‘Ayād (M. Kāmil), Khān (M. S.)_The Beginning of Muslim Historical Research (Islamic Studies 17:1, 1978, 1-26a)

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THE BEGINNING OF MUSLIM HISTORICAL RESEARCHAuthor(s): M. Kāmil 'Ayād and M. S. KhānSource: Islamic Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1 (SPRING 1978), pp. 1-26, 26aPublished by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, IslamabadStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20847057Accessed: 20-08-2015 16:15 UTC

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2/28

THE

BEGINNING

OF

MUSLIM

HISTORICAL

RESEARCH*

M.

Kamil

'Ayad

Translated

from

German and annotated

by

M. S.

Khan

The

following

discussions form

a

part

of

the

preliminary

study

of

a

larger

work

on

the

philosophy

of

history

and

society

of

Ibn

Khaldun(A),

the famous Muslim

historian

of

North

Africa

(1332-1406).

In

his

original

work,

Muqaddima

ft

'Urn at-Ta'rlkh

(Introduction

to

the

Science

of History)

this

remarkable

thinker,

presumably

the

first

in

the

history

of

man,

deliberately

made

historical

genesis

as

such

the

sub

ject-matter of

a

special scientific discipline.1

The

content

of this

new

science,

of

which

he

consciously

emerged

as

the

founder,

corresponded

in

its

essence

with the

problems

which

since

the

beginning

of

the

era

of

enlightenment

in

the

history

of

European

culture

has been

treated

multifariously

as

"philosophy

of

history"

and

"science

of

sociology";

moreover,

in this

case

as

also

precisely

in the

case

of

Ibn

Khaldun

the

matters

are

not

treated

in

separate

fashion.

It

is

astonishing

to

notice

how

deep

is this

agreement

and how

many

individual

questions

it

embraces

so

that

one

dealing

with

Ibn

Khaldun

has often

the

feeling

that

one is reading a work of a European writer of the 18th or even of the

19th

century.

Already

his

claim

to

have

founded

a new

science

which

would

explore

human

society*

and

culture

as

the

one

and

only

content

of histo

rical

life

reminds

us

of

Vico(B),

that

equally

unique

and

great

thinker.

And

indeed

his

ambition to

elevate

history

to

the

order

of

a

science,3

on

the basis

of

his

own

discoveries,

was

first

herished

by

Buckle(c).

In

addition

to

this

quite

modern

and

agreeable

method

of

treat

ment of

history,

there are

other

no

less

significant

and

rich

results

of

his

efforts

to

achieve

a

causal

explanation

of

historical

process,

for

example,

*

From

"Die

Anfange

dcr

arabischen

Geschictschreibung'in

Geist

und

Gesellschaft,

K.

Breysig

Festschrift, III,

pp.

35-48

(Breslau, n.d.).


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3/28

2

M. KAMIL

'AYAD

his investigations into the ethnographical, economic and socio-psycholo

gical

factors in

the

life

of

peoples,

which

likewise

remind

us

of

the

writers

of modern

times.

Consequently,

it is

obviously important

from

the

standpoint

of

present-day European

science,

to

deal

with such

a

phenomena

as

Ibn

Khaldun.

This

must

take

place

within

the

framework

of

Islamic

science

in

general

and

of historical

research

in

particular,

because,

inspite

of the

very

high degree

of

originality

f Ibn

Khaldun

in

posing problems

nd

in the

exposition

of

the

basic

thoughts

which

underlie

his

work,

in

connexion

with

which

certainly

he

has

the

right

to

speak4

of "Divine

Inspiration"

in

order

to

explain

the creative

aspects

of his

writings,

Ibn

Khaldun's

(historical

science)

can

be

understood

only

as one

of

the

connecting

links

in the

long

chain

which

stretches

through

the

Islamic

sciences. For

this

subject-matter

of

his work and

indeed for

a

substantial

portion

of

his

pro

found

knowledge,

he

owes

much

to

his

predecessors.

Muslim

historical

research,

which

attained

a

remarkable

stage

of

development

with Ibn

Khaldun,

deserves

general

recognition

also

for its

own

worth

as a

significant

production

of thehuman mind. The Muslims

have

left

a

very

rich historical

literature

which

is

by

itself

one

of

the

grea

test

achievements

of

its

kind5

and

which

furnishes

an

interesting

example

of

the

development

of

a

branch

of

science,

which in its

process

of

develop

ment

and

in

its

final

tendency

is

analogous

to

that of

Europe.

In

parti

cular,

the

discipline

of

history

such

as

Breysig(D)

seeks

to

build

it

up,6

as

the

science

of

the

essence

and

the

forms

of

historical

growth

based

on

experience,

can

learn

much

from

the

history

of

historical

science

and

from

attempts

in which

tentative

approaches

towards

a

developmental

attitude

to

the

writing

of

history

or even

towards

a distinct and

deliberate

philosophy

of

history

are

traceable.

It

is,

therefore,

of

great

use

in this

connexion

to trace

the

course

of

development

of historical

research

in

all cultural

contents,

if

possible.

In order

to trace

Muslim

historical

research

in

its

origin

and further

development,

one

must

delve

deep

into

the

root

of

the

revolution

which

was

brought

about

in

Arabia

by

the

Prophet

Muhammad.

It

was a

great

religious, social and political revolution in comparison with which the

everlasting

battles

among

the

Arab

tribes and

the

Sermons

and

Prophe

cies

of

the

priests

must

appear

as

child's

play.

The

Prophet

introduced

a

completely

new

element

into the life

of

the

Arabs.

In

glowing

words




4/28

MUSLIM

HISTORICAL

RESEARCH

3

he made known to them the

path

of salvation inthisworld and thenext and

directed

their

outlook

from

the

narrow

limits

of

tribal life

towards

the

wide

world. After

consolidating

the foundation

of

the

new

faith,

he

himself

emerged

as

the

political

leader

possessed

of

ingenuity

and

wide outlook

and

capable

of

performing

great

administrative

tasks.

His

successors

propagated

the

new

faith

within

the

world-empire

which

they

had

founded

within

a

short time

(thereafter).

In

this

religion,

which

stirred

up

theArabs

from

within and united

them

firmly

by spiritual

ties,

are

traceable

the roots of the

process

which was to

lead

to

that

asto

nishing

spiritual

and

cultural

development

which

distinguishes

the

migra

tion of

the

Arabs

as

instituted

by

the

Prophet

from

other

migrations,

as

for

example,

that

of

the

Mongols(E),

which

were

nothing

but

predatory

incursions7.

The

next

generations

after Muhammad

had

already

begun

to

collect and

arrange

his

sayings

and

interpret

the

Qur'an

in

different

ways

according

to

their

requirements.

On

the

basis

of

the

Qur'an

and

the

tradition

of

the

Prophet,

people

moulded their

teachings

about

the

faith

and

its

duties.

In

the

political

quarrels

also which

broke

out

among

the

Muslims

even

in

the

early period,

each side

tried

to

vindicate its

stand

by

citing

the

Qur'an

or

a

saying

of the

Prophet.

Soon

criticism

of

the

trans

mitters

of

the

traditions(F)

also

became

a

preoccupation

in

theological

activity.

Through

contact

with

members

of

the

nations

with

ancient civi

lisations,

most of whom embraced

Islam,

discussion

soon

started

on

philo

sophical

problems

also,

for

example,

the attributes

of

God,

freedom

of

human

will

etc.

The different

statements

of

the

Qur'an

and

of

the

Prophet

on

these

questions

provided

scope

for

dogmatic

differences

of

opinions.

