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Resumen
En este artculo quiero mostrar la historiadiscursiva de la reforma del sistemade justicia criminal y cmo la reformacolombiana est atada a una tendenciaglobal que est tratando de usar la prisinno como un lugar de rehabilitacin,sino como un lugar para el control delexceso. En Europa y en los EstadosUnidos este exceso es ejemplifcado conlos inmigrantes ilegales y las leyes quese usan para tratarlos, mientras que enColombia la ley criminal se usa contra losdesempleados y los pobres.
Palabras clave: economa, ley criminal,sistema de justicia criminal, prisiones, leyy desarrollo, historia legal colombiana,tolerancia cero.
Farid Samir Benavides Vanegas*
A global zero tolerance?
Colombian prisions from
a world historical perspective**
AbstRAct
In this paper I show the discursive historyof reforms to the Criminal Justice Systemand how Colombian reform is tied to aglobal trend that attempts to use prisonfacilities not as places of rehabilitation,but as places for the control of excess. InEurope and the United States this excessis exemplified with illegal immigrantsand the laws that are used to deal withthem; whereas in Colombia, criminal lawis used against the unemployed and thepoor.
Keywords: economics, criminal law,criminal justice system, prisons, law anddevelopment, Colombian legal history,Zero tolerance.
* ProfesorAuxiliar.Grupode InvestigacinCOPAL.FacultaddeDerechoyCienciasPolticasySocialesUniversidadNacionaldeColombiafsbenavidesv@unal.edu.co
** ThispaperwasdeliveredattheLatin American Studies Association Annual Meeting,SanJuan,March,15-192006.ApreviousversionwaspresentedattheAnnual meeting of the Law and SocietyAssociation.LasVegas,June2005;Annual meeting of the American Political Science Association.
Washington,September,2005;andtheConference on World-Systemic Crises and ContendingPolitical Scenarios. 29thConference of the Political Economy of the World System (PEWS) Section of
the American Sociological Association (ASA).UniversityofMassachusetts.Amherst,April14-172005.
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introduction
InJuly1991ColombiasConstituentAssemblypassedanewconstitutionthattransformedthestructureofthepoliticalandlegalsystems.Severalnewmeasureswereincludedtoprotectthefundamentalrightsofthepeopleandamoreopenpoliticalorganizationwasestablished.Oneofthemostrelevantreformswasthetransformationofthecriminaljusticesystem,whichincludedareformtothejudiciary,creatingforthefirsttimetheAttorneyGeneralsOffice(Fiscala).Thenewattorneysweregivenhigherlevelsalariestoavoidcorruption,andaseparateadministrativeentityforthejudiciarywascreatedinordertoguarantee
itsindependence.ThisreformdidntmakeanyreferencetothePrisonSystem,otherthanthedefendantsrighttoadueprocessunderthelawandtheinclusionoftherelevantUnitedNationsrulesinColombianlegislation1.
The1991constitutionalreformforcedastructuraltransformationoftheCriminalJusticeSystem,whichwasunderstoodasareformtothelegalinstrumentsregulatingitssphereofaction.ThePenalCode,theProceduralCode,andthePrisonCodewerereformed.ThePenalCodemadeastructuraladjustmentofthepenaltiesandtwitchedcriminallawtomakeitconstitutionallysound;theProceduralCodegavecriminalproceduremoreelementsoftheadversarialsystem;
finally,thePrisonCodecarriedasuperficialreformthatdidntaltertheideologyofrehabilitationthatwasinforceinthelawsincethe1960s2.
However,in1995,asaresultofawaveofrobberiesonthestreetsofBogot,NestorHumbertoMartinez,thenMinisterofJustice,proposedareformtothecodethatmadeprisonmandatoryforminorcrimes(Law228of1995).Amongthemeasuresinthereform,amandatoryminimumprisontermwasestablishedforsomecrimesandprisonwasrecommendedasapreventivemeasureinothercases.PrisonandpreventivedetentionbecamethecentralelementsinthepenalpublicpolicyoftheColombiangovernmentundertheadministrationofErnestoSamper.
Therationaleforthereform,accordingtoNestorHumbertoMartinez,wastheneedtoadoptazerotolerancepolicyagainstcrime.ForthefirsttimeinColombian
1 SeeStandardMinimumRulesfortheTreatmentofPrisoners.AdoptedonMay13th1977.2 In2001 therewasa reformto the system that involveda substantialupdateofcriminallaw.Accordingtothelawyersleadingthereform,ColombiancriminallawneededtoadapttothenewdoctrinesexistinginGermany.In2005theCriminalProcesstheproceduralcodewasreformedinordertoincorporateanAmericanmodelofcriminallaw.Howeverinneitherreformtheprisonsystemhasbeentransformed,andthelawstillhasacorrectionalideology,despitethefactthatthe
realityofprisonsgoesmorealongthelinesofawastemanagementmodel.SeeMalcolmFeeley&JonathanSimon.ActuarialJustice:theEmergingNewCriminalLaw.InDavidNelken.TheFutures of Criminology. (London/ThousandOaks/NewDelhi:Sage,1994).
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criminaldiscourse,theideaofshowingzerotoleranceagainstcrimeandtheneedtodealwithminorcrimesforreasonsotherthanthemereenforcementofthelawwereusedasjustificationfornewrules.Theintroductionofthisregulationispartoftheconstructionofabuildingforlawandorderwherelawyershavelosttheirabilitytomakerelevantstatementsaboutcrimeandcriminallaw,andthe
roletodosowaspassedontoeconomistsandmanagerstrainedinotherfields.Statementsaboutjudicialexpediencyandimpunityweremadefromaperspectivethatrarelyinvokedjustice,butmostlycorruption,efficiencyandtheattractivenessofColombianmarketstoforeigninvestment.
Colombianprisonsareincrisis.Thediscourseofrehabilitationisincreasinglylosingitsvalue;thenumberofinmateshasincreasedinthelastfifteenyears;thediscourseaboutprisonsgravitatesarounddiscussionsofinefficiencyintheCriminalJusticeSystemandtheneedforamoreeffectiveuseofincarcerationtime.Thelackofresourceshasledtoanoverloadofthesystem,whichhasgained
moreadherentstothemoreprisonsareneededclaim,withoutaddressingtheissuesandpoliciesthatledtooverpopulationinthefirstplace.
PenalpoliciesinColombiaarenotcreatedinavoid.Theystemfrompoliciesdesignedandappliedinotherplaces.InthispaperIwanttoshowthetransformationincriminalpoliciesintheUnitedStatesinthe1970s,andhowinthiscountry,aswellasinEurope,theCriminalJusticeSystemhasmovedfrombeingofacorrectionalisttypetobeingmorefocusedonthecontrolofpopulations,asortofrestrainoveradangerousclass.TheemergenceofanactuarialsystemofjusticeledtopolicieslikezerotoleranceinNewYork,incapacitationtheory
intheprisonsystem,andanunprecedentedincreaseintheprisonpopulation,whichhassometimesmadetheCriminalJusticeSystemtobecalledthelargestcityintheUnitedStatesafterNewYorkCity.Ishallarguethatthereisaglobaltrendthatrenouncestothediscourseandpracticesofrehabilitationandinsteadoptsforamanagement/controlapproachofpopulationsthatarearisknotatriskforsociety.FollowingAlessandroDeGiorgisanalysis,Ihavelabeledthistrendaglobalzerotolerance,toexpresstheviewofthepeopleinvolvedandatthesametimetoemphasizethecentralityoftheAmericanexperienceinthistrend.Itseffectsinthereductionofcrimearedebatable,butthisattitudehasledtoan
increaseinprisonpopulationandtoactsofpolicebrutality
3
.However,fromaworldhistoricalperspective,IaimtoshowthepathsthatbroughttheseideasandpoliciestoColombiaandthereasonswhytheAmericanmodelofcrimecontrolwasadoptedinColombiaduringthe1990s,aspartofthetransformationsinthemodelofdevelopmentcarriedoutundertheadministrationofCsarGaviriaandfurtherenactedinthe1991Constitution.TheparticularitiesoftheColombiancasewillshowthatthegroupsundercontrolrespondtodifferentconfigurationsthantheonesadoptedinEuropeandtheUnitedStates.
3 Itisimportanttokeepinmindthatthereductionincrimeissubjecttodebate.Someauthorslike
HarcoutandBowlingshowthatthereductionincrimeistheresultofadifferenttrendanditisnotrelatedtopolicieslikebrokenwindowsinNewYorkCity.SeeBenjaminBowling:1999andBernardHarcourt:2002;andAlessandroDeGiorgi:2000.
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1.tHEEndofcorrEctionalism:
towardsacontrolofriskypopulations
In1973JockYoung,IanTaylor,andRogerWaltonpublishedabookentitledThe New Criminology(JockYoung,IanTaylor,RogerWalton:1973).Thisbookwasessentiallyanattackontraditionalpositivistandcorrectionalistcriminology;arguingthatthesetraditionsactedasanacademicjustificationfordiscriminatorypracticesintheprisonandcriminaljusticesystems,theseauthorsproposedaradicalapproachtocriminologyandcriminalsystemsthattookintoaccounttheinterestsoftheworkingclass(JohnMuncie:1998).Asaresultofthebook,butalsooftransformationsinsociologicaltheoryduringthe1960s,devianceandcrimewerenotseenasindividualpathologicalacts,butratherastheresultofdefinitionsthatcamefromsitesofpowerandinrelationshiptostructuraltransformationsinthenationalandworldeconomy.Thebookwasacritiqueofhowsocietyworksandhowsocialorderismaintainedandsubjectedtopoliticalchange4.
