article_befeo_0336-1519_2001_num_88_1_3509

Ralph KauzRoderich Ptak

Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sourcesIn: Bulletin de l'Ecole française d'Extrême-Orient. Tome 88, 2001. pp. 27-75.

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Kauz Ralph, Ptak Roderich. Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources. In: Bulletin de l'Ecole française d'Extrême-Orient. Tome 88,2001. pp. 27-75.

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AbstractRalph Kauz & Roderich PtakHormuz in Yuan and Ming sources

In the fourteenth century Hormuz became the leading port of the Gulf region. It was then connected toIndia, the Far East, East Africa, the Levant and the Mediterranean. Politically, it remained fairlyindependent, although it did pay taxes to the different powers controlling this area.Arabic, Iranian, European and Chinese sources mirror Hormuz' commercial role in Asia's trade. Thepresent article is particularly concerned with Yuan and Ming texts. Some of these works containdescriptive elements, written from a distinctly Chinese perspective - Confucian, Daoist, or otherwise -,others simply carry toponyms without giving further details. Still others refer to delegations sailing fromHormuz to China or in the other direction. Contacts between both sides - nearly always via the maritimeroute - can be traced through such collections as the Ming shilu, various inscriptions, lishi dili works,nautical treatises, maps, etc. Sources pertaining to later periods tend to copy the earlier material, rarelyadding new details to the old data. All these aspects are investigated and, where applicable, checkedagainst the information found in West Asian and other sources.The end of Sino-Hormuzian contacts was not brought about by external factors, but by a change inChina's foreign policy. Several decades thereafter, Portugal gained control over Hormuz and a new erabegan.

RésuméRalph Kauz et Roderich PtákOrmuz à travers les sources des dynasties Yuan et Ming

Au cours du XIVe siècle, Ormuz devint le principal port du golfe Persique, relié alors à l'Inde, l'Extrême-Orient, l'Afrique orientale et le monde méditerranéen. Politiquement, il resta assez indépendant,quoiqu'il versât des impôts aux différents pouvoirs contrôlant la région.Les sources arabes, iraniennes, européennes et chinoises reflètent le rôle tenu par Ormuz dans leséchanges commerciaux asiatiques. Le présent article porte surtout sur des textes des dynasties Yuanet Ming. Certaines de ces œuvres contiennent des éléments descriptifs, rédigés selon une perspectiveindéniablement chinoise - confucéenne, taoïste ou autre -, d'autres mentionnent seulement destoponymes, sans plus de détails. D'autres encore font référence à des missions naviguant ďOrmuz versla Chine ou vice-versa. Les contacts entre les deux parties - presque toujours par voie maritime - sontattestés dans les Annales véridiques des Ming {Ming shilu), diverses inscriptions, des ouvrages degéographie historique {lishi dili), des traités nautiques, des cartes, etc. Les sources plus tardives onttendance à copier les écrits antérieurs et n'apportent que rarement de nouvelles données. Tous cesaspects sont examinés ici et, éventuellement, confrontés aux informations provenant de sources d'Asieoccidentale ou d'ailleurs.L'arrêt des relations entre la Chine et Ormuz ne fut pas causé par des facteurs externes, mais par unenouvelle orientation de la politique étrangère chinoise. Quelques décennies plus tard, le Portugal prit lecontrôle d'Ormuz et une nouvelle ère s'ouvrit.

Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources

Ralph Kauz and Roderich Ptak*

Introduction1

Hormuz was among the major destinations of Zheng He's last four voyages. Both the well-known Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions underline the importance of this place by listing its name before the names of other ports and countries where the fleets of the fourth, fifth, and sixth expedition had called.2 Usually, Zheng He's crew would reach Hormuz in winter and spend about two months there, from mid- January to mid-March, before setting out for the homebound voyage with the beginning of the southwest monsoon. The last expedition, for example, reached Hormuz on 17 January 1433 and left for China on 9 March of that year. Its leaders were back in Beijing on 22 July, after a fast return trip through the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea of less than five months.3

During their long sojourns in Hormuz, Chinese officials must have been in frequent touch with the local elite. This probably enabled the princes of Hormuz to gain some insight into the Middle Kingdom's commercial power and the nature of the tribute trade system. They thus sent several embassies to China which were classified as "tribute envoys" in Ming sources. These embassies submitted "horses and local products" to the Chinese Court. The Chinese in turn learned about the role Hormuz played in trade with the Middle East and, more indirectly, with the Mediterranean.

* Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitàt, Munich. 1 . The correct transcription of the name should be Hurmuz or Hurmuz, but for this paper the

colloquial form "Hormuz" was chosen. 2. Ma Huan (author), J. V. G. Mills (tr., éd.), Ying-yai Sheng-lan. The Overall Survey of the

Ocean's Shores [1433], The Hakluyt Society Extra Series 42 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), pp. 12-18 (now abbreviated Mills, Ma Huan). Jan J. L. Duyvendak, "The True Dates of the Chinese Maritime Expeditions in the Early Fifteenth Century", T'oung Pao 34 (1938), pp. 343-355 (Hormuz mentioned on pp. 345, 347, 348, 350, 353, 354). Also see, for example, Teobaldo Filesi (author), D. L. Morison (tr.), China and Africa in the Middle Ages, Cass Library of African Studies, General Studies 144 (London: Frank Cass, 1972), pp. 56-65, and the general account by Dominique Lelièvre, Le dragon de lumière. Les grandes expéditions des Ming au début du XVe siècle (Paris : Éditions France-Empire, 1996), pp. 95-98. The inscriptions are also reprinted in many modern Chinese works.

3. Zhu Yunming, Qianwen ji, Congshu jicheng chubian 290 (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1966), pp. 72 et seq. Also see Paul Pelliot, "Les grands voyages maritimes chinois au début du XVe siècle", T'oung Pao 30 (1933), pp. 305-31 1, and Mills, Ma Huan, pp. 17-18.

Bulletin de l'École française d'Extrême-Orient, 88 (2001), p. 27-75.

28 Ralph Kauz & Roderich Pták

Old-Hormuz orm P Jarun

Lârak

Persian Gulf

Modern Map

Wm У0

Section of the Mao Kun map showing Hormuz

Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources 29

Located at the entrance of the Persian Gulf, Hormuz was a convenient stopover for all maritime traffic between West Asia and the countries around the Arabian Sea. Earlier, from the Sasanian period to the eleventh century, Sïràf had already assumed a similar position in international trade. As the leading port of the Sasanian Empire, it had once been one of the richest cities in southern Iran. During the twelfth century the island of Qais (Farsi: Kish) gradually replaced Sïràf as the main port in the Gulf. Both Sïràf s substitution by Qais and Qais' later substitution by Hormuz were, to a large part, determined by geographical factors: Qais was located to the southeast of Sïràf, i.e., closer to the Strait of Hormuz; it could therefore block all ships heading for Sïràf. Similarly, Hormuz could control all traffic going to Qais because it lay to the east of the latter.

The kingdom of Hormuz held its key position in trade for more than two centuries. When decline set in, it was mostly brought about by exogenous factors. In the early sixteenth century the Safavides, who had just seized power in Iran, thought of conquering Hormuz. For a brief period, they even considered cooperation with the Portuguese, but these plans did not materialize. Finally, in 1515, Afonso de Albuquerque gained control over Hormuz. Although Hormuz would never live up to its former role under the Estado da índia 's dominance, it remained a port of some significance on the route from India to the Near East. In the early seventeenth century, Portuguese rule came to end. This time the Safavides cooperated with the East India Company. However, in 1622, when Hormuz changed hands, most buildings were destroyed and the Safavides decided to divert all traffic to Gamru, on the mainland opposite of Hormuz. The rise of Gamru, named Bandar 'Abbàs by their new masters, caused the final decline of Hormuz. Today, Hormuz is nothing but a barren island.4

References to Hormuz in Chinese texts abound, particularly from the Yuan and Ming periods. The present paper discusses all important texts with original information. Works merely repeating earlier observations will also be dealt with, but only in a brief way. One aim is to reflect on China's "perception" of Hormuz and its people. This means that, instead of singling out new historical, social or economic facts - these can be gathered through the excellent translations by Mills and others -, certain descriptive elements found in Chinese works have to be compared with the data found in contemporary, or near- contemporary, Iranian and European accounts. Such comparisons show how Chinese writers thought about Hormuz. However, no effort is made to analyse the narrative "styles" and "modes" underlying these texts; approaches of this kind would have to be organised in a different way.5

In short, we shall begin with a survey of the more important Iranian works (this also includes some general remarks on early Arabic texts) and a brief account of Hormuzian history and society, before turning to the Chinese side. In the "Chinese chapters", the Yuan works will be looked at first. Of these the Daoyi zhiltie is by far the most important text. It contains a brief account of a place called Ganmaili, which Rockhill equated with the Comoro Islands. But Fujita Toyohashi, Shen Cengzhi and Su Jiqing identified this

4. For the events, see, for example, Ronald Ferrier, "Trade From the Mid- 14th Century to the End of the Safavid period", in Peter Jackson and Laurence Lockhardt (eds.), The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 426, and Michael N. Pearson, "Introduction", in his (éd.), Spices in the Indian Ocean World, An Expanding World 11 (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 1996): XV-XXXVII, pp. XXIX-XXX. - For Bandar 'Abbas, see, for example, Laurence Lockhardt, "Hormuz", in Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed. Leiden: E. J. Brill, I960-), p. 585 (hereafter El2).

