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This article was downloaded by: [Dartmouth College Library]On: 03 February 2012, At: 07:18Publisher: Psychology PressInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: MortimerHouse, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
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Aspirations and wellbeing in Romanian and US
undergraduatesMichael J. Stevens
ab
, Petru-Madalin Constantinescuc
& Andreea Butucescud
aDepartment of Psychology, Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA
bSchool of Sciences, Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu, Sibiu, Romania
cSchool of Psychology and Educational Sciences, University of Bucharest,
Bucharest, Romaniad
Center for Educational and Professional Counseling, Ovidius University of
Constanta, Constanta, Romania
Available online: 24 May 2011
To cite this article: Michael J. Stevens, Petru-Madalin Constantinescu & Andreea Butucescu (2011): Aspirations and
wellbeing in Romanian and US undergraduates, International Journal of Psychology, 46:6, 436-445
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2011.565344
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http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditionshttp://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2011.565344http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/pijp207/30/2019 Aspirations and Well-being
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY, 2011, 46 (6), 436445
Aspirations and wellbeing in Romanian and
US undergraduates
Michael J. Stevens1,2, Petru-Madalin Constantinescu3, and Andreea Butucescu4
1Department of Psychology, Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA2School of Sciences, Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu, Sibiu, Romania3School of Psychology and Educational Sciences, University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania4Center for Educational and Professional Counseling, Ovidius University of Constanta,
Constanta, Romania
Updating cross-cultural research of the past decade on the relationship between life aspirations andwellbeing, we compared Romanian (N69) and US (N64) undergraduates on the contribution of theimportance and likelihood of attaining intrinsic and extrinsic aspirations to psychological maladjustment and lifesatisfaction, and on the qualitative meaning they assign to financial success. Similarly to prior studies, we found
that extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations tended to be either negatively or positively correlated with life satisfaction,
respectively; however, wealth predicted life satisfaction for Romanian students. Unlike previous research, we
found generally negative relationships between intrinsic aspirations and psychological maladjustment. Although
there were no differences between Romanian and US undergraduates on extrinsic and intrinsic orientation, on
the overall importance of attaining aspirations, or on specific extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations, Romanian
students expressed weaker expectations of fulfilling intrinsic aspirations than did US students. Finally, the groups
produced similar rankings of aspirations and assigned similar meaning to financial success. The results favored
a social cognitive rather than a self-determination model of psychological wellbeing in that expectations for
attaining aspirations were more often predictive of life satisfaction than were their content. We interpret these
findings and their convergence and departure from earlier research in terms of political economic, demographic,
and cultural factors. We encourage future cross-cultural investigations of the social construction of aspirations,
subsidiation of seemingly contradictory aspirations to each other, and cognitive and ecological mediation of thecomplex relationship of aspirations to psychological functioning.
Keywords: Aspirations; Maladjustment; Wellbeing; Cross-cultural.
Mettant a` jour la recherche multiculturelle de la dernie` re de cennie portant sur la relation entre lesaspirations face a` la vie et le bien-etre, nous avons compare des e tudiants universitaires de premier cycleroumains (N69) et e tats-uniens (N64) sur la contribution de limportance et de la probabilite datteindre des
aspirations intrinse` ques et extrinse` ques pour linadaptation psychosociale et la satisfaction face a` la vie, ainsi que
sur la signification qualitative quils attribuent au succe` s financier. Similairement aux e tudes ante ce dentes, nous
avons trouve que les aspirations extrinse` ques et intrinse` ques tendaient a` etre soit ne gativement ou positivement
corre le es avec la satisfaction face a` la vie, respectivement; cependant, la richesse pre disait la satisfaction face a` la
vie chez les e tudiants roumains. Contrairement aux e tudes pre ce dentes, nous avons trouve des relations
ge ne ralement ne gatives entre les aspirations intrinse` ques et linadaptation psychosociale. Quoiquil ny ait pas dediffe rence entre les e tudiants roumains et e tats-uniens en regard de lorientation extrinse` que et intrinse` que,
concernant limportance ge ne rale des aspirations a` atteindre ou les aspirations extrinse` ques et intrinse` ques
spe cifiques, les e tudiants roumains exprimaient de plus faibles attentes quant a` latteinte des aspirations
intrinse` ques comparativement aux e tudiants e tats-uniens. Finalement, les groupes ont obtenu des rangs similaires
daspirations et ont attribue des significations similaires au succe` s financier. Les re sultats favorisaient un mode` le
Correspondence should be addressed to Michael J. Stevens, Department of Psychology, Illinois State University, Campus Box 4620,
Normal, IL 61790-4620, USA. (E-mail: [email protected]).
Preliminary findings were presented at the 2010 regional meeting of the International Council of Psychologists,Padua, Italy.
