Aspirations and Well-being

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    This article was downloaded by: [Dartmouth College Library]On: 03 February 2012, At: 07:18Publisher: Psychology PressInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: MortimerHouse, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

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    Aspirations and wellbeing in Romanian and US

    undergraduatesMichael J. Stevens

    ab

    , Petru-Madalin Constantinescuc

    & Andreea Butucescud

    aDepartment of Psychology, Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA

    bSchool of Sciences, Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu, Sibiu, Romania

    cSchool of Psychology and Educational Sciences, University of Bucharest,

    Bucharest, Romaniad

    Center for Educational and Professional Counseling, Ovidius University of

    Constanta, Constanta, Romania

    Available online: 24 May 2011

    To cite this article: Michael J. Stevens, Petru-Madalin Constantinescu & Andreea Butucescu (2011): Aspirations and

    wellbeing in Romanian and US undergraduates, International Journal of Psychology, 46:6, 436-445

    To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2011.565344

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    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY, 2011, 46 (6), 436445

    Aspirations and wellbeing in Romanian and

    US undergraduates

    Michael J. Stevens1,2, Petru-Madalin Constantinescu3, and Andreea Butucescu4

    1Department of Psychology, Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA2School of Sciences, Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu, Sibiu, Romania3School of Psychology and Educational Sciences, University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania4Center for Educational and Professional Counseling, Ovidius University of Constanta,

    Constanta, Romania

    Updating cross-cultural research of the past decade on the relationship between life aspirations andwellbeing, we compared Romanian (N69) and US (N64) undergraduates on the contribution of theimportance and likelihood of attaining intrinsic and extrinsic aspirations to psychological maladjustment and lifesatisfaction, and on the qualitative meaning they assign to financial success. Similarly to prior studies, we found

    that extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations tended to be either negatively or positively correlated with life satisfaction,

    respectively; however, wealth predicted life satisfaction for Romanian students. Unlike previous research, we

    found generally negative relationships between intrinsic aspirations and psychological maladjustment. Although

    there were no differences between Romanian and US undergraduates on extrinsic and intrinsic orientation, on

    the overall importance of attaining aspirations, or on specific extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations, Romanian

    students expressed weaker expectations of fulfilling intrinsic aspirations than did US students. Finally, the groups

    produced similar rankings of aspirations and assigned similar meaning to financial success. The results favored

    a social cognitive rather than a self-determination model of psychological wellbeing in that expectations for

    attaining aspirations were more often predictive of life satisfaction than were their content. We interpret these

    findings and their convergence and departure from earlier research in terms of political economic, demographic,

    and cultural factors. We encourage future cross-cultural investigations of the social construction of aspirations,

    subsidiation of seemingly contradictory aspirations to each other, and cognitive and ecological mediation of thecomplex relationship of aspirations to psychological functioning.

    Keywords: Aspirations; Maladjustment; Wellbeing; Cross-cultural.

    Mettant a` jour la recherche multiculturelle de la dernie` re de cennie portant sur la relation entre lesaspirations face a` la vie et le bien-etre, nous avons compare des e tudiants universitaires de premier cycleroumains (N69) et e tats-uniens (N64) sur la contribution de limportance et de la probabilite datteindre des

    aspirations intrinse` ques et extrinse` ques pour linadaptation psychosociale et la satisfaction face a` la vie, ainsi que

    sur la signification qualitative quils attribuent au succe` s financier. Similairement aux e tudes ante ce dentes, nous

    avons trouve que les aspirations extrinse` ques et intrinse` ques tendaient a` etre soit ne gativement ou positivement

    corre le es avec la satisfaction face a` la vie, respectivement; cependant, la richesse pre disait la satisfaction face a` la

    vie chez les e tudiants roumains. Contrairement aux e tudes pre ce dentes, nous avons trouve des relations

    ge ne ralement ne gatives entre les aspirations intrinse` ques et linadaptation psychosociale. Quoiquil ny ait pas dediffe rence entre les e tudiants roumains et e tats-uniens en regard de lorientation extrinse` que et intrinse` que,

    concernant limportance ge ne rale des aspirations a` atteindre ou les aspirations extrinse` ques et intrinse` ques

    spe cifiques, les e tudiants roumains exprimaient de plus faibles attentes quant a` latteinte des aspirations

    intrinse` ques comparativement aux e tudiants e tats-uniens. Finalement, les groupes ont obtenu des rangs similaires

    daspirations et ont attribue des significations similaires au succe` s financier. Les re sultats favorisaient un mode` le

    Correspondence should be addressed to Michael J. Stevens, Department of Psychology, Illinois State University, Campus Box 4620,

    Normal, IL 61790-4620, USA. (E-mail: [email protected]).

    Preliminary findings were presented at the 2010 regional meeting of the International Council of Psychologists,Padua, Italy.

    2011 International Union of Psychological Science

    http://www.psypress.com/ijp http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2011.565344

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    sociocognitif plutot quun mode` le autode termine du bien-etre psychologique, en ce sens que les attentes pour

    atteindre les aspirations e taient plus souvent pre dictives de la satisfaction face a` la vie que ne le tait leur contenu.

