMuozConde:2003;EmilioGarcaMndez:1985;RobertoBergalli:1984).

    27 RaulPrebisch:1982andVictorBernaletal:1980.SeealsoAmyL.Chua:1998.

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    ProfessorsfromtheUniversitiesofHarvard,Yale,Stanford,andWisconsin,wereinvolvedinaprojectthatstudiedtheLatinAmericanlegalsystemandconcludeditwasunderdevelopedandforthatreasonseemsinneedoffurtherance.Lawwasseenatthetimeasaninstrumentofsocialchange,butmostspecificallyasaninstrumentofsocialengineering.Theaimofjudicialandlegalreforms,according

    tothescholarsinvolvedinthismovement,wastoadjustthelegalsystemtothesocialandeconomicchangesthathadalreadytakenplace.Itisimportanttonoticethatlawyerscamelatetothereformandtheywereseenassecondaryagentsintheprocessofreform.Traditionallawyershavethoughtotherwise:inthereformstotheCJStheyavoidedusingsocialscience,eventhoughtheysometimesbasedtheirreformsontheirunderstandingofsocialscience.Forinstance,thereformof1966wastheresultofhowColombianLawyersunderstoodDurkheimstheoryofsolidarity.

    ToDavidTrubek,oneoftheleadingscholarsofthemovement,lawand

    developmentseesmodernlawasessentialtothecreationandmaintenanceofmarkets,andtheemphasisisonpredictabilityasasetofuniversalrulesuniformlyapplied(DavidTrubek:1972).Giventhatunderdevelopedcountrieslackedamodernlegalsystem,theyhadtoadoptmodernrulesthatledtofreedomanddevelopment,andtheyhadtodosobyimportingforeignmeaningAmericancodes.Domesticlegalpracticescametobeseenastraditionalorcustomary,andforthatreasonasnon-rationalandnonprogressive.Giventhatmostoftheworkinthetransformationofthestatewasdonebyeconomists,lawyerswereleftwithjustthetransformationoflegaleducation,becauseunderdevelopedcountrieshadaformalisticandtraditionalwayofteachinglaw.However,Trubek,usingMax

    Webersconceptionoflaw,writesthatmodernlawdoesnotproduceeconomicdevelopmentorpoliticaldevelopment;itjusthelpstofreethestructureofthemarketandsupportacentralizedbureaucraticstate28.

    Localhistorieswerepresentedasinferiorandinneedofadoptingasuperiormodel.ToRobertSeidman,thirdworldcountriesarebasedonatraditionofduallaw.Accordingtohim,thefactthatthereisapluralsocietyandparallellegalsystemsshowsthecoloniallegacyofthesecountriesandtheneedtotransformthem.Tohim,bydefinitioncustomarylawcannotleadtodevelopment,thereforewe

    needtoeliminateparallelsystemsoflawandunifytheeconomyandthelegalsystem29.Asaresultofthiswaveoflawanddevelopment,theFordFoundationsupportedtransformationsofthelegalsysteminthreecountries:Brazil,Chile,andColombia.InBrazilthetransformationwasinstrumentalinhelpingdiscredittheformallegalsystemandtheprotectionsofformallaw,yieldingtoformsofauthoritarianismthatinterpretedlawasaneutralinstrumentofpolitics.InChile

    28 Trubek.Supran.38at15.29 RobertB.Seidman:1972,At315.SeealsoKennethL.KarstandKeithS.Rosen:1975.Thisanalysis

    remindsusofthediscussionaboutfeudalismandcapitalisminLatinAmerica,andtheideathatthedualeconomyofthesenationswasthecauseofunderdevelopment.Cfr.RodolfoStavenhagenetal:1980.

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    itledtosuperficialtransformationsandinColombiatheprojectwasatotalfailure(JamesGardner:1980).