For

the

exegesis

of

the

Qur'an,

thorough

knowledge

of

the

Arabic

language

was

essential.

For this

reason

philological

studies

were

widely

undertaken.

Thus

we

find

how

out

of

the

preoccupation

with

Muhammad

and

his

teachings

arose

all

the

scientific

activities

of

the

Muslims

which

then

quite

naturally

became

differentiated and

out

of

which

a

great

number

of

inde

pendent

branches

of

science

developed.8

The

Muslim

historical

research

was

also

in

the first

instance

only

a

part

of

the

Hadith(G)

science.

The earliest

attempts

to

write

history

were

concerned

with

the life

of

the

Prophet,

his

Companions

and the

early

exponents

of Islam.

Along

with

this

there

followed

the accounts

of

the

battles which

were

fought

for

the

new

Islamic

faith

and the

State.

The

close

relation

with

Haolith

science

also

manifested

itself in

the




5/28

4 M. KAM1L

'AYAD

forms of

descriptions:

the firsthistorical works were

exactly

like the other

traditional

sciences,

simple

collections of oral

traditions

presented

through

a

long,

unbroken chain

of

authorities,

who

either

witnessed these

events

or

heard about them. The narrations

were

preserved

mostly

in

the

words

of

those

who

transmitted

them first..

And

when

one event was

reported

differently

by

a

number

of

contemporary

persons,

the

traditions

are

trans

mitted

in

the usual

form

side

by

side,

even

though

the

variations

may

be

immaterial

and irrelevant.

The oldest available text n the rophet's ife sby IbnHisham(H)

(d.

834

A.D.).

It

is,

in

fact,

only

a

recension of the

work

of

another

older

scholar

bn

Isfraq(i)

d. 776)

who

had

with

great

diligence

ollected ll the

traditions

about

the

Prophet,

about

his

genealogy,

his

birth,

his

youth,

his

family

life,

about

his

preaching

of the

message

of

God,

which

he

defen

ded

with

unshaken

firmness,

and about

his

Companions,

his actions

and

sayings.

Ibn

Hisham,

who did

not

make

any

change

in

the

text

of

Ibn

Ishaq, goes a step beyond his predecessor in thathe with his own notes and

commentaries

tried

to

verify

the

reliability

of each

individual

tradition.

This

book

constitutes

one

of

the

most

important

sources

concerning

the

Prophet10

and

is

highly

valued

by

the

most

modern

orientalists,

whereas

opinion

about

the

author

was

much

divided

among

the

Muslims.

Al-Waqidl(j)

(d.

823)

especially

rites bout

the

military

ampaigns

of

the

Prophet.

He

had

at

his

disposal

a

comprehensive

collection

of

traditions

which

he

did

not

arrange simply

in serial

order

as

Ibn

Isfraq

had

done

but

worked

over

the

sources

independently

and

narrated

them

in

a

lively

style

in

his

own

words.

Besides,

he

tried

to

ascertain the

exact

dates

of

events.

A

comparison

with

non-Islamic

sources

shows

that

al

Waqidl's

descriptions

are

mostly

correct.11

His

pupil

and

secretary

Ibn

Sa'd(K)

(d.

845)

utilized

the

same

large

amount

of source-material

of

his

teacher

for

a

different

purpose.

His

life

of

the

Prophet

is

followed

by

the

biographies

of all

those

men

and

women

to

whose

faithful

reports

posterity

owes its

fairly

exact

knowledge

of

the

beginnings

of

Islam. These

trans

mitters of the traditions of Islam have been classified according to their

generation

beginning

from

the

time of

Muhammad.

This

categorization

under

classes

was

first

of

all

undertaken

with

a

view

to

affecting

control

of

the

science

of tradition

over

the chain

of

transmitters,

and

it

was

necessary




6/28

MUSLIM

HISTORICAL

RESEARCH

5

toadd a new dimension to thisdivision by

generation,

i.e., the classification

according

to

regions.

Consequently,

Ibn

Sa*d divided the

transmitters

also

according

to

the

regions

where

they

had

lived.12

When

the

sciences

began

to

develop

and

purely

historical

interest

was

awakened,

the

biographical

work

was

later

initiated

even

by

the

re*

presentatives

of

other

branches

of

science.

There

appeared

numerous

biographical

works

on

theologians,

mystics,

physicians, philologists,

poets,

etc.

Impressed

by

these

facts

Sprenger

made

the

following

apt

remark:

"Self-respect is the noble fundamental principle of theArabs and Islam.

Each

individual

is

recognized

for

his

greatness

and,

for

this

reason,

the

Muslims

have

written

more

biographies

and

genealogical

works

than

other

peoples

both

prior

to

and

contemporary

with

the

Muslims

(taken

to

gether).'

*

In the

above-mentioned

works

the

personality

of

the

Prophet

and

everything

connected

with him

were

the

real

objects

of

consideration.

The

influence

of the

Prophet

was

still

too

strong

and

the

magic

of his

personality

was

so

profound

that

no

other

question

could

attract

attention

for

its

own

sake.

Muhammad

was

and

remained

the

Messenger

of

God,

whose

instructions

were

regarded

as

laws.

It is

on

this

religious

character

that the

reliability

of most

accounts

of

the

oldest

biographers

of the

Prophet

is

based.

In

contrast

to

the

later

accounts

of the life

of

Muhammad

that

were

written

with

the

object

of

glorifying

im

and

building

p

thefaith

f the

elievers,

he

uthors

f

the

early

period

engaged

themselves

in

writing

the

biography

of the

Prophet(L)

in

order

to

learn

his

way

of life

and

his

teachings,

because

they

considered

his

sayings

and

actions

as

fundamental

dogmas

(of Islam). They

were

still

too

religiously

overawed

and

conscientious

to

change

the

transmitted

texts

or

to

invent

false

reports

as

often

occurred

later

during

the

political

and

religious

debates

or

for

the sake

of

polemics against

the

Jews

and

Christians.

Apart

from the

unverifiable

reports

about

the

youth

of the

Prophet,

his oldest

biographers

deserve

recognition,

even

when

they

are

judged

by

themodern

standard

of

historical

criticism,

in

so

far

as

the

cor

rectness

of

the

reports

rather

than

the

objective validity

of

the

descrip

tions is concerned.14

These

religiously

inspired

biographies

deserve attention

in

the

history

of

historical

sciences

not

only

for

this

reason

alone and also

not

only

because

they

have

become

the

only

authentic

sources

in

the

eyes

of

posterity




7/28

6

M.

KAMIL

*AYAD

for the life of the

Prophet

and the

beginning

of Islam but also because

they

have

a

place

in

historical literature

due

to

their

subject-matter

itself.

In

addition

to

all

this,

their

contents

included

much

that

led

to

the

awaken

ing

of

pure

historical

interest,

and

just

for

this

reason

they

have

become

in

fact

of

great

significance

for

further

development

of Muslim

historical

research. In

these

biographies

of the

Prophet

was

found

much

information

about

the

genealogy

of

the

pre-Islamic

Arabs

and

their conditions of

life.

Only

after

the

differentiation

of

these

constituent

elements,

to

which

may

be

added

others

which

arose

in

the

course

of

historical

development,

could

the

pure

historical

interest

of

theMuslims

first

evolve.

The

attention

to

genealogy

proved

to

be of

great

political importance

in

Islam

especially

because

according

to

the

system

introduced

by

the

second

Caliph

'Umar,

state

stipends

were

paid according

to

the

degree

of

relationship

with

the

Prophet

and

his

meritorious

Companoins.

