Assessing Botswana's first national survey on literacy with Wagner's proposed schema for surveying literacy in the ‘Third World’

International Journal of Educational Development 21 (2001) 433–446www.elsevier.com/locate/ijedudev

Assessing Botswana’s first national survey on literacy withWagner’s proposed schema for surveying literacy in the

‘Third World’

Michelle Commeyrasa,*, Bagele Chilisab

a Department of Reading Education, 309 Aderhold Hall, University of Georgia, Athens, GA 30605, USAb Department of Educational Foundations, University of Botswana, Private Bag 0022, Gaborone, Botswana

Abstract

The first national survey of literacy in Botswana was conducted in 1993 and the results were published in a 1997government report. The survey found that 68.9% of the adult population are literate in either Setswana or English. Weexamine the significance of this finding in light of the methods of assessment used to determine literateness. Ouranalysis uses elements of a schema proposed by Daniel Wagner [Comp. Edu. Rev. 34 (1990) 112] for surveying literacyin the ‘Third World’. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Literacy; Assessment; Development; Adult education; Southern Africa

In 1993 the first national survey of literacy wasconducted in Botswana Africa. In 1997 the CentralStatistics Office (CSO) published the results in theReport of the First National Survey on Literacy inBotswana. According to the survey 68.9% of theadult population are literate in either Setswana orEnglish (CSO, 1997). What is the significance ofthis finding? How literate is the population thatnever attended school or left before completingStandard Five? To address these and other ques-tions we referred to Daniel Wagner’s (1990) arti-cle: Literacy Assessment in the Third World: AnOverview and Proposed Schema for Survey Use.Wagner offers a comprehensive framework for

* Corresponding author.E-mail addresses: [email protected] (M. Commeyras),

[email protected] (B. Chilisa).

0738-0593/01/$ - see front matter 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.PII: S0738 -0593(00 )00074-2

examining large-scale literacy assessment in multi-lingual countries undergoing national developmentefforts. For this reason we employ his ideas toexamine Botswana’s first direct measure of adultliteracy.

First, we begin with some background infor-mation on the country of Botswana, its national lit-eracy programme, and the objectives of thenational survey. Second, we provide a selectivesummary of the survey results. Third, we examinethe definition of literacy used for the survey againstWagner’s recommendation that the definition ofliteracy in surveys should be contextualized toreflect local cultures. And because he recommendsthat multiple measures be employed (direct andindirect) that capture levels of literacies to avoidsimplistically dichotomizing literacy (literate vsilliterate). Fourth, we offer a brief description ofthe direct assessment of reading and writing test as

434 M. Commeyras, B. Chilisa / International Journal of Educational Development 21 (2001) 433–446

well as the numeracy test. We examine the useful-ness of the tests in assessing adult literacy. Fifth,we consider four key questions Wagner proposeswith regard to gathering survey information thatcan inform policy decisions to determine the extentto which the survey impacts on development issuesin Botswana. Finally we offer concluding thoughtswith recommendations for future national surveysof literacy. Our purpose is to make use of Wag-ner’s ideas—not to critique them.

1. Background information

Botswana is roughly the size of Kenya or Texaswith a population of 1.4 million. It is a landlockednation on the southern African plateau neighboredby Zimbabwe, Namibia, Zambia, and South Africa.Independent Botswana came into being in 1966when it ceased being the British Protectorate ofBechuanaland. The Tswana speaking ethnic groupsare the majority in Botswana. They comprise about80% of the country’s population and are settled innearly all parts of the country. The rest of thepopulation is made up of several other ethnicgroups (San/Bushmen/Basarwa, Bakgalagadi, Bak-alanga, Bayei, Hambukushum, Baherero). Bots-wana has been one of the most stable and peacefulnations on the African continent with a popularlyelected government in a multi-party system. Bots-wana is the third largest natural rough diamondsproducer in the world. The beef industry is theirsecond largest revenue earner. English is theofficial language of government and education.Setswana is the national language, despite the factthat it is not the indigenous language for all people.The people of Botswana are referred to as the Bats-wana and an individual citizen is referred to as aMotswana.

1.1. National literacy programme

Literacy did not receive much attention fromgovernment prior to Botswana’s independence.Until the late 1970s, literacy education was limitedto a few campaigns sponsored by the Departmentof Community Development and the BotswanaChristian Council (Mundy, 1993). In the first 14

years after independence not much was done inrelation to adult literacy (Meisenhelder, 1992). Itwas in 1977 that the National Commission on Edu-cation and a National Policy on Educationdemanded that literacy education be pursued. TheBotswana National Literacy Programme wasofficially launched in June 1981 as an alternativeto the basic education approach. In retrospectobservers have noted that there was a “naggingvagueness about how literacy and developmentwould be related in Botswana” (Meisenhelder,1992, p. 8). A study of the program in 1987 foundthat earlier recommendations that the programmestop replicating primary school practices in favorof a more participatory, functional and practicalapproach were not being realized (Gaborone et al.,1987). UNESCO had recommended a functionalliteracy program but this was judged as tooambitious (Mundy, 1993). H. S. Bhola, one of themost prolific scholars of literacy in SouthernAfrica, has noted that Botswana has one of thehighest GNP per capita in the region yet hasdevoted very little of its budget to literacy (Mundy,1993). This criticism must be balanced with anappreciation for significant gains made in provid-ing schooling for Batswana youth. Ninety percentof primary aged children are enrolled in school andenrollment at Junior Secondary School is 85%(Republic of Botswana, 1996). Botswana is on itsway to achieving ten years of universal educationfor all children. Thus one must keep in mind thatliteracy attainment among school children is prob-ably far more advanced than in the present adultpopulation.