    However,theprojectofLawandDevelopmentleftanimportantlegacythatwasgoingtobecomeimportantinthe1990s.AsImentionedearlier,inthe1960sthe

    modelofCEPALturnedtoeconomistsforthetransformationofthestate.Criminallawhadnotrole,butlegaleducationwasvital.TheFordFoundationsupportedreformsinlegaleducationinNationalandLosAndesUniversities.Despitethefailureoftheprogram,studentsinLosAndesUniversitywereeducatedunderthemodelofAmericanuniversities.ColombianlawschoolstaughtAmericanlawandthewayofteachinglawintheUnitedStatesbecamethewayofteachinglawinthisUniversity.LawstudentswentlatertoHarvard,Wisconsin,Yale,andotherAmericanuniversitiestobetrainedinthemodelofAmericanlaw.TheygottheirJDsintheUnitedStatesandreturnedtoColombiatobecomeprofessorsandtodoscholarlyworkfollowingtheAmericanmodel.

    Theselawyersweretrainedintheuseoflawasaninstrumentofsocialchange.Theylearnedtheimportanceofsocialandlegalengineeringintheprocessofdevelopment.Thisknowledge,tiedwiththeneoinstitutionalismmodeldevelopedbytheWorldBank,became importantforthereformsthatarebeingappliedtoday.TheselawyerscametoColombiawithatravelbook:theAmericanlawbook.Inthe1980sand1990s,lawyersinColombiabegantopublishtheworksofprofessorsofConstitutional law like RonaldDworkin, BruceAckerman,DuncanKennedy,andothers,andbegan toimport theAmericandiscussionsaboutconstitutionallaw,despiteofthemanydifferencesbetweentheColombian

    andAmericanlegalsystems.Buteconomistgotinvolvedinthestudyofthelawtoo.FollowingtheanalysesofGaryBecker,economistslikeMauricioRubioandSergioClavijobegantoanalyze the relationshipbetween lawandeconomicsandbegantointroduceamodelofefficiencytounderstandtheroleoflaw.Likethegapstudiesofthe1960sinthefieldoflawandsociety, theseeconomistsanalyzedthebestwaytoimplementthelawandthebestwaytohaveanefficientlegalsystem.

    Onthesideofcriminallaw,lawyerskepttheirpowerandwereleadingthe

    transformationsoftheCJSusinglegaldoctrinesproducedinEurope,especiallySpain,Italy,andGermany.Withthe1991Constitution,theirrolebecamelessrelevantbecausetheywereunabletospeakinanonnormativelanguage.Thetimeforeconomistswascoming.Inthefollowingsectionswewillseehowdevelopmentwas transformedandhowlaw,development, andcriminal lawbecamepartnersinthereformoftheCJS.

    4.fromnationaldEvElopmEnttonEolibEraldEvElopmEnt

    TheideasofCEPALandtheideaofdevelopmentwereunderstrongattackin

    the1970s.Fromthesideofdependencytheoryitwasshownthattheideaofdevelopmentinvolvedseveralcontradictions.FernandoCardososhowedthatitwaspossibletoachievedevelopmentinconditionsofpoliticaldependency,that

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    is,heseparatedpoliticaldependencyandeconomicunderdevelopment30.RuyMauroMariniandGunderFrankfocusedontheideathatunderdevelopmentanddevelopmentweretwosidesofthesamecoin,andrejectedtheideathatLatinAmericawasfeudalandthatthisfeudalismwasanobstacletodevelopment31.Furthermore,theyshowedthatunderdevelopmentwastheresultofdevelopment.

    Prebischhimselfwrotein1982acritiquetothemodelofCEPALandshowedtheneedtocreateanewmodelabletoachievethemuchdesireddevelopmentoftheLatinAmericancountries(RaulPrebisch:1950andRaulPrebisch:1982).

    Bytheendofthe1980sandtheearlier1990stheideaofdevelopmentassuchwascriticized:scholarslikeArturoEscobar,PhilipMcMichaelandothersshowedhowdevelopmentwasaprojectoradiscursiveconstruct(ArturoEscobar:1995;PhilipMcMichael:2000).

