Assessing Life of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants of Selected Slum of Dhaka

Assessing Life of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrantsof Selected Slums of Dhaka City

Dissertation Submittedto

University of Dhaka

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

for the degree of

Master of Economics in Environmental Economics

byMohammad Ibrahim

Under the Supervisionof

Nitai Chandra Nag

Dhaka School of Economics(A Constituent Institution of the University of Dhaka)

November 2014

DHAKA SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS(Constituent Institution of the University of Dhaka)

(+88)02-9359628-9, Fax: 02-9345996, [email protected], [email protected], www.dscebd.orgBangladesh Economic Association Bhaban, 4/C Eskaton Garden Road (3rd Floor), Dhaka-1000, Bangladesh

i

Date: 06-12-2014

CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the dissertation titled: “Assessing Life of Rural-Urban Environmental

Migrants of Selected Slums of Dhaka City” submitted by Mohammad Ibrahim for the

fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Economics in Environmental

Economics is his own independent and original research work carried out at this School under

my supervision. This work has not been submitted in part or full to any other university or

institution for any degree or diploma. I, therefore, forward this dissertation for evaluation and

necessary action.

(Nitai Chandra Nag)SupervisorProfessorDhaka School of Economics

ii

Date: 02-12-2014

DECLARATION

This is to certify that the dissertation titled: “Assessing Life of Rural-Urban Environmental

Migrants of Selected Slums of Dhaka City” submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of Master of Economics in Environmental Economics under the

University of Dhaka is a record of bonafide research work carried out by me under the

supervision of Nitai Chandra Nag of Dhaka School of Economics. I, further, declare that this

has not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship,

fellowship or other similar title of recognition.

(Mohammad Ibrahim) Dhaka, Bangladesh

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I acknowledge with utmost honesty and sincere gratitude to the following individuals andorganizations/institutions without whose help and cooperation, I couldn’t have finish thework of my dissertation.

First of all, I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my supervisor Nitai ChandraNag of Dhaka School of Economics, for his continued patience, guidance and advice from thevery beginning of my dissertation work till today. In every single day since thecommencement of dissertation he has pushed me to work hard, learn and use the acquiredknowledge in practical life.

I am indebted to Dr. Qazi Kholiquzzaman Ahmad, the honorable Director of Dhaka School ofEconomics for his generous supports and valuable suggestions.

I am especially indebted to honorable teacher Dr. A K M Nazrul Islam of Dhaka School ofEconomics and Dr. Fazle Rabbi Sadeque Ahmed of Palli Karma-Sahayak Foundation (PKSF)for their valuable suggestions, help and cooperation at various stages of my work.

I convey my sincere gratitude to honorable teachers Professor Kazi Saleh Ahmed, ProfessorDr. Rezai Karim Khondker, Mohammad Ehsanul Kabir, Dr. Narayan Chandra Sinha, andMd. Touhidul Alam of Dhaka School of Economics (DScE); Muhammad Sahadat HossainSiddiquee, Dr. Syed Naimul Wadood, Dr. M. Abu Eusuf, and Mohammod Akbar Kabir of theUniversity of Dhaka (DU); and Professor Dr. Nurul Islam of Bangladesh University ofEngineering and Technology (BUET).

I would like to thank all of my classmates for their cooperation during the course time of thiswork. I also especially thank my friends Md. Anis-Ul-Ekram Chowdhury, Md.Arfanuzzaman, Md. Hasan Imtiaj Islam and Monuar Hossen for their cooperation andparticipation in data collection process.

I am indebted to Palli Karma-Sahayak Foundation (PKSF) for the grant and scholarship tocarry out the study.

My family members, especially my parents, their prayers and love are my arms in life to fightthe way for honesty. It is their sacrifice, their supports and patience which have enabled me tocomplete this work. I am also grateful to my dear brother and sister for their continuoussupport in every aspect of my life.

I am also indebted to all the officials of DScE for their continuous support and help. I expressmy sincere love and gratitude to my friends and well-wishers.

Mohammad Ibrahim

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter TitlePageNo

CERTIFICATE iDECLARATION iiACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iiiTABLE OF CONTENT ivLIST OF FIGURE viLIST OF FLOW CHART viABBREVIATIONS & ACRONYM viiABSTRACT viii

ChapterONE

INTRODUCTION 1 - 6

1.1 Research Problem 21.2 Objectives of the Study 51.3 Scope of the Study 51.4 Limitations and Constraints 61.5 Chapterization 61.6 Conclusion 6

ChapterTWO

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 9 - 17

2.1 Introduction 102.2 Review of the Internationally Available Literature 102.3 Review of the Nationally Available Literature 132.4 Observation from the Literature Review 162.5 Research Gap Identified from Literature Review 172.6 Conclusion 17

ChapterTHREE

AN OUTLINE METHODOLOGY 20 - 26

3.1 Introduction 213.2 Research Design 213.3 Method of Investigation 223.4 Selection of Study Area 223.5 Selection of Sampling and Sampling Technique 223.6 Determination of Sample Size 233.7 Preparation of the Interview Schedule 233.8 Period of the Study 233.9 Data Sources and Acquisition Methods 23

3.10 Processing of the Data 243.11 Reliability and Validity of the Research Outcome 253.12 Conclusion 26

DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION 27 - 49

4.1 Introduction 284.2 Causes of Rural-Urban Environmental Migration 28

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ChapterFOUR

4.2.1 Environmental External Factors Forcing People to Migrate 284.2.2 Rural-Urban Migration and River Erosion 294.2.3 Rural-Urban Migration and others Environmental Factors 30

4.3 Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants 304.3.1 Demographic Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental

Migrants30

4.3.2 Origins and Destinations of Rural-Urban EnvironmentalMigrants

32

4.3.3 Duration of Leaving Village and Migrating to Dhaka 344.4 Current Livelihood Characteristics in Dhaka City’s Slum 34

4.4.1 After Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants 354.4.2 After Migration Education of Environmental Migrants 354.4.3 After Migration Income-Expenditure Patterns and Poverty of

Environmental Migrants36

4.4.4 Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Slum 384.4.5 Environmental Hazards in Slum 384.4.6 Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness in Slum 394.4.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support to Slum Dwellers 39

4.5 Before Migration Livelihood Characteristics in Village 404.5.1 Before Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants 404.5.2 Before Migration Income Pattern and Poverty of

Environmental Migrants41

4.5.3 Before Migration Property and Assets in Village 424.5.4 Before Migration Characteristics of Living Arrangement in

Village43

4.5.5 Before Migration Environmental Hazards in Village 434.5.6 Adaptation Support and Social Safety Nets in Village 444.5.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support 45

4.6 Comparison on Livelihoods Between Before and After Migration 464.6.1 Comparison on Occupations 474.6.2 Comparison on Income and Assets 484.6.3 Comparison on Living Arrangement 484.6.4 Comparison on Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness 49

4.7 Conclusion 49

ChapterFIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND POLICYRECOMMENDATIONS

50 - 53

9.1 Summary of the Study 519.2 Conclusion 529.3 Policy Recommendations 53BIBLIOGRAPHY ixANNEX xiii

vi

LIST OF FIGURE

Figure No. Title of the FigurePage

No.

4.1 Causes of Rural-Urban Environmental Migration 28

4.2 Age of the Household Heads 31

4.3 Family Members Distributed by Age and Gender 31

4.4 Districts of Migrants 33

5.5 Duration of Migration 34

5.6 After Migration Occupation of Household Heads 35

5.7 After Migration Household Income 36

5.8 After Migration Distribution of Total Expenditure 37

5.9 Before Migration Occupation of Household Heads 41

5.10 After Migration Changes in Occupational Pattern 47

LIST OF FLOW CHART

Flow chart

No.Title of the Flow Chart

Page

No.

1.1 Research Design 21

vii

ABBREVIATIONS & ACRONYM

ADB : Asian Development BankBBS : Bangladesh Bureau of StatisticsBCCSAP : Bangladesh Climate Change Strategy and Action PlanBDT : Bangladeshi TakaBIET : Bangladesh University of Engineering and TechnologyCNG : Compressed Natural GasCOI : Cost of IllnessCORE : Center for Operations Research and EconometricsDCC : Dhaka City CorporationDRR : Disaster Risk ReductionDScE : Dhaka School of EconomicsDU : The University of DhakaEt.al : et alii (and others)Etc. : et ceteraFGD : Focus Group DiscussionGDP : Gross Domestic ProductGIS : Geographic Information SystemGoB : Government of BangladeshHEIS : Household Income and Expenditure StatisticsHH : HouseholdHHH : Household HeadID : IdentityIIED : International Institute for Environment and DevelopmentIPCC : Inter Governmental Panel on Climate ChangeISMW : The Inter-State Migrant WorkmenIUSSP : International Union for Scientific Study of PopulationLDC : Least Developed CountriesNAPA : National Adaptation Program and ActionsNGO : Non-Government OrganizationOECD : Organization of Economic Co-Operation and DevelopmentOMS : Open Market SalePKSF : Palli Karma Sahayak FoundationSANDEE : South Asia Network for Development and Environmental EconomicsSSA : Sub-Saharan AfricaUCL : University College LondonUK : United KingdomUN : United NationsUO : Unnayan OnneshonUSD : United Stated DollarVGF : Vulnerable Group FeedingWASA : Water Supply & Sewerage AuthorityWB : World Bank

viii

ABSTRACT

Bangladesh is one of the most disaster prone countries due to its specific geographical

characteristics and its current and anticipated vulnerabilities to climate risks. Environmental

externalities like climate change adversely affect the lives and livelihoods of the people of the

country. Rural communities are the hardest hit of any environmental externalities. Migration

is the last coping strategy in rural environmental hotspots of Bangladesh. When the

household income become lower to meet the minimum livelihoods expenses, people of rural

environmental hotspots move from their locality and migrate to crowded cities. The poor of

them then settle in urban slums. This study assessed the lives and livelihoods of the rural-

urban environmental migrants who live in selected slums of Dhaka city. It have been found

that 78% of them migrated to city after losing their land and livelihoods due to river erosion,

while others migrated after losing their livelihoods due to salinity and cyclone hit. Before

migration most of the rural-urban environmental migrants of selected slums suffered from

many environmental and climatic hazards in their village simultaneously. Their income

increases by 21% after migration to slums of Dhaka city but environmental, health and social

hazards also increases after migration. Their children have to do laborious jobs instead of

taking education in educational institutions. Their direct cost of illness and morbidity

increases after migration to slums. Poor environmental migrants living in urban slums

claimed that they do not get any direct supports from government except rice from OMS.

They did not get adequate supports from any government or non government organizations in

their village to adapt with environmental change. Considering future population growth and

consequent eco-scarcity, beside promoting salt, flood, and drought tolerant crop variety and

covering the farmers of environmental hotspots under crop insurance, creating alternative

job opportunities other than agricultural sectors in rural environmental hotspots is one of the

most effective actions.

Key-Words: Rural-Urban Environmental Migration, Environmental Migration, Climate-

Induced Rural-Urban Migration, Livelihoods, Slum Livelihoods, Bangladesh, Slums of Dhaka.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Research Problem

1.2 Objectives of the Study

1.3 Scope of the Study

1.4 Limitation of the Study

1.5 Chapterization

1.6 Conclusion

References

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1.1 Research Problem

Bangladesh is a country of one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change.

Bangladesh is located at the top of the Bay of Bengal, between 20–26◦ North and 88–92◦East,

Bangladesh has been called a ‘country made for disasters’, due to its specific geographical

characteristics and its current and anticipated vulnerabilities to climate risks (Poncelet et al.,

2010). Almost 80 per cent of the country is floodplains and on average 20 per cent of its area

is flooded every year (Mirza, 2002; Agrawala et.al. 2003). Erosion is common along the

banks of the main rivers and into the coastal zone (Haque and Zaman, 1989). Most of the

climate models also predict that precipitation will increase, although seasonal differences are

expected (Agrawala, et.al. 2003) which can have severe consequences for a country where

around 60 per cent of its citizens are directly and indirectly dependent on agricultural

employment and production. Averages of 16 tropical cyclones develop in the Bay of Bengal

each year (Alexander, 1993).

Frequent visit with increasing trend of intensity of extreme climatic events as well as weather

variability such as temperature rising, erratic rainfall etc. and flood and drought affect the

country’s economy. Particularly the impacts are more severe to the poor community. The

1970 cyclone was estimated to have resulted in losses of USD 63 million (Haque, 1995). The

comparable figure for the 1991 event (Cyclone Gorky) is ‘more than USD 2 billion’ (Haque,

1995). Following Cyclone Sidr (November 2007), the official assessment of total losses was

USD 1.7 billion [USD 1.2 billion reported in 2010 (World Bank, 2010)], with 89% of those

losses accounted for by damage to infrastructure, of which damage to housing was the single

largest category (USD 840 million) with 450,000 houses destroyed through wind damage,

flooding and the tidal surge (UN Habitat, 2010). However, the reduction in potential GDP

associated with major disasters has gradually become smaller as the national economy has

grown and become less dominated by agriculture (Benson and Clay, 2002). But, many

households own more assets that can be damaged by flooding than they did in the past; this

means that flood damage increases through time (Islam, 2011).

