TIJP

llt'r•''''l''''• n 1 gf l•olitit.•;;•l l•artj••

U1 ~'·;~,,.r;,,

,. ~·

Oie ........ -. O.H>I -\zu.: I"- L l.no"' n !hrou2hout ~iema ar.d be·.ond ..:., z.L h '.(J ~tos-eh ideni1fied ·.;. iih the '-Pint of ~1genan r.;1ti•malic.m that to man\ of hi~ r.umerou~ enthu~t-a;,tJc f(Jllo· .... ·cn he i'!. the per'>ontfica­tion (Jf 'iecrian nationaJi"m it-.elf -

Dr. AzJkiv.e·.., home tov. n •~ (JnJt~ha. in Ea">lern NigenJ. hut hc v.a.., born at Zungeru. m Sl.lrthcrn ''gcna. whcrc hi.., fathcr v.ao, a CJ\-il <,.ervant. After grJJng l(> -.chool in Omt­..,ha. Calahar. and Lago'>, hc v.cnt ICJ thc lJnitcd Statc'> of A mcnc:.:a Jrl I CJ25 whcrc hc '>I ud1cd for ninc VC<tr'> at thc I; uivcr•,JlJc·, of I.J~coln. How­ard and Pcnnwlvania He vr.tdu.ttcd. \1.A -( f Ion'>. Phdo­;(,rhyl ;md \1.S<.: (J-fon'>. An­thr(Jpolo'-'y) and f11r hl'> la'>t fo•tr yc,n-, in thc Statc<., wa.., lmtrm:tor •n Political ScJcncc ;tt L1ncoln IJnJvcr..,Jty I.IIH:oln and lfm.,ard havc confcrrcd honorary doctoratc.., on l111n.

The .. ~uchor

IJr. '\.namdi AJ:iki~L·, \utu11wl Prnulem o( tlrc• \'utwnal ( o1/flr tl o/ .\',~t'l tll and tlw Calllt'l oon\, "Jll'ot~in~ al nhodl'., IJUU'>l', Oxford, un .June

IIth, 1957.

Dr. ÄI.JkJwc rcturm:d to Wc..,l Africa in JlJJ4. After thrcc ycar" on the Gold Coa'>l ((ihana), whcrc hc workcd ,,.., journali-.t and propagandist for the cause of (iold Coa'>t natJOnaJJ ... m, hc rcturncd to Nigeria in 1937 and quickly hccamc onc of thc lcading pcro.,onalitics 111 thc nationalisl movcmcnt.

He foundcd thc We\1 /lfrican Pilot, adding in the following. ycars a chain of pro­vincial ncw~papcro.,- /:'a.Hem Ni~erian Guardian. al Port Harcourt, Southern N(~erüm Dcjencler, al lhadan, Ni~erian .S'poke.mw11, at Onitsha, Dailr Comet, at Kano, and Ea.\lem Se11tine/, at Enugu.

Politically, Or. Azikiwc ha" workcd to broaden thc appeal of thc nationalist movcmcnt. Whcn, 1r1 1944, thc National Council of Nigeria and thc Cameroons was formcd, tobring Iogether m onc orgamsation thc radical clcmcnts which had emerged during thc war ycars. hc bccamc its sccretary and, on thc dcath of Herbert Macaulay, was clcctcd National Prcsidcnt, which officc he still holds.

Dr. Azikiwc was a member of thc Legislative Council in 194X-1951, mcmber of the Western Housc of Assembly in 1952-53 and, since 1954, has been member for Onitsha in the Eastcrn House of Assembly and Premier of thc Eastern Region of Nigeria.

He is author of sevcral books, the most important of which arc Liberia In World Politics ( 1934), Renaseeilt Africa ( 1937), Political 8/ueprint vf Nigeria ( 1943) and Economic Reconstruction of Nigeria ( 1943).

The Developtnent

oj" Po l i t i c a l P lt, r t i e .Y • Nigeria

b~-

NNAMDI AZIKIWE Premier of Eastern Nigeria

.-'.n Addn.--s..~ deih-ered under the auspices of thc O:xford West Afrlcan students~ Union on .June 11th, at Rhodes Housc, O:xford. 'Tbc Master

of Balliol, Sir David L. Keir, in thc chair.

Publi.vlrrcl by ·1-HE OFFICE 01"-· THE COMMISSIONER IN Tt-fE UNITED KlNGDOM FOR THE EASTERN REGION OF NIGERIA

.. ,,, Duckingharn Pulace Rond. London. S.W.f

AIIRUST, 19:57

J>RICE: 'TWO SHILLINGS

THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLmCAL PARTIES IN NIGERIA

Tbc devclopment of political parties in Nigeria and thc Soutbem Camcroons cannot be divorced from the pattem wbicb obtains in other parts of the world whcrc parliamentary democracy has been accepted as the standard of ~litical bchaviourism. Tbc genesis of political parties stems from the Jdea of majority rule whicb is fundamental to the ideology of democracy. Though tbis statement may appear rudimentary, yet it is impo~t, for th~ purpese _of clarity, tbat a careful evaluation be made of the evolution of pobtJcal partJes as an institution.

Aristotle did say that man is a political animaJ. By this Statement he is usuaiJy understood, in the Iiterature of political science, to mean the sociability of man as a human being. Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau postulated the theory of the social contract to the effect tbat the grouping of individuals in a society implies the existence of a compa.ct in which such individuals tacitly surrender their absolute rights to an agency known as government, wbich can only exist on the consent of the governcd. According to Hobbes, strife motivated tbe need for such a compact. Locke thougbt that Iicentiousness made it imperative. Rousseau added that it was necessary for the maintenance of law and order so that the compact was .,o/onte generale.

1t is not natural to expect unanimity of opinion among human beings, if wc bear in mind the psychological nature of humanity. A criterion for measur­ing thc popular will is thus a nccessity. The concept of majority rule has emerged to give concrete expression to what is vaguely referred to as public opinion with which the idcology of democracy is coterminous. In the words of an American authority, u Each individual surrendered to the community bis right to execute natural law; hcnce tbe minority must be bound by thc y,iJJ of the majority, who might use force, if nccessary."

Lord Bryce held the view that .. the word democracy has been used e\'er since the time of Herodotus to denote that form of govemment in which the ruling power of a State is Jargely vested, not in any particular class or classes, but in the members of the community as a whole .... This means, in communities which act by \'Oting, that rule belongs to the majority, as no other metbad has been found for determining peacefully and legally what is to bc declared the will of a community which is not unanimous." It is quite obvious that once we place it on record that we seek to attain the goal of political democracy in our country then we have tacitly admitted the importance of political parties as an instrument for the crystallisation of public opinion. Thls is an expressed acceptance of the idea of majority rule.

Bearing the foregoing in mind, we can define a political party in the words of the French sociologist, Gustave Le Bon, to mean .. individuals differing greatly as to their education, their professions, and the dass of society to which they belong, and with their common beliefs as the connecting link. •• That is to say, a political party is an organisation of voten, freely and voluntarily formed, for tbe attainment of common ends. There is, howcver, an irresistible tendency actually to control the reins of govemment, and in so doing. there is a concentration of power in the hands of few people who arc willing and have the time and ability to practise those arts by means of which the executive control is obtained and exercised.

Since in any political society tbere must be conftict of views and club of opinions on a range of issues, it is but rational that those who hold substan-

3

tially similnr ~~icws upon ~my subject should drnw togcthcr into co-opcrutivc: eiTort to nttnm t~esc cnds. Ed~1und Rurk.c pl~l it this wuy : " Pnrty is n hody of mcn umtcd for promottng by thear JOint endenvours thc nutionnl mterest •. upon somc purticulur principle in whach they nrc ull agrecd." 1t is now unavcrsnlly ucknowlcdgcd that pnrty corurol is cssentiul to thc cflicient working of dcmocrncy.

Thc ohjccts of politicnl partlcs urc inter a/ia:

(a) Disseminatins of politicnl propugandu and doctrincs of thc party accomplishcd through thc press, pulpit, radio, films, und other orgnns nnd mcdia for thc cxprcssion of puhlic opinion ; it is cspccially vigoraus in pcriods prcccding elcctions.

(h) Formulation of positive policics which find cxprcssion in party plntforms or munifestos nnd othcr otTicinl pronounccmcnts of porty Ieaders.

(c) Nomination of cnndidutcs for puhlic officcs, nnd plcdging of thc votcs of thc party for its cnndidntes.

(c/) Conducting ofclcction cnmpnigns involving thc usc ofcvcry conccivab1e devicc for convincing and persunding thc clcctoratc that thc policics which its candidates rcprescnt ure prcfcrnble to thosc of thcir rivals.

(t') Control, aflcr clcctions, of thc policy-forming organs of govcrnment so ns to matcrialisc thc principlcs embodicd in thc party platform.

Professors Ogg and Ray, two Amcrican scholars, havc cnumerated the following among the functions of politicnl partics :

(a) Kceping thc people informed on public mattcrs. (b) Discussing public questions in thc prescnce of thc pcoplc. (c). Sccuring not only discussion beforc thc pcople but (what is quite as

important) discussion by thc peoplc. (c/) Sclccting and bringing forward candidates for public office. (e) Scrving in some measures as surelies for the satisfactory pcrformancc

of thc official dutics of such pcrsons after elcction. (/) Constituting thc most important channcl through which thc ordinary

citizen can cxert a dircct influcncc in thc formulation of public policy.

Nigerfan National Dcmocratic Party

Now that wc havc clarificd thc nature, objects and functions of political partics, we should as a natural corollary follow with intcrest the development of political partics in Nigeria and the Southern Cameroons sincc our historical connection with Grcat Britain. On this scorc, we must bcar in mind an cxccllent study on the growth of political parties in Africa in which the author explaincd that it took threc patterns-pressure groups, nationalist movcmcnts, and political partics proper.