5. An example is Roderich Ptak, "Images of Maritime Asia in Two Yuan Texts: Daoyi zhilue and Yiyu zM\ Journal ofSung-Yuan Studies 25 (1995), pp. 47-75.


toponym with Hormuz.6 There then follows a chapter on the envoys travelling back and forth between Ming China and Hormuz. This chapter is mainly based on the data found in the Ming shilu.1 It also deals with the issue of "perception", but its principal concern is the chronology of tribute missions and Chinese delegations. The reconstruction of this chronology is the second major aim of the present study. The next sections look at Chinese descriptions found in lishi dill works (ethnographic accounts) of the early and mid-Ming periods. This is where the issue of perception becomes important again. The texts dealt with include the works by Ma Huan (earliest preface 1416, second preface 1444, afterword 1451; however, generally dated 1433) and Fei Xin (preface 1436), both first hand accounts by officials accompanying Zheng He on his voyages to the Indian Ocean. The text by Gong Zhen (preface 1434), who also took part in these expeditions, is very similar to the one by Ma Huan.8 This source and later works such as the Xiyang chaogong dianlu, Shuyu zhou zi lu, and the Ming shi chapter on Hormuz will only be given occasional attention because they combine the data found in earlier lishi dili texts and the Ming shilu.9 The final chapter, on Hormuz in Chinese nautical works and maps, is intended to round off the previous segments. It also confirms that Hormuz constituted a major port-of-call for the early Ming navigators.

6. W. W. Rockhill, "Notes on the Relations and Trade of China with the Archipelago and the Coasts of the Indian Ocean during the Fourteenth Century", T'oungPao 15 (1914), pp. 419-447, and 16 (1915), pp. 61-159, 236-271, 374-392, 435-467, 604-626 (this article only refers to T'oung Pao 16; the translation of the Ganmaili chapter may be found on p. 623); Wang Dayuan (author), Su Jiqing (éd.), Daoyi zhiltie jiaoshi, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), pp. 364-369 (hereafter DYZL). Su' s edition of Wang's text is the best edition so far, and it was also used throughout the present paper. - Several other authors also identified Ganmaili with Hormuz; see, for example, Zhu Jieqin, "Zhongguo he Yilang lishi shang de youhao guanxi", Lishi yanjiu (7/1978), pp. 72-82.

7. Ming shilu (Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1966), 133 vols. Several modern works provide access to this source, for example, Li Guoxiang et al. (eds.), Ming shilu leizuan. She wai shiliao juan (Wuhan: Wuhan chubanshe, 1991), and Watanabe Hiroshi, "An Index of Embassies and Tribute Missions to Ming China (1368-1466) as Recorded in the Ming Shih-lu, Classified According to Geographic Area", Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 33 (1975), pp. 285-347.

8. See Ma Huan (author), Feng Chengjun (éd.), Yingya shenglan jiaozhu (Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1962), pp. 63-68, and Mills, Ma Huan, esp. "Ma Huan and his book", esp. pp. 34-66, 165- 172; Fei Xin (author), Feng Chengjun (éd.), Xingcha shenglan jiaozhu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1954), pp. 1-7, and qianji, pp. 35-37, as well as Fei Xin (author), J. V. G. Mills (tr.), Roderich Ptak (rev., annot., éd.), Hsing-ch 'a sheng-lan. The Overall Survey of the Star Raft, South China and Maritime Asia 4 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1996), esp. pp. 9-23, 70-71 (hereafter Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin); Gong Zhen (author), Xiang Da (éd.), Xiyang fanguo zhi, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (2nd ed. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982), esp. pp. 1-4, 41-44 (hereafter XYFGZ). - Brief notes on the editorial history of each text are in Wolfgang Franke, An Introduction to the Sources of Ming History (Kuala Lumpur and Singapore: University of Malaya Press, 1968), pp.220, 221, and Donatella Guida, Immagini del Nanyang. Realtà e stereotipi nella storiografia cinese verso la fine della dinastia Ming, Opera Universitaria, Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici, Istituto Universitario Orientale Napoli, Série didactica 2 (Naples: 1991), pp. 62-70.

9. Zhang Tingyu et al., Ming shi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1995), j. 326, pp. 8452-8453 (for all other standard histories we also refer to the Zhonghua shuju editions); Huang Shengceng (author), Xie Fang (éd.), Xiyang chaogong dianlu, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982), j. xia, pp. 106-1 1 1 (herafter XYCGDL); Yan Congjian (сотр.), Yu Sili (éd.), Shuyu zhou zi lu, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1993), j. 9, pp. 318-320.

Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources 3 1

Selected Non-Chinese Sources Throughout the late medieval period Hormuz was not completely independent, though

it certainly enjoyed a high degree of autonomy. Its suzerains were the various dynasties ruling Iran from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century. Formal subordination mainly took the form of tax payments, but submission of the so-called kharâj (tax) to the Timurides and other powers also implied economic cooperation between Hormuz and its mighty hinterland. Subordination and cooperation thus went hand in hand with each other. Obviously this state of affairs was considered normal by most local chroniclers writing on Iran because they all treated Hormuz as one of many "ordinary" topics without giving any special attention or allotting any extra space to this place. Jean Aubin was the first modern scholar to fully acknowledge the unique role Hormuz played among the societies around the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf in pre-European times, and he was the first to draw attention to the peculiar relation between Hormuz and its many suzerains.10 Below, we shall frequently recur to his findings.

Unfortunately, no contemporary local history of Hormuz has survived. The "Book of Kings" (Shàhnàmeh), written by the Hormuzian prince Turànshâh some time after 1350, was probably destroyed by the British and the Safavides during the war of 1622. But some parts of this chronicle were translated into Portuguese by Pedro Teixeira and the Portuguese version has become the starting point for many later studies.11 Persian sources on the history of Hormuz, however, will be more relevant for the present paper. A selection of the more important texts is listed below.

1) The history of the Qarâkhïtâ'ï, who ruled Kirmân in the thirteenth century and to whom Hormuz was a long-time vassal. This account is by Nàsir ad-Dîn Kirmânï. 12 It may be added here that Hormuz functioned as the principal port for the two provinces of Kirmân and Sïstàn from the tenth to the early thirteenth century. 13

10. Jean Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz du XIIIe au XVe siècle", Journal Asiatique 241 (1953), pp. 77- 138 (pp. 122-123 on the tax); id., "Le royaume d'Ormuz au début du XVIe siècle", Mare Luso-Indicum (1973), pp. 77-179. Valeria Fiorani Piacentini, L'emporio ed il regno di Hormoz (VIII - fine XV sec. d. Cr.), vicende storiche, problemi ed aspetti di una civiltà costiera del Golfo Persico, Memorie dell'Istituto Lombardo - Accademia di Scienze e Lettere 35.1 (Milan : Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere, 1975), is another important work, but it does not exclusively deal with Hormuz.

11. Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz...", p. 79; Pedro Teixeira (author), William F. Sinclair (tr., annot), Donald Ferguson (annot., introduction), The Travels of Pedro Teixeira, With his "Kings of Harmuz" and Extracts from his "Kings of Persia" (London: Hakluyt Society, 1902), p. XC n. 1 (introduction), pp. 153- 195. - The same book also contains an abridged version of the lost chronicle; this version is by Caspar da Cruz, a Dominican monk who founded a monastery in Hormuz in 1565 or 1566 (see pp. 256-267 and p. 256 n. 7). For a recent Portuguese edition of this text, see Frei Gaspar da Cruz (author), Rui Manuel Loureiro (ed.), Tratado das coisas da China (Évora, 1569-1570) (Lisbon: Ediçôes Cotovia and Comissâo Nacionál para as Comemoraçôes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1997), pp. 267-279. — Two later studies are: Paul Schwarz, "Hurmuz", Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlándischen Gesellschaft 68 (1914), pp. 531-543, and Bertold Spuler in his Die Mongolen in Iran, Politik, Verwaltung und Kultur der Ilchanzeit 1 220-1 350 (3rd ed. Berlin: Akademie- Verlag, 1968), pp. 147-152.

12. Abbas Eghbal (ed.), Simt al-'ulà li-l-hadrati l-'ulyâ (hereafter Simt al-'ulà) (Tehran: Shirkat-i sihâmï-yi čáp, 1949/50).

13. Paul Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter nach den arabischen Geographen, 2 vols. (Hildesheim and New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 1969), pp. 242-243.


2) The Mongols never occupied Hormuz, but one of the major works on their presence in Iran is also very important for the history of Hormuz: the chronicle of Wassâf which narrates the history of the Ilkhànides up to 1323. 14

3) Many more chronicles appeared under the Timurides, who occupied Iran from the end of the fourteenth century but, like the Mongols, never took possession of Hormuz. Three of the better-known Timurid histories also refer to Hormuz: the two "Books of Victory" {Zafarnámeh), by Shàmï and Yazdï, and the Matla'-i sa'dain wa majma'-i bahrain by 'Abd ar-Razzàq Samarqandï. Of these three annalistic texts, the one by Shàmï is the oldest; it was already completed in 1404. 15 The more interesting work, however, is the one by Samarqandï. This author came through Hormuz in 1442 when he was on his way to India; he thus left some very personal notes on Hormuz. 16

4) With the exception of Samarqandï' s account and the annals of the local historian Nïmdihï, written between 1499 and 1501, 17 all other chronicles focus on political developments without giving any details of the social and economic panorama. Moreover, not a single one of these texts has anything to say on Zheng He's fleets. Only two Persian sources address the relations between the princes of Hormuz and the Ming. The first is Mu'ïn ad-Dïn Natanzï's Muntakhab at-tavàrïkh-i Miïïriï, submitted to the Timurid ruler, Shah Shâhrukh, on 7 October 1414. 18 Among other things it says, the emperors (khavâqïn) of China had sent letters to Prince Bahman Shah of Hormuz (his correct name is Qutb ad- Dïn Tahamtan and he ruled from 1400? tol417).19 This claim poses many questions, as will be discussed below.20 The second chronicle, written by Ja'far b. Muhammad b. Hasan and simply called Tàrïkh-i Jďfari or Târïkh-i kablr, ends with the year 1446.21 It mainly deals with events after the death of Timur (1405), but also carries a chapter on the princes of Hormuz with a brief reference to the arrival of Chinese ships during the reign of Saïf ad-Dïn Mahàr (с. 1417-1436). A translation of the relevant passages may be found in an

14. Shihâb ad-Dïn 'Abdollàh Sharaf Shïrâzï (honorary title Wassâf al-Hadrat; author), M.M. Isfahânï (éd.), Tajziyat al-amsàr wa tazjiyat al-a'sàr (Bombay, 1853; rpt: Tehran: Ibn Sïnâ, 1959/60; hereafter Wassâf).