However degradation in environment and ecology due to adverse impacts of such

environmental externalities are the main causes of livelihood losses of the people of

environmental hotspots of Bangladesh. Climate change, the most dangerous environmental

externality is one of the most causes of such degradation and consequent livelihood losses

particularly in the farmer community and people depend on agriculture and allied sectors.

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The economic activity most vulnerable to floods and cyclones has been agriculture, with

substantial losses of standing crops and of livestock (Penning et.al. 2012). Haque (1995) gave

an estimate of 280,000 cattle lost in the 1970 cyclone, and over 1 million cattle died in the

1991 event, along with 51,000 hectors of crops completely destroyed and a further 156,000

hectors partially damaged. In terms of the national Bangladesh rice crop, Banerjee (2010)

found that rice productivity fell in flood years such as 1987–1988 and 1988–1989. But the

pattern is not simple. There was no such clear decline after the 1998 event, and after each

flood (including after 1998) there tends to be a productivity increase in the post-monsoon dry

season, from high-yielding boro rice production. But areas where flooding is greatest have

the greater overall average productivity rates, so food production here is threatened by the

major flood and cyclone events (Penning et.al., 2012).

Now the people of these areas are likely to migrate permanently in the crowded cities of the

country to survive. Considering the environmental and socioeconomic challenges that

Bangladesh faces, numerous studies have shown that migration, whether voluntary or forced,

temporary or permanent and internal or external, has been one of the main features of life in

the region since the 18th century (Siddiqui, 2003; Joarder and Hasanuzzaman, 2008). Various

reasons have been proffered for the internal migration dynamics in Bangladesh, such as: (i)

the high rate of urbanization, especially after the liberation of Bangladesh from Pakistan,

which affected the sex ratio around the country as the males were more likely to migrate

individually to the big cities; (ii) lack of full-year employment and unoccupied arable land in

rural areas; (iii) environmental and climatic variations; and (iv) higher wages at the

destinations, which have led to multi-locational households and increasing levels of

dependency on remittances (Afsar, 2003; Hossain et.al., 2003). Reuveny (2007) provided

theoretical arguments and case studies on how climatic and environmental factors can lead to

migration. She predicted that migration would be more likely in countries with lower levels

of development, even causing conflict between the migrant and the receiving communities.

The climate–migration link seems to be more robust in Bangladesh where it was reported that

in the mid-1980s close to two-thirds of households were displaced at least once in their

lifetimes (Zaman, 1991). The majority of studies have predicted significant movements of

people in Bangladesh, which has often been described as a hotspot case study by different

authors, citing its low adaptation capacities and likely severe climate change impacts

(Agrawala et.al, 2003; Hunter, 2005). The victims of this phenomenon are mostly poor

community who cannot adapt with such changes as less adaptive capacity in terms of

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resources, needed to adaptation process. Alam (2003) reported that land and water scarcity in

rural areas has caused inequality in employment opportunities and income, motivating

internal and international migration among Bangladeshis. Internal migration, moreover, is

more likely to be undertaken by poorer households who are not able to pay to cross the

border (Mendola, 2008).

Swain (1996) argued that flood and sea level rise would be the key drivers of migration in

Bangladesh, and Hunter (2005) emphasized the role of flood and cyclones, noting that,

although they may only cause temporary migration, even such temporary migration could

contribute to civil disorder. Kartiki (2011) also described migration as a resilience strategy

against climate change in Bangladesh. Sharma and Hugo (2009) reviewed multiple studies

and show how environmental factors have gained importance (as high as 40 per cent) in the

internal migration decision process in Bangladesh. In their review, physical factors ‘included,

but were not limited to, storms, salinity, river erosion, land degradation, loss of land due to

flooding and other environmental hazards’. They also predicted that higher sea levels,

increasing temperature and coastal damages and salinity and changes in the precipitation and

flooding would bring further migration responses in the country.

However an unfortunate person who lost his/her livelihoods due to adverse impacts of

environmental externality like climatic change on his/her livelihoods leaves village and

migrates to another location as the last coping strategy. Such migration may be permanent or

temporary in nature. Permanent migration occurs slowly throughout the affected community

over the time while a temporal one is rapid response to any extreme climatic event. People

take the decision of permanent migration one by one over the time but almost all people

living in a community take the decision of a temporal migration simultaneously. Permanent

migration occurs by losing livelihoods due to slow motion effects of environmental

externality like climate change such as temperature rising, erratic rainfall pattern, sea level

rising, water logging etc. On the other hand migration due to sudden environmental extreme

events such as cyclone, flood, tidal surge, drought etc. are temporary in nature. Destinations

of migration differ by nature of migration. People who take decision of permanent migration

select maximum attainable safer place with new better livelihoods opportunities. But a people

who has to move from home temporary to averse or reduce the hit of climatic extreme events

chose relatively closer destinations such as cyclone shelters, relative’s house, on the

embankment etc. However a permanent migration can be international or internal. People

who have ability to cross the border migrate to other countries while who have no ability to

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cross the border migrate to cities where they have the opportunities of getting jobs. So richer

people can migrate internationally but poor do rural-urban migration.

The primary destinations of newly migrated poor environmental migrants are the slums of

urban areas. The cities are becoming more vulnerable to providing housing, traffic system,

health services and other citizen services due to receiving big volume of these newly

migrants. These people after losing the livelihoods in their village migrate to the urban areas

with a hope of better life and livelihood. However they get a better livelihood in urban slums

in terms of income but with many environmental, socio-economical, racial, and health

problems comparing the facilities they got in their village. They live in urban slums in an

inhuman environment.

1.2 Objectives of the Study

Considering this knowledge gap, the study aims to set out the following research objectives:

To find out the major causes of taking migration decision by rural-urban

environmental migrants;

To study and identify the major hurdles of living, face rural-urban environmental

migrants in urban slums;

To make a comparison of the life and livelihood of the rural-urban environmental

migrants between before and after migration;

1.3 Scope of the Study

This study explored the issues related to livelihoods of rural-urban environmental migrants of

selected slums of Dhaka city. Such migrants are slightly different from climate migrants as

here in this study duration of migration of some migrants have been found over and above

two decades. But a migrant should be considered as a climate-induced migrant if he migrates

due to adverse impacts of climatic events during last two decades. Though simple random

sampling technique has been employed to select three slums for selecting study areas,

purposive sampling technique has been used to select rural-urban environmental migrant

households for convenient. It covered the present livelihoods characteristics including

demographic, socioeconomic, environmental hazard, and health related status of migrant’s

households. But some data and information on previous livelihoods in their village such as

expenditure, cost of illness, morbidity etc. have not been collected in numeric figure.

However, overall dynamics of the lives and livelihoods of rural-urban environmental

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migrants who live in slums are out of the scope of this study but the change in lives and

livelihoods after migration is. All the rural-urban environmental migrants except who live in

slums after migration have not been represented in this study. This study represented selected

three slums of Dhaka city only.

1.4 Limitations of the Study

For conducting the present research, the required data were collected from limited area

covering a very small number of samples. Thus, the scope of generalization from the finding

of the present study is limited. With respect to collection of data, some problems have been

faced. In an economy like Bangladesh where most of the slum household heads are illiterate,

it was very difficult to obtain reliable information. The respondents provided data from their

memories. There may be some errors in data which have been tried to avoid or to minimize as

far as it was possible. The respondents always remained busy in their works and often they

are not encouraged to provide information to an outsider. Therefore, some problems in

collecting data from respondents have been faced. Some of them told that they will provide

information if they have been paid some money for their cooperation. Some of them told that

they will provide information if their problems could be solved.

1.5 Chapterization

This study has been divided into five chapters. After this introduction, review of literature is

presented in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 deals with research methodology of the study. Data

analysis and discussion are presented in Chapter 4. And finally, a summary, conclusion, and

policy suggestions are presented in Chapter 5.

1.6 Conclusion

Bangladesh is one of the most vulnerable countries to environmental externality like climate

change. The poor communities of the environmental hotspots of Bangladesh are the most

sufferers. Their lives and livelihoods are adversely affected from environmental externality

like climate changes. The adaptation actions to adapt with such externality are inadequate

compare to actual needs. People of environmental hotspots of Bangladesh are likely to

migrate. Poor of them migrate to crowded cities and live in urban slums. This study is done to

understand the causes of environmental rural-urban migration and to understand such

migrant’s lives and livelihoods.

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References

Afsar R., (2003), “Internal migration and the development nexus: the case ofBangladesh”, Paper presented at the Regional Conference on Migration, Development andPro-Poor Policy Choices in Asia, 22–24 June, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Agrawala S. T., Ota A.U., Ahmed J., Smith, and M. van Aalst (2003), “Developmentand climate change in Bangladesh focus on coastal flooding and the Sundarbans”,Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, Paris, France.

Alam S., (2003), “Environmentally induced migration from Bangladesh to India”,Strategic Analysis, 27(3): 422–438.

Alexander D., (1993), “Natural Disasters”, UCL Press, London.

Banerjee L., (2010), “Creative destruction: analyzing flood and flood control inBangladesh”, Environmental Hazards, 9, 102–117.

Benson C., Clay E.J., (2002), “Bangladesh: Disasters and Public Finance”, DisasterRisk Management working Paper Series 5, World Bank, Washington, DC.

Haque C.E., (1995), “Climatic hazards warning process in Bangladesh: experience ofand lessons from the 1991 April cyclone”, Environmental Management, 19, 719–734.

Haque C.E., Zaman M.Q., (1989), “Coping with Riverbank Erosion Hazard andDisplacement in Bangladesh: Survival Strategies and Adjustments”, Disasters, 13 (4), 300–313.

Hossain M.I., Khan I. A., and Seeley J., (2003), “Surviving on their feet: charting themobile livelihoods of the poor in rural Bangladesh”, Paper presented at the Conference onStaying Poor: Chronic Poverty and Development Policy, 7–9 April, Institute forDevelopment and Policy Management, University of Manchester, UK.

Hunter L.M., (2005), “Migration and environmental hazards”, Population andEnvironment, 26(4): 273–302.

Islam N., (2011), “Impacts of Urban Floods from Micro-Macro Level Perspectives: ACase Study of Bangladesh”, Lambert Academic Publishing, Berlin.

Joarder M., and Hasanuzzaman S., (2008), “Migration decision from Bangladesh:permanent versus temporary”, Asia Europe Journal, 6(3): 531–545.

Kartiki K., (2011), “Climate change and migration: a case study from ruralBangladesh”, Gender and Development, 19(1): 23–38.

Mendola M., (2008), “Migration and technological change in rural households:complements or substitutes?”, Journal of Development Economics, 85(1–2): 150–175.

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Mirza M. (2002), “Global warming and changes in the probability of occurrence offloods in Bangladesh and implications”, Global Environmental Change, 12(2): 127–138.

Poncelet A., Gemenne F., Martiniello M., and Bousetta H., (2010), “A country madefor disasters: environmental vulnerability and forced migration in Bangladesh”,Environment, Forced Migration, and Social Vulnerability, Springer-Verlag.

Reuveny R., (2007), “Climate change-induced migration and violent conflict”,Political Geography, 26(6): 656–673.

Sharma V., and Hugo G., (2009), “Exploring the population–environment nexus:understanding climate change, environmental degradation and migration in Bangladesh”,Paper presented at the26th International Union for Scientific Study of Population (IUSSP)Conference, Marrakech, Morocco.

Siddiqui T., (2003), “Migration as a livelihood strategy for the poor: the Bangladeshcase”, Paper presented at the Regional Conference on Migration Development Pro-PoorPolicy Choices in Asia, 22–24 June, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Swain A., (1996), “Displacing the conflict: environmental destruction in Bangladeshand ethnic conflict in India”, Journal of Peace Research, 33(2): 189–204.

UN Habitat, (2010), Bangladesh – 2007 – Cyclone Sidr, Natural Disasters, ShelterProject 2009, B2.

World Bank, (2010), “Proposed additional credit ($US75 Million Equivalent) for theemergency 2007 cyclone recovery and restoration project”, Report 54514-BD, World Bank:South Asian Division, Available from: http://www.worldbank.org.bd/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/SOUTHASIAEXT/BANGLADESHEXTN/0,contentMDK:22761269_menuPK:295765_pagePK:2865066_piPK:2865079_theSitePK:295760,00.html.

Zaman M.Q., (1991), “The displaced poor and resettlement policies in Bangladesh”,Disasters, 15(2): 117–125.