The first catcgory was defincd as " An organisation which endeavours among othcr things to inj/uence, hut not to control, government on behalf of the special intcrcsts of its mcmbcrs." Thc second was defined as '' An organisation formcd to achieve sclf-government ... or to secure absolute political cquality within a broader Euro-African grouping ... or within a plural society." The third was dcfined as " An organisation which competes with othcr similar organisations in pcriodical clections in order to participate 4

in formal instituliuns und thcrcby influcncc nnd comrol thc pcrsonnel nnd policy of govcrnment."•

Up to thc ycar 1922, thcre wns no well-cstnblishcd politicul purty in Nigeriu, if wc judgc by thc yurdstick I hnvc outlincd ubovc. Thcrc wcre sporadic nttempts to orgnnisc prcssurc groups in ordcr to rcgastcr prolest agninst certain meusurcs in which thcir sponsors had intcrest. These organisations hud a protructcd cxistence und somc of thern soon disappcarcd from thc horizon of Nigcriun politics. Thc anmlgnmution of Northcrn a!'d Southern Nigeria, thc cnuctmcnt of thc Provincial Courts Ordinancc, thc Jntroduction of wnter rntc into Lugos, thc crcation of paper currcncy for cir< .. -ulation in Nigeriu, thc agitation for rccognition of thc Housc of Doccmo, these wc:rc among the political topics which commandcd thc attcntion of thc Nigerian public und fillcd the columns of local ncwspupers.

Perhups the oldcst establishcd political pnrty in Nigcriu is thc Nl1erlan National Democratlc Party (N.N.D.P.), which wus foundcd in 1922 by the Jate Hcrbc:rt Mncaulny and supportcd by thc lcading nntionnlists of thc: day. I will sny rnorc about the N.N.D.P. in duc coursc. ll was opposcd by the Peoples Union, which was suid to be controlled by Dr. J. K. Randle, Dr. Orisndipc Obasa of lkija, Sir Kitoyi Ajasn, Dr. R. Akinwandc Savage, Sir Adeyemo Alakija and others.

Thc policy of the Peoplcs Union muy bc said tobe conservative. compared to the N.N.D.P. whose policy was radical. Thc political .\·Iatus quo wa~ regarded as ideal by the Pcoplcs Union and any changes wcrc to bc: gradual. This view was opposed by thc N.N.D.P. which wanted completc enfranchise­ment of the peoplc of Lngos and ndvocutcd u series of rcforms as containcd in the pctition ofthc National Congress of British West Africa to His Majcsty'~ Government in 1920.

The Womcn's Union formed a sort of counterpart of the Pcoples Union and was Jed by Mrs. Olajumoke Obasa, wife of Dr. Orisadipe Obasa and u wcalthy transport owncr. Shc was daughter ot' thc very wealthy Nigcrian merchant, F. 0. Blaize, onc of the original sharcholders of thc Bank of British West Africu.

Among thc lcading lights of thc N.N.D.P., bcsidcs its foundcr, Herbert Macaulay, were Dr. C. C. Adeniyi-Joncs, Egerton Shynglc, Thomas Horatio Jackson, Karimu Kotun, J. T. White, and Dr. J. T. Caulcrick. The party's aims and objcctives includcd self-governmcnt within thc British Empire and "to identify itsclf wholly and solely with the intcrcsts of thc people ; to co-operate with the important units ofthe majority clements of the community and to stand loyally by thc people and sharc cquully with thcm the vicissitudes of life und er thc aegis of the new Constitution."

Tbc N.N.D.P. won all thc thrce scats for Lagos at thc clcctions to thc: Legislative Council from 1923 to 1938, and from 1943 to 1948. 1t also won oll the seats available by election to the L'lgos Town Council, from 1943 to 1953.

Today, the N.N.D.P. is an associatc mcmber of thc National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons and rcstricts its activities to the contesting of the Lagos Town Council elections in alliance with N.C.N.C., thc Lagos Market Women's Association and thc Labour Front. After the death of Herbcrt Macaulay, a schism occurred in thc rank and file of the N.N.D.P. and two wings emerged. The morc activc wing is now in active alliance

• James S. Coleman, "The Emergence of Political Pnrties, '' reproduccd in C. Orove Haines, Africa Tot/Qy (Baltimore : 19SS), pages 226-227.

5

with the N.C.N.C. whilst thc other wing cnjoys an cxiguous political existence of suspended animation.

By 1923, a young lawyer bad just returned from the United Kingdom and he contacted a number of other professionals to form thc Union of Young Nigerians (U.Y.N.). Chief Ayo Williams stecrcd thc fortunes of the U.Y.N. until it evanesced, following successive defeats of its candidates at clections to the Legislative Council and the Lagos Town Council. It is significant that Chief Williams joined the N.N.D.P. subsequently and becamc its successful candidate in one of the municipal elections. In 1938, he was instrumental in forming the Nigeria Union of Young Democrats.

Before discussing thc major and minor political parties of contemporary Nigeria, I should pay attention to two youth organisations becausc of the impact they have had on the evolution of our country as a political entity. Thc first is the Nigeria Youth League Movement, which was the sole copyright of Mr. Eyo lta, who bad dreamt of this semi-politico-cultural body when he was a student in New York, at the Teachers College, Columbia University. He conceived the functions of his League to be based on " Fivc Fingers", which he called Health and Economicity (sie), Beauty, Knowlcdge, Patriotism, Religion. He thought tfiat by devcloping ccrtain industries he could integrate manual labour with nation-building, and hc called upon Nigerian youth to come forward and save Nigerian society. Mr. Ita's ideas appeared nebulous excepting for his concrete programme in building a secondary school in Calabar. Theseare some of his intellectual meanderings:

This is the day of Nigeria youth. lt must build a new social order, for whereas yester­day belonged to our fathers and their distant future belongs to posterity, today and the immediate tomorrow are ours. We can and must shape them according to our needs and desires. . . . The time has come when the young people of Calabar must live \ creatively, must build new and bctter homes, must bring new forms to birth in literature, language, arts, music, methods and tools of industry, when they must dream of purer and juster laws and promote bctter health ....

We must secure bare living first before we can think of the luxuries of life-/tcm odu uK"em okono nqua • ••. Calabar is a land of beauty. Nigeria is a land of beauty. Our sons and daughters must reveal its concealed beaulies through the usc of pencil and colour ... Calabarian youth, like the knights of old, and like the militant youths of modern Russia, who volunteer to save their socicty at all cost, must pledgc themselves to give themselves completely to the cause of emancipating Calabar. The love of Calabar must consume us. Thc zeal for her emancipation must bc our food and drink. We are either Calabrains or nothing. To the degree in which Calabar is saved tothat degree shall we be saved ....

Our God is He who carcs for our homcs, our womanhood, our childhood, the moral manhood of our racc, our cconomic welfare, our hcalth, and our political frcedom. Who respects the beauty of the black man no lcss than He is interested in the other races of mank.ind. This God speaks to us through the fruits of our land, through the animals that inhabit it, through the Iove and fcllowship of our darling mothers and friends. He is the God of Nigeria, her abiding gcnius, her sustaining power. Tbc youth must realise that it is scrving His causc through the activities of its movement. It must realise that the whole of Nigeria is a supreme vaJue before God, and that its creative work is part of the vast plan of the Divine Conserver of our values.

These ideas of Mr. lta appcared to the people of Nigeria as partly utopian and partly parochial. The fact that thc Nigeria Youth League Movement was dedicated to the glorification of Calabar youth and that a Calabar National Istitutc was foundcd by Mr. lta in Calabar madc Nigerians qucstion the universality of Mr. lta's conccption of human brotherhood. There is no record that Mr. Ita's Lcague bad popular support. It was not until

• An Efik saying, meaning literally: lf the neck is alive, it will wear beads.

6

twenty-fivc ycars Jatcr, whcn hc camc all out to advocatc the cause of the Calabar-Ogoja-Rivcrs State Movcment and to bcat the tom-tom drums of allcged Ibo domination that Mr. Jta's sccrct antagonism against certain

/, tribes became obvious. These points should be bome in mind when the " policy and programmc of thc C-0-R State Movement are subsequently

examined.

Nigerian Youth Movement Nevertheless, the desirable aspccts of Mr. Ita's philosophy of nationhood

appeared to have influenced the thinking of Nigcrians and, in 1933, the second youth organisation, thc Lagos Youth Movement (L.Y.M.). w~ founded by Dr. James Churchill Vaughan, Erncst Sisei lkoli, Samuel A. Akansanya (now Odemo of Ishara) and other Nigerian nationalists resident in Lagos. Adopt­ing a salute based on the raising of the right or left index finger above the head, in obeisance to God, the L.Y.M. attracted to its fold some of the intelligentsia of the country. By 1937, a brilliant Nigerian had retumed home from the United Kingdom in the person of Hezckiah Oladipo Davies. who became the General Secrctary of the Movcment, and the namc of the Movement was changed to Nigerian Youth Movement (N.Y.M.).

The N.Y.M. Charterand Constitution cxplains its mission as follows:

The principal aim of the N. Y.M. is thc dcvelopmcnt of a unitcd nation out of thc conglomeration of the pcoplcs who inhabit Nigeria. lt shall bc our endeuvour to encourage the fuUest play of all such forccs as will scrvc to promote understandins and u sense of common nationality among the different clcmcnts in the country. We will combat vigorously all such tcndcncies as would jeopardisc thc unifying proccss ....

In its Political Charter, its goal was stutcd to bc •• complcte autonomy within the British Empire '':

Wc are striving towards a position of cqual tartnership with othcr membcr Statcs of the British Commonwealth of Nations, and o cnjoying complcte indcpcndence in thc local managcment of our atfairs. This political end of tho N.Y.M. is coterminous with that rcpeatedly dcclarcd by His Mujesty's Govcrnmcnt us thc goul of British connection with Nigeria.

The Economic Charter pledgcd thc N.Y.M. "to demand for our people economic opportunitics cqual to those enjoyed by forcigncrs." I t envisaged a" First Five Ycars' Economic Plan," .. Tbc Cent-a-Ciub," and also expressed opinion in respect of some projects dcvised to safeguard thc economic integrity of the African. lts Cultural and Social Charter cmbruced the problems of education and hcalth.

Perhaps the most conspicuous pronounccmcnt of thc N. Y. M., viewed in the light of contemporary affairs, is the re-statemcnt of its aims in its Con­stitution which reads :

The objects of the N.Y.M. are: I. To unify the different tribes of Nigeria by adopting and eocouraaina mcans which would fester better understandins and CO-operation bctwcen the tribes so that they may come to have a common ideal. .•. 4. To idcntify itself in a wholehearted and self-less manner with the interest of thc people irrespective of class or any other distinction. and to be always prepared to prOKCUt~ their Iegitimale aspirations with resolution, consistency and firmness.