2011 International Union of Psychological Science
http://www.psypress.com/ijp http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2011.565344
7/30/2019 Aspirations and Well-being
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sociocognitif plutot quun mode` le autode termine du bien-etre psychologique, en ce sens que les attentes pour
atteindre les aspirations e taient plus souvent pre dictives de la satisfaction face a` la vie que ne le tait leur contenu.
Nous interpre tons ces re sultats, leur convergence et leur orientation a` partir de la recherche ante rieure en termes
de facteurs politiques, e conomiques, de mographiques et culturels. Nous encourageons les e tudes multiculturelles
futures sur la construction sociale des aspirations, sur la subsidiarite des aspirations apparemment contradictoires
les unes par rapport aux autres, ainsi que sur le role me diateur des aspects cognitifs et e cologiques sur la relation
complexe entre les aspirations et le fonctionnement psychologique.
A modo de una actualizacio n de la investigacio n transcultural de la ultima de cada sobre la relacio n entre lasaspiraciones de vida y el bienestar, se compararon estudiantes universitarios rumanos (N69) yestadounidenses (N64) en la incidencia de la importancia y la probabilidad de alcanzar aspiraciones intrnsecas
y extrnsecas sobre el desajuste psicolo gico y la satisfaccio n con la vida, y sobre el significado cualitativo que se le
asignaba al e xito financiero. Al igual que en estudios previos, se encontro que las aspiraciones extrnsecas e
intrnsecas tienden a correlacionarse negativa o positivamente con la satisfaccio n de vida, respectivamente, sin
embargo, el e xito econo mico predijo satisfaccio n de vida en los estudiantes rumanos. A diferencia de las
investigaciones previas, encontramos relaciones generales negativas entre las aspiraciones intrnsecas y el
desajuste psicolo gico. Aunque no hubo diferencias entre los estudiantes rumanos y estadounidenses en la
orientacio n extrnseca e intrnseca, en la importancia global que le asignaban al alcance de las aspiraciones, o en
las aspiraciones extrnsecas e intrnsecas especficas, los estudiantes rumanos expresaron expectativas ma s de biles
que los estudiantes de los Estados Unidos de cumplimiento de las aspiraciones intrnsecas. Por ultimo, los grupos
produjeron un ranking similar de aspiraciones y le asignaron significados similares al e xito financiero. Losresultados favorecieron ma s un modelo de cognicio n social que un modelo de autodeterminacio n del bienestar
psicolo gico, en el que eran las expectativas para el logro de las aspiraciones ma s que los contenidos en s los que
ma s predecan la satisfaccio n con la vida. Interpretamos estos hallazgos y su convergencia y divergencia con las
investigaciones anteriores en te rminos de factores polticos, econo micos, demogra ficos y culturales.
Recomendamos la realizacio n de futuras investigaciones transculturales referidas a la construccio n social de
las aspiraciones, la subordinacio n de aspiraciones aparentemente contradictorias entre s y la mediacio n cognitiva
y ecolo gica de la compleja relacio n entre las aspiraciones y el funcionamiento psicolo gico.
Aspirations can be viewed as goals or as value-
based means for satisfying human needs
(Schwartz, 1994). Organismic self-determinationtheories (SDTs) hold that the immoderate pursuit
of extrinsic aspirations (e.g., financial success,
social recognition, attractive appearance) is tied
to lower psychological wellbeing, whereas pursuit
of intrinsic aspirations (e.g., self-acceptance,
affiliation, community feeling) is linked to greater
psychological wellbeing (Fromm, 1976; Maslow,
1954; Rogers, 1947). Some have argued that
excessive materialism can distract people from
their inherent needs, leading to distress and more
serious dysfunction (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000;
Kasser, 2002; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001). This viewcontrasts the social cognitive perspective of moti-
vation, which holds that the content of aspirations
is less essential to wellbeing than are perceived
capabilities of attaining aspirations (Carver &
Scheier, 1998; Oishi, Diener, Lucas, & Suh,
1999). The biopsychosocial model of mental
health and illness (Schwarzer & Gutierrez-Dona,
2000) places additional relevance on the construct
of satisfaction with life, with mental health
conceived not only as the absence of dysfunction
but also as the presence of subjective wellbeing.
Conversely, mental illness may be construed not
only as the presence of dysfunction, but also as the
absence of subjective wellbeing.