    However,withtheWashingtonConsensusandthewritingsofFrancisFukuyama,

    theideawasthatthestatewasanobstacletodevelopmentandthatitneededtobetransformed.Thatis,democracyneedednotonlyliberalizationofpoliticsbutalsotheliberalizationofmarkets.Afteralongprocessofmea culpa,scholarsinthefieldoflawanddevelopmentgatheredaroundtheideaofarighttodevelopment(HansOttoSano:2000).Thisdidntleadtoanewinternationalorder,butitbroughtaboutanewpushtothelawanddevelopmentmovement.Nowstableenvironmentsforforeigninvestmentwithefficientprotectionofpropertyrightsandtheprotectionoftheglobalruleoflawtofacilitateinternationaltransactionsbecamethecentralelementsadvocatedbyscholarsinthefieldoflawanddevelopment32.Thisnewconceptionoflawanddevelopmentledtoanoptimisticviewofhumanrights

    andeconomicgrowth,whichwastiedtothewaveofdemocratizationthatsweptacrossLatinAmericainthe1980s.Accordingtosupportersofthistrend,someoftheobstaclesfordevelopmentwerethelackofaccesstojustice;corruption;theinstabilityofpropertyrights;andtheinefficiencyofthelegalsystemtoprotecttherightsofthepeople.Inthissecondwave,thefocusisnotthetransformationoflegaleducationbuttheideathatthestatemattersandthereforethatthereformneedstocovermorethantheroleoflawyersassocialengineers.

    In1995,scholarsdiscussedtheroleofthelawintheprocessofdevelopment.

    Thegoalwastoembarkonprogramsoflegaltechnicalassistanceandsothererosetheneedfortechnicianswhowereabletousethelawinthebestwayinordertopromotedevelopment,nowunderstoodasfacilitatingmarkettransactionsbydefiningproperty rights, guaranteeing theenforcement ofcontractsandmaintaininglawandorder(JulioFaundez:1997).Todoso,themodelgoesbacktothestate,butthistimetoensurethatthereisaninstitutionaldesignthatguaranteesthenoninterventionofthestateineconomicmatters.

    30 FernandoCardosoyEnzoFaletto:1969.31 RuyMauroMarini.DialcticadelaDependencia.EnRodolfoStavenhagen.Supran.41.and

    AndreGunderFrank.Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America(NewYork:MonthlyReviewStudies,1969).

    32 Rodrigez.Supra n. 53at14.

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    Inthenewwaveoflawanddevelopmentitappearsasifthemainroleofthereformwasjusttheruleoflaw.Inthenewmodel,reformersclaimtoredesignthestateinordertopushforareformofthestatethatprotectsdemocracyandtheruleoflaw(DeborahJ.Yashar:1999).AftertheSummitoftheWorldBank,thecriminaljusticesystembegantobeseenaspartoftheprocessofdevelopmentandneo

    institutionalismbecamethewaytounderstandtheoreticallythereforms.JosephThome,commentingonthesecondwaveoflawanddevelopment,assertedthatlawreformwasbasedonthreepremises:developmentrequiresalegalframeworkresemblingthatoftheUnitedStates;thismodelestablishesclearandpredictablerules;andthismodelcanbeeasilytransferred.HoweverThomeaddsthatthesethreepremiseshavebeenprovenfalse.Inspiteofthat,thesearethepremisesthatwereatthebaseofthe2005reformtotheCJSinColombia.

    TheWorldBankbegantobeconcernedwithjudicialreformandtheroleoflawindevelopment.NowthereformwasnotonlypushedfromUSAIDandtheFord

    Foundation,butfromtheInteramericanDevelopmentBank,theWorldBank,andaseriesofmultinationalcompaniesinchargeofgivingtechnicalsupportinthedevelopmentprocessandlegalreform.Thejudicialsystemwasimportanttoachievethegoalsofneoliberalreform.Intheproceedingsofthe1995ConferenceonJudicialReform,theWorldBankstates:

    The World Banks interests in judicial reform stems from its concern

    about the sustainability of the development efforts it supports in borrowing

    countries. Many of the programs of the Bank and other development

    institutions and governments finance are at risk because of the lack of

    enforcement of the rule of law, a basic principle for sustainable social and

    economic development33.