The N.Y.M. tried to put into practice its professed policy. It contested the elections to the Legislative Council in 1938 and defeated the N.N.D.P. by

7

winning all the three seats for Lagos. Arnong its Ieaders at this time were Dr. Akinola Maja, H. S. A. Thomas, Jubril Martin and Dr. (now Sir) Kofoworola Abayomi. Prominent among its back-benchcrs were Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, ChiefObafemi Awolowo, ChiefS. L. Akintola, J. A. Tuyo, Hamzat A. Subair, F. Ogugua-Arah, S. 0. Shonibare and L. Duro Emmanucl.

When, in 1940, Dr. Abayomi left Nigeria to study ophthalmology in the United Kingdom, bis seat in the Legislative Council was dcclared vacant by the Governor. This led to what ultimately became a crisis in the party, because it split the N.Y.M. into two---one group supporting the candidature of S. A. Akisanya, and the other supporting that of Jubril Martin for the vacant seat. At a subsequent bye-election foranother seat, the schism became pronounced because, again, Mr. Ak.isanya was supported by onc group and Mr. lkoli, bis new rival, by another. It is significant that Mr. Akisanya's supporters held the view that an Ijebu member of a political party had as much right as any other member to stand for election and represent Lagos as a candidate ofthat party. After the second split, the N.Y.M. never recovered and it ultimately degenerated into desuetude, only to be succceded by the Lagos Area Council for purposes of municipal elections, and by the Action Group on a national scale.

By now, certain patriots were beginning to feel that whilst political parties \\ere desirable, yet it was essential to make facts available to our people in order to enable them to bave an intelligent grasp of the problems confronting Nigeria and the Cameroons. It was feit that youths were not doing sufficient researcb work into the political, social, economic and cultural problems of Nigeria. For example, tbere was no need to criticise the Medical Department because of tbe paucity of hospitals in the country, if we were not in a posi!ion to indicate the ratio of the number of existing hospitals to the populatlon. A.s a research body, to supply information to any person interested in the contemporary problems of Nigeria, especially in the post-war years, it was thought desirable to found an organisation which should not necessarily be political in nature, but should be a fact-finding body to encourage research.

~atioaal Front

Founded early in 1942, tbis organisation was christened the Nigeria Re­COibti uctioa Group. It limited its members to a select circle of intellectuals interested and willing to undertake research projects of a fact-finding nature. The members of the N.R.G., in alphabetical order, included B. 0. S. Adophy, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Moses 0. Balonwu, S. I. Bosah, C. Enitan Brown, T. E. E. Brown, Henry Collins (a B.N.C.O.), Dr. E. C. Erolcwu, E. E. Esua, Dr. Okoronkwo Ogan, M. E. R. Okorududu, L. A. Onojobi, Dr. T. 0. na Oruwariye and Albert I. Osakwe. After having conducted research on various aspects of Nigerian life, particularJy in the spheres of politics, econo­mics, sociology, and education, the N.R.G. thought that the time had come for a National Fronttobe created in order to infusein the people of Nigeria an idea of oneness and consciousness of kind. Once that had been done, if there were any grievances to be presented, these could be done constitutionally but with a united front, to avoid dissipation of national energy.

Again, the N.R.G. thought that by the National Front enabling the various peoples of Nigeria and the Cameroons to present a united front, it would make easier the task of those who ruled the country, as they would be in posi~on to know what was public opinion, at least from the majority point of vrew. Not to be misunderstood, the N.R.G. disavowed any political X

Chi~f < )h;~f('mj :\\\olo\\o l'rc,tdcnt o/ the

·I( tton Group

Alhaji .o\.hmadu Sardauna of Sokoto Pre1ident of tltt• :\"ortlft•rn P<'opft•, • Cungrcn

Dr. E. M. 1.. Endele~· Pr('.H.detrt o/ tlrt• Kamt•nm Nutionul Congrn,

:\lahmt Amima K&ulU dcrrt-Gt'llc'rul o{ tlrt' Northt'l n

Elcmcnl\ Prt,Rrt"iSIH' Umon

'\Ir .. 1. ~- Tarka p,.,., . .Jerrr ••/ rllc L't~ttca

\fi,ldlc 11.-/r c .. "~,.,.,, .

:"\talam lhrahim Imam p, ('\td('/1[ "' th·· (/"; !//{

) flllth .\!<~ ·.·, ·n;, nt

•.. -1

ambuions ; rather it decided to seek the co-openuion of the N agerian Y outh Movement and to request that political body to spearhead this National Front.

The N.Y.M. was informed of the plans of thc N.R.G. and asked to take up the task of organising the various political parties, tribal unions. tradc unions, youth leagues, peasant organisations, professaonal associations, literary societies, and other social bodies, into one solid phalanx of a National Front. For six months this negotiation was carried out, but it endcd abortively. As a last resort, an organisation known as the Nigerian Youth Circle was contacted, through the good offices of Messrs. H. 0. Davies and J. M. Udochi. Bothofthese gentlernen attended one meeting of the N.R.G. and some members of the N.R.G. attended one meeting of the N.Y.C., on the basis of reciprocity and goodwill ; neverthcless, it was not po~ible to start a National Front, which was to be a new stage in the cvoluuon of nationalism in Nigeria.

A Youth Rally was organised to takc place at Ojokoro, in November, 194]. The Nigcrian Youth Circle (N.Y.C.) and thc Nigeria Union of Students played a prominent part in organising it. At the Rally, many youths crowded this country estate of E. J. Alcx-Taylor, and among those who addressed the audience were A. 0. Thomas, Rotimi Williams, 0. A. Alakija, H. 0. Davies and Nnamdi Azikiwe. Members of the N.Y.M .• N.R.G .. N. Y.C., Nigerian Union of Students (N. U.S.) and othcr organisations wen: at the head of various discussion groups, and resolutions were passcd on many topics affecting the future of Nigeria. One of such resolutions y,as that the time bad come for a National Front to bc cstablished and that the N.Y.M. should be called upon to spearhcad it.

lt is pertincnt that I should say a few words about the Nigeria Union oa Students, which was dcstined to make the idea of a National Front a reality. The N. U.S. bad its origin at the Abcokuta Grammar School, where it was founded in October, 1939. Among its Ieaders wcrc Adewale Fashanu. I. 0. Dafe, Olubumi Thomas, B. B. Bamgbose and P. N. Mnlafa. Among its patrons were the following personalities : Rcv. I. 0. Ransomc-Kuti. Herbert Macaulay, Dr. Akinola Maja, Ernest S. lkoli, Mrs. Stella Marke. and Nnamdi Azikiwe. After waiting for nlmost six months, thc N.U.S. observed that no organisation or individuals hud been encrgetic in taking up the gauntlet in order to form a National Front, ns was resolved nt the historic Ojokoro Youth Rally.

The N. U.S. organised mass mcetings originally to start a National Educa­tion Fund and fruitlessly requcstcd the trustees of the National School Fund to assist them. It was clear that thcre was vacillation on the political horizon of Nigeria. and with thcir youthful energy bubbling for action, the N.U.S. issued a manifeste calling thc people of Nigeria and the Cameroons to action for the establishment of aNational Front. With the activities of the N. U.S. should be studied the inftuence of thc Resolution of the West African Students Union in London in 1942, calling for internal sclf-government for British West Africa, and the memorandum issucd by the West Afric-ctn Press Dele­gation in 1943, associating the Delegation with the demand for self-govern­ment. These ideas no doubt inftuenced the national consciousnes5 already generating in Nigeria and the Cameroons.

National Council of Nigeria and tbe Cameroons A series of mass meetings was held in Lagos-·the first two undcr thc

chairmanship of the Duse Mohamed Ali, EfTendi. Many organisations werc q

-m,~l ~ t~ 'N.\·.~·- .. N.R,lL. N,lLS,. rrn,tcs llnlun l'unarc"1 ~~ \ \"""' '" ~ a"'-i thc f"al~ml Uni'-'" of N"th~ Ac.iministmtior~ ~~ U\ ~''""' t\.' tnl\al UUt\m~ lrAdC Ulll\lUS, litCI1UY S\l\:'lCllCS, rurmc:h' '"P~~'\N... a.t Pf'~~~~ .t~~tions (likc thc Bur A!\s,l4:illtiCln und thc ,"C'pll\r..,a~"' '"·~1 ~itklM~ ..an'-' dentists), ~h~st of thcsc rCSJlondcd ~nd ~t ~t&ll\'t'S..

(M .~~ ~ t~ t~ Nadoul Couadl of Nla~rla and lhc Camcroo111 ·~" ~"'"'- w1th t~ J'rimary task of e.:\erting mas.."i prt'ssurc in order to nc­"~k' t~ '~'"'ti.:al \k\"~l,,pment of the rountry. At the Third Meeting of thc- tu~~ So...~'\1\ '""' t~ N.C.N.C .• rro,·isionnl otllcers wcrc elc:cted in --.~ nl«'ti"' a.~lhlcd in th~ Glovc-r ~4emoriul Hall. us follows : Prcsidcnt •~ ''"""*~'.. li.R.I.B.A ... A.~·t.I.C.E.), Vice-President (Thc Venerable .t 0.. l~~$.,. ~1 .. -\ ... D.D.\. Gc-nfit\1 ~retary (Nnumdi Azikiwc), Financial ~·\Re-,·. -~- \\". How~ll~ ~1.A ... 8.0.). Treasurcr (L. P. Ojukwu) :\udit\.~t_l • ..\.. Olk"'-"N :too .-\. Ogedegbe). Legal Advisers (E. J. Alex Taylor: ,1. E, C, Da'~ thc- Hon. E. A. Akcrde. 0. A. Alakija. M.A .• B.C.L .• Lndipo lAiwtsi.. utd J. I. C. TayiN. M.A.).

Leucrs 'a"Ule fN""A-ardcd by the ProYisional General Secretary to thc aoove ~tkmen.. datcd September 23 .. 1944. Some replied or sent messages giving I"CL"'DS for thcir inability to accept office. Those who were willing to servc ~ tb&! or\._mw officcrs of tbe N.C.N.C. included Herbert Macaulay, Nnamdi .-\zitiwc.. L A. ~ A. "Ogedegbe, E. A. Akerele, and Ladipo Odunsi. -~t :a subscquent general mceting which was convened to confirm these ~ and possibly ma.ke new o~ the acceptance or otherwise of office '1125 anooanccd. ~fr. Oyeshile Omage was elected Financial Secretary and Dr. tbc HOilOllrable Abu Bakr Olorun-Nimbe, M.B., Ch.B., was elected T rc:asurer.