1.2. Objectives of the survey

The 1993 National Survey was undertaken to“establish the rate of adult literacy and the extentof inadequate literacy among the adult populationof Botswana” (CSO, 1997, p. 5). Previously onlyestimates of literacy and illiteracy rates were avail-able and they were based on indirect indicators.Several attempts had been made to survey literacyin the censuses of 1981 and 1991 but were rejectedbecause it would have made the questionnaire toolong. In 1986 a small scale evaluation of the Bots-wana National Literacy Programme was conducted

435M. Commeyras, B. Chilisa / International Journal of Educational Development 21 (2001) 433–446

(Gaborone et al., 1987). The information gatheredwas inadequate to assess the country’s literacy rate.Conducting a national survey was viewed as a“milestone towards the effort to provide a reliabledata base for the Botswana National Literacy Pro-gramme, especially as it is the first literacy surveyto be conducted in the country” (CSO, 1997, p.9). More specifically the stated objectives of thesurvey were:

1. To measure gender and age literacy differen-tials.

2. To assess factors influencing school attendance.3. To assess the impact of literacy programmes

and factors relating to accessibility of edu-cational facilities.

4. To identify the most pressing needs in terms ofeducational policies and provision in order thatpriorities can be set for the future direction ofadult literacy programmes in Botswana.

5. To assess socio-economic and cultural factorsthat may be associated with literacy problemsin the adult population (CSO, 1997, p. 10).

2. Selective summary of survey results

The survey was designed to measure literacy notonly by the number of years spent in formalschooling but also through tests of reading andwriting in Setswana and English as well on numer-acy tests (Majelantle, 1998). The target populationfor the 1993 literacy survey were citizens aged 12–65 years old who never attended school or leftbefore completing Standard Five. This was thepopulation of interest because “ it is believed thatpermanent literacy is only achieved after five yearsof formal education” (CSO, 1997, p. 28). A samplesize comprised of 1/15 of the target population wassurveyed based on a two-stage stratified sampledesign (CSO, 1997).

The survey results show that 193,662 personsaged 12 years and over never attended formalschool (CSO, 1997, p. 25). Another 66,167 personsleft school before completing Standard Five (CSO,1997, p. 29). The population of interest is 909,515and includes all persons aged 12 years and older.

In Botswana education at primary and secondarylevels has been free since Independence but it isnot yet compulsory. The major reasons for neverattending school were ‘ looking after cattle’(40.4%), ‘parents unwilling’ (21.8%), and ‘helpingat home’ (12.5%). Looking after cattle was the pri-mary reason given for males not attending schoolwhereas parents unwillingness and helping at homewere the primary reasons for females being keptout of school. In Botswana today the schoolenrollment situation is improved in that approxi-mately 92% of the eligible population are enrolledin primary and secondary school (United NationsBasic Social Services for All, 1997).

Prior to the 1993 direct assessment of literacythere were only unconfirmed literacy and illiteracyestimates for Botswana (UNESCO, 1990a,b). The1993 survey used a pass mark of 50% on the read-ing, writing and numeracy test items to identify theliterate from the illiterate. The survey results yielda national literacy rate of 68.9%, with 66.9% formales and 70.3% for females. Females have ahigher literacy rate at younger age groups (15–44)whereas males do in the older age groups (45–65+). Of those survey participants who took theliteracy tests, results show that they were most lit-erate in numeracy followed by Setswana readingand writing, and lastly English reading and writing.

We notice in comparing the self-proclaimed lit-eracy and the direct measurement of literacy thatthe results are nearly equivalent (see Table 1). Thelargest discrepancy between self–proclamation anddirect testing occurs with reading in Setswana.Almost 4% of those interviewed said they couldread Setswana yet they failed the test. Whereaswith English, less than 1% of persons who claimedto be able to read and write failed the tests. Itwould be interesting to investigate why people aremore apt to over-estimate their literacy in Setswanathan in English. Conversely, we also think itimportant to consider the possibility that the designof the reading and writing Setswana test underesti-mated people’s literacy abilities.

3. What definition of literacy was assessed?

Wagner (1990) acknowledges that differentcountries and different assessments have relied on


Table 1Self proclaimed literacy skills and test results by language—1993

Setswana English

Assessments Total (%) Total (%)

Self-proclamationsCan read 49,161 (31.5) 7683 (4.9)Can’ t read 107,061 (68.5) 148,539 (95.1)

Reading test resultsPassed 41,922 (26.8) 6,456 (4.1)Failed 1295 (0.9) 637 (0.4)Did not take test 113,005 (72.3) 149,129 (95.5)

Self-proclamationsCan write 43,659 (27.9) 6528 (4.2)Can’ t write 112,563 (72.1) 149,694 (95.8)

Writing test resultsPassed 38,109 (24.4) 5126 (3.3)Failed 1491 (1.0) 791 (0.5)Did not take test 116,622 (74.6) 150,305 (96.2)

Total n=156,222

very different definitions of literacy. In his pro-posed schema “both literacy (reading and writing)and numeracy measures are included and assessedin terms of simple and advanced skills, school-based and everyday usage, and languages of liter-acy” (p. 119).