    Nous interpre tons ces re sultats, leur convergence et leur orientation a` partir de la recherche ante rieure en termes

    de facteurs politiques, e conomiques, de mographiques et culturels. Nous encourageons les e tudes multiculturelles

    futures sur la construction sociale des aspirations, sur la subsidiarite des aspirations apparemment contradictoires

    les unes par rapport aux autres, ainsi que sur le role me diateur des aspects cognitifs et e cologiques sur la relation

    complexe entre les aspirations et le fonctionnement psychologique.

    A modo de una actualizacio n de la investigacio n transcultural de la ultima de cada sobre la relacio n entre lasaspiraciones de vida y el bienestar, se compararon estudiantes universitarios rumanos (N69) yestadounidenses (N64) en la incidencia de la importancia y la probabilidad de alcanzar aspiraciones intrnsecas

    y extrnsecas sobre el desajuste psicolo gico y la satisfaccio n con la vida, y sobre el significado cualitativo que se le

    asignaba al e xito financiero. Al igual que en estudios previos, se encontro que las aspiraciones extrnsecas e

    intrnsecas tienden a correlacionarse negativa o positivamente con la satisfaccio n de vida, respectivamente, sin

    embargo, el e xito econo mico predijo satisfaccio n de vida en los estudiantes rumanos. A diferencia de las

    investigaciones previas, encontramos relaciones generales negativas entre las aspiraciones intrnsecas y el

    desajuste psicolo gico. Aunque no hubo diferencias entre los estudiantes rumanos y estadounidenses en la

    orientacio n extrnseca e intrnseca, en la importancia global que le asignaban al alcance de las aspiraciones, o en

    las aspiraciones extrnsecas e intrnsecas especficas, los estudiantes rumanos expresaron expectativas ma s de biles

    que los estudiantes de los Estados Unidos de cumplimiento de las aspiraciones intrnsecas. Por ultimo, los grupos

    produjeron un ranking similar de aspiraciones y le asignaron significados similares al e xito financiero. Losresultados favorecieron ma s un modelo de cognicio n social que un modelo de autodeterminacio n del bienestar

    psicolo gico, en el que eran las expectativas para el logro de las aspiraciones ma s que los contenidos en s los que

    ma s predecan la satisfaccio n con la vida. Interpretamos estos hallazgos y su convergencia y divergencia con las

    investigaciones anteriores en te rminos de factores polticos, econo micos, demogra ficos y culturales.

    Recomendamos la realizacio n de futuras investigaciones transculturales referidas a la construccio n social de

    las aspiraciones, la subordinacio n de aspiraciones aparentemente contradictorias entre s y la mediacio n cognitiva

    y ecolo gica de la compleja relacio n entre las aspiraciones y el funcionamiento psicolo gico.

    Aspirations can be viewed as goals or as value-

    based means for satisfying human needs

    (Schwartz, 1994). Organismic self-determinationtheories (SDTs) hold that the immoderate pursuit

    of extrinsic aspirations (e.g., financial success,

    social recognition, attractive appearance) is tied

    to lower psychological wellbeing, whereas pursuit

    of intrinsic aspirations (e.g., self-acceptance,

    affiliation, community feeling) is linked to greater

    psychological wellbeing (Fromm, 1976; Maslow,

    1954; Rogers, 1947). Some have argued that

    excessive materialism can distract people from

    their inherent needs, leading to distress and more

    serious dysfunction (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000;

    Kasser, 2002; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001). This viewcontrasts the social cognitive perspective of moti-

    vation, which holds that the content of aspirations

    is less essential to wellbeing than are perceived

    capabilities of attaining aspirations (Carver &

    Scheier, 1998; Oishi, Diener, Lucas, & Suh,

    1999). The biopsychosocial model of mental

    health and illness (Schwarzer & Gutierrez-Dona,

    2000) places additional relevance on the construct

    of satisfaction with life, with mental health

    conceived not only as the absence of dysfunction

    but also as the presence of subjective wellbeing.

    Conversely, mental illness may be construed not

    only as the presence of dysfunction, but also as the

    absence of subjective wellbeing.

    Previous cross-cultural research has establisheda relationship between healthy functioning and the

    relative importance and efficacy of aspirations that

    fulfill organismic tendencies rather than lead to a

    conferred sense of worth (Frost & Frost, 2000;

    Grouzet et al., 2005; Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996;

    Ryan et al., 1999; Schmuck, Kasser, & Ryan, 2000;

    van den Berg & Pitariu, 2005). Because SDT holds

    that the pursuit of intrinsic aspirations is tied to

    organismic functioning (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000;

    Kasser, 2002; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001), and by

    implication universal needs, efforts to fulfill such

    needs should enhance wellbeing across cultures(Schwartz, 1994). SDT has received support in

    research on US samples (e.g., Kasser & Ryan,

    1993) as well as in studies conducted in eastern and

    western European countries (e.g., Ryan et al.,

    1999; Schmuck et al., 2000). In a cross-cultural

    investigation of the relationship between aspira-

    tions and wellbeing, Frost and Frost (2000) found

    that, while Romanian and US students reported

    greater wellbeing when intrinsic goals (i.e., com-

    munity feeling) were central to their lives, only US

    students showed a negative association between

    extrinsic motivation (i.e., financial success)