    Institutionsneededtoberedesignedandthestateneededtogetinvolvedtoensurerightsandstability.TheWorldBankpromotedatransformationofLatinAmericanjudicialsystemsandanewdesignoftheirinstitution.Themodelofthenewinstitutionalismwascentralinthisprocess34.

    MarchsandOlsonsseminalarticlecoinedthetermnewinstitutionalismfor

    thestudiesthatwerebeingmadebyscholarsconcernedwiththeimportanceofinstitutions.Aftercriticizingoldstudiesfortheiranalysisofinstitutionsunderthelabelsofcontextuals,reductionists,utilitarians,functionalists,andinstrumentalists,MarchandOlsonwritethatthenewinstitutionalistsunderstandinstitutionsinamoreautonomousway.Onecentralelementintheiranalysisiswhattheycall

    33 MalcolmRowat,WaleedH.Malik,andMariaDakolias,1995,Atvii.34 LuisSalas.FromLawandDevelopmenttoRuleofLaw.NewandOldIssuesinJusticeReforminLatinAmerica.InPilarDomingoandRachelScieder:2003;LinnHammergren:2002;LawyersCommitteeforHumanRights.Building on Quicksand. The Collapse of World Banks Reform in

    Peru.(NewYork:LawyersCommitteeforHumanRights,2000);MiguelSchor.TheruleofLawanddemocraticconsolidationinLatinAmerica.PaperPresentedatthe2003meetingoftheLawandSocietyAssociation(infilewithauthors).

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    thelogicofappropriateness.Againsttherationalchoicetheorists,theyholdthatchoicesarenotmadeinavoid,andagainststructuralfunctionaliststheyholdthatbehaviorisnotjusttheresultofroles.Institutionsshapeindividualbehavior,theylimitit,orientit,butnevercompletelydetermineit.Atthesametimetheyemphasizetheimportanceofhistoryintheanalysisofinstitutions,becausepast

    decisionswilldeterminepresentones.Withregardtotheconceptofinstitutions,theyincludenotonlyformalones,butalsorules,rituals,informalnorms,etc. 35.In1985,EvansSkocpolandReuschmeyereditedabookinwhichtheyshowedhowthestatehadreturnedtobethemainobjectofanalysis.Asaresultofthisbook,therewasawaveofanalysisinwhichthestatewasstudiedbothasanindependentvariableandasaffectingsociety,forinstance,fortheconstructionofadurabledemocracy36.

    The re-emergenceof the state andwhatOlsenandMarchcoinedasnewinstitutionalismwasnotaunifiedandhomogenousacademicendeavor.AsHall

    andTaylor,Peters,Koelbe,Campbell,andKatohaveshown,newinstitutionalismdeveloped indifferentkinds ofnotnecessarily connected scholarship,withdifferentapproachestotheroleofinstitutions37.Thiswascalledthefirstwaveofnewinstitutionalism,theoneinwhichthedifferentapproachesdevelopedtheirownparadigmsinaseparateway.Accordingtothesescholars,wearewitnessingnowthesecondwaveofnewinstitutionalism,inwhichthedifferentparadigmsareputtogethertoconstituteaunifiedtheory.

    Lawyerswerenottrainedinthenuancesofthisnewinstitutionalism.Itwasnowthejoboftheeconomiststoreformtheinstitutionsbuttodosotheyhadtolegitimize

    themselvesinthefieldofcriminallaw38.Traditionallawyersfocusedonthestateasaformalinstitutionandsawthelawjustasaninstrumenttoregulatepeoplesbehavior;forthatreason,theirroleinthereformofthesystemwasincreasinglylosingitsimportance.Butatthesametime,theWorldBankbecameinvolvedinthereformsofinstitutions,becauseitbegantoconnectdevelopmentandthereformtothecriminaljusticesystem.