Afteranalyzingdifferenttheoriesaboutcrime,Youngetal.showthatcrimeisanideologicalcategorygeneratedbystateagentsandintellectuals.Giventhisdiagnosisofcrime,itwasnotasurprisethatcriminologistwereconcernedaboutthefateofthecriminaljusticesystemandthewaytodealwiththisproblematicsituation(AlessandroBaratta:1986).InMarxistthoughttherewasadisputeaboutthedisciplineitself.Somecriminologist,writinginacollectionentitledCriticalCriminology(JockYoung,RogerWalton,IanTaylor:1975.),putintoquestiontheveryideaofaMarxistcriminology5.Fromthispointofview,thecriminaljusticesystemwasseenasoppressiveandintrusive.Thecorrectionalistideologywas
criticizedasadisciplinaryinterventioninthesoulsofprisoners,andthereforeaspartofthecrisisofmodernity(MichelFoucault:1977).Theleftistcritiqueleftpenalandprisoninterventionswithoutlegitimacy.AccordingtoDavidGarland,duringthe1960stheleftcriticizedtheCriminalJusticeSystem(CJS)andfoundthatitwastoointrusiveinpeopleslivesandthatitcouldleadtoadisciplinarysociety(DavidGarland:2001).TocriticalaccountsoftheroleoftheCJS,theideaofrehabilitationwastoototalizinganditcouldnotbeacceptedinademocraticsociety.DuringthesetimescritiquesliketheonemadebyNilsChristieaboutthepaindeliverynatureoftheCJS,aswellasotheraccountsshowingtheneedtoeliminatetheprison,theCJS,orcapitalistsocietyingeneralwerethecommon
currencyoftheday.Thealternativeswererestorativejustice,communityjustice,andadialoguebetweenthevictimandhervictimizer6.GiventhefailureofthealternativesandtheproblemsthatitcausedintheinterventionfromtheCJS,attheend,adiscourseofnothingworkslefttheCJSanditsalternativeswithoutlegitimacy.However,atthesametime,anotherdiscoursewasdeveloping.Facedwiththeinefficiencyofthesystem,someauthorslikeJamesQ.WilsonandGaryBeckerproposednottheeliminationoftheCriminalJusticeSystem,butinsteadatransformationoftheCJSandanimprovementofitsperformanceintermsof
4 Ibid.P.221.5 AlongtheselinesseealsoRobertoBergallietal:1982.6 NilsChristie:1981;ThomasMathiesen:1974;LoukHulsman:1984.
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efficiency.BeckeranalyzesthesupplyofoffensesandhowtheyaredealtwithbytheCJS.AfteranalyzingtheCJSintermsofcostsandbenefits,andintermsofthecoststhatcrimecarriesforthetaxpayers,Beckerpointsouttheneedtoanalyzetheoptimalconditionsinwhichcrimecanbecontrolledviaarationaldecision,wheretheagenthastoweighthebenefitsofthecrimeagainstthecost
ofthepunishment.Beckerwrites:
The main contribution of this essay, as I see it, is to demonstrate that
optimal policies to combat illegal behaviors are part of an optimal allocation
of resources. Since economics has been developed to handle resource
allocation, an economic framework becomes applicable to, and helps
enrich, the analysis of illegal behavior. At the same time, certain unique
aspects of the latter enrich economic analysis: some punishments such as
imprisonment are necessarily non- monetary and are a cost to society as
well as to offenders; the degree of uncertainty is a decision variable that
enters both the revenue and costs functions(GaryBecker:1968,169-217).
Byapplyinganeconomicframework,Beckerisnotonlyintroducingtheideaofefficiencywithinthesystem,butsomethingmoreimportant:agentsintheCJSarerationalandtakerationalchoices;therefore,socialconditionsandhistoricalreasonsarenotexplanationstothecrimeproblem.Alongsimilarlines,JamesQ.Wilson,explainedthecrimeproblemasaquestionofcitydisorganizationandasasortofenvironmentalproblem(JamesQ.Wilson:1975).In1982,inanissueofTheAtlanticMonthly,WilsonwrotehisarticleonBroken Windowsthatledtoaseriesofpolicies,promotedfromtheconservativethinktankManhattan Institute,
whichlateronwouldbeknownasZeroTolerancepolicies(JamesQ.WilsonandGeorgeL.Kelling:1982).InthisarticleWilsonanalyzessomeliteratureoncrimecontrolandshowsthatindividualsincertainareasofthecityarenotafraidofcrimebutratherofdisorderlybehavior.Wilsonconsidersthatdisorderlybehavioraffectspeopleslivesanditcanleadtoanincreaseincrime.Heanalyzessomeresearchwheretheeffectsofbrokenwindowswerestudied.ToWilson,thesestudies showthatdisorderlybehaviorsuggeststhat inthearea law isweaklyenforcedandtherebyanythinggoes.Ifdisorderlybehavioriscontrolled,peopleareinclinedtothinkthatthelawisenforcedandthereforemoreseriouscrimes
willnotoccur.Thismeansamoreactiveroleforthepoliceandmoreinvolvementfromthecommunity.AnalyzingthecaseofNewYork,whereZeroTolerancepolicieswereimplemented,Bowlingshowsthelimitationsofthispolicyandthelackofsupportfromsocialsciences7.WilsonwritesattheendofhisarticleonBrokenWindows:
But the most important requirement is to think that to maintain order
in precarious situations is a vital job. The police know this is one of their
functions, and they also believe, correctly, that it cannot be done to the
exclusion of criminal investigation and responding to calls. We may have
7 Bowling:1999andHarcourt:2002.Supran.3andBernardHarcourt:2001.
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encouraged them to suppose, however, on the basis of our oft-repeated
concerns about serious, violent crime, that they will be judged exclusively
on their capacity as crime-fighters. To the extent that this is the case,
police administrators will continue to concentrate police personnel in the
highest-crime areas (though not necessarily in the areas most vulnerable
to criminal invasion), emphasize their training in the law and criminalapprehension (and not their training in managing street life), and join too
quickly in campaigns to decriminalize harmless behavior (though public
drunkenness, street prostitution, and pornographic displays can destroy a
community more quickly than any team of professional burglars).
Above all, we must return to our long-abandoned view that the police
ought to protect communities as well as individuals. Our crime statistics
and victimization surveys measure individual losses, but they do not
measure communal losses. Just as physicians now recognize the importance
of fostering health rather than simply treating illness, so the police andthe rest of us ought to recognize the importance of maintaining, intact,
communities without broken windows(JamesQ.Wilson:1983).
Theideaofmanagementthusentersthefieldofcriminallawandcrimecontrol.Thesetwoideasofamoreefficientcriminaljusticesystemmanagementofresourcesandtheneedtocontrolnotindividualsbutpopulations,thebiopoliticalmanagementofpopulations,werecentralelementsintheparadigmofsocietythatwasbeingdevelopedinthe1970sandthatFoucaultlabeledasgovernmentalityandthatDeleuzecalledsocietiesofcontrol8.InFoucaultwefindthetransition
fromadisciplinarysocietytoasocietywheretransformationofthesoulisnotasimportantascontrolthroughfreedom.Foucaultshowsasubtlemovementfromdiscipline,wheresoulsaretheobjectofdisciplinarypractices,toregulation,whereundertheideaoffreedom,subjectsareleftwithoutstateinterventionandthereforetheyhavetocontrolthemselves9. Neoliberal governmentality complementsthelawwithregulatorypracticesthatarebeingexercisedoutsidethestate.Inneoliberalism,subjectsarenotdisciplinedwithinthestate,buttheyarelefttotheirownfreedomandprivateinstitutionsareinchargeofnormalizingpractices.AccordingtoHudson,neoliberalgovernmentalityestablishesagovernmentfrom
adistance.Stateinstitutionsdonotinterveneinpeopleslives,atleastnotdirectly.LawbecomeswhatDeleuzeandGuattaricallanensembleofcapture,thatis,thelawandthelegalsystembecomeplaceswheredifferentsitesandwaysofpowermeetandconstituteagentsandfields.Inthismanner,thelawceasestobeusedasaninstrumentofdisciplineorofdirectpower,andbecomesatooltocontrolpopulationsthatcanconstituteariskforthemanagementofsociety10.According
8 MichelFoucault:1990;MichelFoucault:1992;MichelFoucault:1998;MichelFoucault:1993;GilesDeleuze.SocietiesofControl.Lautre journal, Nr. I, Mai 1990.
9 FrancoisEwald.Norms,Discipline,andthe law.EnRepresentationsNo.30.P.138;Nicholas
Rose&MarianaValverde.GovernedbyLaw.SocialandLegalStudiesNo.7Vol.4.541-551.10 BarbaraHudson. PunishmentandGovernanceSocial and LegalStudiesNo. 7Vol.4, pp.554-559.
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toVictorTadross,neoliberalgovernmentalityfocusesnotontheactsofindividualbutontheirlives,thelawbecomespartofabiopower(VictorTadross:1998).