We find in the report on Botswana’s literacy sur-vey several definitions of literacy. In the introduc-tory information that prefaces the reporting ofresults there is a section devoted to defining liter-acy. It begins with what we view as a comprehen-sive definition.

The term ‘ literacy’ is not easily definable sinceit does not involve simple cut-offs between theliterate and illiterate. It is a set of language andcommunication skills, attitudes and knowledgeinvolving an integration of listening, speaking,reading, writing, numeracy and critical thinkingwhich people acquire and can effectively use atvarying degrees. (CSO, 1997, p. 3).

Furthermore it is acknowledged that literacy is‘context-specific’ indicating that literacy must beconsidered within a social context. Much has beenwritten by anthropologists and social psychologistsabout how varying contexts affect literacy com-

petencies (Cook-Gumperz, 1986; Scribner andCole, 1981; Street, 1984). When researchers havelooked at different literacy events they have con-cluded that literacy is not the same in all contexts(Barton and Hamilton, 1998). This is why one seesmore and more often in the literature referencesto the term ‘ literacies’ as opposed to some unifiedmonolithic literacy concept.

What remains inadequately explained in thereport is why the architects of the 1993 surveychose a narrow operational definition. The literacydefinition adopted by the survey comes from theinitial document proposing the National LiteracyProgramme in 1979, which stated that literacy is“… the ability to read and write with understanding,in either Setswana, English or both; and the abilityto carry out simple computations in everyday life”(cited in Gaborone et al., 1987, p. 2). The one rea-son given for the adoption of this narrow definitionis that it parallels the basic UNESCO definitionthat a “ literate person is one who can, with under-standing, both read and write a short simple state-ment on his/her everyday life” (CSO, 1997, p. 11).The definitional inconsistency or even contradic-tion may be an effort to please different constitu-encies. As one reviewer offered it may be govern-ment rhetorical sidestepping that on the one hand


pays lip-service to complex and varied literacies toplease the academic consultants while pursuing asurvey based on a simple uniform view of literacy.We also suggest that adopting the simpler defi-nition was more feasible and familiar than design-ing a survey based on a complex view of literacy.Surveying literacies from a sociocultural perspec-tive is far more challenging and relativelyuncharted territory when it comes to large-scaleassessment. However we do note that the oper-ational definition is consonant with Wagner’s inthat reading, writing and numeracy were tested intwo languages of literacy used in Botswana(English and Setswana). Next we examine in somedetail two concepts important to the survey defi-nition: ‘understanding’ and ‘everyday usage.’

3.1. Understanding

A key phrase in the Botswana definition is ‘ readand write with understanding.’ This implies thatcomprehension (constructing meaning) will beassessed in the context of reading and writing.Respondents were asked to read two sentences andthis demonstrates decoding ability. Correctly read-ing the sentences does not provide enough evi-dence to conclude that they were understood. It ispossible to pronounce words correctly and notunderstand the meaning of the sentence. This is thephenomenon known as ‘word calling’ that has beenidentified in those who have difficulty learning toread.

The two picture/word matching items on the sur-vey test assess word level comprehension. This isby all accounts a very low level of comprehension.Conventional tests of reading comprehensionassess understanding of connected text that is com-prised of several sentences or paragraphs whereasin new paradigms of reading assessment entire sto-ries or lengthy expository passages are used. It isacknowledged in the literacy survey report thatspecific tasks for assessing comprehension werenot used and that the language assessment itemsfocused on decoding in Setswana and English.

With regard to writing there is a similar conflictbetween the statement that being literate requires‘writing with understanding’ and the test item thatis simply a dictation exercise. Being able to write

correctly words that are read aloud reveals nothingabout a person’s ability to write to convey under-standing. For writing to convey someone’s under-standing he or she would have to produce the con-tent. Even a simple request to write a sentenceabout your life would to some extent offer evi-dence of an ability to write for understanding.

In the report on the survey it is stipulated that“ the process of decoding has been assessed throughtasks that required respondents to read, orally,some words and sentences and those that requiredthem to identify and match words with pictures, inboth Setswana and English” (CSO, 1997, p. 8). Wefind it curious that attention shifts from the defi-nitional intention to assess “ the ability to read andwrite with understanding” (p. 4) to a focus on “ theprocess of decoding.” The survey report acknowl-edges the limitations of the assessment. Specifi-cally that “ the narrow definition of literacy cur-rently held by the Botswana National LiteracyProgramme may, to some extent, have influencedthe development of tests for this survey” (CSO,1997, p. 9). We propose that the consequence isthat only modest claims can be made about the lit-eracy of the 69.8% of Batswana who passed thetests of and writing.