Previous cross-cultural research has establisheda relationship between healthy functioning and the
relative importance and efficacy of aspirations that
fulfill organismic tendencies rather than lead to a
conferred sense of worth (Frost & Frost, 2000;
Grouzet et al., 2005; Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996;
Ryan et al., 1999; Schmuck, Kasser, & Ryan, 2000;
van den Berg & Pitariu, 2005). Because SDT holds
that the pursuit of intrinsic aspirations is tied to
organismic functioning (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000;
Kasser, 2002; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001), and by
implication universal needs, efforts to fulfill such
needs should enhance wellbeing across cultures(Schwartz, 1994). SDT has received support in
research on US samples (e.g., Kasser & Ryan,
1993) as well as in studies conducted in eastern and
western European countries (e.g., Ryan et al.,
1999; Schmuck et al., 2000). In a cross-cultural
investigation of the relationship between aspira-
tions and wellbeing, Frost and Frost (2000) found
that, while Romanian and US students reported
greater wellbeing when intrinsic goals (i.e., com-
munity feeling) were central to their lives, only US
students showed a negative association between
extrinsic motivation (i.e., financial success)
ASPIRATIONS AND WELLBEING 437
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and wellbeing. In addition, Romanian students
reported less satisfaction with life and lower
expectations for life satisfaction than US
students, perhaps directing them to pursue more
self-oriented goals (e.g., personal growth). This
partial confirmation of SDT may have reflected
differences in the sociohistorical contexts ofRomania versus the United States, underscoring
the importance of situating the content of aspira-
tions and expectations for their attainment in an
ecological framework (Bond et al., 2004; Ingelhart,
1997; Ingelhart & Baker, 2000; Spector et al.,
2001). Furthermore, the relatively low expecta-
tions of Romanian students for attaining extrinsic
goals were tied to a diminished sense of wellbeing,
not only supporting a social cognitive explanation
of motivation (see Bond et al., 2004) but also
suggesting why they may have chosen to pursue
more attainable intrinsic goals (e.g., personalgrowth).
This study aimed to:
1. extend the study of the association of
extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations to psycho-
logical wellbeing in a sample of Romanian
and US undergraduates situated in a changed
and more interconnected world than that of
10 years agowe anticipated fewer differ-
ences between Romanian and US under-
graduates on the subjective importance and
perceived likelihood of attaining extrinsicand intrinsic aspirations (Cernat, 2010;
Condruz-Bacescu & Maftei, 2007)
2. examine the relationship of extrinsic
and intrinsic aspirations to psychological
maladjustment as well as wellbeing in these
samples
3. compare the subjective meaning of a core
extrinsic aspiration, financial success, on
which these groups had differed previously
4. test SDT against the position that expecta-
tions for the attainment of aspirations are
more predictive of psychological wellbeingthan their content (i.e., likelihood of attain-
ment vs. importance).
METHOD
Participants
Sixty-nine Romanian undergraduates (38 women,
31 men) between 19 and 60 years old (M26.101,
SD9.895) volunteered. Most were ethnically
Romanian (89.9%), unmarried (63.8%), andOrthodox (79.7%), with an annual family income
of less than the equivalent of US$4100 (73.9%),
and majoring in the social sciences (58.0%) or hard
sciences (40.6%). Sixty-four US undergraduates
(35 women, 28 men) between 18 and 25 years old
(M19.839, SD1.321) volunteered. Most were
ethnically European (80.6%), unmarried (93.7%),
Catholic (41.7%), or Protestant (38.3%), with anannual family income above $65,000 (60.7%), and
majoring in the social sciences (41.3%) or educa-
tion (34.9%). Because Levenes test revealed a
significant inequality in age variances,
t(129)4.942, p5 .001, a Mann-Whitney U-test
was performed for Romanian and US under-
graduates on age, yielding a significant group
difference, U(131)3172.500, z4.891, p5 .001;
mean rank difference31.65. Consequently, age
was partialed out of all data used in the analyses
described below.
Measures
The following measures were used in this study:
background questionnaire, Aspiration Index (AI;
Kasser & Ryan, 1993), an open-ended item on the
meaning of financial success, College
Maladjustment Scale (Mt; Ben-Porath et al.,
2000; Kleinmuntz, 1961), and Satisfaction with
Life Scale (SWLS; Diener, Emmons, Larson, &
Griffin, 1985). The methodology used in translat-
ing each instrument into Romanian followed the
standards of the International Test Commission
(Tanzer & Sim, 1999) and other established
guidelines for the translation and cross-cultural
use of psychological tests (Hambleton & Patsula,
1999). Specifically, we used transliteration and
back-translation procedures (Brislin, 1970).
Transliteration entailed concern by the authors
for preserving the psychological meaning of items
as opposed to derivation of a literal translation.
Back-translation involved a bilingual doctoral
candidate, unfamiliar with the instruments or
purpose of the study, retranslating Romanian
items into English to ensure their similarity in
meaning, form, and readability to the source
measures. The equivalence and temporal stability
of the Romanian and English versions of the AI
and SWLS were established in earlier research
(Stevens, Constantinescu, & Lambru, 2006a,
2006b).
Background questionnaire
The background questionnaire consisted of
open-ended and multiple-choice items thatinquired about gender, age, ethnicity, marital
438 STEVENS, CONSTANTINESCU, BUTUCESCU
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status, religious affiliation, annual family income,
and academic major.