On this occasion, Hc:rbert Macaulay delh·ered bis inaugural address as thc firstNational Prc:sident of the N.C.N.C., the text of which is treasured in the arc:bn-es of the party as an immortal contribution to the political Iiterature of Nigeria. This great oration, pregnant with earthly wisdom and based on cxpea ie~ of fh·e decadcs of public life and service, has becomc the corner­stooe which animates the philosophy of thc National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons.

Afteraseries of constitutional conventions (whose members werc Herbcrt \tacau.lay, Nnamdi Azikiwe, D. C. Osadebay, Dr. A. 0. Olorun-Nirnbe, Prince A.. lbikunle-Akitoye, P. M. Kaie, Ogunye, and E. E. Esua), the N.C.S.C. Constitution was completed and subsequently adopted in 1945. Tbcnccfonh it bccame the organic law of the party.

In its Constitution the objects of the N.C.N.C. wcre stated thus : II) Tocaead dcmocratic principlcs and to advance the intcrests of the people of Nigeria iiDd thc Carna-ooa:s undcr British mandate. (2) To orpnise and collaborate with all its branchcs throughout thc country. f]J To adopt suitablc means for the purpose of imparting polilical education to the peopk o( Niacria with a view to achieving sclf-govcmmcnt. C4) To a.Jrord tbc mcmbers the advantases of a medium of cxprcssion in order to sccure polj:ticaJ frecdom. cconomic r.ccurity, IOCiaJ equality and religious toleration in Nigeria and lbe Cameroom under British mandate, a~ a mcmbcr of the ßritish Commonwealth o( Natioos.

The term •• Political Frecdom" was interpretcd to mean the achievement of self-govemment whereby our people shall cxercise untrammclled executive,

10

legi~lnllvc nru.J judicinl power". lt ul"o impJjed trcedom ,.,( •peeclJ, (rudt",. of the pre!'i~. frcedom of "".,cmhly and frccdom uf auociation to cnable t7fn

peoplc to bc frcc tu think, to ~pc:uk, to wrrte, to aMemblc, and ro tradc. "Economic Sccurity" mcant that Govc:rnment 'hall re~pc.ct thc indtp:ncian systcm of lund tcnurc, und thc: N.C.N.C.:. aimed .. to KCurc control by the Ioad udministrutions of thc mcan.s of production and dittribution o( the mincrnl rcsourceM of thc country." This al10 included protcctjr.m fl( " Nigerion tradc, productJI, mincraiJ and commercc in the inter~t of the natives, und lcgislation against tradc monopoliet 10 at to a.,·oid the n--­ploitation of thc country and it1 peoplc." That our worken 1booJd be protccted from any form of opprcasion or cxploitation and that tbelr con.. ditions of work should be humaniscd formcd thc latt point on thK topic.

In connection with •• Social EquaHty," thc N.C.N.C. Constitut.ion de.­mnndcd .. abolition of all forms of discrimination and aegreption bucd on ruce, colour, tribc or creed in Nigeria and the Camc:roons, panicuJariy in respect of social accommodation, advantages, facilities, cnjoymcnt\, amm•­ties, renumeration, perquisites, etc. •• It advocated u a national sy~tem o( free and compulsory education for all children up to the age of .sUlcC'n .. tagether with the provisions of .. a reasonable number of scholanbips •• to our people for study. It also sought •• to secure that free medical and surgical treatmentshall be provided by the central and the local go\·c:mment­for all our people, without exception, so long as they .. are in nccd of such serviccs " and that •• there shall be no discrimination and segrcgation in respect of hospital facilities on account of race, colour, tribe or crced. ••

Religious toleration was defi.ned as follows : •• To secure for the people of Nigeria and the Cameroons the freedom of worship according to con­science, and for all religious organisations thc freedom and right to cxist. •• The N.C.N.C. was not oblivious of thc international aspect of our struggle towards an independent national existence, and so it incorporatcd thc following as our goal in international relations : •• To secure for the peoplc of Nigeria and the Camcroons an effective voice in international atrairs, which directly or indirectly affect them. ••

In alliance with the Nigerian National Democratic Party thc N.C.N.C. won all the three seats for Lagos at the 1947 clections to the Legislath·c Council. The same alliancc won all the five scats for Lagos at the 1951 clcctions to the Western House of Assembly. lts Eastern section won 75 of the 83 seats at the 1951 elections to the Eastern House of As.semblv. In 1953, the N.C.N.C. won 72 out of the 84 scats in thc Eastern Housc Öf Assembly and, in 1954, 35 out of the 42 seats in the East. 23 out ol thc 42 seats in the West and one out of the two scats in Lago~ maldng a total of 61, out of the 184 seats in the Federal House of Representati\·cs. In 1956. it won 32 out of the 80 seats in thc Western House of Assemblv and, in March, 1957, 65 out of the 84 seats in thc Eastcrn House of Asscmbly.

Up to 1955, the N.C.N.C. was the only nation-wide party in Nigeria since it had representativcs in all the legislatures of the country, eithcr by directly winning seats or by doing so through alliances. At prescnt, it is thc Go••crn­ment party in the Eastern Region and the official Opposition in the Western House of Assembly. Tagether with the Northern Peoplcs Congress it forms a bi-partisan .. coalition .. in the Federal Government. Through its allies.. the Northem Elements Progressive Union, the ldoma State Union and t..hc Moses Rwang Wing of the United Middle Belt Pcoples Congrcss it is part of the Opposition in the Northern House of Assembly and, through its

II

~u.a~~ "''" lhc "-•m~nan ·~'"'~ Pnrt)·. 1\ßft nr thc Of'llO~ition in lhc ~tMnl ~'a~'-"'~ ~t$-latu~.

1k main ~oe \'\hkh th~ N.C.N.C. t3cklcd as soon ns it wns founded wa~ tMt w...~· sdf·t'<''U'ft~nt. At aU its mcetings ~ince 1944 it hns prcached the ~'1riM tbat N~ is ~dy for self·g~.w-emmcnt. nnd has spotlifhled any ~tcments wbich fa,x.,ur this point of vi~w. whilst it nttncks opposmg vicws. ln tM nrty yoears of the N.C.N.C .• Mr. J. V. Clinton. O.B.E., then Editor ~......( lhc n<'w Jefunct .\'ig~rt"aat &.u~rn Alail. used to gun for nationalists who dcmandc:d sdf-~wunment. He claimed that Nigeria was too backward eithtt to apprcciatc it or h.l bc worthy of this political honour. This followed thc fw...,nhright Statement in 1944 of Mr. Henry Wallace, former Vice­Prcsident of thc United States.. challenging Britain to indicate a time-limit for sctting colonial peoplcs frce. as an earnest of her constructive peace aims._ Tbc- U.oour Oppo.~tion in the House of Commons had tackled the Secretary of Sutc for Jndia (Leopold M. Amery) at this time and demanded the rdeaSC' l''f Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Nehru from prison. Mr. Amery prevaricatcd. and on bcing requested to state categorically what lndia wanted, Mahatma Gan<lhi said that Indian nationalists dem~nded from Britain sdf-J()\-cmment for lndia and for the people of Mrica.

FoUo"ing the stand taken by W.A.S.U. in London over the issue of self­go\·cmmmt. and the \'icws expressed by the West African Press Delegation to London. Mr. Reginald Sorensen, M.P., advocatcd that Britain should indicatc a timc-limit oftcn to fifteen years to enable British West Africa tobe sdf-goveming. •• I bclie\·e that if the Colonial Secretary would announce such action in our colonial empire, particularly in West Africa," Mr. Sorensen appealcd. .. bc would strike a stronger blow for the principles for •hich 11.1m are dying today then by anything which he had said bcfore." Soc onJy •-as Mr. Sorenseo's plea played down by the British press but it waa ~ppressed by the Public Relations Department of Nigeria. lt was left to the H't'st African Pilot and the Dai~l' Service to publicisc and support Mr. Sorenscn's tirnely statcment.

Tbe local reaction to Mr. Sorensen's House of Commons specch, was clectrifying. AJJ over the country the issue was on cvery Jip. At Calabar, a public debate was held under the chairmanship of Mr. G. W. Clinton, father of Mr. J. V. Ointon and proprietor of the Nigerfan Eastern Mall. Dr. M. A. Majekodunmi, a surgical specialist, and Mr. Asuquo Nyon, a teacher in Duke Town School, debated for thc affirmative, whilst Mr. A. S. E\'c:lyn-Brown, a Magistrate, and Hon. E. E. E. Anwan, a lawycr, debated for the negative. It is needless to remark that the former won the debate by acclamation. This did not satisfy Mr. J. V. Clinton who did not hesitate to use the columns of his newspaper to mis-cducate and confuse the public on this issue. There was widespread opposition to the efTort of his press to stultify the aspirations of Nigerians and subsequently his newspaper became defunct.

IHJeptioa to Loadoo . On October 10,_ 1944, a ~blegr~m was despatched to me from London,

~•gned ~y Dr. A~mola M.aJa, ~1po Solanke and H. 0. Davies, not only t.u.p~rtang the 1dea of 1mmed1ate sc:lf-government, but suggesting that N1geraa~s •hould make a declaration asking for internal self-government and send th11 to ~e. Secretary of State for the Colonies. They also advised that leaden of pohtacal thought &hould travel to all parts of Nigeria and secure 11

thc co-opcration of thc Chief• and peoplc, Thia aablcpam ako rcferred me to the W.A.S. U. mapzine of Junc 1944. which .aid ~

Thc proscnl wi.aha o( the peoplc o( Wctl Afrtc:a an brlefty ..aflard up • loao....: lhal the aoaJ or our ambition ia a Dominion 5catus tobe idmt~~ .... in -.rc. charactcr and power u any of the od.er Dominions within die Coalw• :c:aJd::. But u the appropriatc and adcquate prepal"8don for thJI pJeJ of ow aml*ion. - ._ a substantial constituaJonal advanccmcnt u may praaic:alfy amoana kJ ___, democratic selr-aovemmcnt tobe aranted ua NOW ....

The above constitulionalarant to last for the nn1 ten )C'aß. ou rrom J...., I. 1942. after which a completc intemal self-sovernmeru shoukf. dl J:.' ;,:":,/~· ~ r­anolher ftve ycan. and at the end or the lauer pcriod. a f1 ........ .,... shouJd be pantcd. Wc want Mr. Cburcbill'• pracnl GowaWJ.,... 1.0 dlldln dllr abovc. as won as possiblc. a• tq)I'CKnlins thc euct and lrue willlcS uad ~ nl the peoplc of West Africa.