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CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

2.1 Introduction

2.2 Review of the Internationally Available Literature

2.3 Review of the Nationally Available Literature

2.4 Observations from the Literature Review

2.5 Research Gap Identified from Literature Review

2.6 Conclusion

References

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2.1 Introduction

Considering the environmental and socioeconomic challenges that Bangladesh faces,

numerous studies have shown that migration, whether voluntary or forced, temporary or

permanent and internal or external, has been one of the main features of life in the region

since the 18th century (Siddiqui, 2003; Joarder and Hasanuzzaman, 2008). Out of the

important literatures available the following empirical studies are reviewed for better

understanding of: issues, involved methodological aspects, important research findings,

lessons from these studies. This review is not all inclusive but evaluates only the available

representative studies with a view to provide a backdrop and justification to the present study.

The main objective of this review is to understand:

(i) the theoretical and methodological aspects of these studies;

(ii) delineate their research questions and major findings;

(iii) identify the research gaps or need for further research; and

(iv) on the basis of theoretical and methodological aspects; research questions and

subsequent findings and possible research gaps for further exploration, to build a

justification for the present study.

2.2 Review of the Internationally Available Literature

Barrios et.al. (2006) strived to link rural-urban migration with climate change in Sub-Saharan

Africa using a Specific Factor Model. They used time series rainfall data as proxy to climate

change, taken from IPCC’s data set, urbanization data from UN World Urbanization

Prospects and population data. The Model showed that the climatic change, as peroxide by

rainfall, has acted to change urbanization in sub-Saharan Africa but not elsewhere in the

developing world. They found that, i) Climate change is an important determinant of rural-

urban migration in Sub-Saharan Africa, ii) Climate change has acted to change urbanization

in Sub-Saharan Africa, iii) Decolonization strengthens the link of rural urban migration and

climate change, iv) High vulnerability of agriculture on climatic conditions in turn opens the

door to the possibility of large-scale migrations of those whose livelihood essentially depends

on rain-fed agriculture, the so-called environmental migrants that have partly converged to

cities.

Gray (2009) used survey data from the southern Ecuadorian Andes and an event history

model to investigate the effects of land ownership and environmental conditions on out-

migration to local, internal, and international destinations. He found that the effects of land

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ownership and other factors differ strongly across migration streams. Also, negative

environmental conditions and landlessness do not consistently increase out-migration as

commonly assumed in the literature.

Jha (2013) investigated the key issues of climate change-migration and the responses of state,

market, and civil society level. He argued two major arguments; the first one regards the

weight of environmental and climatic factors in migration and their relationship to other push

or pull factors, whether of social, political, or economic nature. The second is about the

political framework in which such migration flows should take place and the manner in which

to treat the people who move in connection with environmental factors. The two issues are

deeply intertwined, as the extent to which the environment determines migration is intimately

connected to the status to be associated with the people concerned. He found the ISMW Act

as an obsolete piece of legislation by the Government of India in this regard. But some of the

works that civil society are doing for instance, the move to issue migrants an ID, provide

them with skills training, offer legal protection, and financial services is highly scalable. Of

course, civil society is limited by its resources, its networks, and its ability to deliver.

Therefore, he suggested it can partner well with governments to deliver these services.

Lillior et.al. (2011) reviewed the existing research on and empirical evidence of how climate

change and climate variability in Least Developed Countries (LDCs) affects two main drivers

of migration identified by migration models in the economic literature, namely income level

differentials between origin and destination areas and income variability in origin areas, and

how they in turn affect migration. They found that there are serious gaps in both the

economic and the environmental literature that render it impossible to make sound and robust

predictions of how climate change and increased climate variability will affect the economic

migration drivers, and of how these in turn may change existing migration patterns. They

identified some empirical indications that income differentials may increase due to lower

income levels in the origin areas of LDCs, but virtually no evidence exists of the effects of

climate change or increased climate variability on income variability. Furthermore, although

a negative relationship between migration and rainfall has been established by many

researchers, there is only very limited evidence as to what drives it.

McLeman (2011) generated an inventory of 246 ancient and modern examples of settlement

abandonment and identified common spatial and temporal parameters and a typology created

to summarize environmental and non-environmental drivers common across cases. They

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found that with growing vulnerability to environmental change across many regions, there is

greater potential for increased numbers of abandonments. He claimed abandonment should be

seen as only one possible outcome of environment and population interactions that create

vulnerability and stimulate environmental migration. He also concluded with a series of

observations relevant to anticipating and planning for potential population decline and

settlement abandonment in the face of future global environmental change

Mueller et.al (2014) used individual level information from 21 years long longitudinal survey

conducted in rural Pakistan (1991-2012) which provides a unique opportunity to understand

the relationship between weather and long-term migration. They linked individual-level

information from this survey to satellite-derived measures of climate variability and control

for potential confounders using a multivariate approach. They found that flooding, a climate

shock associated with large relief efforts has modest to insignificant impacts on migration.

Heat stress, however-which has attracted relatively little relief-consistently increases the

long-term migration of men, driven by a negative effect on farm and non-farm income.

Finally they argued that addressing weather-related displacement will require policies that

both enhance resilience to climate shocks and lower barriers to welfare-enhancing population

movements.

Reuveny (2007) argued that people can adapt to these problems by staying in place and doing

nothing, staying in place and mitigating the problems, or leaving the affected areas. The

choice between these options will depend on the extent of problems and mitigation

capabilities. People living in lesser developed countries may be more likely to leave affected

areas, which may cause conflict in receiving areas. She found that Environmental migration

crosses international borders at times, and plays a role in conflict. Environmental migration

does not always lead to conflict, but when it does, the conflict intensity can be very high,

including interstate and intrastate wars. In almost all the conflict cases, the receiving areas

were underdeveloped and depended on the environment for livelihood. Other factors

associated with conflict include resident emigrant ethno-religious tension and competition

over resources and resource scarcity in the receiving areas.

Tacoli (2013) argued that there is a need for more attention to urban food security. While

more than half of the world’s populations now live in urban centers and on average benefit

from higher incomes and better living conditions than rural residents, there is also

considerable inequality between wealthier groups and the residents of low-income and

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informal settlements. He found that low and irregular incomes are the root causes of urban

food insecurity, but inadequate housing and basic infrastructure and limited access to services

contribute to levels of malnutrition and food insecurity that are often as high if not higher

than in rural areas. These factors also increase exposure and sensitivity to the impacts of

climate change and affect the ability to build resilience. They claimed effective policies need

to address urban food insecurity in both its income and non-income dimensions, and their

impact on gendered disadvantage.

Viswanathan et.al. (2014) explored the three-way linkage between weather variability,

agricultural performance and internal migration in India. They estimated a two-equation

model, which examines variations in weather that influence crop yield and identifies the

resulting effect on the rate of migration. The analysis used two variants of migration data,

inter-state out-migration and intra-state district-level in-migration, reported in the Indian

Census. The models estimated that a decline in the value of agricultural output related to

weather variations results in an increase in the out-migration rate. The crop-wise analysis

showed that a one percent decline in rice (wheat) yield leads to nearly 2 percent (1 percent)

increase in the rate of out-migration from a state. There models also suggested that weather

related changes in agricultural productivity do contribute to migration in India; however,

these inter-linked effects have, at least thus far, been relatively small.

2.3 Review of the Nationally Available Literature

Akter (2009) strived to imply the food security in urban slums in the context of climate

change induced migration. She argued that increased frequency and severity of natural

disasters by climate change over the past recent years are not only displacing people

physically but also exposing to enhanced poverty by threatening their livelihoods temporarily

and permanently. Growing number of people rush to city’s slums creates urban crisis.

Climate change threatens peoples’ access to food as they become socioeconomically

susceptible. Displaced people living in urban slums are in search of better and secure life. But

urban slums located mostly in low lying environmentally hazardous area coupled with

inadequate facilities like food, shelter, sanitation, health care make their life even worse.

Growing number of people in urban slums over the recent past creates extra pressure on

existing systems and challenge to government development activities like slum development

and poverty reduction strategy. This paper depicted socio-economic conditions of slum

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dwellers and their consumption pattern, while it has been found that majority of them can’t

afford nutritious food which is expensive to them.

Alamgir (2009) tried to assess the livelihoods of slums dwellers of Dhaka city and found

from the analysis of collected primary data that around 78 per cent variation of rural–urban

migration is explained by six factors; searching of work, better livelihood, landlessness, loss

of income sources, easy access to informal sector, and joining relatives/ families. The poor

landless, flood affected, less educated and illiterate people migrate to urban areas mainly for

better job opportunities.

Anwer (2012) strived to understand the overall national situation of the underprivileged

people on; the process of becoming climate refugee, the possibility of stopping climate

migration, the Bangladeshi government’s present and potential position on climate refugees,

and possible international initiatives for them. Her study revealed that either they migrate

immediately after extreme events of climate change, or they go through a process of income

erosion and ultimately leave the place. They migrate within the country or across the border

depending on contacts and connections in the receiving areas. She found that the factors

contributing to migration due to adverse climate change impacts are many. Disproportional

income in comparison to the Family size, inability to pay back loans, wage loss during

prolonged sickness or the potential of gaining land properties and the possibility of higher

earnings are the major reasons. She observed that though, the Cash income of a Family which

has migrated may go up significantly, but the actual income and asset status may drop

dramatically. Living conditions she found very challenging and she felt by the interviewed

that government expenditure in order to develop structural Facilities of disaster Risk

reduction is the most effective way of climate migration prevention.

Hassani et.al. (2012) used an agent based model with Bangladesh district-level data, to

explore the possible migration dynamics across the country based on projected climate

change scenarios. They used data on relevant indicators, such as the incidences of extreme

poverty, socioeconomic vulnerability, demography, and historical drought, cyclone and flood

patterns. The results suggested likely changes in population densities across Bangladesh due

to migration from the drought-prone western districts and areas vulnerable to cyclones and

floods in the south, towards northern and eastern districts. The model also predicted between

3 and 10 million internal migrants over the next 40 years, depending on the severity of the

hazards. The model predicted that migrants would gravitate not only to the already populated

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urban areas, but also to Jhenaidah in the west and Comilla in the east and Gaibandha in the

north, at least for temporary residence. These three districts are likely to be attractive due to

their weaker sensitivity to adverse climate impacts, since they are in areas less vulnerable to

sea level rise, or they are less likely to be affected by future droughts or floods. The model

also suggested that the current urban areas will continue to absorb migrants, and the

environmentally vulnerable cities such as Dhaka will need to provide more non-agricultural

jobs, such as manufacturing and commerce, in order to be able to accommodate the coming

migrants. According to authors difficult adaptation funding choices may need to be made in

future between either local-level climate adaptation initiatives, such as flood control in

vulnerable districts, or providing affordable housing, land and services, and fostering

employment for migrants moving from areas judged by residents to be too hazardous to

remain in.

Iqbal et.al. (2014) strived to explore the linkage of weather variability and migration through

agriculture in Bangladesh. They used district level data for 3 inter-census periods and

analyzed historical migration related outcomes. They found that fluctuations in temperature

and rainfall contributed to a decline in agricultural productivity as measured by revenues

from agriculture. Fixed Effect and Instrumental Variable estimations showed that about one

standard deviation decrease in real per capita agricultural revenue increases the net out-

migration rate by 1.4 to 2.4 percent, controlling for unobserved effects for districts and years.

They predicted that the net out-migration rate will be about 22 percent higher in 2030 than in

1990, assuming the variability in temperature stays stable and there are no behavioral

responses from the farmers.

Khatun (2013) tried to explore the relationship between climate change and migration in

Bangladesh. She claimed that the ultimate result of climate change can transform once

famous Bengal into the land of disaster. She also claimed that in future combine effects of

population density and growing number of displaced persons in Bangladesh will make the

country more vulnerable to social and economic underdevelopment.

Molla et.al. (2011) strived to estimate the number of climate-induced migrants in Bangladesh

with specific reference to riverbank erosion, drought and sea level rise. Using GIS and

Remote Sensing technology they found that in the Kazipur upazila of Sirajganj district 21,961

people migrated in recent years, which is 9.35 percent of the total population. The rigorous

effect of riverbank erosion in Bangladesh there are 1,29,853 people are displaced yearly.

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Permanent migration occurred within the neighbors and primarily it happened in a short

distance because of the lack of earning source and social bonding.

Penning et.al. (2012) seeked the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors that affect hazard-related migration.

They reviewed literature and fieldwork using focus groups to explore the influence of hazards

on short term and more permanent population movements. The review showed that hazard

induced loss of life has declined markedly in Bangladesh over the last three decades but

economic losses are not declining in parallel, and may be increasing as the economy grows.

Recorded population movement in response to hazard events is (a) to safety and (b) for

income recovery after the event, mainly for the landless. There is little permanent

movement/migration from hazard-prone areas despite the major threats, except, obviously,

where the land where people live is eroded or where saline intrusion inhibits agriculture.