    ASPIRATIONS AND WELLBEING 437

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    and wellbeing. In addition, Romanian students

    reported less satisfaction with life and lower

    expectations for life satisfaction than US

    students, perhaps directing them to pursue more

    self-oriented goals (e.g., personal growth). This

    partial confirmation of SDT may have reflected

    differences in the sociohistorical contexts ofRomania versus the United States, underscoring

    the importance of situating the content of aspira-

    tions and expectations for their attainment in an

    ecological framework (Bond et al., 2004; Ingelhart,

    1997; Ingelhart & Baker, 2000; Spector et al.,

    2001). Furthermore, the relatively low expecta-

    tions of Romanian students for attaining extrinsic

    goals were tied to a diminished sense of wellbeing,

    not only supporting a social cognitive explanation

    of motivation (see Bond et al., 2004) but also

    suggesting why they may have chosen to pursue

    more attainable intrinsic goals (e.g., personalgrowth).

    This study aimed to:

    1. extend the study of the association of

    extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations to psycho-

    logical wellbeing in a sample of Romanian

    and US undergraduates situated in a changed

    and more interconnected world than that of

    10 years agowe anticipated fewer differ-

    ences between Romanian and US under-

    graduates on the subjective importance and

    perceived likelihood of attaining extrinsicand intrinsic aspirations (Cernat, 2010;

    Condruz-Bacescu & Maftei, 2007)

    2. examine the relationship of extrinsic

    and intrinsic aspirations to psychological

    maladjustment as well as wellbeing in these

    samples

    3. compare the subjective meaning of a core

    extrinsic aspiration, financial success, on

    which these groups had differed previously

    4. test SDT against the position that expecta-

    tions for the attainment of aspirations are

    more predictive of psychological wellbeingthan their content (i.e., likelihood of attain-

    ment vs. importance).

    METHOD

    Participants

    Sixty-nine Romanian undergraduates (38 women,

    31 men) between 19 and 60 years old (M26.101,

    SD9.895) volunteered. Most were ethnically

    Romanian (89.9%), unmarried (63.8%), andOrthodox (79.7%), with an annual family income

    of less than the equivalent of US$4100 (73.9%),

    and majoring in the social sciences (58.0%) or hard

    sciences (40.6%). Sixty-four US undergraduates

    (35 women, 28 men) between 18 and 25 years old

    (M19.839, SD1.321) volunteered. Most were

    ethnically European (80.6%), unmarried (93.7%),

    Catholic (41.7%), or Protestant (38.3%), with anannual family income above $65,000 (60.7%), and

    majoring in the social sciences (41.3%) or educa-

    tion (34.9%). Because Levenes test revealed a

    significant inequality in age variances,

    t(129)4.942, p5 .001, a Mann-Whitney U-test

    was performed for Romanian and US under-

    graduates on age, yielding a significant group

    difference, U(131)3172.500, z4.891, p5 .001;

    mean rank difference31.65. Consequently, age

    was partialed out of all data used in the analyses

    described below.

    Measures

    The following measures were used in this study:

    background questionnaire, Aspiration Index (AI;

    Kasser & Ryan, 1993), an open-ended item on the

    meaning of financial success, College

    Maladjustment Scale (Mt; Ben-Porath et al.,

    2000; Kleinmuntz, 1961), and Satisfaction with

    Life Scale (SWLS; Diener, Emmons, Larson, &

    Griffin, 1985). The methodology used in translat-

    ing each instrument into Romanian followed the

    standards of the International Test Commission

    (Tanzer & Sim, 1999) and other established

    guidelines for the translation and cross-cultural

    use of psychological tests (Hambleton & Patsula,

    1999). Specifically, we used transliteration and

    back-translation procedures (Brislin, 1970).

    Transliteration entailed concern by the authors

    for preserving the psychological meaning of items

    as opposed to derivation of a literal translation.

    Back-translation involved a bilingual doctoral

    candidate, unfamiliar with the instruments or

    purpose of the study, retranslating Romanian

    items into English to ensure their similarity in

    meaning, form, and readability to the source

    measures. The equivalence and temporal stability

    of the Romanian and English versions of the AI

    and SWLS were established in earlier research

    (Stevens, Constantinescu, & Lambru, 2006a,

    2006b).

    Background questionnaire

    The background questionnaire consisted of

    open-ended and multiple-choice items thatinquired about gender, age, ethnicity, marital

    438 STEVENS, CONSTANTINESCU, BUTUCESCU

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    status, religious affiliation, annual family income,

    and academic major.