Aspiration Index
The AI has been used extensively in research on
SDT. It consists of 32 statements designed tomeasure seven major life goals: wealth, fame,
image, personal growth, relationships, community
feeling, and good health. Respondents rate each
item on two seven-point Likert scales (1not at
all, 7very) that represent the importance of the
aspiration and the likelihood of attaining it. In
addition to being internally consistent and stable,
factor analyses of the AI on US samples have
yielded two factors that correspond to extrinsic
(wealth, fame, image) and intrinsic (personal
growth, relationships, community feeling) aspira-
tions (Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996). In addition toscoring these six aspirations for their importance
and likelihood of attainment, we computed overall
importance and likelihood scores by averaging
importance and likelihood scores across aspira-
tions, as well as overall extrinsic and intrinsic
importance and likelihood scores by averaging
importance and likelihood scores across either
extrinsic or intrinsic aspirations, respectively.
Finally, we calculated respondents relative orien-
tation toward extrinsic versus intrinsic aspirations
by subtracting their overall (mean) importance and
likelihood scores for extrinsic aspirations fromtheir overall (mean) importance and likelihood
scores for intrinsic aspirations, respectively.
Financial success
The meaning of financial success consisted of a
single, open-ended item: Describe in your own
words what financial success means to you (i.e., its
significance to your life). This item was intended
to explore how Romanian and US undergraduates
currently construe financial success given prior
research suggesting a difference (Frost & Frost,2000). By adopting a qualitative method to
complement our otherwise quantitative approach,
we sought to uncover the richer, more nuanced
meaning of an important aspirationfinancial
successwith the aim of advancing the current
perspective on value-based motivation
(Alasuutari, 2010; Gilgun, 2005). Concerns about
generalizability and subjectivity notwithstanding,
our method of coding and analyzing participants
open-ended responses conformed to established
guidelines for the logico-deductive interpretation
of qualitative data (Willig & Stainton-Rogers,2008). Three Romanian and two American
judges unitized responses to the meaning of
financial success item for the Romanian sample
and US sample, respectively. A unit was defined as
a word, phrase, or sentence(s) that captures an
independent and complete idea. Judges indepen-
dently assigned each unit to one of 10 distinct
value clusters from the Schwartz Value Survey(achievement, benevolence, conformity, hedonism,
power, security, self-direction, stimulation, tradi-
tion, universalism) (Schwartz & Sagiv, 1995) or to
a miscellaneous category if ambiguous or ill-
fitting. Each unit was assigned to one value cluster
where it best fit. Intercoder reliability was not
determined because coders resolved instances of
disagreement by consensus. The Schwartz Value
Survey has been used in cross-cultural research of
this kind (Bond et al., 2004; Frost & Frost, 2000).
College Maladjustment Scale
The Mt scale is composed of 41 truefalse items
designed to measure psychological difficulties of
sufficient severity to motivate university students
to seek professional assistance. Responses are
scored in the maladjustment direction, with
higher scores measuring anxiety, inefficacy, pessi-
mism, somatization, and the experience of life as
a strain most of the time. The Mt scale shows
acceptable internal consistency, concurrent valid-
ity with established indices of general maladjust-
ment, and predictive validity with such criteria asgrade-point average and history of psychological
treatment (Lauterbach, Garcia, & Gloster, 2002).
Satisfaction with Life Scale
The SWLS is a five-item measure of subjective
wellbeing that requires the evaluation of ones
personal circumstances against normative stan-
dards. Responses are based on a seven-point
Likert scale (1 strongly disagree, 7 strongly
agree), with scores above 20 indicating life
satisfaction. The SWLS has good internal consis-tency, and factor analyses have identified a single
dimension of subjective wellbeing (Diener et al.,
1985; Frost & Frost, 2000).
Procedure
After giving consent, undergraduates completed
in counterbalanced order the background ques-
tionnaire, AI, the item on the meaning of financial
success, Mt, and SWLS. Undergraduates received
extra credit for their participation and weredebriefed.
ASPIRATIONS AND WELLBEING 439
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RESULTS
Similarities between Romanian and US
undergraduates
For Romanian and US samples, AI scale scores
for importance and likelihood dimensions were
subjected to separate factor analyses with a forced
two-factor solution. Eigenvalues that approached
1 were the criteria for factor extraction. For both
samples, two factors emerged for importance scale
scores, accounting for 66.242% and 68.690% of
the variance for Romanians and Americans,
respectively. Factor 1 included three AI extrinsic
scales, with loadings on wealth, fame, and image of
.810.844 for Romanian undergraduates and .792
.880 for US undergraduates. Factor 2 included
three AI intrinsic scales, with loadings on personal
growth, relationships, and community feeling of
.732.788 and .609810 for Romanian and US
students, respectively. For both samples, two
factors emerged for likelihood scale scores,
explaining 73.642% and 69.539% of the variance
for Romanians and Americans, respectively.