Theprisoncrisisisrelatedtotheemergenceofanewparadigmofcontrol,onethatismoreconcernedaboutcontrollingpopulationsthanaboutcontrollingcrime
orparticularbehaviors.Thenewcriminalpoliciesarefocusedoncontrollingthecriminalordangerousclass,andthewholestructureofthecriminaljusticesystemisdedicatedtothisgoal;itistheefficientriskmanagementofthecriminalclass.Crimecontrolisde-individualized,agentsarenotparticulartargetsofdiscipliningpractices,butrathertheirclassasawholeisobjectofcontrol.AsMonaLynchhasputit:
Feeley and Simon suggest that the new penal machinery may be heading
towards a kind ofwastemanagementmodel in practice. Specifically,they argue that contemporary corrections may be pushing toward a self
understanding that views its primary role asherdingaspecificpopulationthatcannotbedisaggregatedandtransformedbutonlymaintainedakindofwastemanagementfunction. The waste management model emphasizessecuring and neutralizing the threat posed by the criminal class at the
lowest possible cost, while striving to downplay and deny the emotional,
irrational, and psychological elements of punishment11.
Asaresultofthemodel,increasingnumbersofpeoplehavebeensenttoprison.Theprisonbecameaplaceofconfinementandmanagementandnotaplaceforrehabilitation.Thisiswhathasbeenlabeledasacrowding crisis,acrisisthatisnot
theparticularexperienceofindustrialnations,butalsopartoftheexperiencesofothercountrieslikeColombia,wheretheneedformoreimprisonmenthasbeenimported.InthesectionstocomeIllshowhowthisdiscursivefieldhasbeenconstructed,makingrelevantthestatementsofeconomistsinthefieldofcriminallawandcrimecontrol12.Thenextsectionisdevotedtoexplainhoweconomistsenteredthefieldofcriminallawandhowtheyrefashionedittointroduceideasofefficiencyandcrimecontrolcraftedforaneoliberalformofdevelopment.
1.1. Cmn lw nd the Cvzn Pcess
YvesDezalayandBryantG.GarthhaveanalyzedtheconstitutionofafieldofpowerinthelawinLatinAmerica.Intheirbooktheystudytherolelawyersandeconomistsplayedinthetransformationsthattookeffectfromthe1960stothe1990sintheregion.Intheiranalysistheyusetheconceptofpalace wars,aconcepttakenfromBourdieu,inordertoshowtheinternaldisputesbetweenlawyersandeconomistsforpowerandhowthesedisputesledtotransformationsinthestate.AccordingtoDezalayandGarth,lawyers,orwhattheycallgentlemen
11 MonaLynch.Thedisposalof inmate#85271.Notesonaroutineexecution.AustinSaratand
PatriciaEwick:2000,6.12 Onthistopicsee:RogerMathewsandPeterFrancis:2000;DavidNelken:1994;DavidGarland:2001.
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politicians of the law, representedakindofaristocratic idealofgovernment(YvesDezalay&BryantG.Garth:2002).Despitethedifferencesinthehistoricaltrajectoriesineachofthecountriestheyanalyzed,whatiscommoninallofthemistherolelawyersplayedinthe19thcentury.GarthandDezalayshowthatthelegitimacyofthelawwasproducedthroughinternationallyscholarlycapital
thatwasacquiredtraditionallyinEurope.Theyaddthattheclassicalpatterndidnotrequireallpoliticianstobelawgraduates,butthelawprovidedthekeynetworkofrelationshipsandlegitimizinglanguage(DezalayandGarth,2002,Pp.22).Ontheotherhand,usingJorgeI.Dominguezdescriptionofmodernrulers (Jorge I.Dominguez:1997),DezalayandGarthshowthat inthe1970stherewasatransformationintheelitescontrollingthecountriestheyanalyzed.Theyshowhoweconomists,educatedinitiallyattheUniversityofChicago,usedtheirconnectionstotheUnitedStatestoaccessthestateandtofinallyreplacelawyersinthegovernment.HavingaccesstotheUSwouldgivethemaccesstoprestigeandtointernationalcontactsthatwouldmaketheirculturalcapitalmore
attractivethantheoneheldbylawyers.Whilelawyersfieldofexpertisewaslaw,theirswaseconomics.
Thisanalysisisimportantbecauseitshowstheagentsthatintroducedideasthatlaterwouldtransformthestructureofthestate.However,intheiranalysis,DezalayandGarthjustpayattentiontotheprestigethatEuropehadinthe19thand20thcenturyinLatinAmerica,buttheydonottakeintoaccountthereasonswhyEuropeanlegalknowledgewassovaluedintheregionandhowitwasperceivedbytheelites.Atthesametime,theydonottakeintoaccountthatthetransformationsinthemodelofdevelopmentandinthehegemonyoftheworld
systemreshapedthesphereofpowerasaneconomicsphere,andhowthistransformationwasinstrumentalintheperceptionofthelawasaninstrumentandnotasconstitutiveorpolitical.AsTeivanenhasshown,inthe1990stheneoliberalmodelledtothedepolitizationofpolitics,andinthiscaseofthelaw(TeivoTeivanen:2002).InGarthandDezalaysanalysis,theconstructionofadiscursivesphereisleftasideandtheresultisputasoneofrationalchoice,whereagentslookforthemostprestigiousandexpeditewaytoaccesspower.
Inthissectionwewanttoshowthegeographyoflegalknowledgeandshow
howlawandcriminallawinparticularwasaninstrumentinthecivilizingmissionofthe19thcenturyinColombia.ColombianelitestriedtoapplyapolicyofwhiteningtheColombianpopulation,alongthelinesoftheSarmientomodel,andtodoso theyusedcriminallaw.ItisthisroleinthecivilizingmissionofColombiathatgaveEuropeanlawtheprestigeithadamongColombianlawyersanditisfromthispointthatwecanbuildouranalysisfollowingDezalaysandGarthsexplanations.
2.lawandtHEcivilizingmission
19th
CenturyColombiaischaracterizedbyitsmanywarsandpowerstruggles.Atraditionalinterpretationwouldshowthisperiodasastruggleforeconomicpowerbetweenurbanrulersandrichlandowners,andasastrugglethatledto
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thecentralizationofthestate.Thisapproachwouldshowthesefightsascombatsbetweenelites,leavingasidetherolethatothersectorsofsocietyplayedinthecreationoftheColombiannationandstate.Atthesametime,suchanapproachwouldnottakeintoaccountthespecialrelationsthatexistedbetweentheelitesandthegrossofthepopulation.Theserelationswereofdominationandcontrol,
butthisisnotenoughtoexplainthespecialconfigurationofthestateandtheroleplayedbythelawinthisprocess.AsSalvatoreandAguirrehaveshown,apurelyFoucauldianorMarxistapproachdoesnottakeintoaccountthefactthattheworkingclassandthelowerclasseswereinaprocessofconsolidationandthattheEuropeanexperiencecannotexplaintheparticularhistoryofLatinAmerica13. In thissectionI want toattempt adifferentapproach, onewhichtakesintoaccounttheprocessofconstitutionofidentitiesinColombiaandalsoconnectscriminallawwiththecivilizingprocessthattoolplaceinColombiaduringthe19thcentury.
Thewarsofthe19thcenturycanbebestunderstoodaswarsforcivilization.AftertheWarsofIndependence,Colombianelitesfacedtheconstructionofanewnation.TheywerenotpartoftheSpanishEmpireanymoreandtheywereclaiminganewidentity, thatofAmericans14.ButtobeAmericancouldmeanmanythings.InthediscourseofpoliticianslikeDomingoFaustinoSarmiento,theAmericannationhadtobewhiteandmorealongthelinesoftheUnitedStates.SarmientoisimportantbecausehisideasaboutwhiteningthenationwerefollowedinColombiabyoneofhisdisciples:FlorentinoGonzalez,whotranslatedthemintoconstitutionallaw(JaimeDuarteFrench:1971).In thelaw,thisideawastranslatedintoafearofthepeoplethepopularsectorandaneedtoconstitute
theiridentitiesinawaythatwasfunctionaltocapitalismandcivilization(Rojas:2002,xxvii).
IntheprocessofcivilizingthenationandmodelingitaswhiteandofEuropeandescent, stories of travelwere centralforColombianelites (Quijano,Anibal:2000).SomemembersoftheelitestraveledtoEuropeandlearnedhowtobecosmopolitanandwhite.Theywrotetheirimpressionsinbooksthatcirculatedwidelyamongst theregionalelitesandbecamemodelsofbehaviorforthem.Thesebookspresentedthecivilizingprocessintwoways:ontheonehand,the
elitesconsideredthemselvestobedifferentfromthelowerclasses,becausetheyhaddifferentphysicalfeaturesandlightskin.Butatthesametime,theyrealizedthattheywerenotEuropeans,andthereforethattheywereuncivilized.Thisdoublenegationcharacterizedmosttravelaccounts.ElitestraveledphysicallyorsymbolicallytoEuropeandlearnedthedoublenegationandhowtooperatewithinit15.SimonBolivarexpressedthisdoublenegationinthefollowingway:
13 RicardoD.SalvatoreandCarlosAguirre:1996;DarioMelossi&MassimoPavarini:1981;CarlosFranco:1981;AnibalQuijano:1981.
14 Aboutthedilemmasoflawsee,JorgeEsquirol:1997.15 ThisdoublenegationisverysimilartotheexperienceofthesubalternexplainedbyDuboisandhisconceptofdoubleconsciousness.However,eliteshadtheopportunitytoshapetheirimage.Theyactassubalterns/oppressorsatthesametime.Cfr.W.E.B.Dubois:1939).
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Neither Indians nor Europeans, but a race between the original natives
and the Spanish usurpers; in short, being by birth Americans, and our
rights those of Europe, we are obliged to dispute and combat for these rights
against the original natives, and to persevere and maintain ourselves
there in opposition to our invaders, so we find ourselves placed in a most
extraordinary embarrassing dilemma16
.