    Aspiration Index

    The AI has been used extensively in research on

    SDT. It consists of 32 statements designed tomeasure seven major life goals: wealth, fame,

    image, personal growth, relationships, community

    feeling, and good health. Respondents rate each

    item on two seven-point Likert scales (1not at

    all, 7very) that represent the importance of the

    aspiration and the likelihood of attaining it. In

    addition to being internally consistent and stable,

    factor analyses of the AI on US samples have

    yielded two factors that correspond to extrinsic

    (wealth, fame, image) and intrinsic (personal

    growth, relationships, community feeling) aspira-

    tions (Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996). In addition toscoring these six aspirations for their importance

    and likelihood of attainment, we computed overall

    importance and likelihood scores by averaging

    importance and likelihood scores across aspira-

    tions, as well as overall extrinsic and intrinsic

    importance and likelihood scores by averaging

    importance and likelihood scores across either

    extrinsic or intrinsic aspirations, respectively.

    Finally, we calculated respondents relative orien-

    tation toward extrinsic versus intrinsic aspirations

    by subtracting their overall (mean) importance and

    likelihood scores for extrinsic aspirations fromtheir overall (mean) importance and likelihood

    scores for intrinsic aspirations, respectively.

    Financial success

    The meaning of financial success consisted of a

    single, open-ended item: Describe in your own

    words what financial success means to you (i.e., its

    significance to your life). This item was intended

    to explore how Romanian and US undergraduates

    currently construe financial success given prior

    research suggesting a difference (Frost & Frost,2000). By adopting a qualitative method to

    complement our otherwise quantitative approach,

    we sought to uncover the richer, more nuanced

    meaning of an important aspirationfinancial

    successwith the aim of advancing the current

    perspective on value-based motivation

    (Alasuutari, 2010; Gilgun, 2005). Concerns about

    generalizability and subjectivity notwithstanding,

    our method of coding and analyzing participants

    open-ended responses conformed to established

    guidelines for the logico-deductive interpretation

    of qualitative data (Willig & Stainton-Rogers,2008). Three Romanian and two American

    judges unitized responses to the meaning of

    financial success item for the Romanian sample

    and US sample, respectively. A unit was defined as

    a word, phrase, or sentence(s) that captures an

    independent and complete idea. Judges indepen-

    dently assigned each unit to one of 10 distinct

    value clusters from the Schwartz Value Survey(achievement, benevolence, conformity, hedonism,

    power, security, self-direction, stimulation, tradi-

    tion, universalism) (Schwartz & Sagiv, 1995) or to

    a miscellaneous category if ambiguous or ill-

    fitting. Each unit was assigned to one value cluster

    where it best fit. Intercoder reliability was not

    determined because coders resolved instances of

    disagreement by consensus. The Schwartz Value

    Survey has been used in cross-cultural research of

    this kind (Bond et al., 2004; Frost & Frost, 2000).

    College Maladjustment Scale

    The Mt scale is composed of 41 truefalse items

    designed to measure psychological difficulties of

    sufficient severity to motivate university students

    to seek professional assistance. Responses are

    scored in the maladjustment direction, with

    higher scores measuring anxiety, inefficacy, pessi-

    mism, somatization, and the experience of life as

    a strain most of the time. The Mt scale shows

    acceptable internal consistency, concurrent valid-

    ity with established indices of general maladjust-

    ment, and predictive validity with such criteria asgrade-point average and history of psychological

    treatment (Lauterbach, Garcia, & Gloster, 2002).

    Satisfaction with Life Scale

    The SWLS is a five-item measure of subjective

    wellbeing that requires the evaluation of ones

    personal circumstances against normative stan-

    dards. Responses are based on a seven-point

    Likert scale (1 strongly disagree, 7 strongly

    agree), with scores above 20 indicating life

    satisfaction. The SWLS has good internal consis-tency, and factor analyses have identified a single

    dimension of subjective wellbeing (Diener et al.,

    1985; Frost & Frost, 2000).

    Procedure

    After giving consent, undergraduates completed

    in counterbalanced order the background ques-

    tionnaire, AI, the item on the meaning of financial

    success, Mt, and SWLS. Undergraduates received

    extra credit for their participation and weredebriefed.

    ASPIRATIONS AND WELLBEING 439

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    RESULTS

    Similarities between Romanian and US

    undergraduates

    For Romanian and US samples, AI scale scores

    for importance and likelihood dimensions were

    subjected to separate factor analyses with a forced

    two-factor solution. Eigenvalues that approached

    1 were the criteria for factor extraction. For both

    samples, two factors emerged for importance scale

    scores, accounting for 66.242% and 68.690% of

    the variance for Romanians and Americans,

    respectively. Factor 1 included three AI extrinsic

    scales, with loadings on wealth, fame, and image of

    .810.844 for Romanian undergraduates and .792

    .880 for US undergraduates. Factor 2 included

    three AI intrinsic scales, with loadings on personal

    growth, relationships, and community feeling of

    .732.788 and .609810 for Romanian and US

    students, respectively. For both samples, two

    factors emerged for likelihood scale scores,

    explaining 73.642% and 69.539% of the variance

    for Romanians and Americans, respectively.