Not only did the Colonial Office trcat this reasonablc reqUCII for c.oa.&j.. tutional reform with snobbery bu~ on Decembc:r 6, 1944, Sir ArtJwr ~ (now Lord Milvcrton), who was then Govcrnor of Nigeria,. addtalcd a memorandum to the Secretary of State suggcsting constituional rd'OI"'JM •hida would enable Nigerians at aU political Ievels •• to secure grcater part.icipatigB in the discussion of their own atrairs . ., This slap on tbe fa.:e wu 110( &aba lying down by the N.C.N.C. which began a nation-wide agitation apU.l a Constitution prepared by one man without the knowlcdge and COII5CIII ol the millians of Nigerians who were directly concemed.

Lord Mitverton was not only adamant, hc got bis Constitution lhroup the Legislative Council, thanks to the official and unoflici.al nouW.ICd members who gave it their support, with the exception of Dr. N. T. Ohuop .. Member for ljebu Division, who reminded the House that they bad DO

mandate from the people to accept a Con.stitution ofthat type. At tbc u.mc meeting of the Legislative Council. the official bcnch introduccd a oumber o( Bills affecting the appointment and depo!'ltition of Chiefs, Crown Iands, tbe ucquisition of public Iands, and the mining of minerals. ThCK Bills wen regarded as inimical to thc best intcrcst of Nigeria by the N.C.N.C. bccau.w of their undemocratic provisions. Nevertheles5. they we-re paued into law.

The scheme for the new Constitution which was embodicd in Lord Milverton's despatch, dated December 6, 1944, was laid on the table of tbe Legislative Council on March 5, 1945. On March 27 following. thc N.C.N.C submitted a memorandum to His Excellency for Iransmission to tbc Secrnary of State making oertain observations on the rcforms •ugested by tbc Governor. lt held that thc new Con~titution 1hould not only scck .. to secure grcater participation by Africans in dis.cuuion of their own alfain ... but it should enablc them to secure .. grearer participation in the ",_".rmnl of their own affairs." Thc N.C.N.C. opposc:d the linkin1 of loaa.l JOVerft. ment regimcs with thc legislature in order, as enviuacd. to enablc tbcm to act as el~toraJ _collcges. with J!l~jor!tY ~no!Jicia~ membenhip. becau.ac .. il i1 not only anconsJstent WJth pohtJcalm!UJlutJons 10 more pro~ive countria but the jurisdiction of t~e two are separate and distinct. ' However, abc N.C.N.C. accepted the v1ew that .. Native Authoritia ahouJd participatc in the law-making proces.~. due to the present staae of development of the country."

The N.C.N.C. objected to the continucd practice ofnomination ofmanbcn and suggcated that it •• should be replaccd by popular repracntatioa bued on adult suffrage." lt did not accept the existence or the weipted uDOflk:ial

tJ

majority with nominntcd mcmbcrs und Native Authoritics, who would hold office nt the pleasurc of the Governor, but suggcsted that thcrc should bc an ctTcctive clectcd numerical mnjority of unotncinl mcmbcrs. It also objcctcd to ·· vested interests •• (like Mining, ßunking, Shipping, Commcrcc nnd Industry) being rcprcsented as •• Unofficial Mcmbcrs." Finally, it suggcstcd thc elcvation of Lagos into a municipulity, to bc prcsidcd ovcr by a Mayor.

In spite of thesc considcred vicws, thc Colonial Oflicc gavc thc grccn signal to Lord Mitverton who ·• rail-roaded " thc Constitution without respccting the views of the representativcs of thc pcoplc, who wcrc later described by the noble Iord as " self-appointcd and sclf-clcctcd ", in the truc fashion of the "man on the spot." Thc imperviousncss of thc Sccrctary of State to any democratic feeling for thc millions of Nigcrians, not to mention the Iack of ordinary courtcsy in thc public rclations of thc Colonial Office, so galled the N.C.N.C. that it was decided to formulatc immcdiately a programme ofpositivc action. In the tceth ofcriticism from the N.Y.M., who scomfully described it as a globe-trotting vacation, the N.C.N.C. dccided to send a dclegation to the United Kingdom in order not only to discuss these constitutional and legislative mesaurcs, but also to rcquest definite clarification of Anglo-Nigerian relations on the basis of treaty obligations and protectorate status, and to make represcntations on any other matters relevant to the progress and welfarc of Nigeria and the Cameroons.

It was also dccided to ernhark upon a country-wide tour in order to cxplain N.C.N.C. objections to the new Constitution and the offending Bills and to obtain the mandate of thc Chiefsand people of Nigeria and the Cameroons in sustaining their objection to these official measures. The first step taken was to apprise the Chiefsand Native Authorities and the people of the various communities of this arrangement, and to secure their mandate to enable the delegates to act for and on their behalf. Accordingly, a circular Ietter was scnt to almost all the natural rulers in different parts of the country, not only apprising them of the intention tosend a delegation to the United Kingdom but assuring them of our loyalty, in these words :

The object of the N.C.N.C. includes the maintenance by Uigeria, strictly and inviolate, of the connoction with the British Empire ; while the citizens of Nigeria enjoy unreservedly cvery right of free citizenship of thc British Empire.

Copies of the N.C.N.C. Constitution were distributed to these natural rulers and their peoples, and the circular to the various organisations of thc communities of Nigeria requested that the leading elements should use their good offices to make their communities cognisant of this impending country­wide delegation. These two circular letters were prepared and forwarded in March, 1946, and it was decided to start the tour from Lagos on April 22, with the following members constituting the delegation : Messrs. Herbert Macaulay and Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr. the Hon. Olorun-Nimbe, Messrs. M. A. 0. Imoudu and Oyeshile Omage. A reference to thc N.C.N.C. Memorandum to the Secretary of Statc for the Colanies shows that I 53 com­munities gave the N.C.N.C. mandate to speak and act on their behalf. These communities wcrc widely spread over the Northern, Eastern, Western Regions, the Colony and the Trust Territory of the Northern and Southern Cameroons. ~hese Communities represented half of those visited by the N.C.N.C. tounsts, and all of such places donated a sum slightly under 114,000 to finance this political venture.

1-t

The phrasing of the mandate was both spccific and generat becau!te thc: phrasers knew that the problems of Nigeria and the Cameroons were based on more vital issues than the Richards Constitution and the four obnoxiou~ legislntions. In their opinion, the main issue in Anglo-Nigerian relation!\ was, as it still is, Self-government, in view of treaty obligations. and thc: protcctorate and international statu~ of Nigeria and thc <;ameroons respect­ivcly. Thc mandatc each commumty was requested to s1gn was as follow~ :

We thc peoplc of thc . . . . . . . . . . community in the Province of . . . . . . . . . . in thc: Protectornte or Trust Territory or Colony of . . . . . . . . . . this . . . . . . . . . . day of . . . . . . . . . . 1946, hcrc:by givc our assent to the mission of the Pan-Nigeria to London Delegation, under the auspices of the N.C.N.C., and wc herc:by A UTHORISE thc officers of the said N.C.N.C., that is, the Prcsident, thc General Sccrc:tnry, and the Treasurcr and other accrcdited membcrs of the Delegation, to be our reprc:scntnthc:~ ovcrseas, that is to say, the United Kingdom nnd other placcs, in order: (a) To obtain the rcpeal of the following ordinances which werc passed in the L~gislati\c: Council of Nigeria, in March, 1945 : (I) Minerals Ordinance, 1945; (2) PubiJc Lands Acquisition (Amendmcnt) Ordinancc, 1945 ; (3) Appointmcnt nnd Deposition of Chiefs (Amendment) Ordinancc, 1945, and (4) Crown Lands (Amcndment) Ordinan~. 1945. (b) To objcct to thc principlcs involved in thc Richards Constitution, which sub,·crt:s the democrntic condition of the Colony and Protectorntc of Nigeria and dcrogatcs thc stntus of thc Paramount Rulers of the country. (c) To cmphasise thc recogniscd principlc of thc inalicnability of thc communal land of the pcople of Nigeria and to secure the original tcnurc: of land against exploitation. and to obtain an irrcvocablc acknowlcdgement by the British Governmcnt of thc fundamental principlc upon which thc land system in Nigeria is erected, namely:

That thc wholc of thc land in all parts of Nigeria, including the Colony ~md Protectorntes, north and south, whcthcr occupicd or not occupied, shall bc dcclnrc:d native land : and that nll rights of ownership ovcr all native Iands shnll bc vested in the indigenous inhabitants as being inalienable nnd untransferablc:.

(c/) To discuss all such OTHER MA TTERS as shall bc rclcvnnt to thc wclfarc anll progrcss of Nigeriu.

On August 13, 1947, thc Secrctary of Statc (thc Rt. Hon. Arthur Crecch Jones) received the scvcn dclegatcs • in the Colonial Office. After Iistening to their reprcscntations, hc adviscd thcm to rcturn to Nigeria and co-opcrate in working the Constitution which they had discreditcd. It should be noted that throughout thcir stay in the United Kingdom, thc mnin scctions of the British press viciously attackcd the dclegation and made a mockery of ils mission. Thcre can bc no doubt that thc press was inspired to take such a Iinc, but it had advcrsc rcpcrcussions in Nigeria, wherc mcmbers and sup­portcrs ofthe N.C.N.C. not only rcscnted thc Iack ofappreciation ofNigeria's loyalty to Britain in making sacrificcs nnd participating in thc Second World War, but insisted timt thc N.C.N.C. should change its policy and demand self-governmcnt outside thc British Commonwealth of Nations. no matter the nature of thc sacrifice to be made.

Theory of Regionalism

After the return of the N.C.N.C. delcgation. Chief Bode Thomas, a Lagos lawyer, began to expound a political philosophy which sought to divide Nigeria into thrce politically permanent regions. This novel exposition is very material to the subject of the growth of political parties in Nigeria, because it is the basis of the ideas which culminatcd subsequently in the

• Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. Prince Adelckc Adcdoyin, Dr. A. B. Olorun-Nimbc, Chief Nyong Essien. Mrs. Funmilayo Ransomc-Kuti, Mallam Bukar Dipcharima, nnd Mr. P. M. Kaie.

fo'"!ß~tion ofa new.political pa~ty in_ Ni~eria. Writing in a Lagos newspa Chi.e! Thoma:s ad\.ocated regJOnah~tton which must be based purcly ~ pohucaJ ~rt1~ 'A"_hose s_ph~~ of ·~ftuence would be geographically de­~ted, ~rrcspcctl\"e o_f mdt\'Jdual dafferences of opinions. He postulated h1s theory m thc followmg words :

. I bel~ that Nigc~ ~ust bc bcncr organiscd politically than it is today. Thc poma IS "!t'elMr such organJSa~on shouJ':' bc bascd on a umlatcr.ll systemorthat thrce polit.icaJ bodies .bc- set up on rq~onal ba:sis to ~n-e the ~~ of thc East. 'West and Nonh, ~"-ely. ~ may ~ described reg~onal poht1cal panics and will deal exclusi~y 'Wlth 1113Uers affccung thcir respcctJ\l: zoncs.