3.2. Everyday usage

Another important aspect of Wagner’s definitionis that literacy be assessed in everyday usage. “Acomprehensive assessment instrument shouldinclude the possible domains in which literacy ispracticed...in everyday activities such as publicity,religious documents, and signs. If the goal is toestablish a measure for literacy that is ’ functional,’effort must be devoted to discovering what kindsof texts people need in order to function” (Wagner,1990, pp. 135–136). Both the Botswana andUNESCO definitions hint at the role of context inliteracy when they refer to ‘everyday life.’ But thisdoes not necessarily signal a commitment to cre-ating an assessment that captures how varying con-texts affect literacy competencies.

The content and vocabulary of the reading andwriting test items are close to everyday language.The two sentences used for oral reading are aboutfarming and caring for cattle and crops. These are


things that many Batswana have knowledge and/orexperience with. Note should be taken that bothsentences are androcentric (“The man...” and“He...” ) and we would recommend gender equityin designing future literacy test items. Word levelcomprehension was assessed with words forobjects common to most people in Botswana (i.e.,cup, pen, bird, donkey, snake, cow). In theserespects the assessment meets the criterion ofeveryday usage.

In other respects the tests of reading and writingdo not assess everyday usage. Everyday texts readby the general public were not employed in thesurvey. For example, people of all backgrounds inthe capital city and large villages can be observedperusing the free weekly Advertiser or advertisingcirculars for stores with several branches locatedthroughout the country. Test items on reading thesekind of everyday texts would make for a moreauthentic survey of everyday reading. Or as rec-ommended by Mmopi (1998) in the Departmentof Non-Formal Education pamphlets and bookletspublished by government ministries and non-governmental organizations should be used in theliteracy programme instead of publishing more pri-mers. If her recommendation is taken then anassessment of the National Literacy Programmeshould be based on texts of that kind.

Morwe (1998) raises another important issuewith regard to everyday literacy usage in the caseof those living in Khwee. Khwee is one of severalsettlements where those who lived the life of hunt-ing and gathering were moved so that they mightbenefit from educational and health facilities.Morwe observes that the remote area dwellers “ liveliteracy; though their literacy is not explicitlyexpressed and clearly defined. But their traditionalway of life implied that it had a lot of literacy init. They would track wild animals until they gotthem. They would differentiate and correctly dis-tinguish species of animals just by looking at theirtracks. They would estimate the time and periodof the track. They could also appropriately tell thesoils and types of animals on the basis of veg-etation that was found in the area...They could readlandscapes” (p. 6). Because their literate ways havenot been explicitly and clearly defined they gounrecognized as literacy. What Morwa’s analysis

of Khwee residents suggests to us is that we shouldconsider the idea that Afro-centric definitions ofliteracy should be considered in assessing literacyin Botswana.

Imagine a definition of literacy fashioned fromthe life skills of those speaking Khosian languagesbeing the basis for a test of literacy and adminis-tered to those in industrialized countries. Whichnations would have the highest illiteracy rates inthat scenario? The point being that literacy is a cul-tural phenomenon that can only be adequatelydefined and understood within the culture (Wagner,1992). Even within a culture there are different lit-eracies associated with different domains (Bartonand Hamilton, 1998). The idea of a universal defi-nition of literacy such as the those offered byUNESCO and others maybe an inherently flawedidea. The question becomes—what literaciesshould be surveyed? National surveys are costlyendeavors. We see tremendous potential in findingways for quantified direct measurements to beinformed in their design by findings from qualitat-ive context specific studies of literacy events andpractices.

4. What method of assessment was used?

Wagner (1990) endorses the UNESCO rec-ommendation that two principal methods be usedin surveying literacy at a national level. One is self-assessment and the other a direct measurement ofliteracy through a standardized test. Most literacyassessments conducted at the national level “ relyon national census information, which most oftendetermines literacy ability by self-assessment ques-tionnaires and/or by the proxy variable of years ofprimary schooling” (Wagner, 1990, p. 113). Adirect form of assessment is preferable but that ismore difficult to administer and more costly.

Botswana’s first national literacy surveyincluded both a self-assessment and a test of read-ing, writing and numeracy. The self-assessmentincluded questions such as: ‘Can you read Sets-wana (English)?’ ‘ How well can you read Sets-wana (English)?’ ‘ Can you write Setswana?(English)?’ ‘ How well can you write Setswana(English)?’ ‘ What do you most often write in Sets-wana (English)’?


The direct assessment included a reading andwriting test and a numeracy test. They were admin-istered in either Setswana or English. People whoindicated fluency in both Setswana and Englishwere asked to choose the language they preferredin taking the literacy tests. Setswana was the pre-ferred language for the vast majority of those tak-ing the tests.

The reading and writing test had five test itemsin three sections. In the first section, respondentswere asked to read aloud two sentences in Englishor Setswana.

1. The man goes to his farm everyday.Motsoko oa bolaya.

2. He looks after his cattle and crops.Ithute go bala le go ikwalela.

The second section was a matching exercisewith two items. Respondents must select amongthree word choices the one that matches a pictureof a cup and a picture of a donkey. The foils forthe cup picture are ‘pen’ (‘kopi’ ) and ‘bird’(‘kika’ ). The foils for the donkey item are ‘snake’(‘ tonki’ ) and ‘cow’ (‘kgomo’ ).

The third section requires respondents ‘To writethe sentence I am going to read out.’ (‘Kwala seelese ke tla se balang’ ). The report does not providethe particular sentence that was used.