    Factor 1 included three AI extrinsic scales, with

    loadings on wealth, fame, and image of .715.913

    for Romanian undergraduates and .794.828 for

    US undergraduates. Factor 2 included three AI

    intrinsic scales, with loadings on personal growth,

    relationships, and community feeling of .540.918

    for Romanian and .771.839 for students, respec-tively. The results of these factor analyses support

    the conceptual distinction between extrinsic and

    intrinsic aspirations.

    For Romanian and US samples, Mt and SWLS

    scores were negatively correlated, r(67).520,

    p5 .001, 1b .566, and r(62).561, p5 .001,

    1b .597, respectively. A principal components

    factor analysis with varimax rotation of Mt and

    SWLS scores for both samples yielded a single

    factor that accounted for 77.02% of the variance,

    confirming these measures to be contrasting yet

    related aspects of psychological maladjustmentand wellbeing.

    Overall extrinsic importance and likelihood

    scores were positively correlated for Romanian,

    r(67) .672, p5 .001, 1b .784, and for

    American groups, r(62) .792, p5 .001, 1

    b .876. Overall intrinsic importance and like-

    lihood scores were also positively correlated for

    Romanian undergraduates, r(67) .458, p5 .001,

    1b .465, and for US undergraduates,

    r(62) .577, p5 .001, 1b .621. Overall extrinsic

    and intrinsic importance scores were positively

    correlated for Romanian students, r(67)

    .362,p .002, 1b .315, and for US students,

    r(62) .252, p .047, 1b .166. Overall extrinsic

    and intrinsic likelihood scores were also positively

    correlated for Romanian, r(67) .618, p5 .001,

    1b

    .714, and for American samples,r(62) .483, p5 .001, 1b .476. Because there

    were no statistically significant gender differences

    on overall intrinsic and extrinsic importance and

    likelihood scores for either group, the remaining

    analyses were conducted on pooled national

    samples.

    Relative orientation scores were correlated with

    Mt and SWLS scores, with a positive association

    only for US undergraduates between relative

    likelihood scores and SWLS scores, r(62) .379,

    p .002, 1b319. Correlations for Romanian

    and US samples between AI centrality scale scores(a description of the calculation of centrality scores

    appears below) and Mt and SWLS scores are given

    in Table 1. The only significant correlations at an

    alpha level of .01 was likelihood of personal

    growth scores and SWLS scores for US students,

    r(62) .412, p .001, 1b .367.

    Differences between Romanian and US

    undergraduates

    Before determining the relationship of aspirationalcontent to psychological maladjustment and

    TABLE 1

    Correlations of importance and likelihood AI Centrality Scale

    scores with Mt and SWLS scores for Romanian and US

    undergraduates

    Mt SWLS

    Aspirations Romanian US Romanian US

    Wealth

    Importance .046 .130 .053 .095

    Likelihood .150 .033 .226 .216

    Fame

    Importance .077 .172 .144 .194

    Likelihood .088 .186 .128 .220

    Image

    Importance .016 .061 .064 .010

    Likelihood .080 .114 .244a .079

    Personal growth

    Importance .071 .090 .096 .161

    Likelihood .283b .234 .270c .412d

    RelationshipsImportance .114 .219 .209 .167

    Likelihood .109 .291 .010 .231

    Community feeling

    Importance .008 .084 .031 .077

    Likelihood .067 .124 .060 .004

    ap .044, 1b .168; bp .019, 1b .211; cp .025, 1b

    .196; dp .001, 1b .381.

    440 STEVENS, CONSTANTINESCU, BUTUCESCU

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    wellbeing, it was necessary to control for

    the potential confound of the tendency to evaluate

    all aspirations as important or attainable. AI

    scale scores for each aspiration were centralized

    by subtracting either mean importance or

    likelihood scores from raw importance or like-

    lihood scale scores, respectively. Then eight

    stepwise regressions were performed with centra-

    lized AI scale scores as predictors either of Mt or

    SWLS scores for Romanian and US

    undergraduates.

    For Romanian and US samples, the regressionof centralized importance scale scores on Mt was

    not significant. Unlike the results for the American

    group, the regression of centralized likelihood

    scale scores on Mt scores was significant for

    Romanian undergraduates, R2 .080, F(1,

    67)5.811, p .019, f20.087, 1b .686; cen-

    tralized likelihood of personal growth scores

    negatively predicted Mt scores, b.283. The

    regression of centralized likelihood scale scores on

    SWLS scores was significant for Romanian

    students, R2 .142, F(2, 66)5.453, p .006,

    f

    2

    .166, 1b

    .854, and US students,R2 .170, F(1, 60)12.297, p .001, f20.205,

    1b .949. For Romanian participants, SWLS

    scores were positively predicted by centralized

    likelihood of personal growth scores, b .304,

    and centralized likelihood of wealth scores,

    b .264, DR2 .069, F(1, 66)5.290, p .025,

    f20.074, 1b .617. For American participants,

    centralized likelihood of Personal growth scores

    positively predicted SWLS scores, b .412.