Lawyers, asmembersof theelite, becamecentralagents in the process ofcivilization.Giventheirfundamentalrelationtothewrittenword,theybecameimportantelementsintheexerciseofpower.Thewordycharacteroflawyers,ina letteredcity,explainswhylawyersbecamepoliticiansandalsothecloseconnectionbetweenlawyersandthestate.FlorentinoGonzalez,alawyerhimself,epitomizes this ideaof the law as partof the civilizingproject.Gonzalez, aCreole,isoneoftheeducatedfewwhoareworkingtoattainthelevelofprogressperceivedinEurope;theyaretheonlyoneswiththepowertocivilizethecountry
(FlorentinoGonzalez:1981;AngelRama:1984).FollowingBentham,hisproposalwasbasedontherationalityoftheindividualagainstthesolidarityofthetraditionalindigenouspeoples.Independenceisnotbasedonavengefulmorality,butonanethicsofprogress.InalettertoJoseMariaTorresCaicedo,FlorentinoGonzalezexpressescandidlytheracistcharacteroftheColombiannationheandtheelitesweretryingtobuild:
Barbarians do not aspire to be equals to the civilized men, putting
themselves at their level with science and property given to them by work
and studyWe have nothing in common with the Indians or the Africans,
who have barbarian tendencies and instincts that are against civilization.
Civilization has nothing to expect from them; on the contrary, they have
to fear everything from civilization17.
Lawbooksbecamepartofthosetravelstorieswementionedearlier.LawyerstraveledtoEuropetostudylaw,towitnesstheworkingsofastate,andtounderstandhowpoliticalpowerworkedinacivilizedcountry.Giventhecolonialhistory,itisnotsurprisingthattheychoseSpainastheplacewheretheywantedtodeveloptheirstudies.InSpanishuniversities,butalsoinItalianandGerman
duetotheculturaldependencyofSpain,theselawyersstudiedlaw.Thekindoftravelbooktheywroteisnotliketheoneswrittenbytheliteratibutingeneraltheysharedthesamefeatures:theytalkedaboutsplendidvenues,theycelebratedtheEuropeanculture,andfinallytheyreferredtotheoutdatedstateofourlaws.Bytreatinglawbooksastravelstories,theydidnottalkabouttherealworldofcrimeandcriminallaw,butwerespeakingtothecivilizedtoteachthemhowtodealwiththosebarbariansstillexistinginthenation,insum,toteachthemhowtowhitentheColombiannation.
16 SimonBolivarasinRojas(2002):1.17 Gonzalez,1863asinNestorDiazVidela:1994.
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ThefirsttreatyofcriminallawwritteninColombiawasbyJoseVicenteConcha,aconservativelawyerwhotraveledtoSpainandwhopublishedhisbookforconsumptioninLatinAmericabytheendofthe19thcentury.ItisimportanttonotethatConchawrotehisbookinSpanishandhaditpublishedinFrance,notonlyduetothelackofpublishinghousesinColombia,butalsoonaccountofhis
desireofreachingallLatinAmerica18
.ThetreatyisbasedonthemostadvancedtheoriesoflawdevelopedinEurope,whichappearedtoConchatobeclosetoperfection.HebasedhisworkonthestudiesofFrancescoCarraraandPellegrinoRossi,twoItalianlawyerswhodevelopedatheoryoflawbasedontherationalityoftheindividualandonaneconomictheoryoflaw.Totheseauthors,crimewasjustaviolationofthelawandpunishmentwasadeterrentagainstcrime.Thatis,theirtheoryofcriminalwasbasedonananalysisofcostsandbenefits.Whatisimportantaboutthesetheoriesishowtheyassumedthatcriminalswereequaltothemajorityofsociety.Theydidnotconstituteadifferentclassorrace;theywererationalindividualsbreakingthesocialcontract(FrancescoCarrara:1984
andAlessandroBaratta:1986).
Oneofthequestionsthatcomesupiswhytheelitedecidedtoapplytheoriesthatassumedequaltreatment foreveryone.However, thisadoptiondoesnotseemsostrangeifweanalyzetheprocessofstatebuildinghavingplacein19 thcenturyColombia.Aswementionedearlier,afterIndependencein1819,elitesbegan fighting forpower.These fights tookplace indifferentprovinces likeCauca,CundinamarcaandAntioquia.Localelitesfoughtforlocalpower.Sincecentralpowerwasnotatstake,andthefightwasbetweenequals,constitutionsassumedthatrebelswerenotcriminalsbutcombatants19.Thatis,criminallaw
wasnotsupposedtobeaninstrumenttocontrolindigenouspeoplesorafro-descendants,becausetheydidntevenexistbeforethelaw.Indigenouspeopleswerecontrolledandconstitutedaspeasantswithotherinstrumentsthatdidnotinvolve thecriminalizationof theiridentities.ItwastheroleoftheChurchtotake careof indigenouspeoplesand tomake sureof theiroccidentalization.Withtheintroductionofliberalisminthemid1800s,indigenouspeopleswereconstitutedasindividualsandthereforeasequalsbeforethelaw.Thistimethekindofcontrolwasnotcriminallaw,buttheinformalstructureofthehacienda(LorenzoMuelasHurtado:2005).
Bytheendof19thcentury,criminallawispartofthecivilizingmissionbutitisnotinchargeofcivilizingthebarbarians.IndigenouspeoplesarenotmentionedbecausetheirstatuswasregulatedbyLaw89of1890,alawthatdividedindigenouspersonsbetween civilized, semi-civilizedandsavages20.Forthecivilizedand
18 JosVicenteConcha.Tratado de Derecho Penal.19 TheThousandDaysWar,forinstance,hadthecharacterofasortofinternationalwarbetweenequals.Whitecombatantsweretreatedasequals,indigenouspeoplesinCaucaweretreatedasguerrillerosandthereforeasoutsidethefieldofthelaw.SeeAryCamposChicangana.Montoneras:
2003.20 Theimportanceofwarsinthedefenseof rightsof indigenouspeoplesis explainedbyAryR.CampoChicangana.Op.cit.
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semi-civilizedthelawhadaregimeofcontrolbasedontheirconfinementintheareasassignedtothembytheGovernment,alsoknownasResguardos,butwheretheirautonomywasessentiallylimited.Forthelatter,thelawhadtheChristianmission,whereindigenouspeoplesweresubjecttotheabsolutepoweroftheCatholicChurch.VictorBonilla,analyzingthemissionsintheAmazon,showed
howtheseCatholicmissionsconsideredthemselvesservantsofGod,mastersofmen(VictorD.Bonilla:1972).
TravelstorieswereimportantintheprocessofcivilizationoftheColombiannation.TheywereusedtoshowthegoalColombianelitesneededtoachieve.Lawyers,asliterati,becamecentralagentsinthisprocess,becausetheyhadliteracyandthetoolsusedinEuropetocivilizethecountryfromthestate.UptothatpointConchasbookwasusedasatravelstoryusedbylawyersandjudgesintheirunderstandingofcriminallaw.Inthe1920s,Indigenouspeoplesandpeasantsbecamevisibleduetotheirstrugglesforrightsandland.TheSocialistpartywas
createdandManuelQuintinLamewasfightingfortheindigenouspeoplesofCaucaandTolima21.In1925theelitestriedtopassareformtotheCJStoadaptittothetransformationsinthecultureanddoctrineoflawprevalentinEurope.CarrarasandFerrisconceptionoflawwasoutdatedandthisisonereasonwhythereformdraftedbyConchadidnotcomeintoforce,despitetheapprovalofCongress.Butanotherreasonthatisimportanttoconsideristheutility,orlackofit,ofConchasdoctrineforthecivilizingmissionandtheprocessofconstitutionofagentsasworkersandlowerclass.Theroleoflaw1890hadproventobeweak,indigenousandpeasantswererevoltingagainstthesystem,workerswereorganizingandprotestingagainstthestateofaffairs,insum,thecivilizingmission
hadbackfiredbecauseithadgiventoolstoworkers,peasants,andindigenouspeoplestomakeclaimsagainstthestate.QuintinLame,forinstance,usedthelawasaninstrumentinhisstruggles,orasoneoftheleadersoftheColombianindigenousmovementhasputit:theyusedthelawtocontrolus;weusedittoliberateourselves22.
Uptothispointlawyersweretheonesinchargeofpromotingthereformandgivingscientificadvicetopoliticiansintopicsrelatedtocriminallawandjudicialreform.NationalUniversityofColombiaandExternadoUniversity,twoinstitutions
thatatthetimecouldbeconsideredliberal,werepromotingatransformationofthecriminaljusticesystem.SomeoftheprofessorsofthesetwoinstitutionstraveledtoEuropeandbroughtwiththemnewtheoriesthatweretobeusedinthereformoftheCJSin1936.JorgeElicerGaitn,CarlosLozanoyLozano,andJorgeGutirrezAnzolawerelawyersconnectedtoboththegovernmentandtheseUniversitiesthatbroughttravelstoriesintheformofacriminallawbook.Inthesestories,theyshowedtheadvancesofcriminallawinItalyandhowlawwasusefultocontrolthedangerousclasses.
21 GonzaloSnchez:1976;MnicaEspinosaArango:2004;MedfiloMedina:1989.22 MonicaEspinosa.Of visions and sorrows: Manuel Quintn Lames Indian thought and the violences
of Colombia.Supran.27andInterviewwithJoseVicenteGarcia.DirectoroftheIndigenousRegionalOrganizationofValledelCauca,ORIVAC.Cali,July7th2005.