Nevertheless the ‘anchoring’ factors encouraging families and communities to ‘stay put’ are

strong, and the adverse effects of migration – moving to strange and sometimes perilous

urban areas – are keenly appreciated. In general females fare worse than males in disasters,

but males migrate more. They also found that the poorest are always the hardest hit and are

more likely to have some family members move regularly or permanently, to seek work,

leaving vulnerable women and children behind. They saw population movement and

migration as generally to be the ‘last resort’, despite the seriousness of the risks that are

faced. The implications include the proposition that climate change induced increased

hazardousness may well not result in mass migration unless those affected cannot derive a

secure income from the areas affected.

2.4 Observations from the Literature Review

On the basis of above reviewed literature we can summarize the following points:

i) Climate change impacts in agricultural sectors and then tend to migration.

ii) Migration can be temporary or permanent and internal or international, rural to

rural, rural to urban.

iii) Sudden extreme events such as flood, cyclone, and drought have greater

consequence to mass migration but temporary in nature.

iv) Relatively slow climatic factors such as temperature raising, sea level raising,

erratic rainfall and salinity intrusion are the causes of livelihood losses and

consequently responsible to permanent migration.

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v) The poor adapt to internal migration as they do not have sufficient money,

required to cross the border.

vi) Poor rural-urban environmental migrants who live in urban slums after migrating

to city live in an inhuman situation in terms of food and health.

vii) In future number of rural-urban environmental migrants will increase over time.

Slum dwellers are poor in terms of economic, physical, mental and environmental condition.

2.5 Research Gap Identified from Literature Review

This phenomenon attracted concern recently as model predicted that the flow of

environmental migrants will increase toward the cities as global warming is increasing and

the most affected communities to the climate change are living under poverty in developing

and underdeveloped countries. But there are serious gaps in both the economic and the

environmental literature that render it impossible to make sound and robust predictions of

how climate change and increased climate variability will affect the economic migration

drivers, and of how these in turn may change existing migration patterns (Lillior et.al., 2011).

Understanding the life of the rural-urban environmental migrants in urban slums and the

comparison between livelihoods in urban slums and livelihoods in migrant’s village is still a

gap of knowledge particularly in Bangladesh context.

2.6 Conclusion

Literature review is an integral part of a research study. Here literatures are reviewed to

develop the background clearly and to specify the research objectives clearly. To build a

strong theoretical background about environmental migration especially rural-urban

environmental migration reviewing relevant literature is also equally important. However

after review of literature some important aspects of the study have been derived.

Page | 18

References

Akhter T. (2009), “Migration and living conditions in urban slums: Implications forfood security”, Unnoyon Onneshon.

Alamgir M., Jabbar M., and Islam M., (2009), “Assessing the livelihood of slumdwellers in Dhaka city”, Journal of Bangladesh Agricultural University, 7(2): 373–380.

Anwer S., (2012), “Climate Refugees in Bangladesh: Understanding the migrationprocess at the local level”, Diakonisches Werk der EKD e.V.

Penning C., Sultana P., and Thompson P., (2012), “The “Last Resort”? PopulationMovement in Response to Climate-related Hazards in Bangladesh”, Environmental Scienceand Policy, 27S, S44-S59

Gray C., (2009), “Environment, Land, and Rural Out-migration in the SouthernEcuadorian Andes”, World Development, Vol. 37, No. 2, pp. 457–468.

Hassani B., Mahmooei and Parris B., (2012), “Climate change and internal migrationpatterns in Bangladesh: an agent-based model”, Environment and Development Economics,Vol 17, pp 763-780.

Iqbal K, and Roy. P, (2014), “Examining the Impact of Climate Change on Migrationthrough the Agricultural Channel: Evidence from District Level Panel Data fromBangladesh”, SANDEE Working Paper No. 84–14.

Jha A., (2013), “Climate Change and Internal Migration in India: Response of theState, Market, and the Civil Society”, Poverty & Public Policy, 5-2.

Joarder M., and Hasanuzzaman S., (2008), “Migration decision from Bangladesh:permanent versus temporary”, Asia Europe Journal, 6(3): 531–545.

Khatun M., (2013), “Climate Change and Migration in Bangladesh: Golden Bengalto Land of Disasters”, Bangladesh e-Journal of Sociology, Volum-10.

Lilleor H., and Broeck K., (2011), “Economic drivers of migration and climatechange in LDCs”, Global Environmental Change, S70-S81.

McLeman R., (2011), “Settlement abandonment in the context of globalenvironmental change”, Global Environmental Change, S108-S120.

Molla. T., Baten. M., and Titumir. R., (2011), “Accounting Climate InducedDisplacement in Bangladesh: An exploratory GIS based study”, Unnayan Onneshan - TheInnovators

Mueller V., Gray C., et.al (2014), “Heat stress increases long-term human migrationin rural Pakistan”, Nature Climate Change, doi: 10.1038/nclimate2103

Page | 19

Reuveny R., (2007), “Climate change-induced migration and violent conflict”,Political Geography, 26(6): 656–673.

Barrios S., Bertinelli L., and Strobl E., (2006), “Climatic change and rural–urbanmigration: The case of sub-Saharan Africa”, Journal of Urban Economics, Vol- 60, 357–371.

Siddiqui T., (2003), “Migration as a livelihood strategy for the poor: the Bangladeshcase”, Paper presented at the Regional Conference on Migration Development Pro-PoorPolicy Choices in Asia, 22–24 June, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Tacoli C., Bukhari B., and Fisher S., (2013), “Urban poverty, food security andclimate change”, International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED),http://pubs.iied.org/10623IIED.html.

Viswanathan B., and Kumar K., (2014), “Weather Variability, Agriculture and RuralMigration: Evidence from State and District Level Migration in India”, SANDEE WorkingPapers, ISSN 1893-1891; WP 83–14.

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CHAPTER THREE

AN OUTLINE METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

3.2 Research Design

3.3 Method of Investigation

3.4 Selection of Study Area

3.5 Selection of Sampling and Sampling Technique

3.6 Determination of Sample Size

3.7 Preparation of the Interview Schedule

3.8 Period of the Study

3.9 Data Sources and Acquisition Methods

3.10 Processing of the Data

3.11 Reliability and Validity of the Research Outcome

3.12 Conclusion

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3.1 Introduction

Methodology is an indispensable and integral part of any research. It needs very careful and

sincere consideration. This chapter deals with the methodology of the survey to collect

necessary information for the study. A livelihood research usually involves collection of

primary data from the households. The method was prepared considering the limitation of

time and money. The main deficiency of this method was that reliance upon the memory of

the respondent for the information of before migration on village livelihoods. The design of

the survey for the present study involved the following steps.

3.2 Research Design

This research is initiated in relation to the objectives of the study. The research design

is carried out with the purpose of establishing a theoretical framework to more fully

understand how the proposed study is going to be undertaken. The process of the

research approach is illustrated in Flow chart 1.

Flow Chart 1: Research Design

Collecting therequired data

Analyzing andobtaining results

Chapterwisediscussion

Summary andConclusion

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3.1 Introduction








3.2 Research Design






Specification ofthe study

Liturature review

Defining researchproblem

Formulating theobjectives

Pilot SurveyCollecting therequired data

Summary andConclusion

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3.1 Introduction








3.2 Research Design






Liturature review

Defining researchproblem

Formulating theobjectives

Page | 22

3.3 Method of Investigation

Collection of data for livelihood analysis sometimes involves compromises and judgments of

the analysis in selecting data collection method within the limits imposed by the resources

and time available for the work. As the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban

slums of Bangladesh don’t keep written records of their previous livelihoods as well as

environmental information, reliance upon the memory of the respondents was the only option

to collect information. Beside this they have no sufficient knowledge about environmental

change impacts on their livelihoods. So to get the correct information, interview to the

migrants were made to stimulate their memory and focus group discussions were made to

understand the environmental challenges they faced in their village before migration.

3.4 Selection of Study Area

Selection of study area for conducting a livelihood research is an important step in

environmental rural-urban migration study. The area in which a household survey is to be

conducted relies on the particular purpose of the survey and the possible cooperation from the

respondents. Necessary data are obtained from the areas under the study in order to fulfill the

objectives. The slums for the present study were selected randomly in Dhaka city where

extreme poor of the rural-urban environmental migrants live after migration to city. Bow

bazaar slum of Hazaribag, Shamoly housing slum of Shamoly, and Doyagonj slum of

Jatrabari were the location under this study.

3.5 Selection of Sampling and Sampling Technique

Sampling technique is an important part of livelihood survey and socioeconomic research. In

a complete enumeration, the required data are collected from each and every elements of the

population. Thus a complete survey becomes costly and time consuming. The normal

practice, therefore, is to select a sample of the entire population. Considering the objectives,

time and availability of fund and man power for conducting the present study a two stage

sampling method was followed. In the first stage, the slums namely Bow bazaar slum,

Shamoly housing slum, and Doyagonj slum under Dhaka City Corporation (DCC) were

selected randomly. Secondly, the primary data were collected through household survey from

the samples of 130 households, which were selected purposively for the convenience of the

study. As in slums the proportion of the rural-urban environmental migrants to total migrants

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is low it was difficult to find them. So, in second stage purposive sampling technique had

been used to select such migrant’s households.

3.6 Determination of Sample Size

Sample size was determined scientifically as 346, but as time and budget constraints the

sample size was kept limited to 130 only. In three slums total number of households was

8000 with the proportion of environmental migrant households of 40 percents. Here to

determine sample size 5% admissible error and 95% confidence level have been considered.

3.7 Preparation of the Interview Schedule

The interview schedule with structured questionnaire was used to collect necessary

information. The interview schedule was prepared carefully to record the required data on

various aspects of the study. In accordance with the objectives of the study, draft interview

schedule was prepared in such a way that all factors associated with the present study could

be included in questionnaire. The draft interview schedule with draft questionnaire was

practiced for interviewing some rural-urban environmental migrants living in slum. In the

pretested survey, attention was paid to inclusion of any new information which was not

included in the draft interview schedule and draft questionnaire. Thus, the draft interview

schedule was improved, rearranged and modified in the light of the actual and practical

experiences. After making necessary adjustments, a final interview schedule was developed

and final questionnaire was formed in logical sequences.

3.8 Period of the Study

The present study covered six months period from May to October, 2014. The data related to

present study were collected for analysis during the month of September of 2014 through

direct interviews with the selected respondents using a structured survey questionnaire. For

collecting the supplementary data focus group discussions have been conducted during also

in September 2014.

3.9 Data Sources and Acquisition Methods

The study is based on both primary and secondary sources of data and information. Primary

data was collected through survey. Secondary data and information were collected from

various government and non-government organizations such as. The sources and methods

used to acquire data for the research are outlined below:

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Most of the data required for the research were collected from primary sources. In any

research work, data collection is an important step and the success of any study depends on

accuracy and reliability of the collected data. The accuracy and reliability of a set of data

mostly depend on the method of its collection. In this study, data were collected through

personal interviews from 130 sample household heads. The interview schedule was used for

collecting information. The respondents were briefed about the objectives of the study before

going to make actual interview. It was explained to the respondents that the study was purely

academic. Respondents were also explained the usefulness of the study in the policy of

environmental management and climate change mitigation and adaptation context. The

interview schedule was checked to be sure that information to each of the items was properly

recorded. Interviews were conducted at migrant's house in their leisure time. At the time of

interview questions were asked systematically and were explained whenever, it was felt

necessary. Respondents were requested to provide correct information as far as possible.

Each time when interview was over, the filled interview schedule was checked to be sure so

that information to each of the items had been properly recorded.

Beside the interview three focus group discussions have been done to understand their lives

and livelihoods deeply. One FGD in each of the selected three slums has been conducted.

FGDs were conducted with six to eight rural-urban environmental migrant’s household heads

with the help of one recorder and one moderator. The moderator raised the topic of interest

and all of the participants participated in discussion when recorder recorded the important

information.

However necessary secondary data were also collected to make the present study more

valuable. The secondary sources of information include researches undertaken within the

scope of the study. Moreover, the data published in different books, policy documents about

internal displacement and rural-urban migration as well as research journals was also

important to accomplish the research. For the present study the secondary data and

information were collected from BCCSAP, NAPA, and various published papers and

radicals.

3.10 Processing of the Data

For the analysis of the data quantitative data was entered into computer from recorded

questionnaire using Microsoft Excel. Qualitative data was first coded and converted into

quantitative type in order to compute and then, the analysis was done. Editing and validating

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were done before putting the data in the Excel Sheet for computation. Descriptive statistics

was mainly used during analysis of data. Proportions, ratios, average and percentages were

drawn during analysis by using STATA. Graphical representation of the data was done by

using Microsoft Excel. However to make income in before migration period comparable to

current income, using present value method their monthly income of before migration period

have been converted into present value. To convert the before migration income into present

value Microsoft Excel Sheet has been used.