    Asaresultofthe1995SummitoftheWorldBank,thelegalsystemwasincludedinthesocialagendaofdonorinstitutions.AccordingtotheWorldBank,third

    worldcountriesareinneedoftransformingtheirlegalsystemsinordertopromoteeconomicdevelopment.However,thistimethelegalsystemisnotusedasinPrebischorasinthefirstwaveoflawanddevelopment,butasaninstrumenttoguaranteemarkettransactionsandtoprotectpropertyrights.Behindthisisthe

    35 JamesMarchandJohanP.Olsen:1984,734-749.36 PeterEvans,ThedaSckocpol,DieterRueschmeyer:1985.37 PeterHalland RosemaryTaylor:1996,936-957;B.GuyPeters.Political Institutions.Old andNew.InRobertGoodlinandHansDieterKlingemann:1998;ThomasA.Koelbe:1995,231-243;JohnL.Campbell.Introduction.InJohnCampbellandOveK.Pedersen: 2001;JunkoKato:1996,

    553-582.38 LinnHammergren.The Judicial Career in Latin America. An overview of Theory and Experience.WorldBank.

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    ideaofthebestpractice,thatis,theWorldBanklooksforthebestpracticeinthematteroftheCJSanditimposesthistransformationontherecipientcountries.

    Neoliberalreformisnowconnectingthecriminaljusticesystemtotheideaofdevelopmentinordertopreventandattackcorruptionandinthatwayhelpthe

    recipientcountriesdeveloptheireconomies,thatis,opentheirmarketstofacilitateforeigninvestment.InColombia,thetransformationhadbeendoneoriginallythroughtheAIDanditsfightagainstthedrugtrade.Infact,afterthereformeffectedin1991,wheretheoldColombianconstitutionwaschangedbyanewone,newelementswereestablishedintheColombianlegalsystem.The1991Constitutionestablishednewsocialrights,aremedyforhumanrightsviolationsbasedontheMexicanamparo, aConstitutionalCourt,amongothers.Atthesametime,theConstitutionestablishedanewofficeinchargeoftheinvestigationofcrimes.TheAttorneyGeneralsofficeispartofthejudicialbranchanditisinchargeofinvestigatingandindictingthosewhoareresponsibleforcrimes.The

    institutiongoesmorealongthelinesoftheSpanishmodel,showingtheinfluenceoftheSpanishdesignintheCJS.

    However,withthemountingimportanceofinstitutionsintheWorldBank,thestresshasbeenputnotjustinthelawbutnowmoreimportantlyintheroleofinstitutionstoshapethedecisionsofagentsinthesystem.Giventhisanalysis,theWorldBankhasbecomeanimportantinstitutioninthetransformationofthejudicialsysteminLatinAmerica.Butthisisadesignthatinvolvesnotonlytheparticipationofnationalinstitutions,likeUSAID,butmoreinstitutionsofglobalgovernance,liketheWorldBank,theIMF,andtheUNPD39.

    Tothe2005reformers,lawwasanimportantelementfordevelopment,becauseitcanguaranteepropertyrightsandacompetitiveenvironmentforforeigninvestors.Accordingtothe2005reformers,theideaistomakethecountryascompetitiveaspossible,andthismeanstheliberalizationoftheeconomy,thereductionoftheregulatorypowerofthestate,andtheeliminationoflaborrights 40.Butoneofthemainproblemsthesereformersseeintheeconomyistheexistenceoftransactioncoststhatmakethesystemlesscompetitive,andoneofthemiscorruption41.Thisconceptionisseenintheideaoftransparencyandhowthe

    stateisminimizedinordertopreventitsinterventioninthemarket,unlessitistohelpit(EdgarReveiz:1997).