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In1936areformtothesystemwasapprovedandaconceptionofthecriminalmanasbiologicallydifferentandinneedoftreatmentwasintroduced 23.NationalUniversityofColombiacreatedtheInstituteofCriminology,appointedtostudythecausesofcrimeanddifferentaspectsofthecriminalmanfromapositivistpointofview.Gaitn,recognizedbyEnricoFerri,theItalianfounderoftheCriminological
PositivismSchool,asoneofhismostbrilliantstudents24
,didnotwriteanybookoncriminallawbutheusedthetheoriesinhispracticeasalawyer(JorgeElicerGaitn:1983).Hisclosingargumentswerepublishedandwidelyreadamongstthepopulationofyounglawstudents.CarlosLozanoyLozanowouldpublishhisownbookin1950,sometimebeforehisdeath(CarlosLozanoyLozano:1950).WiththedeathsofGaitnandLozanoyLozano,thetorchincriminallawstudieswaspassedontotheExternadoofColombiaUniversity,duetothefactthatlawyerseducatedinthisinstitutionhadaccesstothenecessaryresourcesandnetworkstotraveltoEuropeanuniversities.
Colombianprofessorsoflawwerenotfulltimeprofessors,butmostlypractitionersthatusedtheteachingof lawaspartoftheirsymboliccapital,or judgeswhowereconnectedto theUniversityaspartofthosesamenetworkstoadvancetheircareers(BernardoGaitnMahecha:1961).AlfonsoReyesEchandawasamixtureofboth.HewasonceapractitionerandtheChairoftheCriminalLawDepartmentintheExternadoUniversity.AfterhavingbeentoItalyandGermany,hecamebacktoColombiatoteachandpracticelaw.HebroughthisowntravelbookandintroducedGermanlawanddoctrineinColombia.HisbookDerechoPenal,publishedintheearly1960s,introducedtheoriesthatunderstoodthecrimeproblemasa technicalone,oneinwhichcriminalsweresanctionedfollowing
certainprocedures(AlfonsoReyesEchanda:1964).HealsowroteCriminologybooksthatwereusedbythePoliceandbymembersofotherlawenforcementagencies.HisbooksandtheUniversitypositionedthemselvesastheepitomeofcriminallawinColombiaforabout40years,andthefigureofReyesEchandawascentralinthatpositioning,untilhisdeathinthemassacreofthePalaceofJusticein1985.However,heleftthedooropenforGermanlawinColombia25.Colombian lawyershave traveledsincethentoGermany,Italy,andSpain, tolearnGermanlawanddoctrineandtotranslatetheworksofGermanauthorsinordertokeepupwiththedoctrineinthiscountry.Inthe1970s,forinstance,
Colombianlawyersgotinvolvedinthediscussionabouttwotheoriesofcriminal
23 Lombroso analyzed first thecriminalman andlaterthecriminalwoman.In anycase, thefunctionsoftheCJSweredifferentdependingonthegenderoftheviolatorofthelaw.Cfr.CesareLombroso:1971.
24 Giventhelackofprestigeinotherregions,itissafetosaythathewasbrilliantbecausehefollowedhisdoctrines.
25 The2001reformwaspromotedbyAttorneyGeneralAlfonsoGmez,whostudiedinGermany,andhisadvisorswereeducateddirectlyorindirectlyinGermanCriminallaw.ItisinterestingtonotethatthedisputeswereaboutwhichGermanschooloflawincorporateinCriminalLaw:GuntherJakobsdoctrinepromotedbylawyerslikeEduardoMontealegreandhisteamofadvisers
intheProcuradura(sortofOmbusdmanoffice)orClausRoxinstheory,promotedbylawyerslikeFernandoVelasquez,CarlosArturoGmezandtheteamofadviserintheAttorneyGeneralsoffice.
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law,atechnicaldiscussionthatemergedinthe1950stocovertheparticipationofthoselawyersinvolvedintheNaziregime26.Thereformpassedin2001wastheresultoftheinfluenceoflawyersfromthisUniversity,anditwasbasedontheneedtoupdateColombianlawsanddoctrines,inordertoremainfullparticipantsofthecommunityofcivilizedcountries.Thisapproachtocriminallawcame
underattackintheearly1990s,butthistimetheattackdidntcomefromotherlawyers,butfromtheeconomistseducatedintheUnitedStates.Thisattackcouldonlybepossiblewithinaframeworkofdevelopmentpolicies,wherelawmadesenseasaninstrumenttopromotethem.Inthenextsectionwewillseehowthemovementforlawanddevelopmentsetthebasesthatallowedeconomiststomakemeaningfulstatementsinthesphereoflaw.
3.tHEprojEctofdEvElopmEntandtHErolEoftHElaw
ThefirstwaveofLawandDevelopmentwasassociatedtotheideaofnational
developmentanditwas connected to institutions likeUSAIDand the FordFoundation.InthediscussionsaboutdevelopmentinLatinAmericainthe1960stherearefewreferencestotheroleofthestateandnonetotheroleofcriminallawintheprojectofdevelopment(CesarRodriguez:2001).DespitethefactthatPrebischsideasaboutdevelopmentinvolveanimportantroleforthestate,criminallawwasnotconsideredaspartofthisprocess.ForPrebisch,thestateprotectsprivate initiativeand thedevelopmentofthe forcesofthemarket.Accordingtohim,theroleofthestateistochannelsocialresourcestotheprivatesector,correcttheforcesofthemarket,developinfrastructureforfurthergrowth,andmediatebetweendomesticentrepreneursandinternationalaid 27.Aswesee,in
CepalsandPrebischsthought,theroleofthestateisjustoneofhelpinganationaleconomyandthemarkettodevelop.Criminallawisnotmentionedbecauseithasnoroleindevelopment,excepttheexpectedoneofstabilizingthestateandbringingaboutorderinsociety.Atthesametime,criminallawwasseenaspartofthesecuringofuniversalvalues,andtostatethatitcouldbeusedasatoolforeconomicdevelopmentwouldleadtotheideathatcriminallawdoesnotprotectuniversalvalues,butparticularinterests.
SponsoredbyUSAIDandtheFordFoundation,therewasanattemptintheUnitedStatestoinvolvethelawintheprocessofdevelopment.However,asinLatinAmericanthought,thelawcametoolatefortheprojectofdevelopment.Law
26 EdmundMezgerandHansWelzelhadparticipatedin theNaziregime,especiallyMezgerwhodraftedsomeofHitlerslaws.Aftertheendofthewar,andasawaytodivertattentionfromhisNazipart,bothauthorswereinvolvedinapolemicaboutthenatureofhumanaction.Apolemicthatlasteduntilthe1970swhenGermanCongresspassedthenewGermanCriminalCodewithastructureofcriminallawthatwasmorealongthelinesofWelzelstheory.Inthe1970sthepolemicwasimportedtoArgentina,wherelawyersgotinvolvedinitasawaytoavoiddiscussingthepoliticalsituationofthecountryandthefactofthedictatorship.RobertoBergallihasshownthat
inArgentinathemorecriticalthesituation,themoreabstractthediscussionsincriminallaw.SeeFranciscoMuozConde:2003;EmilioGarcaMndez:1985;RobertoBergalli:1984).
27 RaulPrebisch:1982andVictorBernaletal:1980.SeealsoAmyL.Chua:1998.
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ProfessorsfromtheUniversitiesofHarvard,Yale,Stanford,andWisconsin,wereinvolvedinaprojectthatstudiedtheLatinAmericanlegalsystemandconcludeditwasunderdevelopedandforthatreasonseemsinneedoffurtherance.Lawwasseenatthetimeasaninstrumentofsocialchange,butmostspecificallyasaninstrumentofsocialengineering.Theaimofjudicialandlegalreforms,according
tothescholarsinvolvedinthismovement,wastoadjustthelegalsystemtothesocialandeconomicchangesthathadalreadytakenplace.Itisimportanttonoticethatlawyerscamelatetothereformandtheywereseenassecondaryagentsintheprocessofreform.Traditionallawyershavethoughtotherwise:inthereformstotheCJStheyavoidedusingsocialscience,eventhoughtheysometimesbasedtheirreformsontheirunderstandingofsocialscience.Forinstance,thereformof1966wastheresultofhowColombianLawyersunderstoodDurkheimstheoryofsolidarity.
ToDavidTrubek,oneoftheleadingscholarsofthemovement,lawand
developmentseesmodernlawasessentialtothecreationandmaintenanceofmarkets,andtheemphasisisonpredictabilityasasetofuniversalrulesuniformlyapplied(DavidTrubek:1972).Giventhatunderdevelopedcountrieslackedamodernlegalsystem,theyhadtoadoptmodernrulesthatledtofreedomanddevelopment,andtheyhadtodosobyimportingforeignmeaningAmericancodes.Domesticlegalpracticescametobeseenastraditionalorcustomary,andforthatreasonasnon-rationalandnonprogressive.Giventhatmostoftheworkinthetransformationofthestatewasdonebyeconomists,lawyerswereleftwithjustthetransformationoflegaleducation,becauseunderdevelopedcountrieshadaformalisticandtraditionalwayofteachinglaw.However,Trubek,usingMax
Webersconceptionoflaw,writesthatmodernlawdoesnotproduceeconomicdevelopmentorpoliticaldevelopment;itjusthelpstofreethestructureofthemarketandsupportacentralizedbureaucraticstate28.