3.11 Reliability and Validity of the Research Outcome

Validity is the degree to which a study actually measures or reflects what it intends to

measure while reliability refers to the consistency and conformability of a research

finding. In this kind of research, one of the difficult tasks is achieving valid and reliable

results. There were some factors in this study that can affect its validity and reliability. Some

problems were encountered while collecting data from the sample migrant’s households.

These are pointed out below:

Almost all of the respondents in the study area were illiterate and they had no

idea about a research and it was therefore difficult to explain the purposes of this

research;

The poor migrants always had a tendency not to provide correct data relating to

income and expenditure, because they thought that they will be provided by external

supports if they give lower income information;

They had another tendency not to provide correct data relating to duration of living in

slums, because they thought that they will be provided the property right of their

current living place in slums if they say over and above of actual living duration; and

The respondent did not keep records of their income level in before migration.

Therefore, reliance upon their memory was the only option to collect information. Most of

the respondents felt disturbed to answer the question since they thought that the researcher

might use the information against their interest. To obtain their confidence a great deal of

time was spent. However, in spite of the above mentioned problems, the following

precaution measures were taken in order to maintain and ensure the reliability and validity of

the outcome of this research. These are:

Data related to income and expenditure, duration of living in urban slums, and

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holdings before migration were collected carefully.

Study areas and sample households were drawn using scientifically valid

sampling approaches and this would make the research free from bias.

The insights obtained from both the combined use of qualitative and quantitative

methods simultaneously increase the strength of the conclusion.

The fact that the methods and procedures applied in collection and analysis are clearly

outlined enables the replication of the study.

3.12 Conclusion

A systematic research depends to a great extent on the appropriate methodology used in the

research. Unsuitable methodology may come up with faulty results. A careful consideration

to follow a scientific and logical methodology for carrying out the research has been given.

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CHAPTER FOUR

DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

4.1 Introduction

4.2 Causes of Rural-Urban Environmental Migration

4.2.1 Environmental External Factors Forcing People to Migrate

4.2.2 Rural-Urban Migration and River Erosion

4.2.3 Rural-Urban Migration and others Environmental Factors

4.3 Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants

4.3.1 Demographic Characteristics of Rural-urban Environmental Migrants

4.3.2 Origins and Destinations of Rural-urban environmental migrants

4.3.3 Duration of Leaving Village and Migrating to Dhaka

4.4 Current Livelihood Characteristics in Dhaka City’s Slum4.4.1 After Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants

4.4.2 After Migration Education of Environmental Migrants

4.4.3 After Migration Income-Expenditure Patterns and Poverty of Environmental Migrants

4.4.4 Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Slum

4.4.5 Environmental Hazards in Slum

4.4.6 Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness in Slum

4.4.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support to Slum Dwellers

4.5 Before Migration Livelihood Characteristics in Village

4.5.1 Before Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants

4.5.2 Before Migration Income Pattern and Poverty of Environmental Migrants

4.5.3 Before Migration Property and Assets in Village

4.5.4 Before Migration Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Village

4.5.5 Before Migration Environmental Hazards in Village

4.5.6 Before Migration Adaptation Support and Social Safety Nets in Village

4.5.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support in Village

4.6 Comparison on Livelihoods between Before and After Migration

4.6.1 Comparison on Occupations

4.6.2 Comparison on Income and Assets

4.6.3 Comparison on Living Arrangement

4.6.4 Comparison on Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness

4.7 Conclusion

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4.1 Introduction

Traditionally migrations occur due to combine effects of push and pull factors. In the case of

environmental migration role of push factors is dominant than the role of pull factors. Many

people forced to migrate from their village to crowded cities due to adverse impacts of

environmental externalities. Most of them who are poor live in urban slums with many

environmental, social, and health related problems. However this chapter is devoted to

analyze and to discuss the data collected from environmental rural-urban migrants of slums

of Dhaka city.

4.2 Causes of Rural-Urban Environmental Migration

Migrations occur for the combine effect of both push and pull factors. But in the case of

forced migration like environmental migration push factors are dominant. Environmental

externality forced people of environmental hotspots migrate when they lost their livelihoods

in their village.

4.2.1 Environmental External Factors Forcing People to Migrate

Environmental external factors like climate change adversely affect on the lives and

livelihoods of the people who reside in environmental hotspots. Environmental external

factors and extreme environmental events forced people to migrate from village as climate

change, the most dangerous environmental externality affects on agricultural sectors. River

erosion, salinity intrusion, flood, drought, tidal surge, and cyclone are the main drivers of

rural-urban environmental migration.

Figure- 4.1: Causes of Environmental Rural-Urban Migration (Percentage of households)

78%

17%

5%

Causes of migration

River Erosion

Salinity

Cyclone

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It has been found that 78% environmental migrants migrated due to river erosion where 17%

for salinity problem and rest 5% migrated due to cyclone hit. But many of the river erosion

forced migrants claimed salinity as another major environmental hazard that affected their

livelihoods in village.

However migrants from Barishal and Bhola districts claimed salinity, cyclone, and flood as

strong environmental hazards beside river erosion that affected their livelihoods in village.

Migrants from Potuakhali claimed salinity as the causes of migration but they also suffered

from salinity, tidal surge, cyclone, and flood. Migrants from other riverain districts claimed

river erosion, flood, and cyclone as environmental hazards beside river erosion, the main

cause of migration.

4.2.2 Rural-Urban Migration and River Erosion

Migration is the last coping strategy for the people who lost his livelihoods in village due to

river erosion. Their income becomes almost zero in village after river erosion happens though

they held much amount of arable land and housing heritably before erosion happened. They

could earn some sort of money by working as day laborer with lower wage rate in their

village after losing their land in river. But in their village surviving often becomes impossible

by lower income due to lower wage rate. In most of the cases of river erosion forced

migrants, they also suffered from others environmental events such as salinity, flood,

drought, and cyclone before river erosion happened. Productivity losses due to such

environmental events reduce the income of a household in environmental hotspots. Beside

this the values of arable land in environmental hotspots decline gradually in case of such

slower effects of climate events. However in case of river erosion victims values of arable

land and home become zero drastically after river eroded their land. On the other hand river

erosion prone areas are also vulnerable to others sudden environmental events such as

cyclone, flood, drought, and tidal surge. After visiting such sudden climatic extreme events,

fluctuation of their income increases. As there is no effective crop insurance system to

compensate such losses to farmers in Bangladesh they have to suffer some consecutive years

to recovery such drastic fluctuations. Thus visiting climatic extremes in consecutive years fall

them under poverty. Then at last they lost their livelihoods in their village after losing their

arable land and home in river. So such river erosion victims have to take the migration

decision for searching their livelihoods.

Page | 30

However in the case of environmental rural-urban migration, a person’s portfolio

management in environmental hotspots can be attributed with probability to migrate. A

person whose most of the assets are arable land in an environmental hotspots lives under high

vulnerability and threat of leaving home.

4.2.3 Rural-Urban Migration and others Environmental Factors

Generally in environmental hotspots most of the people are poor in their village who manage

their livelihoods by working as agricultural laborer, cultivating on others land, catching fish

in river or sea, working as bargeman, and working in others agricultural sectors. As such

agricultural sectors are the first hit of environmental externalities like climate change the

opportunity of earning from these sectors decreases gradually. Consequently their livelihoods

fall under threat to loss. When reduced earning appears as inadequate to cover the minimum

livelihoods expenses such people have to move from their locality.

However in this study most of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums

claimed such lost of livelihoods as the main cause of migration. They also claimed that they

do not leave home and migrate till they can derive such amount of earning that can cover the

minimum livelihoods expenses. They claimed that crop failure and low productivity from

agricultural sectors due to environmental extreme events like flood, cyclone, drought,

salinity, erratic rainfall, and temperature rising etc. reduced their income. Then they have to

move from their locality as they cannot maintain their minimum livelihood in their locality.

4.3 Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants

An environmental migrant living in city slums leads a pathetic life throughout his life before

and after migration. Sometimes they have to live in a place away from their relatives. Their

child has to do laborious jobs in the cities instead of pursuing education. They have to live in

slums year after year after leaving their heritable homeland.

4.3.1 Demographic Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants

An environmental rural-urban household that migrated to urban slum is mostly male headed.

Around 88% household heads are male. Household heads are mostly within the age range of

from 30 years to less than 60 years.

Page | 31

Figure- 4.2: Age of the Household Heads

The average household size of a rural-urban environmental migrant household, living in

Dhaka city’s slums is higher than national average. Average family size of such household is

4.88 where according to HEIS-2010 national size is 4.50. Almost equal proportion of male

and female are living in such migrant’s household in slums.

However there is age class variability in population distribution by gender.

Figure- 4.3: Family Members Distributed by Age and Gender

Around 60%, 55% and 44% of all persons of age groups of more than 60 years, 18 to 60

years and below 18 years are female respectively. It just implies that a female have higher life

<30 Years 30-<40 Years

7

24

Age of the Household Head (%)

56

44

Below 18 Years

Family Members Distributed by Age & Gender(%)

Page | 31










30-<40 Years 40-<50 Years 50-<60 Years >=60 Years

24

32

2017

Age of the Household Head (%)

4540

55

18-60 Years More than 60 Years

Family Members Distributed by Age & Gender(%)

Male Female

Page | 31










>=60 Years

17

60

More than 60 Years

Page | 32

expectancy than male in an environmental migrants community living in urban slums.

Around 40% people are in working age group that is within 18 to 60 years old. Only 25% of

all persons other than working age group are old where rests 75% are children, ages below 18

years. It is an implicit notion of aging, a factor of demographic change. Around 20% of all

children ages between 6 to 18 years are child labor where 66% are pursuing institutional

education.

A rural-urban environmental migrant household don’t migrate with all members. Some of the

household members live in other place. Almost 7% family member of migrants households

live outside of their family. Basically they are the aged persons who live in their native

village though losing their livelihoods. In case of river erosion driven households these aged

people mostly live with relative or neighbor’s house in village. Their sons or/and daughters

send them some money to survive in village. Beside this most of them got old allowance in

village from government.

Average earning member for an environmental migrant household in slum is 1.78, of which

66% are male. On average two dependent persons depend upon the income of one earning

member. Almost 12% persons who earn money are child of which 70% are boy.

4.3.2 Origins and Destinations of Rural-urban environmental migrants

The poor, living in the environmental hotspots do internal rural-urban migration where the

rich people do international migration after losing their livelihoods in their village. The major

destinations of internal rural-urban migrants in Bangladesh are the capital city Dhaka and

commercial capital city Chittagong. However extreme poor who have no money to bear the

travel fare for going to Dhaka or to Chittagong migrate to the peripheral districts. So it is

expected that in Dhaka city’s slum poor environmental migrants will be found from those

districts that are relatively near in terms of travel fare and transportation mood.

Page | 33

Figure-4.4: Districts of Migrants

However, rural-urban environmental migrants have been found in Dhaka city’s slums mostly

from coastal and riverain districts of Bangladesh. Migrants have been found from coastal

districts Barishal, Bhola, Potuakhali, and Firojpur and from riverain districts Faridpur,

Shoriotpur, Munsigong, Chandpur, Comilla, Madaripur, and Gaibandha. Internally displaced

poor persons from Barishal, Bhola, Potuakhali, and Firojpur found it cheaper to move to

Dhaka city by water transportation mood than move to other destinations. Besides these

migrants from Faridpur, Shoriotpur, Madaripur, Munsigong, Chandpur, and Comilla have

also advantage of relatively cheaper travel cost to migrate to Dhaka city than other

destinations.

Community networking is also a strong determinant to choose migration destination.

Environmental migrants try to maintain their village community linkage in Dhaka city’s

slums. A displaced person seems a destination as secure and as comfortable where their

Faridpur15%

Shariatpur7%

Munsigong7%

Firojpur5%

Comilla5%

Chandpur5%

Page | 33










destinations.




Potuakhali20%

Barishal17%

Bhola15%

Faridpur15%

Comilla5%

Chandpur5%

Madari pur2%

Gaibanda2%

Districts of Migrants

Page | 33










destinations.




Barishal17%

Page | 34

relatives and neighbors already migrated. Almost all of the migrants migrated to Dhaka city

as their other family member or relative or neighbors have been living in Dhaka.

Beside these income differences between destinations also a strong determinant of

determining migration destinations. Such destinations are attractive to new migrants where

they can earn more. So they tend to migrate to Dhaka and Chittagong.

4.3.3 Duration of Leaving Village and Migrating to Dhaka

These environmental migrants found in Dhaka city’s slum mostly migrated to Dhaka city

directly after leaving their village. Only 7% migrants have been found who migrated and

lived for some years in another location rather than Dhaka city after leaving their village.