I belia-e th.at the latter su..q:esti~n. no .. d_ as it may sound. will scn·c the need of lhe ~19' bet~cr. These r.hJ-ee bodiCS may JOm up at the top and form a council for Naaena which will bc competent to tackle any matter that may afTcct the country genc:raUy. Some of the ad"antages of thlS systern are :

(I) lt \\iU gn-e to tbc peßans directly concemcd an ~xclu.~i .. -e right to detcrminc wucs which are purcly thcir O\\n local affairs.

(::!) Leaders v.ill be produced from each organisation who will join tagether to accq,t whate\-er political rcsponsibilities might be granted Nigeria m the near future. (3) Tbc Non.hemers who ha\..: al\\ays been suspicious of the Southemers will at least be satisfied that therc is no intention on the part oft he Southern Kaftris to dominate the Nonh or to interfere in tbeir domestic atfa1rs.

The N.C.N.C. feit \'ery strongly on this spurious idca of regionalisation and warned the country that it was an invitation to national disaster, because it was bound to disintegrale Nigeria as an historical fact. It was thought that the idea itself was contrary to all known political ideologies because it was untenable for a political party which was regarded as a sect to be regionaJised in the devious way suggested. It was unheard of for Socialism to be earmarked for a particuJar region, Oligarchy for another, and Aristo­cracy for yet another. During a public lecture, this issue was further de­veloped and denounced by me from the following vantage points:

I concede to Mr. Thomas the right to bis opinion and to express samc as he sees fit ; naturally, he should reciprocate. There is thus no ill-feeling, other than a desire to sift the chaff from the wheat of our politicaJ crop. (I) To divide the country into three exclusive umts, based on pohtical partisanship, is to stultify the corporate existence of Nigeria and the Cameroons. Rather than integrating the di\·erse communities of Nigeria and the Cameroons, as Mr. Thomas conceives it, it would Iead to disintegration.

(2) lt is not consistent with the professed objectivcs of more experience<;t politü:ians, like the Demoetats and Youth Movementers who are pledged (I am readmg from the Nigerian Youth Movement Constitution) •• to unify the different tribes of Nigeria by adopting and encouraging means which wouJd foster bctter under:standing and co-operation between the tribes so that they may come to have common Ideal."

(3) Political parties, as sects, cannot be regionaliscd because •• a sect includes individuals differing grcatly as to their education, their professions, and the class of society to which they belong, and with their common beliefs as the connecting link."

I am yet to be convinced that all Easterners must be regimented to believe in Socialism, and that all Northerners must accept Oligarchy asthebest political philosophy, and all Westemers must regard Aristocracy as the best of all ideologies, and the Cameroonians must believe in Communism. No person can rcgiment another on the basis of political parties, excepting in totalitarian Stares.

1t is mysterious that Mr. Thomas should make this ingenious suggestion to serve the need of the country better. I wonder if he had studied the N.C.N.C. Memorandum to find o_ut how this particular issue was tackled by the introduction of a federal idea. resei"Vlng to the uruts concerned cultural and local autonomy, which should serve those communities better than his Pakistan idea.

16

Chief H. 0. ();n ics Gt•llc'rul Secrt'tan· o/ rlrc

.\'tf!t•riun Yourh Alc;,.cmelll. . 1937-1~~1

Dr. Cbike Obi Prt'.Üdt'nl o/ rhe D_, namic Party

Late Chief Bode Thomus ( 1919-1953) Founcler-mc•mher o( E.r:be Omo Oduc/uwa a11d Action Group

Sir .John _\lacpher,on p,, 'l:till< 11 r L 11d,·r-St'' 't'ftl' I

( r !/tlf/1(/;' () /I•, '

(11

>1 (lfiril ,1/ \'•:,'t'i .tl. I<J-+,\-"~ (;,•it •llrll-(1('1/t'liJI ti( ;:·,

J,.f,,ali''': "' \ ,'<':". 1'.1~4-1''"'

Rt. llon. \rlhur ( n'\'\"h .lurtl''· \I.P. ,, ~ l .'l; \ 'I! \!~:.'~ f

:··.· ( ·. _·, ,,. , ,_ j-l..!r'-'1)

Unless 1 havc misintcrprctcd his vicws, und unlcss hc is ignorant of what thc N.C.N.C. Memorundum hns to sny on thc point, I fnil to sec nny point in dividing nn ulrcudy dividcd country, which mude it possible for thc Richnrds Constitution to claim to huvc somc: good points. to wit : •• In frnming my proposals;· s.nid Lord Milwrton, •• I hav~ kept three objects before me; to promote thc unity of Nigeria; to providc ndcquutcly within thnt unity for thc diverse elements which mukc up the country ; nnd to sccun: ~JreUter l;lllrticipation by Africuns in thc discus.sion of thear own ufTnirs. At prcsent no unity c.xasts, nor does thc constitution cncourugc its growth."

1 think 1 nm not only justilicd in bootins this spccious iden of regionnlisation on the ba.sis of politicnl pnrties out of our country - lock, stock. und bam:l, but also in saying thnt it is puttins buck thc hands of thc clock of our progress, sociully nnd politicully, thus postponing thc crystallisntion of consciousness of kind in our blessed country. Cc.rnunly, this iden would cncoumge separatäst movements in Nigeria nnd the Cnmcroons. nnd dcstroy our corpornte existencc us a Commonwealth of Nations. •

lt should bc notcd down for postcrity that from the time this thcory of rigid regionalisation was postulated, the politics of this country changcd fundamentally so that by the time a constitutional confcrence took place at Ibadan, towards the end of 1949, a new Constitution confirmed the carving up of the country virtually into three constituents, a.s. originally concc~ved by Chief Bode Thomas. Not only that; a new pohucal party had arasen on the horizon of Nigerian politics. with the name of Action Group, and carrying this Thomasian banner of extreme regionalism, it won majority seats at the general election to the Western House of Assembly to form the Government of the Western Region.

I must confess that the N.C.N.C. did not givc in casily to this divisive theory of regionalisation. It is on record that, during the Ibadan Con­stitutional Conference, the Iate Mazi Mbonu Ojike and Mr. Eyo lta, N.C.N.C. delegates, strongly opposed the division of the country into Regions, the system of indirect clection to the legislatures, the electoral collegc device, the creation of the House of Chiefs. and the reprcsentation of vested interests in the legislatures of the land. Not only werc the N.C.N.C. objcctions ignored by the other dclegates, but the Secretary of State paid no hecd to them whatsoever. The N.C.N.C. also furtively fought for thc incorporation of universal adult suffrage in the ncw Constitution. The two delegatcs submitted a minority report and advanccd thc argument that. •• by granting our people the ballot right, we shall be implementing the ideal that all mcn are born equa1.•• Again, thcir plca fcll on dcaf cars.

On the disfranchisemcnt of Nigcrians who are non-Northcrners resident in the Northern Region, the N.C.N.C. joined six othcr persons from the Eastern Region to submit a minority rcport. Thcy feit unable to agrcc to the resolution whereby the doors of the Northcrn House of Asscmbly were closed to all persons, save only such as had Northern fathcrs and grand­fathers. They submitted that" if it is the intention to havc a united Nigeria, then it must .necessarily ensure that different citizenship and citizcnship rights arenot created within the country by the various regions for persans born in Nigeria and regarded as natives of Nigeria. Any other course will of necessity give rise to the creation of different national status among Nigerians." Again, this minority report was absolutcly ignored.

The General Conferencc bad decided that Lagos should not become part and parcel of any Region ; rather it should be preserved as the national capital. Eleven delegates, including the Oni of Ife, Messrs. Akinpelu

• West African Pilot, Dccembcr 12, 1947, page 2.

17

Obisc:san. S. 0. Awokoya, A. Soetan, M. A. Ajasin, T. A. Bankole, Ogun­lana II, Bode Thomos, C.. D. Akran, I. 0. Ronsome-Kuti, and A. E. Prest ~ubmitt~ n minorit_y report nnd insisted that Lagos must be incorporated m ~he \Vestern Reg1on. The Secretary of Statc was disposed to accedc to the1r rcqucst, and Lagos became part and parcel of thc Western Region. By the time the Nigeria (Constitution) Order in Council, 1951 (otherwise known as thc Macpherson Constitution) was promulgatcd, the Action Group had been founded virtually with the motto : •• Western Region for thc Westerncrs Eastcrn Region for the Easterners, Northern Region for the Northerners: and Nigeria for all." This was in accordance with the gospcl of extreme rcgionalisation cnunciated by Chief Bode Thomas in 1947.

Other Major Parties

The Action Group is a political protrusion of thc Egbe Omo Oduduwa, which is a Yoruba cultural organisation, founded in 1947. Until 1955, the policy of this party had been influenced by the rigid regionalisation of Chief Bode Thomas. who unfortunately died in November, 1954. Since that time, pressure of public opinion has gradually forced the Action Group to modify its regional rigidity so that it has now become a nation-wide political party with membership in all the legislatures of the land, either directly or in­directly. through alliance with other parties. Today, thc Action Group is the party in power in the Western House of Assembly-with a total mcm­bership of 48 in a House of SO. 1t is the recogniscd Opposition party in the Eastern House of Assembly-with 13 out of 84 membcrs. lt is rcprcsented in the Northern House of Assembly through an alignment with the Ilorin Talaka Parapo Alliance, and it is represented in the Southern C~me~oons through a loose alliance with the Kamerun National Congress, wh1ch 1s the Government party there. It is also represented in the Federal House of Representatives by 27 members in a House of 184.