15. Nizâm ad-Dïn Shàmï (author), Felix Tauer (éd.), Zafarnámeh, 2 vols. (Prague: Orientální Ústav, 1937; Státní Pedagogické Nakladatelství, 1956; hereafter Shâmï); Sharaf ad-Dïn 'Alï Yazdï (author), Muhammad 'Abbàsï (éd.), Zafarnámeh, 2 vols. (Tehran: Amïr Kabïr, 1957/58; hereafter Yazdï); Kamâl ad-Dïn 'Abd ar-Razzâq Samarqandï (author), M. Shafî' (éd.), Matla'-i sa'dain va majma'-i bahrain (Lahore, 1941-1949; hereafter Samarqandï). - On the problem of Timurid historiography, also see, for example, John Woods, "The Rise of Timurid Historiography", Journal of Near Eastern Studies 46 (1987), pp. 81-108. - The eminent historian Hàfiz-i Abru is not included in our list, because his major work Zubdat at-tawàrïkh contains very little on Hormuz (contrary to his "Geography").

16. Samarqandï, pp. 764-771, 842-846. Also see Etienne Quatremère (tr., éd.), Notice de l'ouvrage persan qui a pour titre : Matla-assaadeïn ou-madjma-albahreïn et qui contient l'histoire des deux sultans Schah-Rokh et Abou Said, Extrait des notices et extraits des manuscrits de la bibliothèque du Roi 14.1 (Paris: 1843), pp. 427-473.

17. 'Abd al-Karïm b. Muhammad Nïmdihï, Tabaqàt-i Mahmud-Shâhï. See Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", p. 84; id., "Indo-Islamica I, la vie et l'œuvre de Nïmdihï", Revue des Études islamiques 34 (1966), pp. 61-81.

18. Mu'ïn ad-Dïn Natanzï (author), Jean Aubin (éd.), Muntakhab at-tavârîkh-i Mu'ïnï (Tehran: Kitàbfurushï Khayyàm, 1957; hereafter MTM). On the complicated editorial history of this work, see Woods, "The Rise of Timurid Historiography", pp. 89-93.

19. Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", pp. 129-131 n. 313. 20. MTM, p. 18; Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", p. 115. 21. This chronicle remains unedited and only exists in manuscript form in St. Petersburg. The

Oriental Seminar of Freiburg University has a microfilm. We are extremely grateful to Professor Werner Ende for sending copies of the relevant sections.


article by Walther Hinz, which is based on a script by the Russian Orientalist Wilhelm Barthold.22

Here we may briefly turn to a different set of sources, namely Arabic works. Early Arabic texts frequently refer to Old-Hormuz, a town located on the mainland, near Mïnàb. This port served as the Hormuzian capital until it was transferred to the island of Jarun.23 Information on Old-Hormuz may be found, for example, in the account by Ibn Khurdâdhbih (ninth century). It describes the route from Basra to China and also underlines the importance of Old-Hormuz as an entrepôt for Kirmân. Furthermore, it mentions the city's underground channels {qanàt), its date palms, and, as almost all chroniclers have done, its unbearable heat.24 Additional details may be collected from the works by Istakhri, Muqadassi, and others: the merchants' dwellings and many warehouses were scattered in the villages around the city, the bazar was much frequented, in the centre there was the main mosque, and so on.25

All these Arabic accounts date from very early times. They are interesting sources, indeed, but cannot serve as a starting point for investigating relevant Yuan and Ming works. Yuan and Ming texts should be compared with the later writings, such as the account by Samarqandi, but also with the famous texts by Marco Polo, Ibn Battuta, Odorico of Pordenone, Afanasij Nikitin, and many others. Many details in these later sources recall certain descriptive elements found in contemporary, or near-contemporary, Chinese books. Finally, there are the Portuguese chronicles, which, though written in the sixteenth or seventeenth century, contain additional facts that also take account of earlier times, including the political, social and economic circumstances prevailing in the fifteenth century.

As was said, Persian chronicles report next to nothing on the Chinese presence in Hormuz, nor do they say very much about the many envoys sent from Hormuz to China, or in the other direction. In the case of Aden, more details on the relations between the Rasulid monarchs of Yemen and the early Ming are reported in non-Chinese sources.26 This may be a coincidence, or it may reflect the fact that China's relative weight was considered higher in Aden than in Hormuz, or else, that Persian authors had reasons to downplay China's influence in the Gulf region. Whichever way it was, drawing a picture

22. Shiro Ando, Timuridische Entire nach dem Mu'izz al-ansàb, Untersuchung zur Stammes- aristokratie Zentralasiens im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert, Islamkundliche Untersuchungen 153 (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1992), p. 8; Abbas Zaryab, Der Bericht ûber die Nachfolger Timurs aus dem Ta'rïkh-i kabïr des Ga'far ibn Muhammad al-Husairiï (Mainz 1960; dissertation). — Walther Hinz, "Quellenstudien zur Geschichte der Timuriden", Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlândischen Gesellschaft 90 (1936), pp. 379-383.

23. There is very little research by modern Iranian historians on the medieval history of Hormuz. One exception shall be mentioned here, because it also deals with the Arab geographers: Maryam Mir- Ahmadi, "Jazireh-yi Hurmuz dar mutûn-i jughrâfîyâ'î va târïkhï-yi qadïm", Fazlnàmeh-yi tahqïqât-i jughràfiyal 5.2 (1990/91), pp. 101-123.

24. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, pp. 242-243. 25. Istakhri and Muqadassi (both second half of the tenth century), in ibid., p. 243. Furthermore Guy

Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate (London, 1966; rpt. of the edition of 1905), pp. 318-319. 26. R. B. Serjeant, "Yemeni Merchants and Trade in Yemen, 13th- 16th Centuries", in R. B.

Serjeant, G. Rex Smith (eds.), Society and Trade in South Arabia (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 1996), article I, pp. 61-82 (esp. pp. 74-75), originally in Denys Lombard and Jean Aubin (eds.), Marchands et hommes d'affaires asiatiques dans l'Océan Indien et la Mer de Chine, I3e-2(ř siècles, Ports, routes, trafics 29 (Paris: Éditions de l'École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1988); K. N. Chaudhuri, "A Note on Ibn Taghrî Birdî's Description of Chinese Ships in Aden and Jedda", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1/1989), p. 1 12.

34 Ralph Kauz & Roderich PTÁK

of Sino-Hormuzian contacts and the position of Hormuz within the geostrategic setting of the Gulf during the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, requires a synthesis of data found in three kinds of sources - in Chinese texts, various European records, and the few paragraphs in Persian works that we currently possess.

The Geopolitical Setting of Hormuz and Its Position in International Trade

The mountain range running parallel to the northern coast of the Persian Gulf has obstructed the growth of large coastal towns on the Iranian mainland. Sïrâf was the only major exception down to the eleventh century. It served as the principal port of the Sasanian empire, as was already said. After the Arab victory over the Sasanians, Basra was founded at the Shatt al-'Arab and became another important port besides Sïrâf. But seagoing vessels often avoided coastal sites, preferring to call at one of the many islands instead. Therefore, places like Khârk, Lâvàn, Qais, and Qishm were apt to take over key positions in maritime trade; they were considered safe and were conveniently located on or near the principle route through the Gulf.27 The island of Hormuz, also called Jarun,28 was another example. It became the capital of the Hormuzian kingdom in 1300. The former capital of that kingdom, on the mainland near Mïnâb, had to be given up due to frequent raids of Chaghatày bands. The new centre was much safer, offering excellent conditions for commercial ventures. "Old-Hormuz", as the former residence was then called, still continued to exist, but mainly served as an agricultural place and a retreat from the summer heat.

The island of Hormuz is situated 1 1 miles east-southeast of Bandar 'Abbàs and has a diameter of circa 4,8 miles. Its climate is hot and humid with some rain; almost all travelers complained of the high temperatures. The ground is formed by a dome of salt, which breaks through the surface and emerges in the form of salt glaciers.29 Teixeira vividly describes these salt formations: "And this salt gathers and hardens so under the sun, that I have often ridden over it, the water yet flowing below."30 There was only one usable well on the island, which served to irrigate the ruler's park. Water had to be brought from the mainland and collected in cisterns, a fact which proved fatal for the kingdom when it was besieged by the Portuguese.31 No major farms existed on the island due to the rugged and barren nature of the terrain, nor were there any other natural resources of any remarkable kind. These harsh conditions made it obligatory for the city's population to rely on imports and thus seek a living by resorting to trade. At the height of its commercial power, Hormuz supported a population of circa 50,000. 32

Hormuz rose from a local town serving the needs of Kirmân and Sïstàn to a major emporium with international connections. Its prosperity depended on external factors. To ensure economic growth, it had to offer stable conditions for trade and commerce. Only then would foreign merchant vessels continue to call at Hormuz. This entailed the

27. Eckart Ehlers, Iran: Grundzuge einer geographischen Landeskunde (Darmstadt: Wissenschaft- liche Buchgesellschaft, 1980), p. 12.