    To further identify differences between

    Romanian and US samples, we conducted t-tests

    on overall importance and likelihood scores,overall extrinsic and intrinsic importance

    scores, overall extrinsic likelihood and intrinsic

    likelihood scores, centralized importance and

    likelihood scores for AI extrinsic scales (wealth,

    fame, image) and AI intrinsic scales (personal

    growth, relationships, community feeling), and Mt

    and SWLS scores. Alpha was set at .01 to correct

    for the accumulation of experiment-wise error.

    Only one of the t-tests reached significance;

    Romanian undergraduates produced significantly

    lower likelihood scores averaged across intrinsic

    aspirations than did US undergraduates,

    t(129)

    2.849, p

    .005, d

    0.502, 1b

    .813.The rank order of centralized AI scale scores for

    Romanian and American groups was virtually the

    same (Table 2).

    The 58 Romanian undergraduates who

    responded to the open-ended item on the meaning

    of financial success generated 92 units. Units were

    assigned primarily to eight value clusters, most

    often to hedonism (e.g., pleasure; 25.0%), mis-

    cellaneous (20.0%), security (e.g., family protec-

    tion; 15.2%), tradition (e.g., moderation; 12.0%),

    and benevolence (e.g., helpfulness; 10.9%).

    Achievement (e.g., success), self-direction (e.g.,freedom), and power (e.g., authority) each con-

    tained less than 10% of all units, with no units

    assigned to conformity (e.g., obedience), stimula-

    tion (e.g., excitement), or universalism (e.g., justice

    and peace). The 62 US undergraduates who

    responded generated 168 units on financial suc-

    cess. Units were assigned to all 10 value clusters,

    most often to tradition (23.8%), benevolence

    (17.9%), security (17.3%), and hedonism

    (16.1%). The seven remaining clusters each con-

    tained less than 10% of all units. For example,

    approximately 1% of units linked financial successto power or self-direction.

    TABLE 2

    Ranking of importance and likelihood AI Centrality Scale scores for Romanian and US

    undergraduates

    Importance Romanian mean (SD) Importance US mean (SD)

    Personal growth 6.54 (3.57) Relationships 7.88 (9.33)

    Relationships 6.37 (4.71) Personal growth 5.78 (3.65)

    Community feeling 2.53 (4.37) Community feeling 3.28 (4.50)Wealth 3.89 (4.20) Wealth 3.20 (4.50)

    Image 4.01 (4.76) Image 5.25 (4.80)

    Fame 7.54 (4.75) Fame 8.50 (4.67)

    Likelihood Likelihood

    Relationships 6.07 (4.39) Relationships 6.28 (3.22)

    Personal growth 5.25 (3.04) Personal growth 4.47 (3.22)

    Community feeling 1.93 (4.07) Community feeling 3.47 (4.12)

    Image 2.71 (4.23) Image 3.08 (3.82)

    Wealth 4.17 (4.35) Wealth 3.26 (4.03)

    Fame 6.36 (4.11) Fame 7.89 (3.99)

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    DISCUSSION

    Factor analyses of age-residualized AI scale scores

    lent additional support to the distinction between

    extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations by Romanian

    and US undergraduates. Outcomes of the factor

    analyses are in line with the two-factor solutionsfor the AI established in prior research on US

    adolescents and young adults (Deci & Ryan, 2000;

    Kasser, 2002; Kasser & Ryan, 1996), cross-cultural

    comparisons of US and German undergraduates

    (Schmuck et al., 2000), and a large-scale transna-

    tional investigation that included a Romanian

    sample (Grouzet et al., 2005). The single-factor

    solution and negative relationship between mal-

    adjustment and life satisfaction underscores the

    notion that psychological wellbeing may have

    individual and cultural dimensions and determi-

    nants (Bond et al., 2004; Schwarzer & Gutierrez-Dona, 2000; Spector et al., 2001; van den Berg &

    Pitariu, 2005). Specifically, the presence of anxiety,

    cynicism, disagreeableness, inefficacy, externality,

    somatization, and strain may impede the experi-

    ence of wellbeing, whereas the absence or opposite

    of such tendencies may enable a person to

    experience wellbeing. The organismic perspective

    (Fromm, 1976; Maslow, 1954; Rogers, 1947) and

    its progeny, SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000;

    Kasser, 2002; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001), offer

    insights into how psychological maladjustment

    and life satisfaction may co-create each other,which can guide empirical efforts to articulate the

    construct of psychological wellbeing. Perspectives

    that feature generalized expectancies (Bond et al.,

    2004) and personality dispositions (Spector et al.,

    2001; van den Berg & Pitariu, 2005) represent

    promising alternative approaches for understand-

    ing this relationship.