Then after some years they permanently move to Dhaka.

Figure-5.5: Duration of Migration

However environmental migrants are living in urban slums year after year. More than 51%

migrants migrated to Dhaka city within last 25 years where around 15% have been found

who migrated more than 40 years ago.

4.4 Current Livelihoods Characteristics in Dhaka City’s Slum

Rural-urban environmental migrants living in slums are poor in terms of income and basic

needs. They have to be settled in slums after migration to city as their livelihoods adversely

affected by environmental externality and many of them lost their property in their village.

They engaged in low paying jobs in city and then lead a pathetic life in slums.

24

20

24

1715

< 10 Year 10 - <20 Year 20 - <30 Year 30 - <40 Year More Than 40

Duration of Migration

Percentage of Households

Page | 35

4.4.1 After Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants

In Bangladesh rural-urban environmental migrants are uneducated and mostly unskilled

destitute group who are engaged in low paying jobs. Majority of them are rickshaw puller,

small shop keeper, day laborer and house maid. Some household heads have been found as

CNG auto rickshaw driver or car driver.

Figure- 5.6: After Migration Occupation of Household Heads

Around 30% of them are rickshaw puller and 29% small shop keeper while 20%, 12% and

9% are day laborer, auto rickshaw driver or car driver and housemaid respectively. Female

earning members are mostly housemaid where child laborers are working in shop, bus

driver’s helper, light mechanics shop etc. Male earning members are mostly rickshaw puller

and day laborer.

4.4.2 After Migration Education of Environmental Migrants

The extreme poor community in Bangladesh still considers education as luxury goods.

Though the cost of education in government institutions is low and they also have access to

such institution, relatively high opportunity cost of taking education in educational

institutions makes education as expensive to the extreme poor community. In this community

children often have to do work to manage their foods. In a developing country like

Bangladesh rural-urban environmental migrants of city’s slums live under the extreme

poverty level. Household heads of this migrant community are mostly illiterate but some have

been pursued some level of education.

29

29

20

10

12

Rickshaw Puller

Small Business

Day Laborer

House Maid

CNG Driver

Occupation after Migration

Percentage of HHHs

Page | 36

It has been found that almost 64% household heads are illiterate who did not pursue any

institutional education where only 10% completed primary level of education. However 74%

households that have children ages 6 to 18 years send their child to educational institutions.

Mostly they go to NGO run primary schools and government schools. Some of them also go

to madrasha. A child whatever he/she is a boy or a girl, born in a rural-urban environmental

migrant’s household in slums has 64% chances to be enrolled in educational institutions.

4.4.3 After Migration Income-Expenditure Patterns and Poverty of Environmental Migrants

Rural-urban environmental migrants come to city with no any prior technical or mechanical

knowledge. They are also uneducated and mostly illiterate. Such migrants were farmer,

agricultural laborer, bargeman, and fisherman in their native villages. As they have no

education, prior technical and mechanical knowledge they have to do the laborious jobs in

cities but with lower returns. Although in most cases income of a rural-urban environmental

migrant’s household increases after migration still their average income is significantly lower

than national average.

Figure- 5.7: After Migration Household Income

It has been found that average monthly income of a rural-urban environmental migrant

household of Dhaka city’s slum is BDT 12127 with standard deviation of 5335. In this

community monthly income of the middle 50% households ranges from BDT 10000 to BDT

15000 that is the inter quartile range is 5000. On average an earning member can earn BDT

6811 per month. Per capita monthly income of this rural-urban environmental migrant’s

22

49

20

5 4

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Less Than 10000 10000 - 14999 15000 - 19999 20000 - 24999 25000+

Income (BDT/Month)

After Migration HH IncomeNumber of Household (%)

Page | 37

community is only BDT 2486 which is lower than the cutoff point of poverty level.

According to World Bank a person is poor in terms of income whose daily income is lower

than USD 1.20. On average income of a rural-urban environmental migrant’s living in

selected slums is USD 1.06 per day only (1 USD = 78 BDT).

However there is gender disparity exists in the rural-urban environmental migrant’s

community in terms of their income. On average monthly income of a household with a male

head is BDT 12987 where a female headed household can earn less than half of a male

headed one.

Rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums strive to meet their daily basic

needs by their low income. Nevertheless often they cannot meet at least their basic needs

such as food, clothing, and health needs.

Figure- 5.8: After Migration Distribution of Total Expenditure

Almost all of the income goes to arrange food and housing. It has been found in the selected

slums that they expend around 86% of their total income where around 60% of the total

expenditure goes for meeting food cost. Around 15% and 13% of total expenditure go to meet

the house rent and education cost of children respectively. To relief from ill they spend

Food Consumption60%House Rent

15%

EducationalExpenditure

13%

Direct COI11%

Others1%

After Migration Distribution of Total Expenditure

Page | 38

around 11% of total expenditure and to bear the costs of other household activities they spend

the rest of the amount of the total expenditure.

4.4.4 Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Slum

Slums are crowded and the place of living for urban poor. An urban poor migrant household

cannot arrange a good housing for all of its members. Generally a rural-urban environmental

migrant lives in a single room in slums with all family members. All of the selected

households from the selected slums have been found who rented or occupied only one small

size room. Most households who did not construct house have to pay monthly for room

where some constructed the house and pay nothing for the room. Only 32% households

constructed house where rests live in rented house. Moreover it has been found that in some

cases one room is occupied by more than one household. However average monthly rent for a

single room in a slum is BDT 2280.

Water supply for all citizens and sanitation management of Dhaka city is a big challenge for

the authority. So, the recent influx of rural-urban migrants toward Dhaka city has made the

situation worsen. However in all the selected slums Dhaka WASA provided community

based water supply line. Slum households can meet their daily water needs from the water

line. But it has been found from focus group discussion in all the selected slums that water

supply is available in slums for two hours in a day only. Moreover in dry seasons sometimes

water becomes unavailable for whole day long also.

In all selected slums it has been found that dwellers have the access of sanitary latrine but

with high dependency ratio on single one. As slums are highly densely and crowded areas

many families have to use one latrine. At least 12 families have been found that depend only

one latrine. The situation is also more worsen for many households.

All the selected households are under electrification coverage. They share one meter to get

the electricity facility. But all households do not get the gas line facility for cooking. Around

32% households get the gas facility for cooking. Those families who don’t get gas line

facility have to bear relatively higher cost for cooking their food.

4.4.5 Environmental Hazards in Slum

Slums in Dhaka city are highly environmentally hazardous places where urban poor

communities live. However in terms of living condition and surrounding environment slum

Page | 39

dwellers live in an inhuman situation and hazardous environment. They live in a crowded and

polluted environment. In Bangladesh slums are mostly built in low lying fallow and polluted

land. Air pollution, sound pollution, garbage pollution, water pollution, and odorous

environment have been found as almost common characteristics in all the selected slums in

Dhaka city. Almost all slum dwellers argued that they live in slums as they have no

alternates.

4.4.6 Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness in Slum

Slum dwellers are highly vulnerable to many diseases. Different kinds of pollution like air

pollution, water pollution create different kind of disease in urban slums. In addition to this,

unconsciousness about health and lack of scientific knowledge about health intensify the

crisis. So in slums it is expected that slum dwellers live with different kinds of diseases.

However it has been found that around 73% household heads suffered from ill during last six

months of survey month. They mostly suffered from fever, cold, headache, gastric ulcer, and

orthopedic pain. Almost 34% household heads suffered from more than one disease during

last six months of survey month. However propensity to fall in sick (morbidity) has also been

found as high in slums area of Dhaka city. On average a household head fall in sick by 3.95

times in a year. About 36% household heads suffered from chronic diseases. Around 21%

people of total population living in selected slums of Dhaka city were ill during survey time.

Though slum dwellers’ income is significantly low, they have to expend some sort of money

to relief from disease. Comparing monthly income direct cost of illness is relatively higher

for slum dwellers than others. Beside this magnitude of opportunity cost associated with

illness is very high for this community. However in this study only direct cost of illness has

been calculated. Almost 85% household heads expend money to get him relieved from

disease during last year of survey month. A household head, who expends money to get him

relived from diseases, has to bear around BDT 5017 yearly in an average. On average yearly

direct cost of illness for a rural-urban environmental migrant household living in selected

Dhaka city’s slums is BDT 10900.

4.4.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support to Slum Dwellers

Slum dwellers are those destitute extreme poor people who migrate to city to seek better

livelihood option in city. Rural-urban environmental migrants also migrate to city for living

and aspiring better livelihoods. Usually they can manage their livelihoods as they can get

Page | 40

engaged themselves into low paying jobs in cities. But in developing countries like

Bangladesh urbanization is growing rapidly in an unplanned direction. In Bangladesh city

like Dhaka is already vulnerable to providing basic citizen services to the city dwellers. So a

poor rural-urban environmental migrant who choose to live in Dhaka experiences numerous

hurdles.

However different government organizations like Dhaka WASA and ministry of social

welfare, and non-government organizations provide them some basic supports to survive in

slums. Though these kinds of supports reduced their sufferings it has been found that these

are not adequate at least in the study areas. In all selected slums dwellers claimed about

limited water and sanitation facilities. Surrounding environment should also be cleaned up.

They are not in coverage of social safety nets projects directly except Open Market Sale

project (OMS). OMS is a project of social safety nets programs in which rice is sold to the

urban poor by subsidized price in open market base. According to slum dwellers collecting

rice from open market is time consumed and they claimed that considering opportunity cost

of time purchasing rice from OMS sometimes become more costly.

Slum households face food insecurity if earning member fall in sick. In this case they claimed

they often have to go on bed with empty stomach. However according to slum dwellers they

should be secured in terms of food and health.

4.5 Before Migration Livelihood Characteristics in Village

People living in rural areas of Bangladesh are highly vulnerable to climate change as the

primary sources of livelihoods of villagers are agricultural sectors. Declining Agricultural

productivity due to environmental externality like climatic change reduces the income of such

villagers living in environmental hotspots. They have the right to be compensated due to such

losses. Effective both short and long term adaptation actions in these environmental hotspots

can assure sustainable rural livelihoods.

4.5.1 Before Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants

In a developing country like Bangladesh majority of labor forces depend on primary

agricultural sectors. But agricultural sectors are most vulnerable to environmental change.

People who depend on agriculture are also most vulnerable to environmental change in terms

Page | 41

of their income, livelihoods and others health and socioeconomic factors. Farmer, agricultural

laborer, and fisherman living in environmental hotspots highly suffer from such change.

Figure- 5.9: Before Migration Occupation of Household Heads

It has been found that before migration around 34% household heads were agricultural

laborer in their village. Around 22% household heads cultivated their own farm land and thus

earned their livelihoods where 10% were fisherman and another 10% earned their livelihoods

by pulling rickshaw in their village. Almost 15% household heads were immature and

children who migrated with their parents and didn’t earn money in village before migration.

Female household heads was housewife in village.

However 31% and 26% household heads of those households that migrated due to river

erosion were day laborer and farmer. Migrants who are salinity intrusion forced were mostly

day laborer, farmer, and fisherman. Around 45% household heads of those households that

migrated for salinity problem earned their livelihoods by working as agricultural laborer

while 18% were farmer and 18% earned money by catching fish.

4.5.2 Before Migration Income Pattern and Poverty of Environmental Migrants

Generally migrants who chose to migrate to city but held little amount of assets in village

settle in urban slums. So it is expected that rural-urban environmental migrants who live in

urban slums were also poor in village in terms of income and their asset values. Degrees of

vulnerability to be poor in rural environmental hotspots mostly depend on a person’s

portfolio management system. The values of property particularly arable land in rural

2

2

5

10

10

15

22

34

Business

Driver

House wife

Rickshaw Puller

Fisherman

No Work

Farmer

Agricultural Laborer

Before Migration Occupation of HHHs

Percentage of HHHs

Page | 42

environmental hotspots decreases gradually due to consequent lose of productivity due to

adverse effects of environmental change. On the other hand property values become zero in

case of river eroded land. So a person living in rural environmental hotspots who keeps most

of his assets in arable land term in village is highly vulnerable to environmental change.

The average monthly income during the time of migration of rural-urban environmental

migrants living in selected slums, that migrated due to other than river erosion was BDT

3300. In case of river erosion forced migrant’s household income was almost zero though

they had opportunity to work as day laborer in their locality. Here to make income of before

migration comparable to income of after migration, income of before migration had been

converted in present value considering a 7% interest rate. It has been found that considering

the converted income people other than river erosion driven could earn BDT 9990 monthly in

an average.

However it has been found that before the affects of climatic extreme events income was

higher for those households who held relatively higher amount of land in village of

environmental hotspots. But drastic lose of property due to river erosion turned such property

richer households under poverty. Though before the affects of climatic extreme events in case

of river erosion forced migrant’s income was relatively higher, during the migration time

their income was almost zero. But they had option to earn some sort of money by working as

day laborer in their village.