Factor 1 included three AI extrinsic scales, with
loadings on wealth, fame, and image of .715.913
for Romanian undergraduates and .794.828 for
US undergraduates. Factor 2 included three AI
intrinsic scales, with loadings on personal growth,
relationships, and community feeling of .540.918
for Romanian and .771.839 for students, respec-tively. The results of these factor analyses support
the conceptual distinction between extrinsic and
intrinsic aspirations.
For Romanian and US samples, Mt and SWLS
scores were negatively correlated, r(67).520,
p5 .001, 1b .566, and r(62).561, p5 .001,
1b .597, respectively. A principal components
factor analysis with varimax rotation of Mt and
SWLS scores for both samples yielded a single
factor that accounted for 77.02% of the variance,
confirming these measures to be contrasting yet
related aspects of psychological maladjustmentand wellbeing.
Overall extrinsic importance and likelihood
scores were positively correlated for Romanian,
r(67) .672, p5 .001, 1b .784, and for
American groups, r(62) .792, p5 .001, 1
b .876. Overall intrinsic importance and like-
lihood scores were also positively correlated for
Romanian undergraduates, r(67) .458, p5 .001,
1b .465, and for US undergraduates,
r(62) .577, p5 .001, 1b .621. Overall extrinsic
and intrinsic importance scores were positively
correlated for Romanian students, r(67)
.362,p .002, 1b .315, and for US students,
r(62) .252, p .047, 1b .166. Overall extrinsic
and intrinsic likelihood scores were also positively
correlated for Romanian, r(67) .618, p5 .001,
1b
.714, and for American samples,r(62) .483, p5 .001, 1b .476. Because there
were no statistically significant gender differences
on overall intrinsic and extrinsic importance and
likelihood scores for either group, the remaining
analyses were conducted on pooled national
samples.
Relative orientation scores were correlated with
Mt and SWLS scores, with a positive association
only for US undergraduates between relative
likelihood scores and SWLS scores, r(62) .379,
p .002, 1b319. Correlations for Romanian
and US samples between AI centrality scale scores(a description of the calculation of centrality scores
appears below) and Mt and SWLS scores are given
in Table 1. The only significant correlations at an
alpha level of .01 was likelihood of personal
growth scores and SWLS scores for US students,
r(62) .412, p .001, 1b .367.
Differences between Romanian and US
undergraduates
Before determining the relationship of aspirationalcontent to psychological maladjustment and
TABLE 1
Correlations of importance and likelihood AI Centrality Scale
scores with Mt and SWLS scores for Romanian and US
undergraduates
Mt SWLS
Aspirations Romanian US Romanian US
Wealth
Importance .046 .130 .053 .095
Likelihood .150 .033 .226 .216
Fame
Importance .077 .172 .144 .194
Likelihood .088 .186 .128 .220
Image
Importance .016 .061 .064 .010
Likelihood .080 .114 .244a .079
Personal growth
Importance .071 .090 .096 .161
Likelihood .283b .234 .270c .412d
RelationshipsImportance .114 .219 .209 .167
Likelihood .109 .291 .010 .231
Community feeling
Importance .008 .084 .031 .077
Likelihood .067 .124 .060 .004
ap .044, 1b .168; bp .019, 1b .211; cp .025, 1b
.196; dp .001, 1b .381.
440 STEVENS, CONSTANTINESCU, BUTUCESCU
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wellbeing, it was necessary to control for
the potential confound of the tendency to evaluate
all aspirations as important or attainable. AI
scale scores for each aspiration were centralized
by subtracting either mean importance or
likelihood scores from raw importance or like-
lihood scale scores, respectively. Then eight
stepwise regressions were performed with centra-
lized AI scale scores as predictors either of Mt or
SWLS scores for Romanian and US
undergraduates.
For Romanian and US samples, the regressionof centralized importance scale scores on Mt was
not significant. Unlike the results for the American
group, the regression of centralized likelihood
scale scores on Mt scores was significant for
Romanian undergraduates, R2 .080, F(1,
67)5.811, p .019, f20.087, 1b .686; cen-
tralized likelihood of personal growth scores
negatively predicted Mt scores, b.283. The
regression of centralized likelihood scale scores on
SWLS scores was significant for Romanian
students, R2 .142, F(2, 66)5.453, p .006,
f
2
.166, 1b
.854, and US students,R2 .170, F(1, 60)12.297, p .001, f20.205,
1b .949. For Romanian participants, SWLS
scores were positively predicted by centralized
likelihood of personal growth scores, b .304,
and centralized likelihood of wealth scores,
b .264, DR2 .069, F(1, 66)5.290, p .025,
f20.074, 1b .617. For American participants,
centralized likelihood of Personal growth scores
positively predicted SWLS scores, b .412.