In the absence of an Action Group constitution, it is risky to ch~oni_cle accurately the aims of this party. I am howevcr gratcful to a N1genan pu~li-~tion which has given what I consider to ~e a _fair appr_aisa_l of the actiVIties and achievements of the Action Group smce 1ts foundmg m 1951, in spite of certain obvious historical inaccuracies. Thc following is full text of this appraisal :

Ofthe major political parties in the South the later arrival is the Action Group. Until 1951 most of its present Ieaders were associated with the now defunct Nigcrian. Y~uth Mov~nt and, later, with the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, a Yoruba c~lt~ral orga_msauon. How this party got onto the stage was dramatic, and far more dramauc 1s the ach1cvcment which it can claim in its five years of existence.

In the middle forties, the Nigerian Youth Movcment had become the Lagos political pa.rty of Yoruba intellectuals, the Ibos having marched out of it earlier, as soon as Dr. Azikiwe resigned from it. That party then degenerated and all that was left of it was to be scen on the pages of its official organ.

By 1945, however, something had happened. The crcation of thc N.C.N.C. bad caused new political steife, and because the Yoruba inteJlectua1s did not get as much of the control of its leadership as they desired, they returned to the fold of the Nigerian Y outh Movemcnt or whatevcr was left of it to continue thcir vocal warfare against the new organisation and Dr. Azikiwe, their old political foe.

;At. the tiJ?e. in London, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, now Premier of the West, was thmking senously of a Yoruba cult~l ~rganisation. As soon as he retumed to Nigeria the Egbe Omo. <><!uduwa (the assooauon of the Yoruba children of Oduduwa) was formed and whip~;>mg l;IP Yor:uba nationalism as it did (it worshipped at the Shrine of Oduduwa at lfe), 11 rap1dly gamed ground. But for some time the Egbe Omo Oduduwa

18

rcmoincd just n rcply to thc Ibo Statc Union : in othcr words, as an nsscmbly which entered for thc socml ond culturul progrcss of thc Yorubas.

On thc cvc of thc 195 I clcction, thc Ieadcrs of this Organisation dreamt ncw drcam~ They crcatcd u politicul wing of thc Egbe . Omo Oduduw~ und cullcd it the A~'tion Committce. A fcw months before the electlons thc Commlllce was onnounccd as thc Action Group, ond etTorts werc mude to dissociate it from thc Egbe Omo Oduduwu.

Tlum the party, with more determi11atio'!_ than had ever bun shown in Nigt-rlan pol/tics, brgan to publlsh pollcy papers and to gam ground tlrrougholll the Western Region. Iu sphere of operallon was to be w/tlrln the Western Region and its pollcy tl'as directed m, and frd on, Yoruba natlonalism. Tlre plan worked.

When the e/ections were Ol'er itlrad won a s/ender majority Ol'er the less-organised ma.ss mo••emenl o/ tlre N.C.N.C. ; but /11 less tlran forty-eight hours, thar majority had ~m stre1rgthened. Comfortab/y, it estab/Lshed itse/f as the Go,•ernment of the West and represented the Regio11, under the 195 I Constitution, ;" the central Legislature, electing Jour of the rwelve Ministers that constiluted the Council of Ministers.

Today thc Action Group is as important as uny other political party in the country ; it is ccrtainly better organiscd than the rest.

C"\_. The Action Group believes in n socialist commonwealth but also in the solidarity ~ P,(the parts and thc unity of all. 1t has asked for, and thus far won, residual powers in the Regions and advocates thc regionalisation of thc Judiciary ;md the Civil Service .. lt believes in the country being split into more States thnn nt present (ten it suggests) and lays emphasis on the cultuml and ethnical difTerenccs which exist in the country and which, it asks, should not be overlooked in the political administr.1tion of the country.

Amon~ the present Ieaders of the Action Group are Chief Obafcmi Awolowo, Chief s. L. Akintola, Chief Rotimi Williams, Mr. S. 0. lghodaro, Chief Dr. Akinola Maja, Or. Akanni Doherty, the Oni of Ife, and the Olowo of Owo. The official address of thc party is : Action Group Headquarters, ljebu By-pass, lbadan. •

The Northern Peoples Congress, the Govcrnment party in the Northern Region, was founded after thc gcneral clt.~tions in 1951, following the promulgation of the Macpherson Constitution. Its Ieader is the Sardauna of Sokoto. who is now Premier of the Northcrn Region. lts motto is " One North, One People, irrespcctive of religion, rank or tribe." The N.P.C. has as its objectivc the attainment of self-government for Nigeria and the intro­duction of a permanent federal constitution. The following constitutc thc aims of the party :

To adopt and cultivate means that would foster bettcr understandins and co-opcration betwecn the membcrs and the Association and the Northern community aenerally, so that by such Co-operation we of the North may be able to attain to that unquestionablc height so desirable especially at this time of our existence and thus enabling us to have one common ideal and objective.

To study and strive to preserve the traditions which bound culturc to thc pa.st, while refonning these traditions to render them capable of meeting modern conditions.

To educate the Nonhemers of their civic and political responsibilities, to organisc them Lo accept the leadership of the Northem Pcoples Congress, and to support its candidates for elections to the Regional and Centrat Legislatures and to Local Councils.

To study the cultural, social, political and economic pastimes of the Nonhemen so that they can adjust themselves to the present changing world with the view to overcoming aiJ the difficulties and barriers that are placed before them.

To appeal to the members to submit themsclves to party disciplinc and loyalty ; and (hose of them elected into the Regional l..egislature shall bc requested to work asaiduously towards the implementation of party programmes of work for a11 Departments of Government.

• Nig~ria Year Book, Lagos, 1956, page 104-107.

19

To inculcate in the minds of the 'l;-lorthc:mcrs a genuine Iove for thc Northern Region und all t~at lS uorthern, nnd n spcc1al rc_v~n:nce for Religion, Laws and Order and the preservatton of good customs and trad1ttons, and the feeling that the sorrow of one ~f~~~mer shall be the sorrow of all nnd that the huppincss of onc is also the happiness

To make cvcry possible effort in ordcr to hasten the datc of Self-Government for Nigeria nnd the considcration of introducing of a •• Pennanent Federal Constitution."

To_ seek for thc nssistance and co-operntion of, or to give nid to, any organisation or mdav1duul in or out of the Northcm Region whose aims and aspirations coincidc with thosc of the party.

Before thc Constitutional Conference of 1953, the N.P.C. suggested an eight-points programme for the virtual disintegration of Nigeria as a federal unit, but in view of the representations made to it that it would not unify the country, it withdrew its programmc and agreed to the present Constitution which is now being reviewed in London. Hitherto, all the clections to the Northern House of Assembly have been won by thc N.P.C. under an electoral college system. Last year, this was modified and a tax suffrage was allowed in certain specified urban communities. lt is believed that in the future the N.P.C. will support a uniform electoral system, based on male s~.dfrage only, since it feels that if women are allowed to vote that would be mcom­patible with the tenets of the religion of Islam.

The N.P.C. has earned the respect of the people of Nigeria foll~wing the initiative taken by the Sardauna to convene a Premiers' Conferc_nce m Lagos, last April, which agreed that Nigeria should demand co~plete mdependencc from Britain to take effect in 1959. For this decision, 1ts Ieaders bave been subjected to' severe strictures from certain sections of the British pr~s~ ; nevertheless the Sardauna has reiterated the desire of Northcrners to JOm with their Southern compatriots in seek.ing ~or completc free_dom in 1959. The N.P.C. and N.C.N.C. now form a bi-parttsan government m thc Federal Council of Ministers where they are represented, respectively, by three and six Ministers out of thirteen members.

MJnor Parties and Movemcnts

The Northem Elements Progressive Union was founded in 1945 under a different name. With the coming into operation of the Macpherson Con­stitution in 1951, it assumcd its prcsent namc. lts headquartcrs are at Kano. In one of its tatest manifestoes, the N.E.P.U. enunciated its aims and ob­jectives as follows :

20

The Northcrn Elcmcnl<t Progressive Union is a Northcrn Nigcrian Pnrty wnh democratic idcals nnd it is nbsolutely divorccd from tribat nnd rcligious prcjudices. lt stands for the welfnre of the people of Northem Nigeria and to cstablish sound social, l.'COnomic and pohtical justice to insure domestic tranquulity und to secure Jibeny of thought und expression, cquality of status and opportunity for all thc pcoplc of Northcm Nigeria, and to promote among them all real fratemity, to the safeguarding of the individual und the unity of thc peoplc.

We the members, thercforc, do hcreby solemnly promise to c.my out thc following Economic, Social and Political Rcforms if we are rcturned to power :

I. M~han_isation of Ag~culture and improvin~ of Animnl Husbnndry to increase food productlon m order to ra1se the standard of livmg of the people-thus stnbilising our mternal economy.

2. Reforms for a progressave system of Education, intcllectual, tcchnlall and moral

J. A scheme to dam the rivcr Niger to provide water for drink:ina and irriplion, and for production of electricity.

4. Introduclien of Local GO\·emment systcm based upon popular dcmocnnic elecuon~ -thus doing away with thc autocnttic Native Administrations-and a sound Town and Country Planning. S. Reform in laws relating to Transport and provision of better trunk and feeder road,,

6. A uniform judicial system throughout the Northem Region for thc purpose of establishing thc Rule of Law.

1. Development of local and secondary industries in ordcr to provade cmplo)·ment­thus reducing the present high percentagc of unemployment.

At the elections of 1956, the N.E.P.U. won four seats in thc Norlhcrn House of Assembly and it is at present allied with the Bornu Youth Movc­ment and the United Middle Belt Congress to form the Opposition in thc Northcrn legislature. In 1952 and 1955, its presidcnt-Gencral, Mallam Aminu Kano, visited London and made presentations to thc Colonial Office on the undemocratic system of elections in the Northern Region.

The United National lndependence Party was foundcd in 1953. and its Constitution was adopted on August 8, I 954. 1t hns fivc clected members in the Eastern House of Assembly. lts objects are :

1. To achieve complcte independence for R United Nagcriu .

.2. To promote the pohtical, socinl and economic frccdom of the rcoplc of Niaeria. and more particularly to sccure distribution of nmentities nnd equa apportunilies for individual and social developmcnt ; mobilise the economic rcsourccs of the \:ountry in the lnterest of the peoplc and on the basis of partnership bctwccn thc Stnle and rhc individual.

3. To promote freedom for the individual to express himself. worship. and de\-clop his higher spirituni needs.

4. To prescrve indigenous institutions and cusloms which ure computiblc with proarC!\!1 nnd the m:ucrial wcll-bcing of thc peoplc.