Localhistorieswerepresentedasinferiorandinneedofadoptingasuperiormodel.ToRobertSeidman,thirdworldcountriesarebasedonatraditionofduallaw.Accordingtohim,thefactthatthereisapluralsocietyandparallellegalsystemsshowsthecoloniallegacyofthesecountriesandtheneedtotransformthem.Tohim,bydefinitioncustomarylawcannotleadtodevelopment,thereforewe
needtoeliminateparallelsystemsoflawandunifytheeconomyandthelegalsystem29.Asaresultofthiswaveoflawanddevelopment,theFordFoundationsupportedtransformationsofthelegalsysteminthreecountries:Brazil,Chile,andColombia.InBrazilthetransformationwasinstrumentalinhelpingdiscredittheformallegalsystemandtheprotectionsofformallaw,yieldingtoformsofauthoritarianismthatinterpretedlawasaneutralinstrumentofpolitics.InChile
28 Trubek.Supran.38at15.29 RobertB.Seidman:1972,At315.SeealsoKennethL.KarstandKeithS.Rosen:1975.Thisanalysis
remindsusofthediscussionaboutfeudalismandcapitalisminLatinAmerica,andtheideathatthedualeconomyofthesenationswasthecauseofunderdevelopment.Cfr.RodolfoStavenhagenetal:1980.
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itledtosuperficialtransformationsandinColombiatheprojectwasatotalfailure(JamesGardner:1980).
However,theprojectofLawandDevelopmentleftanimportantlegacythatwasgoingtobecomeimportantinthe1990s.AsImentionedearlier,inthe1960sthe
modelofCEPALturnedtoeconomistsforthetransformationofthestate.Criminallawhadnotrole,butlegaleducationwasvital.TheFordFoundationsupportedreformsinlegaleducationinNationalandLosAndesUniversities.Despitethefailureoftheprogram,studentsinLosAndesUniversitywereeducatedunderthemodelofAmericanuniversities.ColombianlawschoolstaughtAmericanlawandthewayofteachinglawintheUnitedStatesbecamethewayofteachinglawinthisUniversity.LawstudentswentlatertoHarvard,Wisconsin,Yale,andotherAmericanuniversitiestobetrainedinthemodelofAmericanlaw.TheygottheirJDsintheUnitedStatesandreturnedtoColombiatobecomeprofessorsandtodoscholarlyworkfollowingtheAmericanmodel.
Theselawyersweretrainedintheuseoflawasaninstrumentofsocialchange.Theylearnedtheimportanceofsocialandlegalengineeringintheprocessofdevelopment.Thisknowledge,tiedwiththeneoinstitutionalismmodeldevelopedbytheWorldBank,became importantforthereformsthatarebeingappliedtoday.TheselawyerscametoColombiawithatravelbook:theAmericanlawbook.Inthe1980sand1990s,lawyersinColombiabegantopublishtheworksofprofessorsofConstitutional law like RonaldDworkin, BruceAckerman,DuncanKennedy,andothers,andbegan toimport theAmericandiscussionsaboutconstitutionallaw,despiteofthemanydifferencesbetweentheColombian
andAmericanlegalsystems.Buteconomistgotinvolvedinthestudyofthelawtoo.FollowingtheanalysesofGaryBecker,economistslikeMauricioRubioandSergioClavijobegantoanalyze the relationshipbetween lawandeconomicsandbegantointroduceamodelofefficiencytounderstandtheroleoflaw.Likethegapstudiesofthe1960sinthefieldoflawandsociety, theseeconomistsanalyzedthebestwaytoimplementthelawandthebestwaytohaveanefficientlegalsystem.
Onthesideofcriminallaw,lawyerskepttheirpowerandwereleadingthe
transformationsoftheCJSusinglegaldoctrinesproducedinEurope,especiallySpain,Italy,andGermany.Withthe1991Constitution,theirrolebecamelessrelevantbecausetheywereunabletospeakinanonnormativelanguage.Thetimeforeconomistswascoming.Inthefollowingsectionswewillseehowdevelopmentwas transformedandhowlaw,development, andcriminal lawbecamepartnersinthereformoftheCJS.
4.fromnationaldEvElopmEnttonEolibEraldEvElopmEnt
TheideasofCEPALandtheideaofdevelopmentwereunderstrongattackin
the1970s.Fromthesideofdependencytheoryitwasshownthattheideaofdevelopmentinvolvedseveralcontradictions.FernandoCardososhowedthatitwaspossibletoachievedevelopmentinconditionsofpoliticaldependency,that
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is,heseparatedpoliticaldependencyandeconomicunderdevelopment30.RuyMauroMariniandGunderFrankfocusedontheideathatunderdevelopmentanddevelopmentweretwosidesofthesamecoin,andrejectedtheideathatLatinAmericawasfeudalandthatthisfeudalismwasanobstacletodevelopment31.Furthermore,theyshowedthatunderdevelopmentwastheresultofdevelopment.
Prebischhimselfwrotein1982acritiquetothemodelofCEPALandshowedtheneedtocreateanewmodelabletoachievethemuchdesireddevelopmentoftheLatinAmericancountries(RaulPrebisch:1950andRaulPrebisch:1982).
Bytheendofthe1980sandtheearlier1990stheideaofdevelopmentassuchwascriticized:scholarslikeArturoEscobar,PhilipMcMichaelandothersshowedhowdevelopmentwasaprojectoradiscursiveconstruct(ArturoEscobar:1995;PhilipMcMichael:2000).
However,withtheWashingtonConsensusandthewritingsofFrancisFukuyama,
theideawasthatthestatewasanobstacletodevelopmentandthatitneededtobetransformed.Thatis,democracyneedednotonlyliberalizationofpoliticsbutalsotheliberalizationofmarkets.Afteralongprocessofmea culpa,scholarsinthefieldoflawanddevelopmentgatheredaroundtheideaofarighttodevelopment(HansOttoSano:2000).Thisdidntleadtoanewinternationalorder,butitbroughtaboutanewpushtothelawanddevelopmentmovement.Nowstableenvironmentsforforeigninvestmentwithefficientprotectionofpropertyrightsandtheprotectionoftheglobalruleoflawtofacilitateinternationaltransactionsbecamethecentralelementsadvocatedbyscholarsinthefieldoflawanddevelopment32.Thisnewconceptionoflawanddevelopmentledtoanoptimisticviewofhumanrights
andeconomicgrowth,whichwastiedtothewaveofdemocratizationthatsweptacrossLatinAmericainthe1980s.Accordingtosupportersofthistrend,someoftheobstaclesfordevelopmentwerethelackofaccesstojustice;corruption;theinstabilityofpropertyrights;andtheinefficiencyofthelegalsystemtoprotecttherightsofthepeople.Inthissecondwave,thefocusisnotthetransformationoflegaleducationbuttheideathatthestatemattersandthereforethatthereformneedstocovermorethantheroleoflawyersassocialengineers.
In1995,scholarsdiscussedtheroleofthelawintheprocessofdevelopment.
Thegoalwastoembarkonprogramsoflegaltechnicalassistanceandsothererosetheneedfortechnicianswhowereabletousethelawinthebestwayinordertopromotedevelopment,nowunderstoodasfacilitatingmarkettransactionsbydefiningproperty rights, guaranteeing theenforcement ofcontractsandmaintaininglawandorder(JulioFaundez:1997).Todoso,themodelgoesbacktothestate,butthistimetoensurethatthereisaninstitutionaldesignthatguaranteesthenoninterventionofthestateineconomicmatters.
30 FernandoCardosoyEnzoFaletto:1969.31 RuyMauroMarini.DialcticadelaDependencia.EnRodolfoStavenhagen.Supran.41.and
AndreGunderFrank.Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America(NewYork:MonthlyReviewStudies,1969).
32 Rodrigez.Supra n. 53at14.
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Inthenewwaveoflawanddevelopmentitappearsasifthemainroleofthereformwasjusttheruleoflaw.Inthenewmodel,reformersclaimtoredesignthestateinordertopushforareformofthestatethatprotectsdemocracyandtheruleoflaw(DeborahJ.Yashar:1999).AftertheSummitoftheWorldBank,thecriminaljusticesystembegantobeseenaspartoftheprocessofdevelopmentandneo
institutionalismbecamethewaytounderstandtheoreticallythereforms.JosephThome,commentingonthesecondwaveoflawanddevelopment,assertedthatlawreformwasbasedonthreepremises:developmentrequiresalegalframeworkresemblingthatoftheUnitedStates;thismodelestablishesclearandpredictablerules;andthismodelcanbeeasilytransferred.HoweverThomeaddsthatthesethreepremiseshavebeenprovenfalse.Inspiteofthat,thesearethepremisesthatwereatthebaseofthe2005reformtotheCJSinColombia.
TheWorldBankbegantobeconcernedwithjudicialreformandtheroleoflawindevelopment.NowthereformwasnotonlypushedfromUSAIDandtheFord
Foundation,butfromtheInteramericanDevelopmentBank,theWorldBank,andaseriesofmultinationalcompaniesinchargeofgivingtechnicalsupportinthedevelopmentprocessandlegalreform.Thejudicialsystemwasimportanttoachievethegoalsofneoliberalreform.Intheproceedingsofthe1995ConferenceonJudicialReform,theWorldBankstates:
The World Banks interests in judicial reform stems from its concern
about the sustainability of the development efforts it supports in borrowing
countries. Many of the programs of the Bank and other development
institutions and governments finance are at risk because of the lack of
enforcement of the rule of law, a basic principle for sustainable social and
economic development33.