While

constructing

the

genealogical

tables(M),

the

history

of

the

different

tribes

attracted

attention. The

knowledge

of

Arabia's

past

was

for

the

greater

part promoted

through

philological

studies

which

was

primarily

ancillary

to theology; for the latter are concerned above all with the

poetic

litera

ture

of

the

pre-Islamic

Arabs,

which

faithfully

mirrors

their

life.

Political

reasons

led the

national

Arab

regime

of

the

Umayyads

to

pro

mote

these

activities

with

great

success.

On

the other

hand,

the commentators of

the

Qur'an

were

much

concerned

to

collect

information

about

the

ancient

peoples,

who

were

mentioned

in

the

Holy

Book and

who

were

cited

as

examples.

People

learnt

in

this

way

above

all

the

traditions

of the

Jews

and

the

Christians.

All these contained

many

original

elements,

which

had

a

tendency

to

awaken

pure

historical

interest

among

the

Muslims:

(1)

The

Biblical

legends

and

the ancient

peoples

mentioned

in

the

Qur'an;

(2)

the

epic

poetry

of

the

Arabs,

in

which

the

"Days",

that

is,

the

famous

"Battle

Days"(N)

of

the

tribes

were

described;

and

(3)

the

genealogical

collections;

with

the

evolution

of

theological

disciplines,

those

elements

which

mainly pertained

to

history

were

separated

from the

science

of

Hadith;

(4)

the

purely

bio

graphical

details

about

the

Prophet

and his

Companions;

and

(5)

the

campaigns

of the

Prophet

that

were

followed

by

the

conquests

of

the

Caliphs.

Besides,

the

Muslims

at

the

time

when

they

took

up

literary

activities,

could

look

back

on

an

eventful

past

of

more

than

two

hundred

years,




8/28


9/28

8

M.

KAMIL

*AYAD

As we also findfrom the laterworks, thehistory f theCaliphs

offered

good opportunity

o

theMuslim

historians

o

exercise

heir

udg

ment

in

research

by

comparing

the

numerous

variations

of

the

same

tradi

tion.

Certainly,

since

it

was

the

people

of

immediate

past

with which it

dealt,

political

passions

were

not

conducive

to

allowing

a sense

of

impar

tiality

to

appear

in

the

writing

of

history.

In

contrast,

however,

to

religious

inhibitions that

were

apparent

in

the

biographers

of the

Prophet,

this

in

duced the rival

parties

to

undertake

a

more

thorough investigation

of the

sources

in

order

to

refute

their

opponents.

While

the

writing

of

Islamic

history encouraged

thoroughness

in

the

investigation

of individual

facts,

and

while

the

acquaintance

with the

traditions

of

the

Jews,

Christians

and

Zoroastrians

contributed

to

the

widening

of

temporal

horizons

of

the

distant

past,

the

spread

of Muslims

over a

large

part

of

the

world

led

to

the

attempt

to

collate

historical

material from

a

geographical

point

of

view(Q).

For

this

reason

al-Baladhuri(R)

(d.

891)

records

in

an

important

work

the

history

of

the

conquest

of

the

individual

Islamic

countries.18

In

this,

as

in

his

other

genealogical

works,

we

find

in

al-Baladhuri

a

historian

of

importance,

who

does

not concern

himself with matters

of

secondary

importance,

but

seeks

to

carry

out

research

into

the facts

of

the

past

and

has

also

left

behind

valuable

data,

concerning

the

origin

of

the Islamic

state.

With

this

the

second

stage

of

the

development

of

Muslim historical

research

comes

to an

end.

An

examination

of

the

works of the

first

two

periods

shows

that

their

concept

of

human

history

was

more

a

product

of

the

previous period

rather than of

their

own.

This

fundamentally

conserva

tive characteristic of historical science manifests itselfalso in theworks of

the third

period.

In

the

9th

century

A.D.,

in

which the

historical works

of

the

second

period

appeared,

the

Caliphate

was

at

the

height

of its

power.

In this

period

the

Muslims

developed

trade

relations

with

all

the

parts

of

the

world,

which

they

came

to

know

and

thereby

became

acquainted

with

the

customs

and traditions

of

all

peoples.

The

scientific

activities

of the

Muslims

witnessed

a

remarkable

pro

gress

as

they

were

now

acquainted

with

the

philosophy

and

sciences

of the

Greeks,

the wisdom of

the

Indians,

the

astronomy

of

the

Babylonians(s),

the

literature

of the

Persians

and

the

arts

and industries of the Chinese.

Due

to

this

the

world

picture

of the

Muslims

became

more

comprehensive




10/28

MUSLIM

HISTORICAL

RESEARCH

9

and theirphilosophy of lifemore profound. To characterise the cultural

atmosphere

in

this and

the

following

century,

the

expression

Islamic

re

naissance(T)

has

even

been used.19

This

development,

which

indeed

constituted

a

kind

of

humanism,

is

most

strongly

and

faithfully

expressed

in

the

works

of

al-Mas'ud (u)

(d.

956).

Amongst

his

predecessors

was

the

geographer

al-Ya'qubi(v) (d.

ca.

900)

whose

history

of

the

'Abbasids

presents,

in

fact,

a

world

history,

which

begins

with

the

creation and

comprehends

all

nations

then known to

the

Muslims.20

And

in

the

Annals

of

at-Jabari(w)

(838-923),

the

famous

Qur'an

Commentator,

the

most

extensive

Chronology

of the

Muslims

was

produced.21

With

al-Mas'udi22

the

high

water

mark of

this

period

of

development

of

Muslim

historical

research

was

reached.

He

gives

themost

valuable account

of

all

lands,

in

most

of which he

had

himself

travelled.

He

narrated

the

cus

toms

and

religious professions

of

all

nations,

and

often

compares

their

religions

and

philosophies

of

life.

Through

his

extensive

cultural

and

historical

perspective

he

exercised

the

greatest

influence

on

Ibn

Khaldun,

who

rightly

considers

him

to

be the

leader

(Imam)

of

the

Muslim

historians.

But

even

he

could

not

go beyond descriptive

historical

writing. IbnKhal

dun

was

the

first

to

put

forward,

at

least

in

theory,

a

programme

of

his

torical

research

on

an

evolutionary

and

conceptualised

basis,

whereas

before

him,

the

philosopher

Ibn

Miskawayh(x) (d.

ca.

1043),

had

repre

sented

a

pragmatic

method

of

historical

writing

in

his

"Experiences

of

the

Nations".

Author's

Notes

1. This significantositionof IbnKhaldun inthehistory f sciencehas beenbrought

into

prominence

by

R.

Flint

in his

History

of

the

Philosophy of

History

(Edin

burgh:

1893),

pp.

157-171.

2.

Prolegomena

of

Ibn

Khaldun,

in notices

et

extraits des

manuscrits

de la

bibliotheque

du

roU

vols.

16, 17,

18

(Arabic

text)

19.20.21

(French

translation

y

de

Slane),

16 Paris

1858,

p.

56, (19,

Paris: 1863:

p.

71).

The

French

translation,

Vetat

social

de

I'homme"

does

not

give

the

exact

rendering

of the

Arabic

expression

al

Ijtimd*

al-Insdni

which

means

"the

process

of

human

association

or

the

formation

of

human

groups".

Here

the

ctive

meaning

of

the

verbal form s

to

be taken

into

consideration

which

also

gets

priority

n the

description

f

Ibn

Khaldun.