5. To ensurc that our Chiefs and Troditional Rufer~ pnrlicipotc cfTcctivt'ly in thc responsibihty of Govemment at voriou!i Ievels.

6. To co-operatc wilh othcr political orsanisauons whoso nims and objects an \imilur with a vicw lo promoling the purpose5 of the pany.

The Dynamic Party was foundcd in thc year 1955 with its hcadquartcrs at Ibadan. lts President-General is Dr. Chikc Obi, who is Senior Lccturer in Mathematics at the University College, Ibadan. 1t is a •• rcvolutionary dynamic organisation of like-minded haters of oppression and Iovers of liberty. equality and fratemity from all walks of life." Membership of the party is restricted to Africans and the party was formed for thc foJlowing objects:

(i) To raise the standard of living of African!i and thereby cmurc the increue of the standard of living of mankind.

(ü) To win and maintain for Africans their self-respect in the world.

(iii) To promote the cultures and welfare of the peoples of Africa.

21

~iv) :ro ~o ~\"Cl')' other thi~tH including t_hc ncquiring of power, lloliticnl und otherwise, 10 N~gCna, thc Ca~roons nnd elsewhen: 10 Afncn which mny be considered ndvantaaeous th~t n'U\y bc ~ essential or conducive or incidentul to the nttuinment of thc nbove obJ~Xt~ or any of them.

~n .the pursuit of its uims the Dynnmic Party is guidcd by thc following pnnctples:

(i) The P..nty shall bc a rigidly disciplined body even if this mcuns u drnstic n:duction in the num~r tlf the nlembcrs. (ii) When human bcinss fom1 a body they surrender purt of their personal frec:dom to the body : the bigg.:r the body and the bcnefit derived from it by the individunl who is a membcr, the greater is thc apparent loss of personal frec:dom of the individual. The interests of the individual can only best be guarnntecd by the inten:sts of the individuals of the State takcn collecth-ely.

(iii) To guarnntcc the interest and sccurity of the individuuls of the Statc, thc Party therdore belicves in

(a) Public owncrship of all ml\ior means of production nnd distribution und of the defencc of the State. (b) Making all cconomic: and social pluns from thc point of vicw of thc intcrcsts and welfare of thc individuals of thc State taken ns n wholc. (c) The day to day c:ontrol and management by the peoplc of thc mcans of livclihood and defcnce of the Statc.

(d) Political lndepcndcncc is absolutcly ncccssary for thc attuinmcnt of full frec:dom from cultural, intcllcctual and cconomic slavery.

(t") Thc n«essity ofbeing activc, cncrgctic and on thc offensive and of using all_means ofpcrsuasion at its disposal beginning from the simplest methods first and followmg up, whcn necessa.ry, with the stronger methods.

The principle oftbis scction may be summed up under the title : Dynamic Collectivism.

The symbol oftheparty is thc ram. The party contested thc 1956 electio~s to the Western House of Assembly without winning a seat. At thc 1957 electlo~s to the Eastem House of Assembly, it joined forccs wit~ thc N.C.N.C. m campaigning against the Action Group and the United NatiOnal Independence Party. 1t has since become an affiliated mcmber of the N.C.N.C. . The ldoma State Union is a political party with its hca~quarters at Oturkpo m Benue Province. It was founded in 1954 and its objects arc as follows :

(a) To cstablish unity among all the natives of ldoma.

(b~ To obtain and maintain just and good dcvelopment cducationally. socially, econo­rrucally and culturully by constitutional means in ldoma land.

(c-) To promote and safeguard the interests of the Division.

The Union advocatcs the creation of a Middle Bell State. On this plat­form, it contested the 1956 elections to the Northern House of Assembly and succeeded in gaining two seats therein. It also has two members in the H~~se of ~eprese~tatives. The Union is an offspring of the ldoma Hope Rismg !Jmon, wh1ch was formerly an associate member of the N.C.N.C. The Unton and the N.C.N.C. areinan alliance which is cryptic.

The _Confcrence of. C~iefs of the _Eastern Region is ~ot a political party in t~e stnct sense, but It IS an organ1scd body whose rums and objectives are du:cted t~wa~ds the achievement of political ends. In the words of one of 1ts officJat hterature, it is "a non-political organisation fully detennined 22

to fight for the recognition of Eastern Chiefs nnd naturul rulcrs. Hs uhimute nim is the nchicvcrnent of a Housc of Chiefs."' 1t was madc nhundontly clear that in sccking to attain this objective the Chiefs arc motivuted by thc idca that the only solution to the many problcms thus confronting the Con­fcrencc " is the creution of n House of Chiefs in the Enst, wherc we cnn tnkc part in thc lcgislnture of our Region."

Whcn n Bill for the Recognition of Chiefs Luw was enuctcd in thc bastern Housc of Assembly, Chiefs who are membcrs of the Conference gnve it their unqualified support. Thc Governmcnt of thc Eustcrn Region nllowed thc Conference to nominale onc of their membcrs to attcnd thc London Con­stitutional Conference as dclegnte to enable the point ofvicw ofthc Confcrencc to bc explained, espccinlly in rcspt..~t of the incorrorntion of u Housc or Chiefs in the ncxt Constitution for Nigeria.

The Kamenm National Congress is in control of thc govcrnmcnt of thc Southern Cameroons. After the recent elections it wus returned to power and the opposition parlies are representcd by the Kamenaa National Demo­crade Party, led by J. Fonchn of Bnmenda : Kamenm Peoples l.,arty, lcd by P. M. Knie of Buea: and Kamenan United Commoners Party, led by Chief S. A. Anjeh of Mamfe.

There are mnny minority parties in Nigeria und the Cumeroons and they help in making parlinmentnry government a rcality in that pnrt of the world. Among the leading ones (not already mentioncd), some of which are allicd to the major partics for purposes of elections to the federal or regional legislatures, are the following : Nigerian Commoners Party, Nl~erian Yo11111 Democrats, Otu Edo, Mlddle Belt Peoples Party, United Mlddle Belt Congress, Bomu Youth Movement, Tiv Progressive Union, llorln Talaka Parapo Party, Nlgerian Women's Party, and Lagos Market Women's Association.

At prcsent, there are ccrtain movcmcnts which urc dcdicatcd to the auain­ment of a particular politicat objectivc. For cxample. the Calabar-Ogoja­Rivers State Movement aims towards the crystatlisation of a union of thcse three provinces to form a separate state in Eastern Nigeria. The Mid-West State Movement propagates for the incorporation of the Benin and Delta Provinces into a separate state in Western Nigeria. The Rivcrs Peoples Movement, the Rivcrs People Congress, and thc Conference of Rivers Chiefs and Peoplcs aim at the creation of a Rivers State in Eltstcrn Nigeria. The United Middle Bett Congress is dedicated to the crention of a Middle Belt State in Northern Nigeria, comprising Adnmawa, Benuc, llorin. Kubba, Niger and Plateau Provinces.

Conclusion In this address, I have compressed facts to show thc devclopment of

political parties in Nigeria. From pressure groups to nationalist movements. political parlies have emerged with the result that in all the Regions of Nigeria and Southern Cameroons, there is a Government party in power and an Opposition party which forms the u shadow cabinet." I have also traced the history of the earlier political parties showing thc rotes played by thc Nigerian Peoples Union. the Nigerian National Democratic Party and the Nigerian Youth Movement. In this connection I made it clear that these parties based their manifesto more or less on the reforms demanded by the National Congress of British West Africa in 1920.

.:!J

The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons was correctly por­trdyed as a spearhead in the movement for self-government for Nigeria. Without doubt, its delegation of 1947 to the Colonial Office led to the revision of the Richards Constitution and introduccd the ministerial systcm of govern­ment into Nigeria. Thc founding of thc Action Group gavc impctus to the administration and organisation ofpolitical parlies in Nigeria. Tbc Northern Peoples Congress challcngcd thc concept that the Northcrn Region was impervious to the political ferment which had gripped thc country. Tbc Kamerun National Congress placed the problems of this trust tcrritory in its proper perspectivc.

In view of thc methodical dcvelopmcnt of political parlies in Nigeria and the Cameroons, it is fair to conclude that this movemcnt is destined to rcvolutionise the relationship of thc Colonial Office and thc aspirations of our people for political frcedom. Onc important cffect of the emcrgence of political partics is the incxorablc fact that thc incumbent of the secretaryship of the Colonial Office must reckon with the fact that the British Governmcnt is now dcaling with organiscd political opinion. In spite of thc divergence of views on thc part of these political parties, they are all unanimous in their quest for political freedom. Not only that, they do not speak of political freedom in nebulous terms. To them it is a concrctc objective. Therefore, any attcmpt to underrate the political intclligence of contcmporary Nigeria and Camcroons is bound to be disastrous.

I am not a pessimist, but I can say with duc deferencc that no Nigerian or Cameroonian will takc thc word of thc British Governmcnt seriously in the future, if through blunder or over-simplication, the world is made to believc that we shall be intcrnally self-governing whilst, in reality, our new Constitution eilher becomcs restrictive and stultifics the democratic practice of sclf-government in all its implications, or under one pretext or another it strcngthens colonial rule with the usual trappings of autocracy.

Students of English Constitutional Law and History know the meaning of internal self-gol'emmelll and they can distinguish it from complete Self­government or independence. Nigerians are now asking for internal Self­government bctween now and 1959. after which they scck for complete self-government or independence within the British Commonwealth. Since the practice of these two types of Self-government is well-known, it is my hope that no British politician will depart from the already cstablished traditions of the ministerial system of collective responsibility by grafting on to our new Constitution extraordinary powcrs which would not only vitiate parlia­mentary government but make a mockcry of thc British conccpt of political democracy.

I should bc optimistic on the outcomc of the present Constitutional Con­ference which would confer internal self-rule on the Fcderal Government and thosc Regional Governments that desire it ; but I doubt whether interna/ self-governmenl as now envisaged is going to mean the same thing to those who kn~w what it is and to British politicians in whose hands are entrusted the destmy of thirty-three million Nigerians. I have a premonition that mter~al .'ie/f-gol•ernment for Nigeria may be different from what has been apphed else~here, even though the development of polilical parties is sup­posed to qmcken thc pace of its realisation. Since I am not a seer 1 can only cross_ my fingers and trust in thc good sense of those who are pri~ile ed to dctermmc thc future coursc of Nigeria's constitutional history. g 2-t

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