To further identify differences between
Romanian and US samples, we conducted t-tests
on overall importance and likelihood scores,overall extrinsic and intrinsic importance
scores, overall extrinsic likelihood and intrinsic
likelihood scores, centralized importance and
likelihood scores for AI extrinsic scales (wealth,
fame, image) and AI intrinsic scales (personal
growth, relationships, community feeling), and Mt
and SWLS scores. Alpha was set at .01 to correct
for the accumulation of experiment-wise error.
Only one of the t-tests reached significance;
Romanian undergraduates produced significantly
lower likelihood scores averaged across intrinsic
aspirations than did US undergraduates,
t(129)
2.849, p
.005, d
0.502, 1b
.813.The rank order of centralized AI scale scores for
Romanian and American groups was virtually the
same (Table 2).
The 58 Romanian undergraduates who
responded to the open-ended item on the meaning
of financial success generated 92 units. Units were
assigned primarily to eight value clusters, most
often to hedonism (e.g., pleasure; 25.0%), mis-
cellaneous (20.0%), security (e.g., family protec-
tion; 15.2%), tradition (e.g., moderation; 12.0%),
and benevolence (e.g., helpfulness; 10.9%).
Achievement (e.g., success), self-direction (e.g.,freedom), and power (e.g., authority) each con-
tained less than 10% of all units, with no units
assigned to conformity (e.g., obedience), stimula-
tion (e.g., excitement), or universalism (e.g., justice
and peace). The 62 US undergraduates who
responded generated 168 units on financial suc-
cess. Units were assigned to all 10 value clusters,
most often to tradition (23.8%), benevolence
(17.9%), security (17.3%), and hedonism
(16.1%). The seven remaining clusters each con-
tained less than 10% of all units. For example,
approximately 1% of units linked financial successto power or self-direction.
TABLE 2
Ranking of importance and likelihood AI Centrality Scale scores for Romanian and US
undergraduates
Importance Romanian mean (SD) Importance US mean (SD)
Personal growth 6.54 (3.57) Relationships 7.88 (9.33)
Relationships 6.37 (4.71) Personal growth 5.78 (3.65)
Community feeling 2.53 (4.37) Community feeling 3.28 (4.50)Wealth 3.89 (4.20) Wealth 3.20 (4.50)
Image 4.01 (4.76) Image 5.25 (4.80)
Fame 7.54 (4.75) Fame 8.50 (4.67)
Likelihood Likelihood
Relationships 6.07 (4.39) Relationships 6.28 (3.22)
Personal growth 5.25 (3.04) Personal growth 4.47 (3.22)
Community feeling 1.93 (4.07) Community feeling 3.47 (4.12)
Image 2.71 (4.23) Image 3.08 (3.82)
Wealth 4.17 (4.35) Wealth 3.26 (4.03)
Fame 6.36 (4.11) Fame 7.89 (3.99)
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DISCUSSION
Factor analyses of age-residualized AI scale scores
lent additional support to the distinction between
extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations by Romanian
and US undergraduates. Outcomes of the factor
analyses are in line with the two-factor solutionsfor the AI established in prior research on US
adolescents and young adults (Deci & Ryan, 2000;
Kasser, 2002; Kasser & Ryan, 1996), cross-cultural
comparisons of US and German undergraduates
(Schmuck et al., 2000), and a large-scale transna-
tional investigation that included a Romanian
sample (Grouzet et al., 2005). The single-factor
solution and negative relationship between mal-
adjustment and life satisfaction underscores the
notion that psychological wellbeing may have
individual and cultural dimensions and determi-
nants (Bond et al., 2004; Schwarzer & Gutierrez-Dona, 2000; Spector et al., 2001; van den Berg &
Pitariu, 2005). Specifically, the presence of anxiety,
cynicism, disagreeableness, inefficacy, externality,
somatization, and strain may impede the experi-
ence of wellbeing, whereas the absence or opposite
of such tendencies may enable a person to
experience wellbeing. The organismic perspective
(Fromm, 1976; Maslow, 1954; Rogers, 1947) and
its progeny, SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000;
Kasser, 2002; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001), offer
insights into how psychological maladjustment
and life satisfaction may co-create each other,which can guide empirical efforts to articulate the
construct of psychological wellbeing. Perspectives
that feature generalized expectancies (Bond et al.,
2004) and personality dispositions (Spector et al.,
2001; van den Berg & Pitariu, 2005) represent
promising alternative approaches for understand-
ing this relationship.
Our primary goal was to replicate the associa-
tions of extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations to
psychological wellbeing and to examine whether
these aspirations would be inversely related to
psychological maladjustment among a contempor-ary sample of Romanian and American under-
graduates. We found partial support for the
linkages predicted by SDT. Unlike earlier investi-
gations (Frost & Frost, 2000; Kasser & Ryan,
1993, 2006; Ryan et al., 1999; Schmuck et al.,
2000), we did not find that relative importance and
likelihood of attaining extrinsic aspirations nega-
tively predicted maladjustment or wellbeing, with
the exception of attaining wealth. Contrary to
SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000; Kasser, 2002;
Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001), expectations of attain-
ing wealth were positively linked to wellbeing forRomanian undergraduates, perhaps indicating
that financial success, once perceived as an
important but unlikely goal (Frost & Frost,
2000), may now be within reach and, in accor-
dance with social cognitive theory (Carver &
Scheier, 1997; Oishi et al., 1999), enhance sub-
jective wellbeing.