3.

Proleg.

I,

p.

2(4)

4.

Proleg. I,

p.

66(83).

5.

C.

Brockelmann,

Geschichte

er

arahischen itteratur

Literatures

f the

East,

Vol.

6.B).

(Leipzig:

1901),

p.

101.




11/28

10

M.

KAMIL

*AYAD

6. See the estschrift or . Schmoller, 1908 inwhichhe had outlined thefundamentals

of

such

historical

principles.

His

new

work

comprising

many

volumes

"Vom

ges

chichtlichen

erden"

now

provides

thematerial

for future structure.

7. C.H. Becker

along

with

Leone

Caetani advances

the thesis

hat this

movement

of the

Arabs

was

due

to

the

gradual

drying-up

f

their and

and

thefamine

onnected

there

with;

this

view

is,

to

say

the

least,

very

one-sided.

[Cf.

C.H.

Becker,

Islamstudien,

vol.

1

Leipzig,

1924),

pp.

7

fF.

nd 69

ff.]

n

the

case

of

Islamic

history

n

particular,

one

can

recognize

how

one-sided

isKarl

Marx's

economic

interpretation

of

history.

8.

Of

course,

this

is

not

to

betaken

to

belittle

the

importance

f

foreign

nfluences

n

Islamic

sciences;

it

is

beyond

all

doubt

that

people

belonging

to

the ancient

civili

zations

who had been convertedtoIslammade the

greatest

ontribution o scientific

pursuits

and

that

the

scientific

ystems

f

Muslims,

specially

thenatural

sciences

and

philosophy,

contain

many

foreign

lements.

But

itwill

be

a

travesty

f

truth,

if

people

deny

the existence

of

an

independent

nd

original

Islamic

culture,

which

developed

gradually

from

the

teachings

f

the

rophet

and

which

like

ther

cultures

absorbed

and

transformed

the

foreign

elements.

9.

Cf.

A.Von

Kremer,

Kulturgeschichte

es

Orients

unter

en

Khalifen, (Vienna,

1877),

vol.

VI,

pp.

415.

10.

It

is

published

in

two

vols.

by

F. W^stenfeld

(Gottingen,

1858).

German

transla

tion isbyG. Weil. (Stuttgart, 864).

11.

M.J.

de

Goeje

in

"Kultur

der

Gegenwart"

1,

7,

Literatures

of

the

Orient,

Leipzig

Berlin

1925, .

161.

Cf.

for

xample,

lso

Noldeke's

examination

f

the

yriac

sources

in

the

Zeitschrift

er

Deutschen

Morgenlandischen

Gesellschaft,

vol. 29

(Leipzig,

1876),

pp.

76

ff.

12.

Cf.

Otto

Loth:

Das

klassenbuch

es

Ibn

Sa'd

(Leipzig:

1869).

See also

the

same

auth

or's

(Ursprung

undBedeutung

der

Tabaqat,

i.e.,

the

Book

of

Classes)

in

the

Z.D.M.G

vol.

23

(Leipzig:

1869),

pp.

593

ff. This

book

was

edited

and

published

in

nine

vol

umes

under

the

auspices

of

the

Prussian

Academy

of

Sciences

by

Edward

Sachau,

in

collaboration with many other

scholars.

(Leiden: 1904-1921),

14

parts.

13.

Quoted

in

M.J.

De

Goeje,

op.

cit.,

p.

162.

14.

See

M.J.

Geje,

op.

coit.,

p.

161.

15.

Ibn

Qutayba,

Kitab

al-Ma'drif

ed.

by

F.

Wiistenfeld

(Gottingen,

1850),

p.

3.

16.

A

von

Kremer,

op. cit.,

p.

420.

17.

M.J. de

Goeje,

p.

161.

18.

Al-Baladhuri,

"Fut&b

al-Bulddrf\

rabic

Text

published

by

M.J.

de

Goeje, (Leiden,

1886).

Two

vols.

of

the

German

translation

ave

so

far

been

published

by

O.

Rescher (Leipzig, 1917-1923).

An

English

translation

ppeared

in

2

volumes

by

P.K.

Hitti

and

Fr. Black

Margotten,

(New

York,

1916-1924).

(Studies

in

History,

Economics,

and

Public

Law,

edited

by

the

Faculty

of

Political

Science

of

Columbia

University,

volume

68).

19.

Adam

Metz,

Die

Renaissance

des

Islams,

(Heidelberg,

(1922)




12/28

MUSLIM

HISTORICAL

RESEARCH

11

20. IbnWadih al -Ya'qubi, Ta'rikh, 2 vols. editedbyM. Th.H outsma (Leiden, 1883).

21

At-Tabari,

Ta'rikh

ar-Rusul

Wa'l-Mutuk,

published

by

M.J.

de

Goeje

in

collabora

tionwith

other

scholars. 13 vols.

(Leiden,

1879-1898).

22.

Preserved

in

the

urfy

adh-Dhahab,

dited

and

tr.

y

Barbier

de

Meynard

and Pavet

de

Courteille,

9

vols.

(Paris,

1861-1877),

nd hisKitfb at-Tanbih

wa'l-Ishraf,

ransla

ted into

rench

by

Carra

de

Vaux

(Paris,

1896).

23.

Ibn

Miskawayh's history,

dited

by

Leone

Caetani,

vols.

1,

5

and

6.

(London

1909-1913),

ibb

Memorial

series,

vol.

7).

Translator's Notes

(A)

Ibn

Khaldun

(732-808/1332-1406),

bu

Zaid

Walfuddin

4Abdur Rahman; al-Zirekli, Qdmus al-A'ldm, IV, 106-107; 'Umar Rada

Kahhala,

Mu'jam

al

Mu'allifin,

V,

188-191; XIII,

296;

Hasan

Saab,

"Ibn

Khaldun"

in

Encyclopedia

of

Philosophy,

IV,

107-109.

Selected

Biblio

graphy

by

Walter

J.

Fischel in

the

English

trans,

of Ibn

Khaldun's

Muqad

dima

by

Franz

Rosenthal,

III,

485-512;

H.K.

Sherwani,

"Ibn

Khaldun

and

his

Politico-Economic

Thought"

in

the

Islamic

Culture

(Hyderabad)

(April, 1970),

71-80;

F.

Gabrieli,

"II

Concetto

della

'asabiyya

nel

pensiero

storico

di

Ibn

Khaldun"

in

LTslam nella

Storia,

211-252;

Buddha

Prakash,

"Ibn

Khaldun's

Philosophy

of

History",

in

the

Islamic

Culture,

(Oct.

1954),

XXVIII, No. 1,412-508; Muhammad Mahmud Rabf, The Political Theory

of

Ibn Khaldun

(1967),

pp.

IX +

178;

C.J.

Blacker and

Salih

H.

Alich,

International

Bibliography

of

the

History

of

Religions

(1970),

94-95.

C.

Brockelmann,

Geschichte Der

Arabischen

Litteratur,

II,

314-17;

S

II>

342-44.

A.

Zeki Velidi

Togan,

Tarihte

Usul,

142,

146,

155,

157-70; 172,

205.

S.

Dabydeen,

"Ibn

Khaldun:

An

Interpretation",

Islamic

Quarterly,

(1969),

XIII,

2,

79-101.

S.

Pines,

"Ibn

Khaldun and

Maimonides",

a

comparison

between

two

texts

in

the

Studia

Islamica,

J.

Schacht

Memorial

volume,

II,

265-2TF4;

F.