28. For a discussion of the names Hormuz and Jarun, see Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", pp. 80-81. 29. Ehlers, Iran: Grundzuge, p. 37; Ludwig W. Adamec (éd.), Historical Gazetteer of Iran, vol. 4,

Zahidan and Southeastern Iran (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1988), p. 181. 30. Teixeira, Travels, p. 165. 31. Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", pp. 96-97, 165-166; Joâo de Barros, Asia. Dos feitos que os

Portuguezes Jizerám no descobrimento e conquista dos mares do Oriente (Lisbon : Livraria Sam Carlos, 1973; facsimile version of the 1777-1778 éd.), part 2, book 2, chap. 5.

32. Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", p. 150.


constant need to monitor developments on the Iranian mainland and in places as far away as India. In India, trade with the ports of Kerala and Gujarat was essential. Contacts with the principal ports on the Arabian peninsula and the African coast were also important, as was trade with the area of modern Irak and via Syria to the Levant. The commercial network which Hormuz knitted across the Asian seas was used by different merchant groups, for example by Jewish and Armenian traders, and, most important of all, by the Gujaratis who were mainly active in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Politically Hormuz was at the mercy of the powers ruling Iran. Therefore, the princes of Hormuz opted to become "vassals" of their landbased neighbours, sometimes only on a de facto basis, sometimes de jure. To be on good terms with the "hinterland" implied that the caravan routes to Làr, Shïràz, Khurasan, Isfahan, Tabriz and Sultànïya could be used. 33 If this was the case, Hormuz would not only be an indispensible stopover for maritime traffic going through the Gulf, but also a point where maritime and landbased long-distance trade would merge. Only a small number of emporia along the coasts of Asia assumed such a multifunctional status.

The chronology of events leading to the rise of Hormuz can be summarized rather quickly. Mongolian forces did not attack Hormuz, although their troops approached the outer regions of the kingdom while pursuing the last Khvârizm-Shâh, Jalâl ad-Dïn Mankubirtï, through the Iranian highland. From the early thirteenth century onwards, Hormuz competed with the island of Qais for commercial superiority. In 1229 Qais was briefly occupied by the prince of Hormuz, Saif ad-Din, who claimed that the Atâbak Abu Bakr of the Salghurides, vassals of the Mongols, had commissioned him to undertake this move. Since this was not the case, the Atâbak forced him to retreat in November 1230. 34 The Salghurides, who had established their centre at Fârs, continued to be a political factor, but for the greater part of the thirteenth century Hormuz had to deal with or depended on the Qaràkhïtà'ï family of Kirmàn. One of the more important rulers of Hormuz was Rukn ad-Dïn Mahmud Qalhàtï, a former governor of the kingdom's second major city, Qalhàt in modern 'Umàn (hence his nisba, or "name of descent"). He expanded the realm, eventually came into conflict with his overlords in Kirmàn, and tried to occupy Qais again, from where, however, he was expelled by the Mongols. This was the time when trade began to flourish. In all likelihood Hormuzian merchants now travelled to India more regularly. As the network of their relations expanded, the relative weight of Qais weakened.35

Some years later Hormuz became a vassal of the Mongol ïlkhànids, to whom it payed the kharaj.36 Originally, this arrangement was to serve mutual interests, but continued warfare in West Asia led to a temporary decline in commercial activities between the Gulf region and the Mediterranean. However, eastbound trade, from Hormuz to South Asia and beyond, began to increase.37 In 1272, still under Mahmud Qalhàtï's reign, Marco Polo came through Hormuz, reporting that merchants "from all the different parts of Indie" travelled hither with their ships, and that Hormuz had "under it cities and villages

33. Fiorani Piacentini, L 'emporio, pp. 88, 93. 34. Spuler, Mongolen, pp. 140-142, 148; Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", p. 81. 35. Ibid., pp. 83-84. On the geopolitical importance of Qalhât, see, for example, J.C. Wilkinson, s. v.

in El2, and Patricia Risso, Oman and Muscat, an early modern history (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986), pp. 4, 10, 11.

36. Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", p. 121. 37. Bertold Spuler, "Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung des iranischen Raumes und Mittelasiens im

Mittelalter", in the same (éd.), Handbuch der Orientalistik, 1 . Abteilung, Der Nahé und der Mittlere Osten, 6. Band, 6. Abschnitt, Teil 1 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977), pp. 116-159, here esp. p. 145.


enough". Polo also lists various commodities traded in this port: spices, precious stones, pearls, silk, gold, elephant tusks, horses, etc. Pearls were found in many parts of the Gulf and constituted a popular export item. The horse trade with India was of great importance as well. India needed horses and imported them from many places. The horses available in Hormuz mostly came from Iran and the Arab world. Polo describes their mode of transportation, their early death in India due to malnutrition and climatic factors, and the refusal of West-Asian merchants to send any grooms. In many ways his description resembles that of Wassàf.38

Towards the end of the thirteenth century Qais regained its former strength. This was mainly due to Malik al-ïslàm (honorary title, laqab), a capable regent who had accumulated so much wealth through the trade with India and China that he could afford to lease the province of Fàrs and several adjacent islands from the ïlkhànides for a period of four years (starting in 1293).39 His opponent in Hormuz was Bahà' ad-Dïn Ayàz, a Turk who had been in the service of Mahmud Qalhàtï. Ayàz ruled Hormuz until his retirement to Qalhât in 1311/12. He kept the kingdom afloat and successfully defended its economic position against the challenge from Qais. His decision to move the capital to Jarun proved correct in later years because the Timurides, under Mïrzà Muhammad, occupied Old-Hormuz in 1394, but never laid hands on the new port.40

During the fourteenth century Hormuz strengthened its position in international trade. Conflicts within the ruling house had no significant impact on the kingdom's external relations. After the abdication of Ayàz, the princes of Hormuz came back onto the throne. The new ruler, 'Izz ad-Dïn Kurdànshàh, was again at odds with Qais and the governor of Fàrs. At one point he was even captured by the enemy, but he managed to escape and return to his residence. Under Qutb ad-Din Tahamtam II (died 1346) the old rivalry with Qais came to a definite end. Qais and its dependencies were now occupied, as was the important island of Bahrain.41 The reign of Tahamtam also saw the arrival of Ibn Battuta (1331), who had this to say: "It is a fine large city, with magnificent bazaars, as it is the port of India and Sind, from which the wares of India are exported to the two 'Iràqs, Fàrs and Khuràsàn."42

This period also witnessed the gradual disintegration of the ïlkhànid empire. Among its many successors the Muzaffarides were probably the most important group. The princes of Hormuz payed the kharàj to them and thus accepted nominal vassalage.43 When

38. Marco Polo (author), A. C. Moule and Paul Pelliot (tr., eds.), The Description of the World, vol. 1 (rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1976), pp. 123-124, 386 (quotations on p. 123); Wassâf, p. 302. - On pearls, see, for example, R. A. Donkin, Beyond Price. Pearls and Pearl-Fishing: Origins to the Age of Discoveries, Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society 224 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998), pp. 123-129. - On horses, see, for example, Simon Digby, War-Horse and Elephant in the Delhi Sultanate, a Study of Military Supplies (Oxford: Orient Monographs, 1971), p. 31, and Roderich Ptak, "Pferde auf See: ein vergessener Aspekt des maritimen chinesischen Handels im friihen 15. Jahrhundert", Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 34 (1990), pp. 204-207.

39. The name of this regent was Shaikh al-ïslàm Jamàl ad-Dïn Ibrahim b. Muhammad at-Tïbï. He had probably been in China himself, but no trace in Chinese sources has been found yet. See Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", pp. 89-90, 91 n. 2. - Wassâf, p. 302, describes the horse-trade of Malik al-ïslàm.

40. Spuler, Mongolen, p. 150; Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", pp. 94-95, 112. 41. Ibid., pp. 100-102, 103-106. 42. Ibn Battuta (author), H. A. R. Gibb (tr., rev., annot.), The Travels of Ibn Battuta, A.D. 1325-

1354. Translated with Revisions and Notes from the Arabic Text Edited by С Defrémery and В. R. Sanguinetti, 3 vols. (rpt. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1999; originally published by the Hakluyt Society), II, p. 400.

43. Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", p. 111.

Hormuz in Yuan and Ming sources Ъ1

Timur conquered the Middle East, Hormuz had already ceased to pay taxes for four years. This was the reason for the brief war of 1394 during which Hormuz lost several strongholds on the mainland. The conflict ended when Muhammad Shah, the prince of Hormuz, consented to clear his debts.44 According to Aubin the entire venture did not pay for the Timurides, because they lacked the ships that would have been needed to take Jarun, and because they destroyed only a part of the Hormuzian fortresses. The Hormuzians did not pay their taxes voluntarily, as these events show - even to such an impressive force as the Timurides. Another expedition against Hormuz in 1429 also ended in failure. The reasons for this expedition by Ibrahim Sultan are not known.45

This was also the time when Zheng He's fleets appeared in the Persian Gulf. Zheng He's arrival coincided with the reigns of Qutb ad-Dïn Fïruzshàh (14007-1417) and Saif ad-Dïn Mahàr (1417-1436). These two rulers had a strong impact on fifteenth-century Hormuz, as had two of their successors, namely Turânshàh II (1436-1470/71) and Salghurshàh (1475-1505).