    Our primary goal was to replicate the associa-

    tions of extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations to

    psychological wellbeing and to examine whether

    these aspirations would be inversely related to

    psychological maladjustment among a contempor-ary sample of Romanian and American under-

    graduates. We found partial support for the

    linkages predicted by SDT. Unlike earlier investi-

    gations (Frost & Frost, 2000; Kasser & Ryan,

    1993, 2006; Ryan et al., 1999; Schmuck et al.,

    2000), we did not find that relative importance and

    likelihood of attaining extrinsic aspirations nega-

    tively predicted maladjustment or wellbeing, with

    the exception of attaining wealth. Contrary to

    SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000; Kasser, 2002;

    Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001), expectations of attain-

    ing wealth were positively linked to wellbeing forRomanian undergraduates, perhaps indicating

    that financial success, once perceived as an

    important but unlikely goal (Frost & Frost,

    2000), may now be within reach and, in accor-

    dance with social cognitive theory (Carver &

    Scheier, 1997; Oishi et al., 1999), enhance sub-

    jective wellbeing.

    Because Romania is poorer than the UnitedStates (Ingelhart, 1997; Ingelhart & Baker, 2000),

    as were Romanian undergraduates relative to their

    American peers, Romanians in general may not be

    in circumstances in which financial success as a

    central life aspiration has the same adverse

    psychological consequences as it does for citizens

    of wealthier nations (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000;

    Grouzet et al., 2005; Kasser, 2002; Kasser & Ryan,

    1993, 1996; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001; Schmuck

    et al., 2000). Given consistent widespread dissa-

    tisfaction with their living standard (Soros

    Foundation Romania, 2007), it seems reasonablethat the lower-order (extrinsic) needs of Romanian

    students would need to be met materially before

    organismic (intrinsic) needs could be pursued

    (Maslow, 1954). In fact, the perceived economic

    status of Romanians (i.e., goods owned and

    favorable social comparisons) is tied to their

    subjective wellbeing (Cernat, 2010). Moreover,

    related studies on happiness (Csikszentmihalyi,

    1999; Myers, 2000) show that a precondition of

    psychological wellbeing is a modest and stable

    income, after which less tangible and more mean-

    ingful commitments become sources for fulfillment(e.g., personal growth).

    Recent investigations have advanced the view

    that financial success, though still belonging to the

    extrinsic cluster of aspirations, may have a more

    nuanced connotation for citizens of economically

    disadvantaged countries than for those of post-

    materialistic nations (Cernat, 2010; Grouzet et al.,

    2005). More so than their US peers, Romanian

    undergraduates construed financial success as a

    way to enjoy the pleasures of life with, perhaps,

    less forbearance toward moderation and self-

    sacrifice given the economic hardships they con-tinue to experience. However, like the US sample,

    Romanian students reported that financial success

    offered them and their families a greater sense of

    order, security, and opportunity to reciprocate;

    such pragmatic, survival (Ingelhart & Baker,

    2000) values suggest that financial success may not

    be related either to a sense of conferred worth or

    to the fulfillment of organismic needs. Given the

    association between internality and wellbeing

    (Spector et al., 2001) and evidence that the young

    and educated believe they are responsible for their

    happiness (Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010), it is importantto explore the cognitive mediation of the

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    relationship between wealth and life satisfaction

    (Bond et al., 2004).

    As for intrinsic aspirations, the relative like-

    lihood of attaining personal growth positively

    predicted psychological wellbeing for Romanian

    and US undergraduates, and negatively predicted

    maladjustment for Romanians. These findingsdepart from prior cross-cultural research in

    which such relationships did not emerge for

    Romanian students (Frost & Frost, 2000).

    Personal growth is central to organismic theory,

    representing a tendency found in individualistic

    cultures (Draguns & Tanaka-Matsumi, 2003). In

    collectivistic cultures, increased striving toward

    personal growth may represent an unintended

    consequence of globalization (e.g., a decline in

    traditional authority and rise in secularrational

    values) (Bond et al., 2004; Ingelhart, 1997;

    Ingelhart & Baker, 2000), especially amongyoung adults. This interpretation is bolstered by

    the ranking of community feeling as the least

    important and attainable organismic need, which

    was unrelated to psychological maladjustment and

    wellbeing (cf. Frost & Frost, 2000). Alternatively,

    the results may simply reflect developmentally

    appropriate aspirations for undergraduates as they

    emerge from adolescence into early adulthood,

    adopting an open stance toward personal and

    vocational sources of fulfillment (van den Berg &

    Pitariu, 2005).

    That the relative likelihood of attaining personalgrowth positively predicted psychological well-

    being supports a social cognitive interpretation

    rather than one grounded in SDT. That is,

    expectations for initiating and sustaining agentic

    action aimed at fulfilling intrinsic goals rather than

    the content of these goals are experienced as

    satisfying and free of discomfort (Carver &

    Scheier, 1998; Oishi et al., 1999). The link for US

    students between their stronger orientation toward

    anticipated goal attainment and psychological

    wellbeing further supports the social cognitive

    formulation. Romanian students have come toexperience themselves as more capable of attaining

    their inherent needs, though less efficacious than

    their American peers, perhaps because they are

    better educated (Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010) and less

    thoroughly socialized by communism (Cernat,

    2010). However, ordinary Romanians internality

    is lower than that of Americans (Spector et al.,

    2001) and their generalized expectancies reflect

    greater perceived hostility toward citizens by the

    social system in which they are situated (Bond

    et al., 2004; Sandu, 1999). Such cognitive appre-

    hension and fatalism imply that even youngRomanians may be hampered in fulfilling intrinsic

    aspirations by lingering ecological conditions (e.g.,

    lack of a new statecitizenry social contract;

    Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010).