Institutionsneededtoberedesignedandthestateneededtogetinvolvedtoensurerightsandstability.TheWorldBankpromotedatransformationofLatinAmericanjudicialsystemsandanewdesignoftheirinstitution.Themodelofthenewinstitutionalismwascentralinthisprocess34.
MarchsandOlsonsseminalarticlecoinedthetermnewinstitutionalismfor
thestudiesthatwerebeingmadebyscholarsconcernedwiththeimportanceofinstitutions.Aftercriticizingoldstudiesfortheiranalysisofinstitutionsunderthelabelsofcontextuals,reductionists,utilitarians,functionalists,andinstrumentalists,MarchandOlsonwritethatthenewinstitutionalistsunderstandinstitutionsinamoreautonomousway.Onecentralelementintheiranalysisiswhattheycall
33 MalcolmRowat,WaleedH.Malik,andMariaDakolias,1995,Atvii.34 LuisSalas.FromLawandDevelopmenttoRuleofLaw.NewandOldIssuesinJusticeReforminLatinAmerica.InPilarDomingoandRachelScieder:2003;LinnHammergren:2002;LawyersCommitteeforHumanRights.Building on Quicksand. The Collapse of World Banks Reform in
Peru.(NewYork:LawyersCommitteeforHumanRights,2000);MiguelSchor.TheruleofLawanddemocraticconsolidationinLatinAmerica.PaperPresentedatthe2003meetingoftheLawandSocietyAssociation(infilewithauthors).
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thelogicofappropriateness.Againsttherationalchoicetheorists,theyholdthatchoicesarenotmadeinavoid,andagainststructuralfunctionaliststheyholdthatbehaviorisnotjusttheresultofroles.Institutionsshapeindividualbehavior,theylimitit,orientit,butnevercompletelydetermineit.Atthesametimetheyemphasizetheimportanceofhistoryintheanalysisofinstitutions,becausepast
decisionswilldeterminepresentones.Withregardtotheconceptofinstitutions,theyincludenotonlyformalones,butalsorules,rituals,informalnorms,etc. 35.In1985,EvansSkocpolandReuschmeyereditedabookinwhichtheyshowedhowthestatehadreturnedtobethemainobjectofanalysis.Asaresultofthisbook,therewasawaveofanalysisinwhichthestatewasstudiedbothasanindependentvariableandasaffectingsociety,forinstance,fortheconstructionofadurabledemocracy36.
The re-emergenceof the state andwhatOlsenandMarchcoinedasnewinstitutionalismwasnotaunifiedandhomogenousacademicendeavor.AsHall
andTaylor,Peters,Koelbe,Campbell,andKatohaveshown,newinstitutionalismdeveloped indifferentkinds ofnotnecessarily connected scholarship,withdifferentapproachestotheroleofinstitutions37.Thiswascalledthefirstwaveofnewinstitutionalism,theoneinwhichthedifferentapproachesdevelopedtheirownparadigmsinaseparateway.Accordingtothesescholars,wearewitnessingnowthesecondwaveofnewinstitutionalism,inwhichthedifferentparadigmsareputtogethertoconstituteaunifiedtheory.
Lawyerswerenottrainedinthenuancesofthisnewinstitutionalism.Itwasnowthejoboftheeconomiststoreformtheinstitutionsbuttodosotheyhadtolegitimize
themselvesinthefieldofcriminallaw38.Traditionallawyersfocusedonthestateasaformalinstitutionandsawthelawjustasaninstrumenttoregulatepeoplesbehavior;forthatreason,theirroleinthereformofthesystemwasincreasinglylosingitsimportance.Butatthesametime,theWorldBankbecameinvolvedinthereformsofinstitutions,becauseitbegantoconnectdevelopmentandthereformtothecriminaljusticesystem.
Asaresultofthe1995SummitoftheWorldBank,thelegalsystemwasincludedinthesocialagendaofdonorinstitutions.AccordingtotheWorldBank,third
worldcountriesareinneedoftransformingtheirlegalsystemsinordertopromoteeconomicdevelopment.However,thistimethelegalsystemisnotusedasinPrebischorasinthefirstwaveoflawanddevelopment,butasaninstrumenttoguaranteemarkettransactionsandtoprotectpropertyrights.Behindthisisthe
35 JamesMarchandJohanP.Olsen:1984,734-749.36 PeterEvans,ThedaSckocpol,DieterRueschmeyer:1985.37 PeterHalland RosemaryTaylor:1996,936-957;B.GuyPeters.Political Institutions.Old andNew.InRobertGoodlinandHansDieterKlingemann:1998;ThomasA.Koelbe:1995,231-243;JohnL.Campbell.Introduction.InJohnCampbellandOveK.Pedersen: 2001;JunkoKato:1996,
553-582.38 LinnHammergren.The Judicial Career in Latin America. An overview of Theory and Experience.WorldBank.
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ideaofthebestpractice,thatis,theWorldBanklooksforthebestpracticeinthematteroftheCJSanditimposesthistransformationontherecipientcountries.
Neoliberalreformisnowconnectingthecriminaljusticesystemtotheideaofdevelopmentinordertopreventandattackcorruptionandinthatwayhelpthe
recipientcountriesdeveloptheireconomies,thatis,opentheirmarketstofacilitateforeigninvestment.InColombia,thetransformationhadbeendoneoriginallythroughtheAIDanditsfightagainstthedrugtrade.Infact,afterthereformeffectedin1991,wheretheoldColombianconstitutionwaschangedbyanewone,newelementswereestablishedintheColombianlegalsystem.The1991Constitutionestablishednewsocialrights,aremedyforhumanrightsviolationsbasedontheMexicanamparo, aConstitutionalCourt,amongothers.Atthesametime,theConstitutionestablishedanewofficeinchargeoftheinvestigationofcrimes.TheAttorneyGeneralsofficeispartofthejudicialbranchanditisinchargeofinvestigatingandindictingthosewhoareresponsibleforcrimes.The
institutiongoesmorealongthelinesoftheSpanishmodel,showingtheinfluenceoftheSpanishdesignintheCJS.
However,withthemountingimportanceofinstitutionsintheWorldBank,thestresshasbeenputnotjustinthelawbutnowmoreimportantlyintheroleofinstitutionstoshapethedecisionsofagentsinthesystem.Giventhisanalysis,theWorldBankhasbecomeanimportantinstitutioninthetransformationofthejudicialsysteminLatinAmerica.Butthisisadesignthatinvolvesnotonlytheparticipationofnationalinstitutions,likeUSAID,butmoreinstitutionsofglobalgovernance,liketheWorldBank,theIMF,andtheUNPD39.
Tothe2005reformers,lawwasanimportantelementfordevelopment,becauseitcanguaranteepropertyrightsandacompetitiveenvironmentforforeigninvestors.Accordingtothe2005reformers,theideaistomakethecountryascompetitiveaspossible,andthismeanstheliberalizationoftheeconomy,thereductionoftheregulatorypowerofthestate,andtheeliminationoflaborrights 40.Butoneofthemainproblemsthesereformersseeintheeconomyistheexistenceoftransactioncoststhatmakethesystemlesscompetitive,andoneofthemiscorruption41.Thisconceptionisseenintheideaoftransparencyandhowthe
stateisminimizedinordertopreventitsinterventioninthemarket,unlessitistohelpit(EdgarReveiz:1997).
5.EconomistsEntErtHEfiEldofcriminallaw
InJune1991ColombiapassedanewConstitution,whichwasgoingtocompletelyreshapethestructureofthestate.ThereformwastheresultofthepoliciesbroughtbyColombianpresidentCsarGaviria,aneconomistfromLosAndesUniversity,
39 MalcomRowatetal:1995andPeterMurrell:2001.40 YvesDezalayandBrianGarth:2002andYvesDezalayandBrianGarth:2002.41 EdgardoBuscagliaetal:1997andPilarDomingoetal:2001.
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educatedintheUnitedStatesandwhobroughttothegovernmentlawyersandeconomistswhowerewillingtoredesigntheinstitutionsoftheColombianstateandtoimplementamodelofdevelopmentthatopenedColombianmarketstotheworldandmadethecountrymoreattractiveforforeigninvestors.OneofthetransformationsintheConstitutionwasthecreationoftheAttorneyGenerals
officeandtheCounciloftheJudiciary.Althoughthesemeasurescanbeseenasdemocratic,theywerealsopartoftheprocessofredesigningthestatefortheimplementationofneoliberalpoliciesinColombia,aprojectthatGaviriaproudlylabeledasapertura (opening).
Asaresultofthesepolicies,businesspeople,politicians,andtheownersofthemostimportantColombiannewspapercreatedtheCorporacinExcelenciaenlaJusticia(ExcelenceinJusticeCorporation),athinktankdedicatedtoanalyzethelegalsystemanddesignpoliciesforthegovernmenttoimprovetheefficiencyofthesystem.Thisthinktankhasbeenpublishingajournaldedicatedtostudythe
relationshipbetweenlawanddevelopment.Inthisjournal,Justicia y Desarrollo,lawyersandeconomisthavepublishedtheirarticlesontheefficiencyofthesystemofjusticeandonhowtoimproveit,andtodosotheyhavebeenusingaperspectivebasedonlawandeconomics.
AmongtheeconomistswhohavebeenpublishinginseveraljournalsaboutthistopicareArmandoMontenegroandMauricioRubio,professorsofeconomicsatLosAndesUniversityandeducatedintheUnitedStates.InthepagesofJusticia ySociedadandCoyuntura Econmica,economistselaboratedadiscourseinwhichthecriminaljusticesystembegantobeseennotasaninstrumenttosolveconflicts
betweentheparties,butasaninstrumenttocontrolcriminality,corruption,andtoeliminatethecostoftransactionsforforeigncompanies.