At first sight, the small number of regents in that period of Hormuzian history suggests political stability, but the system was not stable at all. Nine out of ten princes who occupied the throne were assassinated or forced to abdicate. Turànshàh was the only one to die of a natural cause. Of the many internal conflicts the one between him and Saif ad-Din can be singled out as typical for the kind of internal dissent Hormuz had to cope with. The conflict began when Turânshàh launched a rebellion in Qalhàt, where he blockaded the merchant-vessels heading for Hormuz. He then occupied the capital and the islands in the Gulf, compelling Saif ad-Din to seek shelter with his ally, Shàhrukh. The latter responded by sending a punitive force against Turânshàh, but in the end both contestants agreed in making a compromise.46 Conflicts of this type, it is clear, did not promote economic growth. On the other hand, they were never destabilizing enough to provoke long-lasting decline.

Meanwhile the Timurides were caught in fierce competition with the Turkmen dynasties of the Qarâ Quyunlu and the Aq Quyunlu. The Aq Quyunlu were the final winners, and Hormuz had to pay the kharàj to them until they were replaced by the Safavides. Throughout these years, relations with Khurasan, one of the major commercial partners on the mainland, were never interrupted. While trade with this place flourished, the political decline of Hormuz had already begun. During the last decades before the arrival of the Portuguese, Hormuz had deteriorated to such an extent that Fiorani Piacentini characterized it as being caught in a state of "complete anarchy", and near "political collapse".47 When Albuquerque launched his attack against this port, he commanded seven ships and 460 men; Hormuz still had 30,000 troops at its disposal, among them 4,000 Persian archers and sixty larger vessels which all lay anchored in the harbour, according to Joâo de Barros, but these forces were of no avail.48

As already mentioned, the social and economic setting of Hormuz will be dealt with below in the chapters on the Chinese sources, but a few remarks on these subjects should perhaps be included at this early stage. To begin with, Hormuz was a multicultural society with different ethnic and religious groups. It had all kinds of shops, warehouses and places reserved for amusement. Luxuries abounded, there were many wealthy people, but also

44. Yazdi, vol. 1, pp. 578-579. 45. Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", pp. 113-115, 129; Samarqandi, pp. 619-620. 46. Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", pp. 129, 132-133; Zaryab, pp. 95-97. 47. Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", p. 119; Fiorani Piacentini, L 'emporio, p. 99. 48. Barros, Asia, part 2, book 2, ch. 1 and 2.

38 Ralph Kauz & Roderich Ptak

some signs of "decadence".49 Marco Polo praised the wines available in Hormuz, telling us they were made of dates and alluding to the fact that they enjoyed much popularity among the locals.50 The dominant strata of Hormuzian society were the Arabs and Persians, but besides them one could also find Jews, Indians, and others. Aubin thought that Hormuz appeared to be a mixed Indo-Islamic society rather than a city only governed by Islamic rules.51

On the regional level, Hormuz had to compete with Qais and other nearby ports; on the international level, it had to hold its own against such places as Aden. Trade between the Levant and India either flowed through the Gulf or the Red Sea. Practically all major merchant groups took advantage of this situation by establishing contacts with both areas. The Chinese were no exception. When they travelled to Hormuz, they also explored the route to Aden and Jiddah. Moreover, from Ma Huan we learn that the great Ming fleets were already divided in Samudra (one of the prinicpal ports along the coast of northern Sumatra); from there, the main convoy continued its voyage to Cape Comorin, Cochin, Calicut and eventually to Hormuz, while minor squadrons sailed directly to Aden. In all likelihood the latter route followed a course that went straight through the Maldives. One of the commanders who led his ships to Aden in this way was Zhou Man.52

The Red Sea was the domain of the so-called Kàrimï merchants {tujjàr al-Kârim),53 a group of corporate Muslim traders acting as the intermediaries between Mamluk Egypt, South Arabia, and East Africa on the one side and India and China on the other. The Kàrimïs supported the Egyptian economy with their fabulous riches. They also assisted the Mamluks with immense loans against the advancing Timurides. But in the long run the Mamluks did not favour the growth of commercial communities. When Sultan Barsbày (1422-1437) began to monopolize international trade to restore state finances, the Kàrimïs lost their position. The same occurred to the Venetians in Alexandria.54 The volume of trade thus came down to lower levels, which had a negative impact on the well-being of the Mamluk empire.

Aubin compares the decline of the Kârimïs with the annihilation of the Sufi order of Kàzamn by the first Safavid Shah, Ismà'ïl, who transformed Iran into a predominantly Shï'ït nation. The lodges (khánegáh) of the Kàzarimï order or Ishàqiyya (named after their founder, Shaikh Abu Ishâq) were spread from Turkey to India, serving as stations and banks for countless merchants, as Ibn Battuta had once observed.55 In contrast, the Kàrimïs had never set up any comparable structure, nor had they ever formed an order. This also applies to the merchants of the Gulf region who did not necessarily think of themselves as followers of the Kàzarunïs.56 Therefore, it seems more appropriate to

49. Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", pp. 119, 159-160. 50. Polo, The Description of the World, p. 123. 51. Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", pp. 162-163. 52. Mills, Ma Ямой, pp. 154-155. 53. The origin of the name Kàrim remains uncertain. For a possible explanation, see, for example,

Subhi Y. Labib's article "Kàrimï" in EP. The term already appeared at the beginning of the twelfth century. It can also be found in the Geniza records (with respect to the year 1181), where it was used for a convoy of ships traversing the Indian Ocean. Cf. S. D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1966), pp. 351-360.

54. Walter J. Fischel, "The Spice Trade in Mamluk Egypt", in Pearson (éd.), Spices in the Indian Ocean World, pp. 51-68, esp. pp. 54-55 and 65-67.

55. Jean Aubin, "Marchands de Mer Rouge et du Golfe Persique au tournant des 15e et 16e siècles", in Aubin and Lombard (eds.), Marchands et hommes d'affaires, pp. 83-90, here esp. pp. 85-86.

56. Hamid Algar, s. v. in El2.


distinguish between the Kàrimïs on the one hand and a vaguely defined group of "Arabo- Persian merchants" from the Gulf region on the other.

There must have been a certain degree of competition between the Kàrimïs and the Arabo-Persian merchants of Hormuz, although written sources do not openly address this issue. It may be assumed, however, that trade flowing from India to the Near East and back was so large in volume that each group operated profitably without being compelled to seriously challenge its rival. Probably, both sides would even coordinate some of their activities, as may be gathered from the fact that they stayed in constant touch with each other.57 It is also interesting to note that Ma Huan had heard about the routes from Hormuz to Central Asia and Egypt.58 This suggests that communication between the Kàrimï "world" and the Arabo-Persian "world" posed no problems. According to Aubin, this peculiar balance was based on religion and tradition.59 It came to an end when the Europeans, especially the Dutch and English, appeared on the scene.

The First Reports About Hormuz in Chinese Sources

As was said in the introduction, the earliest Chinese description of Hormuz is contained in the Daoyi zhiliie (1349). Its author, Wang Dayuan (born in circa 1311), took to sea twice. Whether he really visited all ninety-nine places he claims to have seen remains a matter of debate. By and large however, his observations are more "realistic" than those found in many other texts.60

Besides Hormuz, several other ports and countries around the western part of the Indian Ocean, including the Persian Gulf and Red Sea areas, are mentioned in Wang's text. But with the exception of a few places such as Mecca and Mosul (al-Mawsil), their identification remains controversial. Recently, this has been demonstrated with respect to a number of toponyms thought to stand for different sites in East and North Africa.61 Even in the case of Hormuz, called Ganmaili by Wang, much confusion has resulted from the fact that Rockhill had erroneously linked this Chinese name to the Comoro Islands. We shall return to this problem below, after having presented an updated translation of the Ganmaili chapter, which combines the English text by Rockhill with the philological notes by Su Jiqing:62

This country is close to the site of Nanfeng, not far from the Folang (Franks). Riding the wind with [all] sails hoisted one can reach Quilon (Xiao Ju'nan) in two months. The ships of this place are known as "horse-ships", they are larger than merchant vessels. They do not use nails nor mortar but coconut [fibre] to join the planks together. Each ship has two or three

57. Ibid., p. 58, and Serjeant, "Yemeni Merchants", p. 69. A different view in Fiorani Piacentini, L 'emporio, pp. 86-87.

58. Mills, Ma Huan, p. 74. 59. Aubin, "Marchands de Mer Rouge", p. 90. 60. On Wang Dayuan's life and the editorial history of his work, see Su Jiqing, pp. 10-11 (his

preface to DYZL), and Xu Yongzhang, "Wang Dayuan shengping kaobian san ti", Haijiaoshi yanjiu (2/1997), pp. 98-102. Also see Ptak, "Images of Maritime Asia", pp. 52, 54, 73, and Rockhill, "Notes", pp. 61-63.

61. See Roderich Ptak, "Glosses on Wang Dayuan's Daoyi zhiltie (1349/50)", in Claudine Salmon (éd.), Récits de voyages asiatiques. Genres, mentalités, conception de l'espace. Actes du colloque EFEO- EHESS de décembre 1994, Études thématiques 5 (Paris : École française d'Extrême-Orient, 1996), esp. pp. 134-136 and sources quoted there.