Wxistenfeld,

Die

Geschichteschreiber

der

Araber

und Ihre Werke, No. 456, 26-31. For Ibn Khaldun's classification of

sciences

see

G.

Anawati,

"Science"

in

the

Cambridge

History of

Islam,

II,

745-46.

An

abridged

Hebrew

trans,

of

the

Muqaddima

has

been

pub

lished

by

Immanuel

Koplewitz, Sifre

Mofet

mi-Sifrut

ha-'Olam,

pp. 407;




13/28

12

M. KAM1L

*AYAD

E.

Gellner,

"From Ibn Khaldun toKarl Marx" inPolitical

Quarterly,

No.

32

(1961),

385-392.

The

political

and

social

philosophy

f

Ibn

Khaldun

has been

critically

examined

by

Jaha

Husain

and

others;

see

Falsafat

Ibn

Khaldun

al-Ijtima'lya,

and Etude

analytique

et

critique

de la

philosophic

social

d' Ibn

Khaldun;

but

these

are

now

out

of

date.

Ibn

Khaldun

has

been

called

"an

Oriental

Montesquiue",

"a

Darwinist

before

Darwin",

"a

forerunner

of

the 17th

century

Geschichts-Philosophie",

and

his

work has

been

compared

with

that of

Machiavelli,

Battista

Vico,

Hegel

and

Herbert

Spencer".

Julian

Obermann,

"Early

Islam"

in

The

Idea

of

History

in

the

Ancient

Near

East,

ed.

by

Robert C.

Den

tan,

307;

H.

Ritter's

"Irrational

Solidarity

Groups",

in

Oriens,

1/1

1948),

is

the

critical

and

analytical

study

of the

'asabiya\

F.

Rosenthal

attempts

to

trace

the

sources

of Ibn

Khaldun's

thought,

A

History

of

Muslim

Historiography,

117-118;

Muhsin

Mahdi,

Ibn Khaldun's

Philosophy ofHistory,

A

Study

in

the

Philosophic

Foundations

of

the Science

of

Culture

(1957),

pp.

325

(with

good

biblio

graphy).

Nassif

Na?sar,

La

Pensee

realiste

d' Ibn

Khaldun

(1967),

pp.

279;

M.

Jalibl,

"Ibn Khaldun

Et La

Sens

De

L'

Histoire"

in the

Studia Islamica, XXVI, (1967), 73-148;

- -

-,

Ibn

Khaldun in theEncyclo

pedia

of

Islam,

(2),

HI,

825-831

(useful

contribution with

substantial

bibliography).

Yves

Lacoste,

Ibn

Khaldun,

Naissance

de

Vhistoire,

2nd

ed.

(1968),

pp.

320.

See the

new

French

translation

of

the

Muqaddima

by

Vincent

Monteil,

3

vols. Khuda

Bakhsh,

"Ibn

Khaldun and

His

History

of Islamic

Civilization"

in

Contributions

to

the

History

of

Islamic

Civiliza

tion

(1930),

201-261;

W.J.

Fischel,

"Ibn

Khaldun's

Activities

in

Mamluk

Egypt",

in

Semitic

and Oriental

Studies

Presented

to

William

Popper

(1951);

"The

Islamic

Background

of Ibn

Khaldun's

Political

Theory"

by H.A.R. Gibb inStudies in theCivilization of Islam, 166-175;

some

per

tinent

comments

on

Ibn Khaldun

are

made

by

Muhammad

'Abdul

Ghani

Hasan,

7/m

at-Ta'rikh

ind

al-'Arab,

246-262;

A.A.

Dehkhoda,

Lughat

Name,

(A-Abu

Sa'd,

1325

A.H.),

305-306;

A.J.

Toynbee,

A

Study of

History

(1934),

III,

321-328;

473-476.

Muhammad

'Abdullah

Enan,

Ibn

Khaldun,

His

Life

and

Works

(1944),

pp.

200. 'Umar

Farrukh,

Ta'rikh

al-Fikr

al-'Arabi,

2nd

ed.

(1386/1966),

691-709

(with

a

bibliography

of

Arabic

works).

A

very

detailed

study

of his

philosophy

of

history

and

sociology

is

presented

by

the

same

author

but

it is

not

very

critical;

see

his Ta'rikh al-'Ulum 'indal-'Arab (1390/1970), 442-517 (good bibliography

of

Arabic

and

European

works,

512-517).

For

a

comparison

between

Vico and

Montesquieu

with

Ibn

Khaldun

seeQadriHafizTogan,a/-

'Ulum

'indal-'Arab

(1960),

226-231.

A

long biography

of Ibn

Khaldun

was

writ




14/28

MUSLIM

HISTORICAL

RESEARCH

13

ten by al-MaqrlzI; seeMafcmud al-Jalill,Majallat al-Majma' aUTlml al

Traqi,

(1386/1966),

III,

215-242.

Al-Jalill

has also

studied

he

illness

f

IbnKhaldun

and

its

ffect

n

his

writings;

bid,

43-246;

Abbis

'Ammar,

"Ibn

Khaldun's

Prolegomena

to

History",

Ph.

D.

Dissertation,

(Cambridge,

1941).

Bryan

S.

Turner,

"Ibn

Khaldun

and

Western

Sociology,

Ibn

Khal

dun

and

Emile Durkheim"

in

slamic

Review,

VIII/9 (1970),

7-9.

For

Ibn Khaldun's

political

theory

of

the

Khildfa

and

Imdma

see

P.V.

Sivers,

Khalifat,

Konigtum

und

Verfall,

Die

politische

Theorie

Ibn

Khaldfln,

pp.

159.

The

following

three

unpublished

American

Doctoral Disserta

tions

may

be

mentioned

here.

Muhammad.

A.M.

Nour,

"An

Analytical

Study

of the

Sociological Thought

of

Ibn

Khaldun",

Kentucky

Thesis,

1954;

Zahida

H.

Pasha,

Ibn

Khaldun,

"Sociologist:

a

fourteenth

century

pioneer",

Thesis,

American,

1951

and

'AH

H.

Wardi,

"A

Sociological

ana

lysis

of

Ibn Khaldun's

theory:

a

Study

in

the

Sociology

of

Knowledge",

Thesis,

Texas,

1950.

'Abdu'l-Razzaq

al-Makki,

AUFikr

al-Falsafi

'indlbn

Khaldun

(1970),

pp.

350.

D.S.

Margoliouth,

Arabic

Historians,

156-58;

M.

Talibi,

The

Encyclopedia

of

Islam,

New

ed.

vol.

Ill

(1971),

825-31. S.M.

Batseva:

"The

Social

foundations

of

Ibn

Khaldun's

Historico-Philosophical

Doctrine",

tr.

from

the

Russian

by

Jan

W.Weryho

in

the

Islamic

Quarterly,

(April-Sept.

1971),

XV,

nos

2

and

3,

121-132;

see

also

A'mdlMihrjdn

Ibn

Khaldun

(papers

read

at his

millenary

anniversary

held at

Cairo)

(1962).

His Lubdb

al-Mubtassilft

Usul

ad-Din

was

edited,

translated

and

annotated

by

L.

Rubio,

vol.

I

Arabic

text(1952),

pp.

149.

GeorgeSarton

has

given

a

long

account

of

his

life

and

works

and

their

criticism,

Introduction

to

the

History

of

Science,

III,

pt.

2,

(1948),

1767-1779.