The numeracy test had twelve test items in fivesections. In the first section respondents were toldto ‘Read out these numbers.’ (‘Bala dinomoretse.’ ). On the page were the numerals: 1, 15, and145. The directions in the second section were to:‘Write down the numbers I am going to call out.’(‘Kwala dinomore tse ke tla di balang.’ ) The reportdoes not provide the three numbers that were used.In the third section there are pictures of five cowsand three donkeys. Respondents are asked twoquestions: ‘What is the number of cattle?’ (‘Paloya didgomo tse di mo setshwantshong ke bokae?’ )and ‘What is the total number of animals altoge-ther?’ (‘Palo ya dikgomo fa e kopana le ya ditonkike bokae?’ ). The fourth section requires doing twonumerical calculations. First is subtraction(50�20). Second is addition (10+40). In the fifthsection there are pictures of two clocks and respon-

dents must tell the time displayed on each clock(Nako ke mang).

5. What levels of literacy were assessed?

The Botswana Survey of Literacy did not assessdifferent levels of literacy. A pass mark of 50% onthe reading and writing test items was used to div-ide the literate from the illiterate. We are puzzledbecause the survey report acknowledges that “ theterm literacy is not easily definable since it doesnot involve simple cut-offs between the literate andilliterate” (CSO, 1997, p. 3). This implies thatthose charged with conducting the survey wereconcerned about treating literacy as a simpleeither/or concept. Wagner (1990) expresses con-siderable doubt regarding the usefulness of sortingpeople into the simplistic dichotomy ofliterate/illiterate. The fact that someone who couldonly do 50% of the simple reading and writingtasks counts as literate leads to an even more mod-est view of what can be concluded from the findingthat 68.9% of the adult population is literate. Itwould be far more informative to assess the con-tinuum of literacy abilities within Botswana.

Furthermore literacy is now understood as skillsthat function within specific social and culturalcontexts. By way of example Wagner (1990) offersthat being able to read a newspaper may constituteliteracy in one context but in another context ismay be less important than a mother’s ability tofill in government health forms for her sick chil-dren. We further suggest that within a cultural con-text there are times where reading the newspapermay be a more significant literacy act then fillingin government forms. Literacy is far more fluid andcontextually defined than previous assessmentshave acknowledged. In the Wagner schema meas-uring literacy levels would involve consideringtypes of literacy skills and types of literacydomains and an estimation of the relationshipbetween literacy skills and text domains.

6. Linking literacy and policy: four questions

Wagner (1990) proposes that literacy surveyscan gather information that contributes to policy


making decisions. Four questions are provided thatfocus on the gathering of a broad range of data thatcould inform public policy legislation and assist indesigning more effective literacy programmes. Weconsider each question with regard to the statedobjectives of the Botswana survey and the data thatwas collected.

6.1. How much literacy/numeracy is retainedafter school leaving?

Wagner (1990) explains that data related to thisquestion is important because little reliable infor-mation is available on the minimum amount of for-mal or non-formal schooling that is needed for lit-eracy to be ‘fi xed’ in the child or adult (p. 131).The Botswana literacy tests were administered tothose citizens 12–65 years old who never attendedor left school before completing Standard Five.This was the population who were possibly illiter-ate or who had become literate through non-formaleducation. It was assumed that those with a Stan-dard Five education or higher were literate.

While the question of literacy retainment is notincluded in the list of survey objectives, data arereported on test results by test scores, language,gender and school attainment. The purpose inreporting these data are not obvious as no dis-cussion of them is included in the literacy surveyreport. It is obvious in looking at these data thatprevious school experience was not a significantfactor on test performance. Most of those who tookthe tests passed them. (see Table 2).

Table 2Literacy test results (pass mark set at 50% or better)

Tests Results Totals Percentages(%)

Numeracy Passed 37,846 98.2Failed 675 1.8

Setswana reading Passed 41,922 97.0Failed 1295 3.0

Setswana writing Passed 38,109 96.2Failed 1491 3.8

English reading Passed 6,456 91.0Failed 637 9.0

English writing Passed 5126 86.6Failed 791 13.4

Given the simplicity of the tests items we con-clude that the literacy/numeracy tests were notsensitive enough to reveal differences. No data wascollected on the amount of time lapsed since leav-ing school by literacy attainment. Rather, the sur-vey focused on assessing factors influencingschool attendance.

6.2. How important is literacy to the family inlow-literate societies?

Wagner (1990) observes that very little is knownabout the kinds of literacy needed in family lifein countries where literacy is considered central tocontinued development. The prevailing assumptionhas been that literacy was an important componentof economic and social development and as adefense against corrupt persons who take advan-tage of illiterates. We find the test items used inthe Botswana literacy and numeracy survey reflec-tive of very simple workplace reading, writing andcounting skills. No data was collected on the kindsof literacy that might be important to family lifeand work in the rural areas. For example, whatkinds of literacy and numeracy are needed by par-ents needing to administer medicine to their chil-dren? Or what kinds of reading, writing and calcu-lating are needed by those who work at farming,herding cattle, and mining? What numeracy skillsare needed by those who tend the cattle and mayneed to measure the amount of vaccine to adminis-ter per animal? More broadly, what kind of literacyand numeracy skills are needed in an agriculturalsociety such as Botswana where the majority ofpeople engage in subsistence farming. What kindof literacy is needed beyond the wage earningurban workplace? These questions are not meantto imply a disregard for assessing literacy in urbanindustrialized life in Botswana. In fact not enoughinformation was gathered on the types of literacyneeded in the various workplaces and for life ingeneral. There is need to assess a much widerrange of literacy in a nation undergoing rapidgrowth and change.