62. DYZL, pp. 364-369; Rockhill, "Notes", pp. 623-624. Note: Rockhill based his translation on a text version which deviates in many points from the one prepared by Su on the basis of three different texts. In cases of doubt, Su was followed here.


decks, and planks are used to [construct] the cross sheds. If leaking cannot be controlled, the sailors in turns bail out the water without intermission. In the lower hold [of the ship] frankincense is stowed as ballast, on the upper part several hundred horses are carried. They have small heads, thin tails, deer-shaped bodies, drawn-up bellies, and their four hoofs cut iron; they are over seven feet high, and they can run a thousand li in one day and one night. Things like putchuck and amber are all produced in the country of the Franks and come from [there]. They are traded in the Western Ocean in exchange [for other goods]. The wares carried there (?) are cloves, nutmeg, blue satin, musk, red beads, Suzhou and Hangzhou coloured satins, sapanwood, blue and white porcelain, porcelain vases and iron bars; they return home with pepper loaded. Pepper is highly priced because these ships carry away so much of it. In comparison with what the merchant vessels take, ten parts do not reach one part of it (?). The above description consists of three parts: the first section alludes to the

geographical position of Ganmaili, the second discusses local ship-building, and the third looks at commodity flows. Other country segments in Wang's text are divided in similar ways. Usually, however, the second section deals with local customs, and not with ships or other "technical" issues.

In the following paragraphs different philological problems related to the above description will be addressed, one by one. (a) The name Nanfeng, in the first sentence, does not occur in other sources and cannot be properly identified. Su Jiqing thought it might be a perverted transcription of a local name (Namakdan) for one of the nearby islands; this seems rather far-fetched, but no better solution can be offered.63 (b) Regarding the duration of the voyage to Quilon on the Indian southwest coast, Su thought that "one month" would be more appropriate than "two months"; other texts support this idea.64 (c) Quilon is described in another section of Wang's text. There, reference is also made to the "horse ships".65 (d) These ships were also observed by Marco Polo: "Their ships are very bad and weak and very dangerous, and many of them are lost because they are not nailed with iron pins like ours, [...] but the planks are bored with iron drills as carefully as they can at the ends, and then are fixed with little treenails; afterwards they bind them or they are sewn with coarse thread which is made of the trees of nuts of Indie [...] But when they have loaded them they cover the goods with boiled hides of animals, and above the goods, when they have a covering, on the hides they put the horses which they carry into Indie to sell."66 Wang's and Polo's descriptions are similar and complement each other on certain details, one example being the use of coir in shipbuilding. But there are some minor differences as well. Polo noticed, for instance, that Indian Ocean vessels had no decks; Wang wrongly believed they had two or three decks, (e) We have already stressed the importance of horse shipments to India. Two points may be added: first, this detail is perhaps the most important argument against RockhilPs identification of Ganmaili with the Comoro Islands; second, it seems improbable that a single vessel could carry "several hundred horses".67 (f) Frankincense came from the Hadramaut coast. It is surprising that this commodity should be stowed in the lower hold because it was an expensive commodity and had to be kept dry. But admittedly, we know nothing of its packaging nor of the quantities then shipped from the production sites to

63. DYZL, p. 368 n. 2; Rockhill's translation in his "Notes", p. 623, is wrong. 64. DYZL, p. 365 n. 4. Ma Huan says the journey from Calicut to Hormuz took twenty-five days

(Mills, Ma Huan, p. 165). The dates given in Zhu Yunming's Qianwenji translate into a voyage of thirty- four days (cited in ibid, p. 17).

65. DYZL, pp. 321-324. 66. Polo, The Description of the World, p. 124. 67. See, for example, Simon Digby, "The Maritime Trade of Asia", in Tapan Raychaudhuri and

Irfan Habib (eds.), Cambridge Economic History of India, 1200-1710, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 125-159, esp. p. 128.


India and other places. For earlier periods, there is some quantitative evidence in connection with Chinese tribute imports and this evidence suggests that substantial amounts were brought from West Asia to the Far East, but whether that was also the case under the Mongols is difficult to tell.68 (g) Amber came via the Franks (i.e., Rum or, more generally, the eastern Mediterranean), probably from northern Europe. True putchuk (muxiang) is an Himalayan herb, whose root was used as a panacea. Similar roots may have been shipped from Arabia and the Somali coast to places like Hormuz, but nothing is known of putchuk or putchuk-like substances travelling from the Franks to that port. Be that as it may, both commodities were known in China since very early times. Amber in particular was highly valued and praised in many literary works.69 (h) Most other products mentioned in the text originated from places to the east of Hormuz. Cloves came from the Moluccas, nutmeg from the Banda Islands, musk was brought from the Sino-Tibetan borderland and other regions in the interior of Asia to the ports of China, Burma and West Asia, sapanwood was an export of many Southeast Asian ports, and so on.70 What makes the above list difficult to understand is the expression qu huo ("the wares carried there") and the phrase "they return home with pepper loaded". It is not clear in which direction all these commodities were thought to have flowed. They all should have arrived from the east, but the sentence structure is such that readers will think the first few items, from cloves to iron bars, left Hormuz for India, while pepper was taken back from there to Hormuz. This does not make sense. A solution might be to relate the entire sentence to the activities of Chinese merchants travelling from China via India to the Near East and back. Probably they first took cloves and other things from India to Hormuz, hence the translation "carried there", and then returned to India where they loaded pepper for the homebound voyage to China. A different solution would be to assume that cloves, nutmegs, etc. were reexported from Hormuz to some place along the Arabian coast, i.e., to a port which offered Indian pepper for sale. But this solution would be a very artificial one. (i) The interpretation of the last sentence is equally difficult. It seems to indicate that demand for pepper was high and that Chinese vessels carried much less of it than their

68. See, for example, Dieter Martinetz, Karlheinz Lohr and Jôrg Janzen, Weihrauch und Myrrhe. Kostbarkeiten der Vergangenheit im Licht der Gegenwart (Berlin: Akademie- Verlag, 1989); Nigel Groom, Frankincense and Myrrh. A Study of the Arabian Incense Trade (London and Beyrouth: Longman and Librairie du Liban, 1981); Lin Tianwei (Lin T'ien-wai), Songdai xiangyao maoyi shigao (Hong Kong: Zhongguo xueshe, 1960), table pp. 174-208.

69. See, for example, Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill (tr.), Chau Ju-kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, Entitled Chu-fan-chï (rpt. Taipei: Ch'eng-Wen Publishing Company, 1970), p. 16 n. 1, p. 221; Zhao Rugua (author), Yang Bowen (éd.), Zhufan zhijiaoshi, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1996), j. xia, p. 194; Paul Wheatley, "Geographical Notes on Some Commodities Involved in Sung Maritime Trade", Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 32.2 (1959), pp. 62, 81; Berthold Laufer, Sino-Iranica, Chinese Contributions to the History of Civilization in Ancient Iran, with Special Reference to the History of Cultivated Plants and Products, Anthropological Series 15.3 (Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, 1915 ), pp. 462-464; the same, "Historical Jottings on Amber in Asia", Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association 1 (1905-1907), pp. 211-244; Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, A Study of Tang Exotics (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1963), pp. 172, 247-249. - Fujita Toyohashi thought the character for "produce" in Wang's text would be superfluous. But deleting it would not improve the passage in question because then, obviously, both products would "come" from the Franks, which, as we have seen, does not necessarily apply to putchuk. - Note: Rockhill mistook amber for ambergris.

70. Nutmeg and cardamom were often confused because their Chinese names were similar. Cardamom came from India. In this case the flow of commodities would be in the same direction, from east to west.

42 Ralph KAUZ & Roderich PTÁK

competitors. But again, this interpretation may not be correct.71 Finally, we may as well assume that something is wrong with the text here. Wang Dayuan had been to the leading ports of Asia, so he certainly knew about the trade links between Hormuz and India. It is possible, therefore, that his original text was correct, but not edited carefully by the printer.72

Here we shall return to the Chinese name Ganmaili. It is difficult to understand why Rockhill took Ganmaili for the Comoro Islands. All details in Wang Dayuan's description should have alerted him to the fact that Ganmaili had to be looked for somewhere in the Middle East. Even the similarity in names is doubtful. Probably Rockhill linked the Arabic forms Jazirat a\-qamar (Island of the Moon) and Jazïrat a\-qumr (Island Qumr) to Comoro and Ganmaili. However, Qumr comes out as Kunlun in Chinese texts and is related to the name Kunlun cengqi, which in turn has to do with the Zanj slaves captured in Madagascar; thus Qumr points to Madagascar and not to the Comoro Islands.73 One might add, the Comoro Islands were a rather savage place in medieval times with very few trade connections to neighbouring places.74

But how then can one explain the name Ganmaili - especially, since later Chinese sources regularly adopted forms like Hulumosi (plus variants) to transcribe the Persian word Hormuz?75 Even in other works compiled under or related to the Yuan dynasty (or earlier, as will be explained below), one finds transcriptions clearly resembling the name Hormuz. In Chen Dazhen's fragmentary Dade Nanhai zhi (1304; preserved in the Yongle dadien), for example, the form Kuolimosi was used, and the Yuan annals (compiled under the Ming) contain the name Hulimuzi (third character also mo).76

71. For an interpretation see also Paul Wheatley, "The Land of Zanj: Exegetical Notes on Chinese Knowledge of East Africa prior to A.D. 1500", in Robert W. Steel and R. Mansell Prothero (eds.), Geographers and the Tropics: Liverpool Essays (London: Longmans, 1964), pp. 159-160.