    5.EconomistsEntErtHEfiEldofcriminallaw

    InJune1991ColombiapassedanewConstitution,whichwasgoingtocompletelyreshapethestructureofthestate.ThereformwastheresultofthepoliciesbroughtbyColombianpresidentCsarGaviria,aneconomistfromLosAndesUniversity,

    39 MalcomRowatetal:1995andPeterMurrell:2001.40 YvesDezalayandBrianGarth:2002andYvesDezalayandBrianGarth:2002.41 EdgardoBuscagliaetal:1997andPilarDomingoetal:2001.

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    educatedintheUnitedStatesandwhobroughttothegovernmentlawyersandeconomistswhowerewillingtoredesigntheinstitutionsoftheColombianstateandtoimplementamodelofdevelopmentthatopenedColombianmarketstotheworldandmadethecountrymoreattractiveforforeigninvestors.OneofthetransformationsintheConstitutionwasthecreationoftheAttorneyGenerals

    officeandtheCounciloftheJudiciary.Althoughthesemeasurescanbeseenasdemocratic,theywerealsopartoftheprocessofredesigningthestatefortheimplementationofneoliberalpoliciesinColombia,aprojectthatGaviriaproudlylabeledasapertura (opening).

    Asaresultofthesepolicies,businesspeople,politicians,andtheownersofthemostimportantColombiannewspapercreatedtheCorporacinExcelenciaenlaJusticia(ExcelenceinJusticeCorporation),athinktankdedicatedtoanalyzethelegalsystemanddesignpoliciesforthegovernmenttoimprovetheefficiencyofthesystem.Thisthinktankhasbeenpublishingajournaldedicatedtostudythe

    relationshipbetweenlawanddevelopment.Inthisjournal,Justicia y Desarrollo,lawyersandeconomisthavepublishedtheirarticlesontheefficiencyofthesystemofjusticeandonhowtoimproveit,andtodosotheyhavebeenusingaperspectivebasedonlawandeconomics.

    AmongtheeconomistswhohavebeenpublishinginseveraljournalsaboutthistopicareArmandoMontenegroandMauricioRubio,professorsofeconomicsatLosAndesUniversityandeducatedintheUnitedStates.InthepagesofJusticia ySociedadandCoyuntura Econmica,economistselaboratedadiscourseinwhichthecriminaljusticesystembegantobeseennotasaninstrumenttosolveconflicts

    betweentheparties,butasaninstrumenttocontrolcriminality,corruption,andtoeliminatethecostoftransactionsforforeigncompanies.

    ThisjournalhaspublishedseveralstudiesrelatingtheeconomytotheCJS.Inthesestudiestheneedtohaveareliablejusticesysteminordertoallowthesystemtofunctionproperlyisstressed.Todoso,itisproposedthattherightstopropertybegrantedandprotectedefficientlybytheCJS.Giventhatcrimeandcorruptioncreatetransactioncostsfortheinvestors,theauthorsofthearticlespublishedinthesejournalsadvocateforamoreefficientCJS.Inapolldonein

    2000,entrepreneursansweredthattheinefficiencyofthejudicialsystemandtheinstabilityoftherightstopropertywerethemaincausesfortransactioncostsandthemaindifferencebetweenaregionandanotherintermsofbeingattractivetoinvestmentandindustrialdevelopment42.InthesameissueofJusticia y Desarrollo,ananalysisoftheobstaclesforforeigninvestmentispresented,whereitisclaimedthatforeigncompaniesprefertohavetheirbusinessinplaceswherephysicalandrightssafetyareguaranteed.Oneoftheobstaclestoforeigninvestment,accordingtothestudy,istheinefficiencyofthejudicialsystem43.

    42 FundacindeInvestigacionesEconmicasLatinoamericanas.Laseguridadjurdicaysuimpacto

    sobrelasinversiones.Justicia y Desarrollo Vol. 3 No. 13(September,2000).43 ProgramaConvertir-DNP.ObstculosyoportunidadesparalaInversinExtranjeraenColombia.

    Justicia y Desarrollo Vol. 3 No. 13(September,2000).