We find that a few of the questions on the surveydo seem designed to gather information on thetypes of literacy people find important. They areas follows:


Why do you think it is important to read andwrite? [get a job, get a better job, better com-munication skills, knowledge sake, other]

What do you most often read in Setswana(English)? [nothing, newspapers, novels, text-books, religious books, comics/story books,other]

What do you most often write in Setswana(English)? [nothing, letters, work related mat-ters, other]

It is the ‘other’ response category for each questionthat is potentially helpful in learning more aboutwhat kinds of literacy seem important in the familyand in other realms. Unfortunately nothing isreported with regard to what other things seemedimportant with regard to reading and writing. Weare left to wonder if those conducting the surveygathered any specific information related to whatother things people read or write. It is just this sortof information that could be used to formulateanswers to what the Batswana find importantabout literacy.

6.3. Does female literacy lead to lower fertilityand mortality?

The executive director of the United NationsPopulation Fund reports that nearly 600 millionwomen remain illiterate as compared to 320million men (Jejeebhoy, 1995). One of the reasonsgiven for educating girls and women is that it leadsto lower fertility and mortality rates. In an exten-sive review of the research on women’s educationand reproductive behavior it was concluded that,in general, fertility reduction is one consequenceof female education but that in some contexts edu-cation has no effect on fertility and in others edu-cation may increase fertility (Jejeebhoy, 1995).Wagner (1990) specifies that it has yet to bedetermined whether literacy attainment or formalschooling are positively related to lower fertilityand mortality. Wagner warns that considerablymore information will be required before national

policy decisions should be made to increase liter-acy based on the desired outcome of lowered fer-tility and infant mortality.

Access to education for girls and women hasbecome among the goals of most developing coun-tries. Stromquist (1990) in a feminist analysis ofilliteracy argues that the ways in which patriarchalideology maintains women’s subordination mustbe understood in relation to any effort to promoteliteracy and education for women and girls. Themental processes of coding and decoding symbolsand constructing meaning in reading and writingare not by themselves difficult enough to accountfor the large number of women who are classifiedilliterate (Stromquist, 1990). It is patently obviousthat illiteracy is the plight of the poor and power-less people—among whom women are dispro-portionately represented.

It was one of the stated objectives of the Bots-wana survey to measure gender and age literacydifferentials. Results show that females had ahigher literacy rate than males for those aged 15–44 whereas there were slightly more literate malesin the 45 years and older bracket. This coincideswith Stromquist’s global finding that “a substan-tially higher proportion of 10–24 year-old womenare literate than those aged 35 years or over, aresult to a large extent of the tremendous expansionof primary education in the last 2 decades” (p. 99).The situation in Botswana today is unique in thatthe literacy rate between females and males iscomparable whereas in many other African coun-tries the women are significantly behind their malecounterparts. Women’s history is being made inBotswana in that there is a first generation ofwomen with tertiary degrees from families wherethe parents would be classified as illiterate accord-ing to the Botswana survey. At the University ofBotswana enrollment for males and females isapproximately the same.

Kalogosho (1998) reports that throughout thedecade of 1980–1990 pregnancy continued to be amajor cause of leaving school for girls despite theincreased enrollment of girls and women in sec-ondary schools and tertiary institutions. Kalogoshowho works for Botswana’s Central Statistics Officerecommends in a paper on ‘Education and the GirlChild’ that girls be advised, to “wait until they


graduate before making babies” (p. 10) and that“girls come out and take the lead” (p. 11) becauseeducation is free for all at all levels. We find theidea that it is primarily up to girls and youngwomen to avoid pregnancy simplistic in a societythat historically has viewed motherhood as the pri-mary and ultimate role of women. Bearing childrenhas long been central to a woman’s identity andsense of worthiness in society. We see a need forfuture studies of demographic data on literacy,birth and mortality rates but within a context thatseeks understanding of the sociocultural dimen-sions of gender relations among the Batswana. vanDriel’s (1994) study of female-headed householdsand unmarried motherhood in Botswana is anexcellent example of a demographic analysis thatis informed by an examination of changing genderrelations and historic processes. van Driel con-cluded that at the ideological level traditionalvalues of women as social minors prevails. Yet57% of all women with children are unmarried andthese women carry most of the responsibility forsustaining the society, both economically and soci-ally. With regard to literacy and demographicissues there is much more to be learned about theinfluence of historic gender relations on contem-porary life.

6.4. How effective are adult literacyprogrammes?

There is need for reliable data on the effective-ness of literacy programmes (Wagner, 1990). TheBotswana literacy survey was conducted in largepart to: (a) assess the impact of literacy pro-grammes and factors relating to accessibility ofeducational facilities; and (b) identify the mostpressing needs in terms of educational policies andprovision in order that priorities can be set for thefuture direction of adult literacy programmes inBotswana. A variety of data were collected relatedto these two objectives.