    Unlike previous studies that reported differences

    between US and European samples (Frost &

    Frost, 2000; Grouzet et al., 2005; Ryan et al.,

    1999; Schmuck et al., 2000), no significantdifferences emerged between Romanian and US

    undergraduates on overall importance scores, on

    the relative importance and likelihood of attaining

    extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations, or on indices of

    psychological functioning; however, Romanian

    students had lower overall expectations of realiz-

    ing their intrinsic goals. Ten years ago, Romanian

    students were generally less fulfilled and confident

    than American students about meeting their

    aspirations, particularly those related to financial

    success, personal growth, relationships, and com-

    munity feeling (Frost & Frost, 2000). At present,young Romanian and American adults have

    similar perceptions of the relative importance and

    anticipated success in attaining their needs, both

    material and organismic. Our Romanian under-

    graduate sample suffered fewer years of commu-

    nist indoctrination (Cernat, 2010), and, owing to

    their youth at the time, experienced less depriva-

    tion and oppression than did undergraduates

    sampled by Frost and Frost (2000). Moreover,

    the process of globalization in general and

    integration into the European Union and NATO

    specifically may have fostered cultural homogeni-zation (Ingelhart 1997; Ingelhart & Baker, 2000) in

    which the United States has had a profound

    impact on the worldview and lifestyle of many

    Romanians (Condruz-Bacescu & Maftei, 2007).

    Similarities aside, Romania is a country of

    unhappy optimists (Soros Foundation Romania,

    2007). Ordinary Romanians are less satisfied than

    Americans (Spector et al., 2001), including

    younger Romanians privileged by education and

    perceived economic advantage (Cernat, 2010).

    Although receptive to pathways for reaching

    valued intrinsic goals (van den Berg & Pitariu,2005) and responsible for their happiness

    (Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010), Romanian undergradu-

    ates may lack confidence in their ability to succeed.

    Their motivational trajectory may ultimately

    reflect the sclerotic societal dynamics (Sandu,

    1999) that undermine internal control beliefs

    (Spector et al., 2001) and harden expectations of

    maleficence (Bond et al., 2004).

    The rank-ordering of aspirations according to

    their relative importance and likelihood of attain-

    ment are consistent with SDT and research

    suggesting that, because intrinsic aspirationsreflect organismic needs, they are perceived as

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    inherently more important and attainable than

    extrinsic goals (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000; Kasser,

    2002; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001). The only

    discrepancy in ranking was that Romanian under-

    graduates placed the importance of personal

    growth first and relationships second, whereas

    American undergraduates reversed the order ofthese aspirations. As already noted, personal

    growth was a priority aspiration for both samples,

    but the rank ordering further identified relation-

    ships as important and within reach, and related to

    the experience of happiness (Csikszentmihalyi,

    1999; Myers, 2000).

    As Frost and Frost (2000) exhorted, Further

    research into the study of East European nations

    is needed in psychology (p. 748), particularly the

    relationship of value-based motivation to psycho-

    logical functioning given the multidimensional

    transition that continues to impact the region(Cernat, 2010; Condruz-Bacescu & Maftei, 2007;

    Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010; Sandu, 1999). Although

    our study is constrained by its reliance on

    relatively small and homogeneous samples of

    convenience, mixed methods of data collection,

    and variable effect sizes and power, it provides an

    informative update to the cross-cultural literature

    on aspirations and wellbeing. Among the more

    prominent findings were the link between intrinsic

    goals, specifically expectations of personal growth,

    and wellbeing; the lack of association between

    extrinsic goals and psychological dysfunction;indications that extrinsic aspirations may be

    subsidiary to pragmatic values; the higher rankings

    given by Romanian and US undergraduates to

    intrinsic than extrinsic aspirations and conver-

    gence between samples on the importance and

    likelihood of attaining these goals; and evidence

    favoring the social cognitive perspective in which

    expectations of attaining aspirations are more

    critical in determining wellbeing than their con-

    tent. Simply put, the aspirations of young

    Romanians and Americans have become more

    similar. Future cross-cultural studies shouldembrace a multidisciplinary framework with

    which to disentangle the complex relationship

    between aspirations and wellbeing (e.g., Bond

    et al., 2004; Grouzet et al., 2005; Spector et al.,

    2001). In addition to administering more sensitive

    measures of dysfunction and eudaimonic measures

    of wellbeing (Ryan & Deci, 2001), we encourage

    investigators to examine how diverse aspirations

    are socially constructed, as such studies will clarify

    the reasons why such goals are pursued and the

    extent to which they may reflect universally held

    values (Schwartz, 1994). We further recommendthat research on individual and national

    differences include promising cognitive and per-

    sonality variables (e.g., control beliefs, generalized

    expectancies, Big Five) that may explain more fully

    the relationship between value-based motivation

    and psychological functioning.

    Manuscript received July 2010

    Revised manuscript accepted December 2010First published online April 2011

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