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    ArmandoMontenegroandCarlosPosadaanalyzedthecrimerateinColombiaintheyear1995.Intheirarticle,PosadaandMontenegrotakeBeckersrationalchoicetheoryastheirtheorytoexplaincrime.Thisneoclassicalapproachwillshowthatcrimeistheresultofarationalchoicetakenbythepersonwhodecidestobreakthelaw.Althoughthisapproachhasbeencriticizedbecauseit

    doesnottakeintoaccountthestructureofsocietyandassumesthatindividualsbreakthelawjustbecausetheywantto,theauthorsdonotmakeanattempttoevaluateanycriticalapproachtocrime.Intheirarticletheyshowthatthemodelofdevelopmentisunrelatedtotheideaofcrimeandthereforethatitisnottheprocessofindustrializationortheprocessofopeningofthemarkets thatareresponsiblefortheincreaseinthecrimerate.Sincetheirapproachisbasedontherelationshipbetweencostsandbenefits,theyconcludebysayingthatitisnotthelackofsocialservicesbuttheabsenceofcoststocommittingacrimethemainreasonswhythecrimeratehasincreasedinColombiainthe1990s44.

    MauricioRubio,anothereconomisteducatedatLosAndesUniversityandHarvard,analyzesthecoststhatcrimecausestothestate.Inhisanalysis,Rubioemphasizestheimportanceofaninstitutionalredesignandhowitisthelackingstructureofthestatethemainreasonwhycrimehasgoneupandpeoplesolvetheirconflictsprivately(MauricioRubio:1999).Inhisbookheshowshowcrimeaffectstheefficiencyoftheeconomyandhowcrimecanbecomeanobstacletoeconomicdevelopment,thatistosay,openmarkets.

    Oneresultoftheseeconomicanalysesofcriminallawistheemphasisplacedonefficiency.However,economistshavedefinedefficiencyintermsthattheycan

    measurewitheconometricanalysis.Giventhattheefficiencyandefficacyofthesystemcannotbedefinedwithouttakingintoaccounttheroleofthestateandthelawasaninstrumentofcontrolandcreationofidentities,Colombianeconomistshavehadahardtimedefiningthisterm.Rubioandotherscameupwiththeideathatefficiencymeanstimeinprison;therefore,ifapersoninvestigatedforacrimeisnotsentencedtoprisontime,theywouldconsiderthatthereisimpunityinthesystem.Followingthismodel,MauricioCardenas,statedinanarticlewrittenin1996thatcrimeratehasincreasedandoverwhelmedtheabilityofthesystemtodealwithit.Headdsthattheinefficiencyofthesystemamountsto98%of

    impunity,becauseonly5%ofthecasesaredealtwithbytheCJSandamongthoseonly2%endinprisontime.Thesystemisasinefficient,accordingtoCardenas,asitusedtobeinthe1980s,butthebudgethasdoubledsincethe1991Constitution(MauricioCrdenas:1996).

    TheCJSispresentedinthesestudiesasaninefficientinstrumentandconsequentlyasanobstacletothedevelopmentofthecountry.Atthesametime,thepoliticalimplicationsofcrimeandjustice,studiedandanalyzedinEuropeancriminological

    44 ArmandoMontenegroandCarlos EstebanPosada. Criminalidad enColombia.CoyunturaEconmicaVol.25No.1(1995).SeealsoAAVV:1995andJaimeGranadosPena.SenecesitaunareformaalaFiscaliaGeneraldelaNacion?Justicia y Desarrollo Ao IV Vol 16. (June,2001).

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    discourse,andthenormativequestionsthatwereaskedbylawyersintheEuropeancriminallawdesign,areleftasidebyeconomists,andinsteadquestionsaboutefficiencybegintobeasked.Inthisway,theCJSisbeingconstructeddiscursivelyasatechnicalinstrumentthatcanbeanalyzedonlybytechnocratsandthereforeaspacewheretraditionallawyershavenoplace.