ThisjournalhaspublishedseveralstudiesrelatingtheeconomytotheCJS.Inthesestudiestheneedtohaveareliablejusticesysteminordertoallowthesystemtofunctionproperlyisstressed.Todoso,itisproposedthattherightstopropertybegrantedandprotectedefficientlybytheCJS.Giventhatcrimeandcorruptioncreatetransactioncostsfortheinvestors,theauthorsofthearticlespublishedinthesejournalsadvocateforamoreefficientCJS.Inapolldonein
2000,entrepreneursansweredthattheinefficiencyofthejudicialsystemandtheinstabilityoftherightstopropertywerethemaincausesfortransactioncostsandthemaindifferencebetweenaregionandanotherintermsofbeingattractivetoinvestmentandindustrialdevelopment42.InthesameissueofJusticia y Desarrollo,ananalysisoftheobstaclesforforeigninvestmentispresented,whereitisclaimedthatforeigncompaniesprefertohavetheirbusinessinplaceswherephysicalandrightssafetyareguaranteed.Oneoftheobstaclestoforeigninvestment,accordingtothestudy,istheinefficiencyofthejudicialsystem43.
42 FundacindeInvestigacionesEconmicasLatinoamericanas.Laseguridadjurdicaysuimpacto
sobrelasinversiones.Justicia y Desarrollo Vol. 3 No. 13(September,2000).43 ProgramaConvertir-DNP.ObstculosyoportunidadesparalaInversinExtranjeraenColombia.
Justicia y Desarrollo Vol. 3 No. 13(September,2000).
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ArmandoMontenegroandCarlosPosadaanalyzedthecrimerateinColombiaintheyear1995.Intheirarticle,PosadaandMontenegrotakeBeckersrationalchoicetheoryastheirtheorytoexplaincrime.Thisneoclassicalapproachwillshowthatcrimeistheresultofarationalchoicetakenbythepersonwhodecidestobreakthelaw.Althoughthisapproachhasbeencriticizedbecauseit
doesnottakeintoaccountthestructureofsocietyandassumesthatindividualsbreakthelawjustbecausetheywantto,theauthorsdonotmakeanattempttoevaluateanycriticalapproachtocrime.Intheirarticletheyshowthatthemodelofdevelopmentisunrelatedtotheideaofcrimeandthereforethatitisnottheprocessofindustrializationortheprocessofopeningofthemarkets thatareresponsiblefortheincreaseinthecrimerate.Sincetheirapproachisbasedontherelationshipbetweencostsandbenefits,theyconcludebysayingthatitisnotthelackofsocialservicesbuttheabsenceofcoststocommittingacrimethemainreasonswhythecrimeratehasincreasedinColombiainthe1990s44.
MauricioRubio,anothereconomisteducatedatLosAndesUniversityandHarvard,analyzesthecoststhatcrimecausestothestate.Inhisanalysis,Rubioemphasizestheimportanceofaninstitutionalredesignandhowitisthelackingstructureofthestatethemainreasonwhycrimehasgoneupandpeoplesolvetheirconflictsprivately(MauricioRubio:1999).Inhisbookheshowshowcrimeaffectstheefficiencyoftheeconomyandhowcrimecanbecomeanobstacletoeconomicdevelopment,thatistosay,openmarkets.
Oneresultoftheseeconomicanalysesofcriminallawistheemphasisplacedonefficiency.However,economistshavedefinedefficiencyintermsthattheycan
measurewitheconometricanalysis.Giventhattheefficiencyandefficacyofthesystemcannotbedefinedwithouttakingintoaccounttheroleofthestateandthelawasaninstrumentofcontrolandcreationofidentities,Colombianeconomistshavehadahardtimedefiningthisterm.Rubioandotherscameupwiththeideathatefficiencymeanstimeinprison;therefore,ifapersoninvestigatedforacrimeisnotsentencedtoprisontime,theywouldconsiderthatthereisimpunityinthesystem.Followingthismodel,MauricioCardenas,statedinanarticlewrittenin1996thatcrimeratehasincreasedandoverwhelmedtheabilityofthesystemtodealwithit.Headdsthattheinefficiencyofthesystemamountsto98%of
impunity,becauseonly5%ofthecasesaredealtwithbytheCJSandamongthoseonly2%endinprisontime.Thesystemisasinefficient,accordingtoCardenas,asitusedtobeinthe1980s,butthebudgethasdoubledsincethe1991Constitution(MauricioCrdenas:1996).
TheCJSispresentedinthesestudiesasaninefficientinstrumentandconsequentlyasanobstacletothedevelopmentofthecountry.Atthesametime,thepoliticalimplicationsofcrimeandjustice,studiedandanalyzedinEuropeancriminological
44 ArmandoMontenegroandCarlos EstebanPosada. Criminalidad enColombia.CoyunturaEconmicaVol.25No.1(1995).SeealsoAAVV:1995andJaimeGranadosPena.SenecesitaunareformaalaFiscaliaGeneraldelaNacion?Justicia y Desarrollo Ao IV Vol 16. (June,2001).
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discourse,andthenormativequestionsthatwereaskedbylawyersintheEuropeancriminallawdesign,areleftasidebyeconomists,andinsteadquestionsaboutefficiencybegintobeasked.Inthisway,theCJSisbeingconstructeddiscursivelyasatechnicalinstrumentthatcanbeanalyzedonlybytechnocratsandthereforeaspacewheretraditionallawyershavenoplace.
Economistshavebeenwritingabouttheneedtotreattheeconomyandthemodelofdevelopmentasatechnicalmatterandnotasonethatinvolvesanykindofpoliticaldiscussion.SalomonKalmanovitz,professorattheEconomicsDepartmentatbothNationalandLosAndesUniversity,andmemberoftheBoardofDirectorsoftheCentralBankinColombiaasortofColombianAllanGreenspanhaswrittenthattheConstitutionalCourtwhendecidingabouteconomicissuesshouldhavetheadviseoftechnocratseconomistswithPhDwhocananalyzetheseissuesguaranteeingtheirpoliticalneutrality45.
conclusion:EntErEconomicExitpolitics
TeivoTeivaneninhisbookonneoliberalreforminPerushowstheprocessbywhicheconomicsbecamethelanguageofstatereform,sothatanyreformbecamea-politicaland therefore inevitable. IntheColombian reform tothe state, thediscourseaboutredesignofinstitutionshasbecomeoneaboutglobalizationandtheneedtoadaptthesystemtotherequirementsofglobalization,openmarketsandaglobaleconomy.Ifthecountrywantstosucceed,itwillhavetoadapttothesetransformationsinboththeeconomicandthelaw.
ThelanguageofeconomicsdidnotemergesuddenlyinColombia.Sincethefirstwaveoflawanddevelopment,inwhichlawyerswerenothingmorethantechnicianstryingtodeterminethebestwaytoeducatelawyersforsocialchange,economists havedominated the fieldofdevelopment.However, the1950sand1960smodelofdevelopmentdidnotpaymuchattentiontothestateandinstitutions.Itiswiththerevivalofthestateinthe1980sthattheideathatinstitutionsmattertookagaintheleadinthediscoursesaboutdevelopmentanditpermeatedthelanguageoflawyersandsocialscientists.
ThesecondwaveoflawanddevelopmentwaslinkedtothetransitiontodemocracyinLatinAmericaandtherevivalofinstitutionalanalysisinthesocialsciences.Atthesametime,itwasconnectedwiththelostofEuropeanculturalhegemonyincriminallawandthetransitiontoamodelbasedontheAmericansystemofjustice.InGaviriasadministrationeconomistswerefocusedonaredesignofthestate,tryingtoadaptthestatetoaneoliberalmodelofdevelopment,oneinwhichthestatehastoreduceitssizeandincreaseitsattractivenessforforeigninvestment.Since1991economistsandlawyerseducatedinthemodeloflawanddevelopmentbegantodevelopadiscourseinwhichtheideaofefficiencybecamecentraland
45 SalomonKalmanovitz:1999andSalomonKalmanovitz.LosfallosdelJuezConstitucional:elcasodelaCapitalizacindeIntereses.Justicia y Desarrollo vol. 3 No. 2.
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oneinwhichnormativestatementsabouttheCJSwerelosingtheircredentials.IndifferentarticleswrittenbyeconomistsfromLosAndesUniversity,theCJSwasincludedinaneoliberalmodelofdevelopment,highlightingitsimportanceforforeigninvestmentinthecountry.Asaresult,thediscourseaboutcriminallawbecameoneaboutefficiency,transparency,corruptionanddevelopment.
Oncethisdiscoursewaselaborated,lawyersparticularlythosefromExternadoUniversitylosttheirabilitytouttermeaningfulstatementsabouttheCJSandthereforetoberelevantaspolicymakersinthereformtotheCJS.InthereformtothecriminaljusticesysteminColombia,wewitnessedaprocesswherebylawyerseitherhadtogetinvolvedindiscussionsaboutefficiencyandimpunity,lackingtheelementstosayinterestingthings,orhadtolosetheirroleaspolicymakersandcrucialagentsinthesystem.ThisisnottosaythatlawyersdisappearedfromtheCJS,theystillexistasworkersofthesystem,buttheyworkinasystemwheretheirabilitytocontributetoitisdecreasingrapidly.ThereformtotheCJSisthe
resultofthisbattleforculturalhegemony,andattheendeconomistsandbusinesslawyersaretheonestakingthefruitsofvictory.
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