4.5.3 Before Migration Property and Assets in Village

Generally poor rural-urban migrants live in urban slums where relatively richer rural-urban

migrants who hold better livelihoods options after migration to city live in others urban

settlements. In the case of environmental migration in Bangladesh most of the environmental

migrants take the decision of migration from their village when they become unable to cover

livelihoods expenditures by their household income. So it is rationale that during the time of

migration most of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums were poor

also in their village in terms of income and values of assets. Though some migrants held

some sort of arable land in their village they lived under poverty because of lower returns

from arable land.

In environmental hotspots except river erosion prone one a household that held some sort of

land in village cannot exchange arable land and house during migration time because in such

Page | 43

areas there is no demand for degraded arable land and houses. In case of river erosion driven

areas there is no chance to exchange such property. So it can be said that those migrants who

held most of their assets in land and housing terms in environmental vulnerable areas became

destitute poor after losing their livelihoods in village due to environmental change.

However in an average a rural-urban environmental migrant household held almost 4 acres of

arable land in their village before migration. It has been found that around 60% households

held more than 50 decimals arable land in their village. But before migration almost 12%

households did not hold any property at all in their village. Almost 27% households have

been found who held 3 acres and more arable land in their village while around 12%

households held more than 10 acres arable land in their village.

4.5.4 Before Migration Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Village

Before migration to city most of the rural-urban environmental migrants lived under poverty

in their village as environmental change impacted on their livelihoods, and ecological

scarcity etc. adversely affected their income year after year. So with low income most of the

rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums would not able to make better

living arrangement in their village for their family members. But the case slightly varied over

the causes of the environmental migration. It has been found that river erosion driven

migrants arranged relatively better living arrangement in terms of living rooms and housing

type than salinity problem driven migrants. However rural-urban environmental migrants

living in urban slums lived in shanty or tin made house in their village before migration.

Before migration some of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums

didn’t use sanitary latrine in village. But maybe this is not for the lack of government actions

in such environmental hotspots but these migrants migrated or leaved home before the

actions on sanitation. However most of the migrants who migrated within last two decades

used sanitary latrine in their village. They were not coverage under electricity and gas line in

their village.

4.5.5 Before Migration Environmental Hazards in Village

The income and livelihoods in rural areas of Bangladesh mostly depend on agricultural

sectors. But due to high vulnerability of agricultural sectors to climate change, the most

dangerous environmental externality the magnitudes of impacts of climate change is very

high in villages than urban areas.

Page | 44

However in Bangladesh all areas are not affected to this climate change equally. And all of

the events do not visit all areas of the country; that is there are some geography specific

climatic events occur in Bangladesh. There are some environmental hotspots in terms of

sudden events of environmental extreme events like drought prone Rajshahi areas, saline

water affected and tidal surge prone coastal areas, flood and river bank erosion prone river

banks of major rivers like Padma, Meghna, Jamuna and Brahmmaputra. Beside this cyclone,

erratic rainfall and temperature rising affect throughout the country.

Rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums do not understand the impacts on

their livelihoods of the slower events like erratic rainfall, temperature rising etc. clearly. So in

this study respondents respond to salinity, river bank erosion, flood and cyclone as major

climatic hazards they experienced in their villages.

Migrants from coastal districts Bhola and Barishal claimed salinity, river bank erosion, flood

and cyclone as major environmental hazards that they experienced in their village before

migration while Salinity, tidal surge and cyclone are the major hazards in Potuakhali and

Firojpur. Migrants from others districts, found here in this study suffered to river erosion,

cyclone, and flood as environmental hazards. People living on the banks of rivers in the

districts like Madaripur, Shoriotpur, Faridpur, Chandpur, Munsigong and Gaibandha are

highly vulnerable to river erosion and flood.

4.5.6 Before Migration Adaptation Support and Social Safety Nets in Village

Adaptation is the reaction of the victims to reduce the adverse effects of any adverse change

on livelihoods and loss and damages. Worldwide along with affected community

governments, NGOs, and many developing partners have been implementing different

adaptation programs in environmental hotspots.

But in a developing country like Bangladesh the capacity to adapt with changing environment

in terms of money, resource, knowledge and technology of both the victims and the

government is very low. As the cause of current anthropocentric climate change, the most

dangerous environmental externality is massive industrialization in developed countries, they

according to different international negotiations on global warming have to carry the liability

of such adverse effects on livelihoods of poor environmental victims living in developing

countries. Consequently in developing countries that are vulnerable to this climate change

local people have been being compensated in terms of money, materials, and knowledge and

Page | 45

technology to adapt with changing climate. Developing country that is highly vulnerable to

climate change like Bangladesh has been being compensated by developed countries to

compensate the affected communities and to take and to implement climate change resilience

initiatives and adaptive actions under different funds like Adaptation Fund, Special Climate

Change Fund, and Least Developed Countries Fund.

However in Bangladesh both the degree of adaptation activities and the quantity of adaptation

supports has not been found as sufficient to actual needs. It has been found that only one-

fourth of rural-urban environmental migrants got supports from government and/or NGOs.

But they claimed that before migration the supports they got in village were negligible and

insufficient according to their needs for adapting with changing environment. They got rice

under Vulnerable Group Feeding (VGF) program taken by government, tin and dry foods

from NGOs after damaging house by cyclone hit. Some fishermen have been found who got

fishing net from NGOs after cyclone hit but they claimed fish scarcity in rivers prevented

them to increase their adaptation capacity.

But according to their current experience about their locality in village it has been found from

focus group discussions with rural-urban environmental migrants that currently people living

in their village are getting sufficient amount of supports from government and different

NGOs in terms of money, foods and others living materials. People who leave home and

migrated to another locality like city are not eligible by law or by any hidden causes to get

such supports they replied in focus group discussions when they have been asked whether

they get the supports.

4.5.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support in Village

Generally a community is forced by environmental factors to leave its home permanently

when people of this community become unable to bear the minimum household expenses by

their household income. Another cause of such permanent forced migration is changing

surrounding environments like number and intensity of climatic extreme events. In case of

environmental migration some people migrate to another place for seeking better

surroundings where some are for securing their monthly income. This is the poor community

who live in urban slums after migration and who migrate to secure household income.

As most of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in the urban slums were poor also

in their village, income security in village will be the most effective exogenous support to

Page | 46

reduce such migration. Rural-urban environmental migrants living in the selected slums of

Dhaka city argued that income security in village can prevent the massive inflow of climatic

migrants to cities. It has been found that in case of river erosion forced migrants income

security in village can also prevent the migration to another locality. They argued that their

many neighbors who do not directly depend on agricultural sectors stayed in village though

losing home and land in river. They lease or buy some land from land lords in village and

build house for living. So a household usually do not migrate till it loses the livelihoods in

village.

Income of the environmental victims living in environmental hotspots mostly depends on

adaptation actions to environmental extreme events and mitigation actions to disaster risk

reduction. An effective adaptation action in environmental hotspots can reduce adverse

impacts of environmental extreme events on livelihoods and then income. While an effective

mitigation action to disaster risk reduction can reduce fluctuations of income due to

environmental extreme events.

Though according to respondents currently the people living in environmental hotspots get

supports in their village under different adaptation programs still a number of people are

taking migration decision. As both the spreads of environmental events affected areas and the

frequency and intensity of environmental events are increasing, the strategy of supporting to

affected people by money and living materials under adaptation programs has become

ineffective in long term. In long term keeping alive a large number of people by only pushing

saline instead of prevent the disease may not be attainable and cannot be desirable. So only

short term supports like money and living materials cannot prevent people to take migration

decision in long term.

However according to respondents of the study different adaptive activities like creating

alternative job sources in village other than agricultural sectors, building embankment,

promoting salt and flood tolerant crop varieties, introducing and practicing crop insurance,

and resettlement in village can reduce such migration.

4.6 Comparison on Livelihoods between Before and After Migration

Sometimes migration becomes the last resort for some people living in environmental

hotspots when all the adaptation actions became ineffective and insufficient to protect their

livelihoods from adverse impacts of environmental change. Though migrants can manage

Page | 47

better livelihoods in terms of income, in most cases livelihoods status deteriorate for the poor

migrants. Rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums are the most destitute

people who suffer from such migration in terms of livelihoods characteristics.


Generally types of occupation vary between industrialized urban areas and agriculture

dependent rural areas. People from rural areas usually migrate to city to work in industry or

service sectors. Working in industry requires of prior technical or mechanical knowledge. In

case of rural-urban environmental migration, after losing livelihoods in village migrants come

to city without having any technical or mechanical knowledge. Because in village there is

little scope to gain such technical or mechanical knowledge as they were mostly farmer,

agricultural laborer, and fisherman. So after migration to city environmental migrants are

forced to do such a laborious work that they didn’t do before. So, environmental change

forced to shift also their occupation along with shifting their locality.

Figure-5.10: After Migration Changes in Occupational Pattern

It has been found that rural-urban environmental migrants living in selected slums were

mostly agricultural laborer, farmer, and fishermen in their village. But after migration now

they are mostly rickshaw puller and construction laborer. Female have been found to work as

housemaid but in village most of them were housewife. However it has been found from

1510

20

29 29

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2

34

22

10

05

29

20

0 0

10

0

Change in Occupation (%)

Before Migration After Migration

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20

12

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focus group discussion that most of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban

slums aren’t satisfy with shifting their jobs in city.

4.6.2 Comparison on Income and Assets

Migration is usually associated with incentives. But in case of forced migration like

environmental one people migrate to another location with uncertainty. Though in some cases

they got higher income, most of the forced migrants have to suffer more after migration in

terms of living condition and others social and health factors.

However it has been found that regarding the time of migration their income increases after

migration to city. Considering the converted income after migration a household can earn

monthly 21% higher income than the income it could before migration.

Environmental migrants living in urban slums become almost asset less in terms of asset

values after migration. In the case of river erosion forced migrants they lost their land in river

where in the case of others environmental events such as salinity intrusion, water logging etc.

forced migrants their asset values decline gradually. Productivity losses due to slower

impacts of environmental factors reduced their asset values. However some environmental

migrants living in selected slums bought some property in another location rather than their

village but the number of such migrants is insignificant to say.

4.6.3 Comparison on Living Arrangement

Rural-urban environmental migrants who live in urban slums are mostly poor through over

their lives. They live in slums under poverty and also before migration most of them lived

under so in their village. They were poor in their village as the environmental change affected

their income adversely over the time. They live in slums in an inhuman situation in terms of

housing, sanitation, water and hygiene and many of them also suffered the same in their

village before migration.

It has been found that before migration many of the environmental migrants living in slums

were also poor in their village. They couldn’t arrange a better living arrangement for family

members while some river erosion forced could arrange relatively better one. In case of river

erosion forced migrants some were relatively solvent in terms of income and living

arrangement. Whatever happened in both poor and relatively solvent groups in village, they

Page | 49

all have been experiencing poor livelihoods in terms of living arrangement for family

members in slums after migration to city.

4.6.4 Comparison on Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness

Slums are the places of different kinds of pollutions. Slums dwellers suffer from many

diseases as they have to live in polluted surroundings. So it is expected that a person suffer

from more diseases in slums after migrating to city’s slums from rural areas. In many villages

of environmental hotspots salinity is a problem in drinking water. So people of these areas

also suffer from many water related diseases.

However almost 80% respondents claimed that after migration to city’s slums both the

morbidity and the cost of illness have increased. They have to expend about 11% of their

total expenditure to relief from sickness.

4.7 Conclusion

Rural-urban environmental migration is a consequent of many push and pull factors. Almost

78% of the rural-urban environmental migrants who live in urban slums migrate after losing

their land and home due to river erosion where rests migrated due to salinity problems and

after cyclone hit. They live in slums in an inhuman situation with many environmental,

social, and health related problems. They during the time of migration could earn such

amount of money that was insufficient to cover their daily livelihood expenses. Comparing

the characteristics of livelihoods between before and after migration it has been found that

their livelihoods situation deteriorated significantly except income. In taking such migration

decision income is the only incentive but the costs are others socioeconomic, health, and

environmental amenities. They have to do more laborious and inexperienced jobs in slums

after migration. They occupied some sort of land and property in village but after migration

they don’t hold any property at all. Though in both before and after migration they can

arrange poor living arrangements for their family members, in slums they live relatively

worsen situation. They are the people who suffer many environmental and climatic hazards

through over their lives both before and after migration. However the morbidity and the cost

of illness increase after migration to city’s slums.