    Economistshavebeenwritingabouttheneedtotreattheeconomyandthemodelofdevelopmentasatechnicalmatterandnotasonethatinvolvesanykindofpoliticaldiscussion.SalomonKalmanovitz,professorattheEconomicsDepartmentatbothNationalandLosAndesUniversity,andmemberoftheBoardofDirectorsoftheCentralBankinColombiaasortofColombianAllanGreenspanhaswrittenthattheConstitutionalCourtwhendecidingabouteconomicissuesshouldhavetheadviseoftechnocratseconomistswithPhDwhocananalyzetheseissuesguaranteeingtheirpoliticalneutrality45.

    conclusion:EntErEconomicExitpolitics

    TeivoTeivaneninhisbookonneoliberalreforminPerushowstheprocessbywhicheconomicsbecamethelanguageofstatereform,sothatanyreformbecamea-politicaland therefore inevitable. IntheColombian reform tothe state, thediscourseaboutredesignofinstitutionshasbecomeoneaboutglobalizationandtheneedtoadaptthesystemtotherequirementsofglobalization,openmarketsandaglobaleconomy.Ifthecountrywantstosucceed,itwillhavetoadapttothesetransformationsinboththeeconomicandthelaw.

    ThelanguageofeconomicsdidnotemergesuddenlyinColombia.Sincethefirstwaveoflawanddevelopment,inwhichlawyerswerenothingmorethantechnicianstryingtodeterminethebestwaytoeducatelawyersforsocialchange,economists havedominated the fieldofdevelopment.However, the1950sand1960smodelofdevelopmentdidnotpaymuchattentiontothestateandinstitutions.Itiswiththerevivalofthestateinthe1980sthattheideathatinstitutionsmattertookagaintheleadinthediscoursesaboutdevelopmentanditpermeatedthelanguageoflawyersandsocialscientists.

    ThesecondwaveoflawanddevelopmentwaslinkedtothetransitiontodemocracyinLatinAmericaandtherevivalofinstitutionalanalysisinthesocialsciences.Atthesametime,itwasconnectedwiththelostofEuropeanculturalhegemonyincriminallawandthetransitiontoamodelbasedontheAmericansystemofjustice.InGaviriasadministrationeconomistswerefocusedonaredesignofthestate,tryingtoadaptthestatetoaneoliberalmodelofdevelopment,oneinwhichthestatehastoreduceitssizeandincreaseitsattractivenessforforeigninvestment.Since1991economistsandlawyerseducatedinthemodeloflawanddevelopmentbegantodevelopadiscourseinwhichtheideaofefficiencybecamecentraland

    45 SalomonKalmanovitz:1999andSalomonKalmanovitz.LosfallosdelJuezConstitucional:elcasodelaCapitalizacindeIntereses.Justicia y Desarrollo vol. 3 No. 2.

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    oneinwhichnormativestatementsabouttheCJSwerelosingtheircredentials.IndifferentarticleswrittenbyeconomistsfromLosAndesUniversity,theCJSwasincludedinaneoliberalmodelofdevelopment,highlightingitsimportanceforforeigninvestmentinthecountry.Asaresult,thediscourseaboutcriminallawbecameoneaboutefficiency,transparency,corruptionanddevelopment.

    Oncethisdiscoursewaselaborated,lawyersparticularlythosefromExternadoUniversitylosttheirabilitytouttermeaningfulstatementsabouttheCJSandthereforetoberelevantaspolicymakersinthereformtotheCJS.InthereformtothecriminaljusticesysteminColombia,wewitnessedaprocesswherebylawyerseitherhadtogetinvolvedindiscussionsaboutefficiencyandimpunity,lackingtheelementstosayinterestingthings,orhadtolosetheirroleaspolicymakersandcrucialagentsinthesystem.ThisisnottosaythatlawyersdisappearedfromtheCJS,theystillexistasworkersofthesystem,buttheyworkinasystemwheretheirabilitytocontributetoitisdecreasingrapidly.ThereformtotheCJSisthe

    resultofthisbattleforculturalhegemony,andattheendeconomistsandbusinesslawyersaretheonestakingthefruitsofvictory.

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