Because Romania is poorer than the UnitedStates (Ingelhart, 1997; Ingelhart & Baker, 2000),
as were Romanian undergraduates relative to their
American peers, Romanians in general may not be
in circumstances in which financial success as a
central life aspiration has the same adverse
psychological consequences as it does for citizens
of wealthier nations (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000;
Grouzet et al., 2005; Kasser, 2002; Kasser & Ryan,
1993, 1996; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001; Schmuck
et al., 2000). Given consistent widespread dissa-
tisfaction with their living standard (Soros
Foundation Romania, 2007), it seems reasonablethat the lower-order (extrinsic) needs of Romanian
students would need to be met materially before
organismic (intrinsic) needs could be pursued
(Maslow, 1954). In fact, the perceived economic
status of Romanians (i.e., goods owned and
favorable social comparisons) is tied to their
subjective wellbeing (Cernat, 2010). Moreover,
related studies on happiness (Csikszentmihalyi,
1999; Myers, 2000) show that a precondition of
psychological wellbeing is a modest and stable
income, after which less tangible and more mean-
ingful commitments become sources for fulfillment(e.g., personal growth).
Recent investigations have advanced the view
that financial success, though still belonging to the
extrinsic cluster of aspirations, may have a more
nuanced connotation for citizens of economically
disadvantaged countries than for those of post-
materialistic nations (Cernat, 2010; Grouzet et al.,
2005). More so than their US peers, Romanian
undergraduates construed financial success as a
way to enjoy the pleasures of life with, perhaps,
less forbearance toward moderation and self-
sacrifice given the economic hardships they con-tinue to experience. However, like the US sample,
Romanian students reported that financial success
offered them and their families a greater sense of
order, security, and opportunity to reciprocate;
such pragmatic, survival (Ingelhart & Baker,
2000) values suggest that financial success may not
be related either to a sense of conferred worth or
to the fulfillment of organismic needs. Given the
association between internality and wellbeing
(Spector et al., 2001) and evidence that the young
and educated believe they are responsible for their
happiness (Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010), it is importantto explore the cognitive mediation of the
442 STEVENS, CONSTANTINESCU, BUTUCESCU
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relationship between wealth and life satisfaction
(Bond et al., 2004).
As for intrinsic aspirations, the relative like-
lihood of attaining personal growth positively
predicted psychological wellbeing for Romanian
and US undergraduates, and negatively predicted
maladjustment for Romanians. These findingsdepart from prior cross-cultural research in
which such relationships did not emerge for
Romanian students (Frost & Frost, 2000).
Personal growth is central to organismic theory,
representing a tendency found in individualistic
cultures (Draguns & Tanaka-Matsumi, 2003). In
collectivistic cultures, increased striving toward
personal growth may represent an unintended
consequence of globalization (e.g., a decline in
traditional authority and rise in secularrational
values) (Bond et al., 2004; Ingelhart, 1997;
Ingelhart & Baker, 2000), especially amongyoung adults. This interpretation is bolstered by
the ranking of community feeling as the least
important and attainable organismic need, which
was unrelated to psychological maladjustment and
wellbeing (cf. Frost & Frost, 2000). Alternatively,
the results may simply reflect developmentally
appropriate aspirations for undergraduates as they
emerge from adolescence into early adulthood,
adopting an open stance toward personal and
vocational sources of fulfillment (van den Berg &
Pitariu, 2005).
That the relative likelihood of attaining personalgrowth positively predicted psychological well-
being supports a social cognitive interpretation
rather than one grounded in SDT. That is,
expectations for initiating and sustaining agentic
action aimed at fulfilling intrinsic goals rather than
the content of these goals are experienced as
satisfying and free of discomfort (Carver &
Scheier, 1998; Oishi et al., 1999). The link for US
students between their stronger orientation toward
anticipated goal attainment and psychological
wellbeing further supports the social cognitive
formulation. Romanian students have come toexperience themselves as more capable of attaining
their inherent needs, though less efficacious than
their American peers, perhaps because they are
better educated (Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010) and less
thoroughly socialized by communism (Cernat,
2010). However, ordinary Romanians internality
is lower than that of Americans (Spector et al.,
2001) and their generalized expectancies reflect
greater perceived hostility toward citizens by the
social system in which they are situated (Bond
et al., 2004; Sandu, 1999). Such cognitive appre-
hension and fatalism imply that even youngRomanians may be hampered in fulfilling intrinsic
aspirations by lingering ecological conditions (e.g.,
lack of a new statecitizenry social contract;
Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010).