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CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary of the Study

5.2 Conclusion

5.3 Policy Recommendations

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5.1 Summary of the Study

Bangladesh is one of the most disaster prone countries. The coastal districts are salinity,

flood, cyclone, tidal surge, and water logging prone where the north-western districts are

prone to drought and riverain districts are prone to river erosion, flood and cyclone. But

temperature rising and erratic rainfall pattern affect the agricultural sectors throughout the

country. Beside this climate change, the most dangerous environmental externality others

environmental, demographic, and political externalities like increasing population density,

water crisis in major trans-boundary rivers, and ecological scarcity are also affecting the

agricultural sectors in Bangladesh.

Migration from these environmental hotspots became the last adaptation option in recent

years. People of these hotspots are forced to leave their locality. When the household income

become lower to meet the minimum livelihoods expenses people of environmental hotspots

move from their locality and migrate to crowded cities. The poor of them then settle in urban

slums.

However to understand the lives and livelihoods of such rural-urban environmental migrants

living in urban slums, to find out the present hurdles of living, and to find the major

environmental factors causing such migration this study has been done.

From the analysis of the data, collected from the environmental externality forced rural-urban

migrants living in selected Dhaka city’s slums it has been found that 78% of the migrants

migrated due to loss of livelihoods by river erosion where 17% for salinity problem and rests

after cyclone hit. Whatever the causes of migration they responded, all of the migrants

claimed that they suffered from many environmental hazards such as river erosion, salinity,

flood, water logging, cyclone etc. in their village. It has been found that though after

migration to city their income increases, environmental, health and social hazards increases in

slums. Their income increased by 21% after migration to Dhaka city. Their children have to

do laborious jobs instead of taking education in educational institutions. Migrants have to live

in polluted and hazardous prone areas of the city. Their direct cost of illness and morbidity

increased after migration.

Poor migrants living in urban slums have not been getting adequate supports from

government or any other organizations. Though in all three selected slums some NGOs

offered education to children by free of costs, in most of cases children have to work to

Page | 52

manage their food as their household income is low. They get rice from OMS by subsidized

price but they claimed the opportunity cost of collecting rice is higher compare to the amount

of subsidy. Some of the migrants got some supports in their village to adapt the changes but

they claimed that was not adequate to survive and adapt to the changes.

However to reduce the massive flow of such migration in coming years considering future

population growth and consequent eco-scarcity, creating alternative job opportunities other

than agricultural sectors in village is one of the most effective actions. Beside these

promoting salt, flood, and drought tolerant crop variety and covering the farmers under crop

insurance in these environmental hotspots are the others most effective adaptation options.

5.2 Conclusion

Livelihood loss is an important linking variable between environmental externalities and

migration. Environmental externalities like climate change adversely affect the lives and

livelihoods of rural communities in Bangladesh whose livelihoods mostly depend on

agricultural sectors. As agricultural sectors are the first hit of environmental externalities like

climate change, agricultural sectors dependent developing and underdeveloped country

sufferers most from this change. In future such impacts will intensify as green house gases

tend to increase. In Bangladesh Environmental externalities like climate change adversely

affect mostly on the lives and livelihoods of the people of environmental hotspots in

Bangladesh. Their income decreases gradually for such impacts. In slums they can manage

their livelihoods but suffer from many environmental, social, and health related problems.

However to reduce such flow of migrants from rural areas of Bangladesh alternative job

opportunities should be created in their locality along with effective adaptation actions. In

short run to reduce the flow of migration promoting salt, flood, and drought tolerant crop

variety and crop insurance can be taken. But in long run, as the population density will

increase, beside these creating alternative job opportunities other than the agricultural sectors

in village will be the most effective action against the massive flow of rural-urban migration.

However to solve the present hurdles in slums they should be under the coverage of different

social safety nets program. Educating their child can be an effective long run action to reduce

the hurdles of living of rural-urban environmental migrants.

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5.3 Policy Recommendations

In coming future the problem of environmental externalities forced migration will increase as

climate change will inundate huge areas of the coastal districts and northern districts will be

affected by water scarcity during dry season in trans-boundary rivers like Teesta and

Brahmaputra. And in future increasing population density will reduce the per capita land

holdings. So, to reduce the problem or to solve the problem creating alternative job

opportunity along with others adaptation options like promoting salt, flood, and drought

tolerant crop variety, covering farmers of such hotspots under crop insurance should be under

consideration. In urban slums poor people should be under coverage of social safety nets

programs. Ensuring a good health of slum dwellers will ensure a secured and sustained

income.

ix

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Annex -1: Survey Questionnaire

SURVEY ON RURAL-URBAN ENVIRONMENTAL MIGRANTS IN SELECTED SLUMS OFDHAKA CITY

A SHORT INTRODUCTION:As you know, climate change is an environmental externality poses serious threats to the lifeand livelihoods of millions of poor and marginalized people living in the environmentalhotspots of Bangladesh. With time, adverse impacts of such environmental change arepredicted to be increased and Bangladesh would one of the worst suffers. The country hasalready been experiencing erratic climatic situations and people are getting affected. Losingthe livelihood means to environmental change, many affected people are migrating to thealready over-crowded cities of the country in the search for a living. But the life aftermigration for most of these migrants is expected to be another story of struggling for survival.This survey seeks to understand the reality of environmental migration in Bangladesh andalso look into their life and livelihoods before and after migration besides identifies majorhurdles of living in city slum.

Your contribution in the process of data collection will help us in assessing the reality ofenvironmental migration in the country and under types of hurdles they face before and aftermigration. This may also help in designing some remedial measures to fight withenvironmental externalities more efficiently in the coming days.

QUESTIONNAIRE NO: ………………… DATE: …………………………, Time: …………………………

NAME OF SLUM: ………………………………………………………………………..………………………

NAME OF THE RESPONDENT: ……………………………………………………………………………....

1 Interview is administered to the household head2 Interview is administered to a close family member3. If the respondent is not the head of the household, then what is the relationship? ……………

1. Information on household head (HHH)Name of HHH: …………………………………………………………., Sex: -------------,Age: ---------------------- Years, Religion: ……………………………………….…,Occupation: ………………………………………………, Education: ……………………….2. Household Characteristics2.1 What is your Family Size?

Answer: ………………………., Male: -------------, Female: -------------,2.2 How many family members reside here with you?

Answer: ………………………., Male: -------------, Female: -------------,2.3 Is there any member who currently doesn’t reside with you? If yes, where he/she lives

now?Answer: ……………………….,

2.4 How many children below the age of 6 years, live in your house here in Dhaka?Answer: …………………………., Boy: ………………………., Girl: …………………….

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2.5 How many children between the ages of 6 to 18 years live with you?Answer: ………………………., Boy: -------------, Girl: -------------,

2.6 How many children of the age between 6 to 18 years go to educational institution?Answer: ………………………., Boy: -------------, Girl: -------------,

2.7 Is there any children engaged in working? If yes, then how many?Answer: …………………, Boy: ----------, Girl: ---------,

2.8 How many 60 years and above old family member live in your house?Answer: ………………………., Male: -------------, Female: -------------,

2.9 How many members did earn income in the last month for your family?Answer: ……………………, Male: .............…... Female: …………………….

2.10 Is there any disable person in your family? If yes, then how many?Answer: ………………….., Male: …………………., Female: …………………….

3. Livelihood Status at Village (before migration)3.1 What was your main occupation before migration?

Answer: ……………………………………………3.2 How much productive asset did you have during the usual time of before migration?

(a) Land : …………………………...…………………………………………………….(b) Livestock : ………………………………………………………………………………….(c) Business Enterprise : ………………………………………………………………………………….(d) Any Other Asset : ………………………………………………………………………………….

3.3 What was average monthly family income before migration?Answer: ……………………………………………………………………

3.4 What type of housing did you have in your village?Answer: …………………………

3.5 How many living rooms did you have in your village house?Answer: …………………………

3.6 Do you still have the village house?Answer: …………………………

3.7 Did you have the access to electricity in your village house?Answer: ………………………..

3.8 Did you have your own toilet in your village? If yes, was it sanitary?Answer: ………………………

3.9 Did you face any environmental hazard that caused your migration to Dhaka city?Answer: ………………………

3.10 If yes, what sort of environmental problem did you face?Answer: ………………………

4. Information on Migration4.1 What is your native district and Upazila?

Answer: ………………………; …………………………;4.2 How many years ago have you left your village home?

Answer: …………………………………………4.3 Since how long have you been living here in Dhaka city? In this locality?

Answer: ……………………………………; …………………………………………..

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4.4 What were the main reasons for migration?Answer: ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

4.5 Was your migration mainly:(a) Economic migration(b) Migration due to political harassment(c) Because of lost livelihoods(d) Other: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………….

4.6 Do you have any other close relative who also have migrated? If yes, who? Why?Answer: ………………………; ………………………………………..; …………………………………………..

5. Information Related to Environmental Change Impacts on Livelihoods in Village5.1 What were the main hurdles related to environmental changes in your village?

Answer: …………………………5.2 Did any crop failure occur during the year of migration? If yes, why?

Answer: …………………5.3 Did any climatic extreme such as cyclone, tidal surge, drought, etc. happen in the last

one year of your migration? If yes, what?Answer: ………………..; ………………………………………………………………………………………………….

5.4 Did you have any kind of support to adapt with such events? If yes, what?Answer: ………………….; ……………………………………………………………..

5.5 From which organization did you get such supports? What supports?Answer: …………………………………..; ………………………………………………………………………………..

5.6 Was it sufficient to adapt with the changing climatic condition? If no, then what couldhave reduced the adverse impacts?Answer: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

5.7 Do you think your fellow villagers are still facing the problem? If so, is it more or lessnow?Answer: ………………………………………………..; ……………………………………………………………………

5.8 What supports are required by the villagers to avoid extreme steps like migrating tocities in the search of living?Answer: (a) ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

(b) ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………(c) ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………(d) ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………..

6. Information on Current Dwelling and Its Environmental Characteristics6.1 How many rooms do you have in the current house you live in?

Answer: ------------------6.2 Is it a rented house? If yes, how much do you need to pay per month?

Answer: ------------------, ------------------- Taka6.3 Do you have access to electricity here? If yes, how much you need to pay per month?

Answer: ------------------, ------------------- Taka6.4 What fuel do you use for cooking? How much does it cost per month?

Answer: ---------------, ----------------------- Taka6.5 What is the source of drinking water for your family?

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Answer: ------------------------------6.6 Do you have a separate toilet for your family? If yes, than is it a sanitary one?

Answer: ………………………, ……………………..6.7 What are the major environmental problems/hazards that your family has to face

here?Answer: ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..

6.8 Are you satisfied living here? If no, which three are the major hurdles of living in thislocality?Answer: ………………, ………………………………………………………………………………………………………

6.9 What are the basic essential services that according to you need to be improved forthe people living in this locality?Answer: …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

7. Health Status of the Migrants Households7.1 Have you fallen sick in the last six months? If yes, what type of problem you faced?

Answer: …………………., ………………………………………………………………………………………………….7.2 How many times you have fallen sick during the last one year? What problems?

Answer: …………………………..; …………………………………………………………………………………………7.3 What kind of diseases you and your family generally are facing here in this locality?

Answer: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….7.4 What was the (approx.) health cost that you had to incur for you in the last one year?

Answer: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….7.5 Are any of your family members suffering from illness now? If yes, how many?

Answer: …………………, ………………………………………………………………………………………………….7.6 Has the morbidity incidences increased in your family after the migration to Dhaka?

Answer: ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7.7 Do you think the direct cost of illness has increased for your family after migration?

Answer: ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7.8 How much money your family had to incur to relief from ill in the last one year?

Answer: ………………………………….

8. Property, Income and Expenditure of the Respondent8.1 How much is your current total household income per month?

Answer: …………………………….8.2 How much is the current total monthly food consumption expenditure?

Answer: …………………………….8.3 How much is the total monthly education expenditure of the family?

Answer: …………………………….8.4 How much is the total monthly expenditure incurred?

Answer: …………………………….8.5 Have your and your family income increased after migration?

Answer: ………………………….8.6 Can you now afford sending some money to village for the other family members, if

any? How much monthly?

xvii

Answer: ……………………….., ……………………….8.7 Do you have some property in your native village? If yes, what?

Answer: ………………..; ……………………………….8.8 Can you still earn something from your village property, if any? How much per year?

Answer: ………………………………………..; …………………………………………8.9 Have you bought any property after migration? If yes, what have you bought?

Answer: ………………………………….; ……………………………………………………….8.10 Are you happy living in Dhaka city? If no, why?

Answer: ……………………………………; …………………………………………………….8.11 Suppose if are provided with required supports to resettle in your village again, will

you be ready to go back permanently?Answer: ………………………..

8.12 If so, then what supports do you aspire to receive for resettling to your village again?Answer: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..

8.13 Do you like to say anything to the government or have any suggestion for the possiblemigrants?Answer. ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

Thank you very much for the time and your kind cooperation!

Documents

Assessing Life of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants of Selected Slum of Dhaka