See

also

Muhammad

Tufail,

Ibn

Khaldun

ka

nazarfya-i-Ta'lim

in

Fikr

wa

Nazar

(August,

1970),

VIII, 131-139; S. 'AH, "The Economics of Ibn Khaldun

?

a Selection",

African

Quarterly,

X,

no.

3

(October

to

Dec.

70),

251-59.

(B)

VICO,

Giambattista

Vico

(1668-1744).

Patrick

Gardiner,

"G.

Vico"

in

the

Encyclopedia

ofPhilosophy,

VIII,

247-51

(good

bibliography).

There

are

good

studies

on

Vico

by

B.

Croce.

His

autobiography

has

been

translated

from

the

Italian

by

M.H. Fisch

and

T.G.

Bergin,

(1944),

pp.

240;

The New

Science

of

Vico,

new

translation

of

the

3rd

ed.

(1744) by

T.G.

Bergin

and

M.H.

Fisch,

(1948),

pp.

441.

See

the

bibliography

of

Vico

in

the

Encyclopedia

Brittanica,

XX,

1035. A.

Zeki

Velidi

Togan,

Tarihte

Usul,

162,

172.

Winkler

Prins

Encyclopedia

(1954),

XVIII,

118-19;

Her

mann

Heimpel

and

others,

Die

Gros0en

Deutschen,

(Berlin,

1957),

V.

216.

Friedrich

Heer,

The

Intellectual

History of

Europe,

51,

134,

308-309.

His




15/28

14

M.

KAMIL

'AYAD

philosophy fhistory as beendiscussedbyWill andArielDurant,Rous

seau

and

Revolution

(1967),

251-254. Friedrich

Meinecke,

Die

Entstehung

des

Historismus

(1959),

53-59

and

passim.

Alexandra

Randa,

Handbuch

Der

Weltgeschtchte

4

vols),

(1954),

1962, 1470,

1820.

A.R.

Caponigri,

New

Catholic

Encyclopedia,

XIV,

644-45;

(C)

Buckle,

Henry

Thomas

(1821-1862).

Patrick

Gardiner,

"H.T.

Buckle",

in

The

Encyclopedia

of

Philosophy,

I,

413-15

(good

bibliography);

L.

Stephen

in

Dictionary

of

National

Biography,

III,

208

211;

A.H.

Hutti,

Life

and

Writings f

Henry

Thomas

Buckle

(1880);

G.

St.

Aubyn,

A

Victorian

Eminence;

the

life

and

works

of

Thomas Buckle.

Brockhaus

Enzyklopadie,

III,

407

(very

short).

J.

Kutolowski,

New

Catho

lic

Encyclopedia,

II,

846-47.

(D) Breysig.

Kurt

Breysig

(b.

5th

July,

1866,

d.

Berlin,

16th

June,

1940).

See

Brockhaus

Enzyklopadie,

III,

273,

which

gives

details of

his

works

and

contains

up

to

date

bibliography.

"Breysig

felt

strongly

that

history

is

not

the

record

of

one

seemingly

dominant

factor,

such

as

the

state,

but

rather

of

the

interrelationship

between all

phenomena.

He

held

that

it should

deal

with

all

peoples, including

the

so-called

primitives

who

may appear

to

lack

historical

development.

Just

as

the

individual

passes

from

infancy through

child-hood,

adolescence

and

maturity

to

seni

lity,

every

cultural

unit,

according

to

Breysig,

passes

through

corresponding

historical

stages".

Paul

Honigsheim

in

Colliers

Encyclopedia

(1955),

IV,

57-58.

For

a

detailed

account of

his life and works

see

Neue

Deutsche

Biographic

II,

609-610.

(E)

Mongols:

B.

Spuler,

Les

Mongols

dansVhistoire,

(1961):

?,

Die

Mongolen

in

Iran,

3rd

ed.;

W.

Barthold/J.A.

Boyle,

Chaghtay

Khanate

in

the

Encyclopedia

of

Islam,

new

ed.

II,

3-4;

J.A.

Boyle,

trans,

of the

Ta'rikh

i-Jahan

Kusha

of 'Ata'

Malik Juwaini

(History

of

the

World

Conqueror),

2

vols."Juwaini

and

Rashid

al-Din

as

sources

on

the

History

of

the

Mongols",

in

the

Historians

of

the

iddle

East,

133-37.

See

for

a

list

of

the

Mongol

rulers

with

the

dates

of

their

accession,

QazwM,

Yaddasht-ha'i

III,

306-309

and

the

JamV at-Tawarikh

by

Rashid'uddin

Fadlullah,

Eng.

tr.

as

The Successors ofGenghis Khan by J.A. Boyle; on the Ilkhans see B. Spuler,

the

Encyclopedia

of

slam,

new

ed., III,

1120-1123.

- -

-,

ie

Goldene

Horde,

Die

Mongolen

in

Russland,

1223-1502,

XVIII

+

636.

The

Persian

sources

bearing

on

the

history

of

the

Mongols

have

been

discussed

briefly by

B.




16/28

MUSLIM

HISTORICAL

RESEARCH

15

Spuler, in his "Historische und Geographische Literatur", inHandbuch

Der

Orientalistik,

IV/2/1,

Iranistik,

122-136.

The

Second

International

Congress

of

the

Mongolists

was

held

at

Ulan

Bator

(2-9

September,

970)

in

which

many

important

and

original

papers

dealing

with

all

aspects

of

Mongol

history

and

culture

were

read.

For

a

list of

the

titles

of

these

papers

see

Journal

Asiatique

(1970),

CCLVII/3-4,

407-419.

The

history

of

Iran

from

the

Mongol

invasion

to

the

establishment

of the

Timurid

dynasty

has been

studied

by

'Abbas

Iqbal

in

his

Ta'rlkh-i-Moghol,

2nd

ed.

(1341

A.H. Shamsi), X, pp. 619. J.J. Saunders, The History of theMongol Con

quests

(1971),

pp. XIX,

+ 275.

D.

Ayalon,

"The

European-Asiatic

Steppe:

A

Major

Reservoir

of

Power in

the Islamic

World",

in

Transac

tions,

II,

47-52.

See

The

Mongol

Disaster',

in

A

History

of

Medieval

Islam

by

J

.

Saunders

1965),

170-186

specially

he

jbibliography).

.

Barthold,

Teksty,

vol.

I

of

Turkestan

v

epokhu

Mongolskago Nashestviya;

Mu'In

al-Fuqara',

Kitdb-i-Mulldzdde

(1898),

166-172;

B.Y.

Vladimirtsov,

The

Life

of

Chingis

Khan,

tr.

by

D.S.

Mirksy,

(1930,

repr.

1972),

pp.

XII

+

172.

See

the

papers concerning

the

history

and

culture

of

theMongols in

The

Cambridge

History

of

Iran,

The

Saljuq

and

Mongol

Periods,

V,

303

679;

691-94.

For

the

Mongol

invasion of

Europe

see

G.

Barraclough,

History

in

a

Changing

World,

51,

134,

189-90.

See "Turks

and

Mongols:

the

End

of

the

Caliphate"

in

History

of

the

slamic

Peoples

by

Carl

Brockel

mann,

(1952)

240-255;

W.

Barthold,

"Changiz

Khan

and

the

Mongols",

and

"Turkestan

under

Mongol

Domination",

in

Turkestan Down

to

the

Mongol

Invasion,

3rd

ed.

(1968),

381-494.

For

Arabic

historiography

under

the

Mongols

see

Jurjl

Zaydan,

Ta'rikh

al-Adab

al-Lughat

al-Arablya,

III, 148-153; B. Spuler, The "Mongols" in The Cambridge History of

Islam,

I,

160-174;

Bernard

Lewis,

ibid.,

211-219.