The findings show that 80.8% (126,254) of thosewho never attended formal school or left beforecompleting Standard Five have never attendedadult literacy classes. Furthermore at the time ofthe survey only 5% (7720) of the eligible popu-lation was currently attending classes. The remain-

ing 14.2% (22,248) of the eligible population hadattended literacy classes at some time in their life.One indicator of effectiveness in an adult literacyprogramme is the degree to which the target popu-lation is being served. In this regard Botswana hasa way to go. Most persons presumed to be illiterateare not being served by the National Literacy Pro-gramme or the other adult education run by themining companies, prison/reform institutes.

Data were collected on the reasons people hadfor never attending adult literacy classes. Approxi-mately one third of respondents (32.4%) said theydid not have time to attend. It seems clear thatmore specific information is needed on whatexactly people mean when they say they do nothave time to attend literacy classes. What changesare needed to enable them to attend classes?

Another one fifth of respondents (20.3%) saidthey were not interested in attending literacyclasses. Again we see a need for more detailedinformation. Why are they uninterested? Is itbecause they see no need to acquire more literacyskills? Is it because they have doubts about whatthey can achieve through attending the literacyclasses? The questions we are raising will requireconducting in-depth qualitative studies or ethno-graphies of those presumed illiterate and in needof an adult literacy programme.

We note that no data were collected from thosewho had attended the literacy programme aboutwhat they thought of it and what they would rec-ommend for improving it. This might be anotheravenue to follow in conducting some qualitativeresearch designed to yield information that couldbe used in improving the current literacy pro-gramme.

Finally we suggest that an analysis be conductedon the available data for those who never attendedformal schooling or never completed Standard fiveto compare the test results between those who didattend literacy classes with those who did not. Ifthe results show that those who attended scorehigher than those who did not then it would beanother indicator of the effectiveness of the liter-acy programme.


6.5. Are there informal systems for literacydiffusion in society?

How literacy is acquired within or across gener-ations is referred to as diffusion (Wagner, 1990).Literacy survey data can be collected to developbetter understandings of all the informal ways inwhich people become literate. We find it helpfulto add to the concept of diffusion the distinctionbetween vernacular and dominant literacies expli-cated by Barton and Hamilton (1998) in their eth-nographic study of reading and writing in Lancas-ter, England. Vernacular literacy practices arelearned informally and have their origins in every-day life. They are as diverse as social practices are.Whereas, dominant literacies are learned formallyand are associated with institutionalized settingssuch as: education, law, religion, government andthe wage-earning workplace employment. Thedominant literacies are accorded high value legallyand culturally whereas vernacular literacies oftengo unrecognized as literacy. Surveys typicallyfocus on literacy acquisition that supports domi-nant literacies while offering little insight into localvernacular literacies.

In examining the data on literacy rates by occu-pation we speculate that some informal literacylearning occurs on the job. Setswana writing abilitywas excellent (over 90% pass rate) for the twelveoccupations surveyed. Whereas English writingwas only excellent (90–100% pass rate) for thoseworking as sales persons, in personnel services andas drivers. English writing ability was significantlylower (70–75% pass rate) for those working inmining and agriculture. Those occupations thatrequire regular use of English writing are providingthe practice needed to maintain and possiblyincrease that particular literacy skill.

Wagner suggests that the use of multipleregression analyses on key variables, such as, age,gender, access to schooling, education of parentand siblings, and test performance can yield infor-mation on the ways literacy is spread outside offormal and non-formal schooling efforts. Data onthese variables were collected in the Botswana sur-vey but we find no report of them being used inany statistical analyses beyond tables and graphsof raw numbers and percentages. Statistical analy-

ses will yield certain kinds of information on infor-mal literacy diffusion. Other valuable informationwould be gained from conducting ethnographicstudies of literacy practices (Scribner and Cole,1981; Street, 1984) and events (Heath, 1983) thatemanate from informal expectations and pressuresof the home and local community. Studies such asthis have been conducted by Street (1984) onIslamic villagers in Iran, Heath (1983) on threeAppalachian communities in the south-easternUnited States as well as Barton and Barton andHamilton’s (1998) more recent investigation oflocal literacies in Britain.

6.6. What languages of literacy were assessed?

The population in African countries are bilingualor multilingual. Most of these countries have speci-fied an official language for use in education andfor official government matters. As previouslyspecified the 1993 national survey of literacy wasconducted in two languages: English and Sets-wana. “People who indicated ability to speak eitherlanguage were requested to choose the language inwhich they preferred to take literacy tests” (CSO,1997, p. 49). Setswana, the national language, is alingua franca spoken by most Batswana. It is themedium of instruction in the first years of publicschool education. The survey results show that Set-swana was the preferred language for reading andwriting tests. Less then 10% of those who took thetests did so in English. Of the 7093 who took thereading test in English 91% passed. Performanceon the writing test in English was lower with86.6% passing out of the 5917 who took the test.The results for those who took the tests in Sets-wana are higher. Of the 43,217 who took the read-ing test 97% passed. Of the 39,600 who took thewriting test 96.2% passed.