72. One type of pepper is produced in West Africa, the Malaguetta pepper (Cayenne pepper). But in medieval times China consumed piper nigrům or piper longum. See, for example, Hirth/Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, pp. 222-224, Zhao Rugua/Yang Bowen, Zhufan zhi jiaoshi, j. xia, pp. 195-197, or Berthold Laufer, Sino-Iranica, pp. 374-375. - On China's pepper imports, more generally, see, for example, Ts'ao Yung-ho, "Pepper Trade in East Asia", T'oungPao 68.4-5 (1982), pp. 221-247.

73. See, for example, Gabriel Ferrand, "Les îles Râmni, Lâmery, Wâkwâk, Komor des géographes arabes, et Madagascar", Journal Asiatique, 10th ser., 10.3 (1907), pp. 529-532; and "Le K'ouen-louen et les anciennes navigations," in Journal Asiatique, 14th ser., 11 (1919; third part of article), pp. 209-213; Jan J. L. Duyvendak, China 's Discovery of Africa. Lectures Given at the University of London on January 22 and 23, 1947 (London: Arthur Probsthain, 1949), pp. 22-23; Wheatley, "The Land of Zanj", pp. 159-160, and his "Analecta Sino- Afričana Recensa", in H. Neville Chittick and Robert I. Rotberg (eds.), East Africa and the Orient. Cultural Syntheses in Pre-Colonial Times (New York and London: Afričana Publishing Co., 1975), pp. 86-90; Almut Netolitzky, Das Ling-wai tai-ta von Chou Ch'u-fei. Eine Landeskunde Sudchinas aus dem 12. Jahrhundert, Munchener Ostasiatische Studien 21 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1977), pp. 49, 238-239 notes.

74. Michael N. Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders, the Swahili Coast, India, and Portugal in the Early Modern Era (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), p. 147.

75. For different Chinese transcriptions of Hormuz, see, for example, Chen Jiarong, Xie Fang and Lu Junling, Gudai Nanhai diming huishi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), p. 949 (hereafter GDNH); also Pelliot, "Les grands voyages", pp. 242-243 n. 1 .

76. Yuan shi, j. 63, p. 1571; see also Paul Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, 3 vols. (Paris : Imprimerie Nationale, 1959-1973), I, p. 581. For the first text, see, Yongle dadian, Zhongguo xueshu mingzhu, 4th ser., Leishu congbian 1, vols. 1-100 (Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1962), vol. 64, j. 11907, 94b, or one of the modern editions, for example Dade Nanhai zhi canben (Guangzhou: Guangzhou shi difangzhi yanjiusuo, 1986), p. 38. There are many studies on this text, one of the latest being Qiu Xuanyu, "Cong 'Dade Nanhai zhi' kan Song mo Yuan chu Guangzhou de haiwai maoyi", in Zhang Yanxian (éd.), Zhongguo


To approach the problem from a different perspective it is essential to recall that, when Wang Dayuan travelled to the kingdom of Hormuz or heard about this place, its capital had already been moved to the island of Jarun. From this time onwards the name Jarun was sometimes applied to the mainland possessions of Hormuz - as jarunât. At the same time the form Hormuz was retained, not only for the former capital, Old-Hormuz, but also for the mainland part, and even for the kingdom in toto.77 However, other names appear as well. One example may be found in Ibn Battuta's account: "Hormuz is a city on the sea-coast, and is also called Mughistân" - after the district of Kirmân near the coast. "Opposite it in the sea is New Hormuz..."78 In short then, from the early thirteenth century onwards, several names stood for Old and New Hormuz, and many were interchangeable to some degree, but phonetically none of these names comes close to the Chinese form Ganmaili.

Su Jiqing thought to overcome the phonetic problem by drawing attention to Marco Polo's "Charmusa" (Curmos, Cormos, etc.), another reading for Hormuz. He argued the initials were similar in both cases - Marco Polo had ch (cha) or c, Wang Dayuan had g (ga) - and thus proposed to replace "Ganmaili" by "Ganlimai". The inverted form would approach the reading Hormuz.79 This proposal was widely accepted, but it may not be the last word. First, Marco Polo's version could be due to his individual understanding, and secondly, the Chinese name does not represent the final z in Hormuz. It might be possible, however, to relate the inverted form Ganlimai to the district of Kirmân. If correct, the name of a larger regional entity would again stand for Hormuz "proper". Another possibility would be to equate the non-inverted Ganmaili with Gumru, i.e., the site, where Bandar 'Abbàs was later built (see above). Gumru may be a corrupt reading of gumruk, which became a conventional term for "custom-house" or "customs". 80 Phonetically, this name is very close to Ganmaili (Cantonese: Gammailik), but it only referred to the harbour on the mainland with its overland links to Kirmân and Shïrâz, and not to the place where ships would call from overseas. Still, we cannot rule out that Wang Dayuan or his informant adopted Gamru for the entire kingdom of Hormuz.

Several additional remarks are appropriate here before a general conclusion can be drawn. First, phonetically it is virtually impossible to render Jarun into Ganmaili. Second, Zhao Rugua mentions a site called Ganmei in his famous Zhufan zhi (1225). This name is included in a list of countries depending on Dashi (the Arabs and/or Persians). The same list refers to Jishi, i.e. Qais. Since Qais was then still a leading port in the Gulf, as we saw, it is also described in a separate section of the Zhufan zhi. Hirth and Rockhill had no difficulties in identifying Qais; regarding Ganmei, they proposed to relate this toponym to the Comoro Islands. It is possible that, later on, when Rockhill translated Wang's text, he took Ganmaili as an extension of Ganmei and thereby also as a name for the Comoro Islands. Su Jiqing was more realistic in that respect: Following an earlier suggestion by Shen Cengzhi, he also accepted a connection between Ganmei and Ganmaili, thinking the former was a perverted form of the latter (or of Ganlimai) and thus another name for

haiyang fazhanshi lunwenji, vol. 6, Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Zhongshan renwen shehui kexue yanjiusuo zhuanshu 40 (Taipei: Zhongyang ... yanjiusuo, 1997), pp. 173-215 (see esp. p. 202). Also see Yu Changsen, Yuandai haiwai maoyi (Xi'an: Xibei daxue chubanshe, 1994), p. 25. - Note: The first character in the name Kuolimosi sometimes appears with radical 85, the third is often wrongly given as zhu. Furthermore, the Cantonese reading of the first character is fut.

11. Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", pp. 80-82. 78. Ibn Battuta/Gibb, Travels, И, р. 400. 79. Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, entry on "Courmos", p. 576; DYZL, p. 366 n. 1. 80. Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, p. 319.


Hormuz.81 Third, in his chapter on Calicut, Wang Dayuan says that corals, pearls and frankincense came to that port from the Franks and a place called Ganli. Pearls were found in the Gulf, precious corals originated from the Mediterranean, frankincense came from the Arabian peninsula, as will be recalled from the above. It thus seems possible to see in Ganli another form for Ganmaili, or Hormuz/Gamru, especially if one considers the similarities between the characters // and mai. But Su Jiqing suggested that Ganli should represent Qalhàt, a dependency of Hormuz, called Jialaha in the so-called Mao Kun map (which shows Zheng He's itinerary; more on this below) and perhaps also identical with Jialiji (again, one of the "Arab dependencies" in the Zhufan zhi list).82 The main argument in support of Su' s proposal would be that Wang Dayuan probably had in mind to distinguish between two different places when he spoke of Ganmaili in one chapter and Ganli in another segment. However, he may have committed an error, and it cannot be fully excluded that the two sites are identical. Fourth, the Song shi contains a list of tribute countries with the name Ganmeiliu (the first two characters being the same as those of Ganmei). All other countries in that list are places depending on sea trade, Dashi however is not named in connection with these countries, it occurs in a different row. This suggests that Ganmeiliu had nothing to do with Dashi. Therefore, Ganmeiliu was mostly equated with different entities, and not with Hormuz. 83

The many toponyms mentioned in the foregoing paragraphs make it difficult to single out one option as being the correct explanation for Ganmaili. There are phonetic links to the earlier name Ganmei, to Ganli, and certainly also to Gamru and Kirmàn. Even the inversion theory ("Ganlimai" in lieu of "Ganmaili") would be plausible, if the final z in Hormuz was overlooked or deliberately ignored by Wang Dayuan. In the end only the following can be stated: First, (New) Hormuz was an important location in the early fourteenth century and many descriptive elements contained in Wang's account point to this place beyond any doubt. Indeed, Hormuz was so famous that Wang had to mention it. Second, Hormuz being a key port in the Middle East, one wonders why he did not choose a name similar to the conventional form Hulumosi {mo can also be read mu). Here, Pelliot might offer an explanation: Probably Yuan China considered Hormuz as belonging to the ïlkhânides,84 and perhaps Wang Dayuan, taking account of this, had good reasons to replace Hulumosi by a name that left enough room for interpretation.

It was already indicated that Yuan sources and certain earlier works would contain additional toponyms which can be more easily related to Hormuz than Ganmaili. Here we must briefly look at these references. The earliest possible reference could be the name Hemocheng, the "City of Hemo". It occurs in the Da Tangxiyuji of the Tang period. Beal took it as "Humoon".85 The next candidate is Hulumo (last character also meî). Pelliot

81. DYZL, p. 366 n. 1; Hirth/Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, pp.117, 122 n. 13, pp. 133-134; Zhao Rugua/Yang Bowen, Zhufan zhijiaoshi,]. shang, pp. 90, 96 n. 21 and 27, pp. 108-109 (and sources in n. 1, there).