For

the

Mongols

in

Anatolia

see

Osman

Turan

in

The

Cambridge

History

of

Islam,

I,

246

262.

A short

but

useful

bibliography

on-the

Mongols

is

provided

by

Jean

Sauvaget

and

Claude

Cahen,

Introduction

to

the

History

of

the

uslim

East,

168-170;

Bertold

Spuler/F.R.C.

Bagley,

The

Muslim

World,

A

His

torical

Survey,

The

Mongol

Period,

(1969)11,

1-56;

see

"Religion

under

the

Mongols"

by

A.

Bausani

in

The

Cambridge

History

of

Iran,

V,

538-549

and

"The

Mongols"

by

Herbert

M.J.

Loewe

in

The

Cambridge

Medieval

History (1923) IV, 627-652 out of date); LudwigForrer/Bertoldpuler

(eds),

Der

Vordere

Orient,

85-86;

99-102. B.

Spuler,

"Quellen

Kritik

der

Mongolengeschichte

Irans",

in

ZDMG,

vol.

92,

(1939);

see

the

different

editions

of

the

ecret

History

of

the

Mongols,

tr.

by

P.

Pelliot

(1949),

A.D.




17/28

16

M.

KAMIL

'AYAD

Walcy (1963)

and others.

Ligeti,

Histoire

SecrSte

des

Mongols

(1971),

pp.

268.

See also Brockhaus

Enzyklopadie,

XII,

739-745.

M.

Prawdin,

The

Mongol Empire:

Its Rise and

Legacy,

2nd

revised

edition

(1961),

pp.

581.

(F)

On

the

origin

of

the snad

(Chain

of

authorities)

n

Hladtth

see

M.Z.

?iddlqi,

"Islamic

Studies",

in

Islamic

Culture, XXXV,

4

(1961),

218

ff;

Bertold

Spuler,

"Islamische

und

abendlandische

Geschichtsschrei

bung"

in

Sdeculum,

VI,

126;

B.

Scarcia

Amoretti,

'Urn

ar-Rijal,

in

the

Encyclopedia

of

Islam,

new

ed.

Ill, 1150-52;

Use

Lichtenstadter,

"Arabic

and

Islamic

istoriography",

n,

TheMedieval

World,

1945)

XXXV,

131.

Among

the

sciences

that

developed

out of

the critical

study

of the

Ffadith,

that

of

the Isnad

was

of

first

importance.

See

Kitab

Ma'rifat

'Ulum

al-Hadith

by

an-Naisaburi,

(1937)

6-18.

For

a

discussion

regarding

the

origin

of the Isnad

see

M.Z.

?iddiqf, As-Siyaral-Hathith,

43-51; at-Thanawi,

Kashshdf

Istilahat

al-Funun,

I,

27,

642-46.

There

is

a

note

(five

lines)

on

Isnad

in

the

Encyclopedia

of

Islam

(1),

II,

552.

New

light

has

been

thrown

on

the

question

of

the Isnad

or

chain of

transmitters

by

the

publica

tionofSabifahHammdm bnMunabbih (d. 101/719)dited yM. Hamld

ullah

(trans,

by

Muhammad

Rahimuddin),

5th

Rev. edition

(Hyderabad,

1380/1961);

Arabic

text,

pp.

1-42;

English

Intro,

trans,

and

foot-notes,pp.

116.

Al-Hakim

Abu

'Abdullah

Muhammad

ibn

'Abdullah

al-Naisa

buri,

al-Madkhal

ila

Ma'rifat

al-Iklil,

ed. and

trans,

by

James

Robson,

as

Introduction

to

the

Science

of

Tradition,

VII,

54,

48.

For

a

general

discus

sion

of

Hadith

see

Ahmad

Amin,

Fajr

al-Islam,

208-224

(based

on

the

best

available

Arabic

sources)

and

Fu'at

Sezgin,

Geschichte

Des Arabischen

Shrifttums,

I,

53-233

(latest

and

very

informative);

see

S.J.

Horowitz's

article "Alter und Ursprung des Isnad", Der Islam, VIII (1917), 39-47;

James

Robson,

Isnad,

in

the

Encyclopedia

of

Islam,

new

ed.

IV,

207

(very

short).

(G)

Muhammad

Farid

Wajdi,

"Hadith"

in

Da'irat

al-Ma'arif,

al-Qarn-RabV

6Ashar,

III,

360-77;

Muhammad

Zubayr

?iddiql,

Hadith

Literature,

pp.

211;

J.

Brugmann,

editor and

others,

Concordance

et

In

dices

De

La

Tradition

Musalmane

I-VH,

pts

1-47

(1936-69).

A.J.

Wensinck,

A

Handbook

of Early

Muhammadan

Tradition,

alphabetically

arranged

(1927, Reprint, 1972). Cf. G. Richter's statement inDas Geschichtsbild

der arabischen

historiker,

8.

About

a

discussion

on

the

Hadith

literature

see

G.H.A.

Juynboll.

The

Authenticity

of

the

tradition

literature,

Discussions

in

Modern

Egypt,

pp.

X-f

171. M.Z.

?iddiql,

'Ulum

al-IJadith",

Studia




18/28

MUSLIM

HISTORICAL

RESEARCH

17

Islamica, V, 4

(1968),

197-211; Mohammad Arkun, "Introduction A

La

Pcnsce

Islamique

Classique",

in

Cahiers

D'

Histoire

Mondial, XI,

4,

585;

Alfred

Guillaume,

"Apostolic

Tradition"

in

slam

(Penguin,

1966)

88-110,

iscusses

the

relationship

etween

fadtth

nd

Fiqh,

(full

f

hostile

criticism);

L

Goldziher,

Mohammadanische

Studien,

II;

Eng.

tr.

Muslim

Studies,

II,

420

(earliest

critical

study

of

IJadith

by

a

European);

at-Tha

nawl,

Kashshaf

Isfilaftdt

al-Funun,

I,

279-281.

A.

Guillaume,

The

Tradi

tions

of

Islam,

pp.

184;

Th. W.

Juynbul,

Ifadis,

Isl.

Ans.

V,

47-54;

Muham

mad

Flamldullah,

"Early

History

of the

Compilation

of

Iladlth" in

slamic

Literature,

(1966),

XII/3,

5-9

(discusses

the value and

importance

of

the

$ahifa

Hammdm

ibn

Munabbih,

compiled

in the

early

thirties

of

the second

century

of

the

Hijra).

Two

recent

studies

by

two

Arab Muslim

scholars

may

be

mentioned

here;

?ubhia?-?abih,

'Ulum

al-IJadith

Wa

musfalahdtuhd

(1965),

pp.

447

and

'Abdul

Razzaque

Nawfal,

aUIslam

wa

Tim

al-Ifadith,

(1965)

pp.

244.

Naji

Ma'ruf

has studied

the

influence

f

the

Jadith

n

the

origin

of

history writing

among

the

Muslims;

see

aUAqlam,

II,

9

(Baghdad,

1966),

116-149;

al-Khatlb

al-Baghdadf,

al-Kifaya

or

La

Trans

mission

ecrite

du

Hiadith,

critical

edition

by

Yusuf

al-'Ishsh,

pp.

199.

A

good

number

of

Afyddith

have been

interpreted

and

commented

upon

by

Ibn

Furak

in

his

Kitab

Mushkil

al-Hadith

(1362. A.H.),

pp.