Unlike previous studies that reported differences
between US and European samples (Frost &
Frost, 2000; Grouzet et al., 2005; Ryan et al.,
1999; Schmuck et al., 2000), no significantdifferences emerged between Romanian and US
undergraduates on overall importance scores, on
the relative importance and likelihood of attaining
extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations, or on indices of
psychological functioning; however, Romanian
students had lower overall expectations of realiz-
ing their intrinsic goals. Ten years ago, Romanian
students were generally less fulfilled and confident
than American students about meeting their
aspirations, particularly those related to financial
success, personal growth, relationships, and com-
munity feeling (Frost & Frost, 2000). At present,young Romanian and American adults have
similar perceptions of the relative importance and
anticipated success in attaining their needs, both
material and organismic. Our Romanian under-
graduate sample suffered fewer years of commu-
nist indoctrination (Cernat, 2010), and, owing to
their youth at the time, experienced less depriva-
tion and oppression than did undergraduates
sampled by Frost and Frost (2000). Moreover,
the process of globalization in general and
integration into the European Union and NATO
specifically may have fostered cultural homogeni-zation (Ingelhart 1997; Ingelhart & Baker, 2000) in
which the United States has had a profound
impact on the worldview and lifestyle of many
Romanians (Condruz-Bacescu & Maftei, 2007).
Similarities aside, Romania is a country of
unhappy optimists (Soros Foundation Romania,
2007). Ordinary Romanians are less satisfied than
Americans (Spector et al., 2001), including
younger Romanians privileged by education and
perceived economic advantage (Cernat, 2010).
Although receptive to pathways for reaching
valued intrinsic goals (van den Berg & Pitariu,2005) and responsible for their happiness
(Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010), Romanian undergradu-
ates may lack confidence in their ability to succeed.
Their motivational trajectory may ultimately
reflect the sclerotic societal dynamics (Sandu,
1999) that undermine internal control beliefs
(Spector et al., 2001) and harden expectations of
maleficence (Bond et al., 2004).
The rank-ordering of aspirations according to
their relative importance and likelihood of attain-
ment are consistent with SDT and research
suggesting that, because intrinsic aspirationsreflect organismic needs, they are perceived as
ASPIRATIONS AND WELLBEING 443
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inherently more important and attainable than
extrinsic goals (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000; Kasser,
2002; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001). The only
discrepancy in ranking was that Romanian under-
graduates placed the importance of personal
growth first and relationships second, whereas
American undergraduates reversed the order ofthese aspirations. As already noted, personal
growth was a priority aspiration for both samples,
but the rank ordering further identified relation-
ships as important and within reach, and related to
the experience of happiness (Csikszentmihalyi,
1999; Myers, 2000).
As Frost and Frost (2000) exhorted, Further
research into the study of East European nations
is needed in psychology (p. 748), particularly the
relationship of value-based motivation to psycho-
logical functioning given the multidimensional
transition that continues to impact the region(Cernat, 2010; Condruz-Bacescu & Maftei, 2007;
Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010; Sandu, 1999). Although
our study is constrained by its reliance on
relatively small and homogeneous samples of
convenience, mixed methods of data collection,
and variable effect sizes and power, it provides an
informative update to the cross-cultural literature
on aspirations and wellbeing. Among the more
prominent findings were the link between intrinsic
goals, specifically expectations of personal growth,
and wellbeing; the lack of association between
extrinsic goals and psychological dysfunction;indications that extrinsic aspirations may be
subsidiary to pragmatic values; the higher rankings
given by Romanian and US undergraduates to
intrinsic than extrinsic aspirations and conver-
gence between samples on the importance and
likelihood of attaining these goals; and evidence
favoring the social cognitive perspective in which
expectations of attaining aspirations are more
critical in determining wellbeing than their con-
tent. Simply put, the aspirations of young
Romanians and Americans have become more
similar. Future cross-cultural studies shouldembrace a multidisciplinary framework with
which to disentangle the complex relationship
between aspirations and wellbeing (e.g., Bond
et al., 2004; Grouzet et al., 2005; Spector et al.,
2001). In addition to administering more sensitive
measures of dysfunction and eudaimonic measures
of wellbeing (Ryan & Deci, 2001), we encourage
investigators to examine how diverse aspirations
are socially constructed, as such studies will clarify
the reasons why such goals are pursued and the
extent to which they may reflect universally held
values (Schwartz, 1994). We further recommendthat research on individual and national
differences include promising cognitive and per-
sonality variables (e.g., control beliefs, generalized
expectancies, Big Five) that may explain more fully
the relationship between value-based motivation
and psychological functioning.
Manuscript received July 2010
Revised manuscript accepted December 2010First published online April 2011
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