There is debate about whether indigenous or nonofficial languages should be assessed in nationalliteracy surveys. Wagner (1990) points out that itis “ reasonable to assume that all literacy abilitiesand languages are human and national resources.To ignore such abilities is to under estimate theseresources” (p. 115). A related debate in manycountries is whether the use of mother-tongueinstruction should be used in primary and adult


education. The ideal is to teach children in theirmother tongue in order to maintain global languageproficiency and preserve indigenous cultural values(Baker, 1998). This is often not economically feas-ible or viewed as politically advantageous togovernments concerned with promoting nationalunity and technological advancement. Neverthe-less, Wagner (1990) recommends that informationon literacy be collected for all significant nationallanguages in a nation. A language can be con-sidered ‘significant’ if it has an orthography andhas official status or is spoken by a significantlinguistic group in the country.

It is estimated that 20 languages are spoken inBotswana (Anderson and Janson, 1997). Whileapproximately 80% of the people speak Setswanaas their first language there are many minoritygroups who speak other languages. Historicallythese minority languages have received little atten-tion and recognition from the government or byoutsiders. There is a debate underway in Botswanaregarding minority languages. At the center of thedebate is Ikalanga a written language spoken bythe Bakalanga who comprise approximately 11%of the population in Botswana (Anderson and Jan-son, 1997). Ikalanga was used as a medium ofinstruction before independence in 1966 but todayit lacks official backing. Thus there are people whoare literate in Ikalanga who may not be literate inSetswana or English. Advocates for using minoritylanguages, such as Ikalanga, for instruction duringthe first years of school are bringing the issuesbefore the public (Tsiako, 1997).

We recommend that future national surveys ofliteracy seriously consider assessing literacy langu-ages beyond English and Setswana. It is likely thatthe nation’s literacy is being underestimated whenreading and writing in minority languages areexcluded. It seems important to recognize theefforts underway to promote literacy in minoritylanguages such as Naro spoken by the Khoesanpeople. An appropriate orthography has beendeveloped for Naro as well as instructionalmaterials that promote reading and writing ability(Visser, 1998). Given the prediction that half of theworlds languages will disappear in the next centurydue to economic globalisation it seems vital forthose valuing linguistic and cultural diversity to

give value to minority languages by including themin literacy surveys.

A further recommendation is that the results offuture surveys report the national literacy rate withregard to each language assessed. In the report onthe 1993 literacy survey it is difficult to ascertainhow many Batswana were judged literate in Sets-wana and how many were judged literate inEnglish. The finding that 68.9% of the populationis literate is ambiguous with regard to literacy inSetswana versus English.

7. Concluding thoughts

What exactly does the literacy survey results tellus about literacy in Botswana? Is the informationof any real consequence? The results that 69% ofthe population is literate sounds impressive untilone sees the low level of literacy that was assessed.Considerable time and money were expended inconducting this survey and it is tragic to think thatthe information gathered reveals so little about theliteracies of the Batswana people. The surveyreveals little about the great gains made by manyBatswana citizens with regard to literacy.

We propose that there are vast differences in theliteracies of the population. And we think it isimportant to try and assess the range of abilitieswith regard to the people’s ability to read, write,and use numbers. Concepts of literateness that fitthe various cultural contexts within Botswana needto be developed. We see great potential in fosteringinterdisciplinary cooperation between those willingto conduct ethnographic studies of literacy is com-munity life and the educational psychologists whospecialize in large-scale assessment of literacyabilities and practices. We think that any sucheffort should be interested in definitions of literacythat take into account multilingualness. In thiscountry bilingualism in Setswana and English isimportant socially, politically and economically.Knowledge of other African languages also holdsimportance with regard to the promotion of under-standing and respect across ethnic affiliations. Theentire world should not be expected to adhere tothe same concept or definition of literacy.

One of the major assumptions guiding UNES-


CO’s promotion of literacy since 1945 is that liter-acy is a fundamental human right (Lind and John-ston, 1990). If we accept that literacy is a basichuman right then it matters very much what weexpect for and from a literate person. If readinga simple sentence or matching pictures to wordsconstitutes literateness then how meaningful is itto say that literacy is a basic human right. Mundy(1993) observed that the framework used for theevaluation of literacy efforts in sub-Saharan Africahas largely relied on the ideological belief that lit-eracy is a basic human need and right combinedwith the belief that literacy contributes to economicexpansion and political modernization. If Bots-wana as a nation accepts that literacy is a basichuman right then we would argue for a higher levelof literacy then that assessed in the 1993 survey.

It is also important to remember that the Bots-wana National Literacy Programme is taking newforms of literacy to the people and that it wouldbe inaccurate to assume that learners are devoid ofliteracy. As Street (1993) recommends we shouldstart literacy education “ from the conceptions anduses of reading and writing that people alreadyhave” (p. 84). We would further endorse the rec-ommendation that there be a shift from a concep-tion of literacy located in individuals toward a con-ception that focuses on the ways in which peoplein communities use literacy (Barton and Hamilton,1998). We need to define what counts as literacyin the Botswana social context and through thatkind of social analysis new understandings willemerge that lead to a national survey that is cul-turally appropriate and highlights the wealth of lit-eracies among the people. We strongly recommendthat Botswana’s next national survey of literacy bedesigned to assess literacy as a continuum of skillsand abilities in the context of a multilingual nation.

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Documents

Assessing Botswana's first national survey on literacy with Wagner's proposed schema for surveying literacy in the ‘Third World’