214.

Collections

of

Ifadith

ver

and

above

the

ijjBb

Sitta

(Six

Authentic

ollections)

nd

books

concerning

the sciences of

Ifadith

are

legion

but

one

of

the

important

works

in

the

latter

category

may

be

mentioned

here

i.e.

'Ulum

al-Ifadlth

or

the

Muqaddima

of Ibn

as-?alah

on

which

some

commentaries

were

written.

A.

al-Masrf,

"An

Introduction

to

the

Study

of

the

Traditional

Criteria

used

in the

Criticism

of

EEadlth",

Ph.

D.

Thesis,

Cambridge

1958

59; M. Yusufuddln, "Pre-Bukharl Hadith Literature" in theProceedings

(1970),

357-361;

'Abdus

?amad

?arim

al-Azharl,

Tabrirat

Risalat

in

the

Tarjumdn

al-ITadith,

Urdu

(Lahore,

Jan.

1970),

I,

17-19.

It

contradicts

the

statement

that Hadith

was

recorded

in

writing

two

centuries

after

the

death

of the

prophet

and

mentions

some

compilations

made in

the

first

century

ike

he

uwaffa\

of

Imam

Malik,

?ahlfa

of

'Ali

nd

$ablfa

Afradith

of Anas

ibnMalik.

See also

the

articles

of

Hafiz

Muhammad

Gondalwl

in

the

Tarjumdn

al-Ifadlth,

published

in the

different issues

of

1970.

J.

Robson,

IJadith,

Encyclopedia

of

Islam,

newed.

Ill,

23-28

(contains

good

bibliography);Muhammad Mujtafa A'?aml, Studies nEarly Ijfadlth

Literature

with

a

critical

edition

of

some

early

texts

(1968).

Afcmad

ash

Sharbasi,

Adab

al-Ahddlth

aUQudsiyah,

which

contains

selections

from

the

major

works

of

tradition

ublished

by

theGovt.

of

the

UAR,

I




19/28

18

M.

KAMIL

'AYAD

(1969).

M.

Ishaq,

India's Contribution

to the

Study of

ffadith

Literature,

pp.

270.

(H)

Ibn

Hisham

(d.

ca.

218/833),

bu Muhammad

'Abdu'l-Malik

ibn

Hisham

ibn

Ayyub;

W.

Montgomery

Watt,

"Ibn

Hisham" in

the

Encyclopedia

of

Islam,

new

ed.

Ill,

800-801;

Jean

Sauvaget/Claude

Cahen,

Introduction

to

the

History

of

theMuslim

East, 116;

Eng.

tr.

of

his

Sir

a

by

Alfred

Guillaume,

The

Life of

Muhammad

with introduction

and

notes;

A.L.

Tibawi,

The

Life

of

Muhammad;

A

critique

of

A.

Guillaume's

English

translation

of

the

Slra,

The Islamic

Quarterly,

HI,

No.

3,

196-214.

Joseph

De

Somogyi,

"The

Development

of

Arabic

Historiography"

in the

Journal

of

Semitic

Studies

(1958)

III, 373-87;

C.

Brockelmann,

Geschichte

Der Ara

bischen

Litteratur,

I,

141;

Studia

Islamica,

206-207;

'Umar

Rada

Kahhala,

Mu'jam

al

Mu'allifin,

Tarajim

Musannafi

aUKutub

al-'Arabiya,

VI,

192;

al-Zirekli,

Al-A

'lam,

Qamus

Tarajim,

IV,

214.

Over

and

above the

edi

tion

of

his Slra

by

F.

Wustenfeld

(original

3 vols edition

published

in

1859,

reprint

in

1961)

there

is

also

a

fairly

reliable edition

by

Mustafa

as-Saqqa

and others, published at Cairo. Ibn Syed an-Nas, 'Uyun aUAthar fi funun

al-Maghazi

wash-Shama'il

was-Siyar,

2

vols.

F.

Wustenfeld,

Die

Geschi

chteschreiber

der

Araber undIhre

Werke,

no

48,16;

Abu

Dhar,

Commentary

on

Ibn

Hisham's

Biography of

Muhammad,

Arabic

text

ed.

by

P.

Bronnle,

2 vols.

(Cairo,

1911; repr.

London,

1969).

Ibn

Hisham is

not

noticed

by

'A/A.

ad-Duri

in

his

Bahth

fi

Nash'at

'Ilm at-Ta'rikh

'ind

l-'Arab.

M.A.H.

'Azzam,

A

Critical

Study

of

the Verse Content

of

the

Sira

of

Ibn

Hisham,

London

University

Ph. D

thesis,

1952-53;

D.M.

Dunlop,

Arab Civilisation

to AD

1500,

72-74;

Al-Zirekli

(loc.

cit.)

notes

the

difference

regarding

the

date of his death.

(I)

Ibn

Ishaq

(d.

151/768),

uhammad

ibn

Ishaq

ibn

asar

al

Muttalibi;

'Umar

Rada

Kahhala,

Mu'jam

al-MiCallifin,

IX,

44-45;

Al

Zirekli,

AUA'lam, VI,

252;

C.

Brockelmann,

Geschichte

Der

Arabischen

Litteratur,

I,

loc.

cit.;

SI,

205-206.

'Abdu'l

'Aziz

ad-Duri,

Bahth

fi

Nash'at

'Ilm

at-Ta'rikh

'indaWArab,

168-86;

W.

Montgomery

Watt,

"The

Materials

used

by

Ibn

Ishaq"

in

Historians

of

the

iddle

East,

23-24.

J.M.B.

Jones,

"Ibn

Ishaq,"

Encyclopedia

of

Islam,

new

ed.

810-11

(good

bibliography);

Jean

Sauvaget/Claude

Cahen, Introduction to theHistory of theMuslim

East,

116. Alfred

Guillaume,

"A Note

on

the

Sira of Ibn

Ishaq"

in

the

Bulletin

of

the

School

of

Oriental and

African

Studies,

1956,

XVIII/I,

1-4.

J.

Fuck,

Mubammadbin

Isbaq,

(1923);

James

Robson,

"Ibn

Ishaq's

use




20/28

MUSLIM

HISTORICAL

RESEARCH 19

of the Isnad" in Bulletin

of

the John

Rylands

Library,

vol.

38,

No. 2,

(March,

1956).

F.

Wustenfeld,

Die

Geschichteschreiber

der Araber

und

Ihre

Werke,

No.

28,

8.

As

regards

the

reporters

of

Muhammad

ibn

Isfraq

see

A.

Fischer,

Biographien

von

Gewahrsmannern deslbn

Ishaq

hauptsachlich

aus

adh-Dhahabi,

pp.

XVIII

-f

116

and

Zeitschrift

der

Deutschen

Morge

nlandischen

Gesellschaft,

XLIV,

401-444. Gordon D.

Newby,

"An

Example

of

Coptic

Literary

Influence

on

Ibn

Ishaq's

Sira,

in

the

Journal

of

Near

Eastern

Studies,

(Jan.

1972)

XXXI,

1,

22-28.

D.M.

Dunlop,

loc.

cit. It is

understood

that

the

original

Sira

of

Ibn

Ishaq

has

been found

and

M.

Hamldullah

of Paris

is

editing

it

under

the

auspices

of

the

Government

of

Morocco;

se

Documents

‘Ayād (M. Kāmil), Khān (M. S.)_The Beginning of Muslim Historical Research (Islamic Studies 17:1, 1978, 1-26a)