82. DYZL, pp. 325, 329-330 n. 12; Hirth/Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, pp. 117, 122 n. 12; Zhao Rugua/ Yang Bowen, Zhufan zhijiaoshi, j. shang, pp. 90, 95 n. 14; GDNH, pp. 307, 431; Haijun haiyang cehui yanjiusuo, Dalian haiyun xueyuan hanghaishi yanjiushi (eds.), Xin bian Zheng He hanghai tuji (Beijing: Renmin jiaotong chubanshe, 1988), pp. 77, 78, 81; Mills, Ma Huan, p. 188 no. 74, pp. 248, 296-297. - Rockhill, "Notes", p. 454, equated Ganli with Ganmaili, and once again, with the Comoro Islands.

83. Song shi, j. 1 19, p. 2813. Many writers took Ganmeiliu for Danmeiliu, Danliumei, Dingliumei, etc. (various identifications); see, for example, GDNH, pp. 212-213, 252.

84. Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, p. 582. Of course, Pelliot is wrong in saying there were no direct contacts between China and Hormuz.

85. Xuan Zang (author), Ji Xianlin et al. (eds.), Da Tang xiyu ji jiaozhu, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (2nd ed. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990), j. 11, pp. 941-942; GDNH, pp. 851-852, 949; DYZL,


found this name in a work of the twelfth century, the Wenchang zalu. The text tells us that Hulumo was more or less adjacent to Cengtan.86 Cengtan, described in the Song shi and other sources, was identified with Zanguebar by some authors, others related it to the Saljuk Turks.87 Since the Saljuk Turks were adjacent to Hormuz, Hulumo could very well point to that place. The third reference is more clear. It occurs in an inscription dedicated to Yang Shu (in a collection by Huang Jin). Yang Shu belonged to a wealthy family involved in overseas commerce. He travelled to Persia twice and disembarked at Hormuz in 1307, now written Hulumusi (mu also read mo). There he bought horses, "black dogs", amber, grape wine, and "foreign salt". On account of his many merits he was later rewarded and received the title of a "Maritime Battalion Commander of Songjiang, Jiading, and other sites". 88 Other references to Hormuz include those in the Dade Nanhai zhi and Yuan shi (see above). The Yuan annals contain one additional name which could also be Hormuz: Ha'ermamou. Several scholars proposed to replace the last character by qi which would then give Ha'ermaqi, but Pelliot rejected the idea. Next, there is an inscription in Quanzhou which refers to an envoy sent to Huolumosi in 1299, and there is also news on a certain Bu'ali (also variant "spellings") who died in China in 1299. The ancestors of this man came from a place identified with Qalhàt by Liu Yingsheng. Not all details of his story which is linked with Maba'ar and the Pandyas in South India are clear.89

p. 367 n. 1; Hiuen Tsiang (author), Samuel Beal (tr.), Si-yu-ki. Buddhist Records of the Western Worlds, 2 vols. (rpt. Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp., 1969; originally London, 1884), I, p. 278. Furthermore: Hui Li and Yan Cong, Daci'en si sanzang fashi zhuan, Taishô shinshu Daizokyo, vol. 50 {rpt. Tokyo, 1977), text no. 2053, j. 4, p. 243 (lower section) (Humocheng; in a note it says the first character could also be written he, hence Hemocheng); Dao Xuan (author), Fan Xiangyong (éd.), Shijia fangzhi, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), j. shang, p. 23 (Hulumo [b]), j. xia, p. 86 (Hemocheng). In the (Qinding) gujin tushu jicheng, the Da Tang xiyuji is also cited, but Hormuz is called Hulumo (b); see no. 27 on p. 66, here. - Also see, for example, Sally Hovey Wriggins, Xuanzang: A Buddhist Pilgrim on the Silk Road (Boulder: Westview Press, 1996), p. 139.

86. Pang Yuanying, Wenchang zalu, Xuejin taoyuan, in Baibu congshu jicheng, j. 1, 4a; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, I, pp. 580-581. Different suggestions in GDNH, p. 572.

87. Song shi,). 490, pp. 14122-14123. For different identifications, see, for example, Hirth/Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, pp. 126-127; Zhao Rugua/Yang Bowen, Zhufan zhi jiaoshi, j. shang, pp. 100-101 n. 1; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, I, pp. 580-581; Wheatley, "Analecta", p. 88; GDNH, p. 460.

88. Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji, Sibu congkan chubian, ji bu, vol. 77 (2nd ed. Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1967), j. 35, p. 365 (lower section); Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, I, pp. 581-582 (also pp. 120-121 under "Caçan"), and the same, Les grands voyages, 431-432 (quoting Qian Daxin); GDNH, p. 366; Yu Changsen, Yuandai haiwai maoyi, pp. 112, 114-115; Chen Gaohua, "Yuandai de hanghai shijia Ganpu Yang shi - jian shuo Yuandai qita hanghai jiazu", Haijiaoshi yanjiu (1/1995), esp. pp. 4-8 (the Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji is cited in both these works); Karashima Noboru, "Trade Relations between South India and China during the 13th and 14th Centuries", Journal of East-West Maritime Relations 1 (1989), p. 75.

89. Yuan shi, j. 123, p. 3038 (an envoy is sent to Hormuz by Kublai Khan); Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, I, p. 581; DYZL, p. 367 n. 1; GDNH, pp. 949. - On the envoy of 1299, see, for example, Zhu Jieqin, "Zhongguo he Yilang", p. 72; Li Yukun, Quanzhou haiwai jiaotong shiltie, Quanzhou lishi wenhua congshu (Xiamen: Xiamen daxue chubanshe, 1995), p. 18. - On Bu'ali, see, for example, Liu Yingsheng, "Cong 'Bu'ali shendao beiming' kan Nanyindu yu Yuan chao ji Bosiwan de jiaotong", Lishi dili 7 (1985), pp. 90-95; the same, "An Inscription in Memory of Sayyid Bin Abu Ali: a Study on the Relationship between China and Oman from the 11th- 15th Centuries", in Malallah bin Ali Habib Al- Lawaty (éd.), Papers Submitted at the International Seminar on the Silk Roads Held at Sultan Quaboos University, Muscat, Sultanate of Oman, 20-21 November 1990 (n. p.: The Ministry of National Heritage and Culture, Sultanate of Oman, 1992), pp. 77-82; Roderich Ptak, "Yuan and Early Ming Notices on the


Finally, a short description of Hormuz is also contained in the Yiyu zhi, a book of uncertain date and origin. In all likelihood, the original text was written by Zhou Zhizhong, an official under the Yuan. It is possible but not certain that he, like Wang Dayuan, had visited many foreign countries. Zhou's text was later altered by others. Hormuz is called Huliumusi:90

This country is in the middle of the Southwestern Ocean. It is a Muslim country. This place is extremely hot. It exports foreign cloth and precious things. It resembles Calicut.91

Zhou Zhizhong's book is full of what one might call mirabilia. It influenced certain other texts, for example the Yiyu tuzhi (probably early Ming) and some later encyclopaedic works, but for unknown reasons the description of Huliumusi was not incorporated in these sources. We may therefore turn to a different subject now, the diplomatic relations between Ming China and Hormuz, and then, in a further chapter investigate the stock of early Ming descriptions which were produced in the wake of these missions.

Envoys between Hormuz and China under the Early Ming The final destination of the first three expeditions under Zheng He (1405-1407, 1407-

1409, 1409-1411) was the Malabar Coast. At that time, the Ming Court certainly knew about the countries beyond India, but it was only on 18 December 1412 (shiyi yue, bingsheri) that Zheng He received orders to sail to these distant regions. Interestingly, only one location in the western half of the Indian Ocean appears in the decree of 1412, namely Hormuz.92 Zheng He left China in late 1413 or early 1414, with the northern monsoon.

Considering that his fleet would call at various ports, he must have reached Hormuz in late

Kayal Area in South India", BEFEO 80.1 (1993), pp. 141-142 and sources in notes there. The story of Bu'ali is also connected to Malik al-Islâm whose son, Fakhr ad-Din Ahmad, was sent to China in 1299 and later died near the Coromandal coast. See, for example, Aubin, "Les princes d'Ormuz", p. 99. - Qalhât is also mentioned in the Dade Nanhai zhi; see references in n. 76 and Liu Yingsheng's Chinese article, p. 91. - Studies on the Islamic presence and on Muslim inscriptions in Quanzhou abound. Essential documents are collected in Wu Wenliang, Quanzhou zongjiao shike, Kaoguxue zhuankan, yi zhong, 7 (Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1957), esp. p. 60 and plates 147.1 and 2 (again, the embassy of 1299). For a survey also see the various articles in Haijiaoshi yanjiu.

90. Zhou Zhizhong (author), Lu Junling (éd.), Yiyu zhi, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981; bound together in one volume with Yelti Chucai's Xiyou lu), p. 23. Also see Ptak, Images of Maritime Asia, esp. pp. 49 and 52.

91. "Muslim": Huihe, normally an old name for the Uighurs (since Tang times). - "Calicut", less likely "Countries of the Western Ocean"? See, for example, Roderich Ptak, "Ein mustergiiltiges 'Barbarenlanď?: Kalikut nach chinesischen Quellen der Yuan- und Ming-Zeit", in Denys Lombard and Roderich Ptak (eds.), Asia Maritima, Images et réalité, Bilder und Wirklichkeit, 1200-1800, South China and Maritime Asia 1 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1994), pp. 86-88, and Roderich Ptak, "China and Calicut in the Early Ming Period: Envoys and Tribute Embassies", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1989), p. 81 and n. 1 there, p. 83.

92. Ming shilu (Taizong), j. 134, p. 1639. The Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions also mention "Hormuz and other places" as destinations of the fourth voyage; see Duyvendak, "True Dates", pp. 347, 393. - The toponyms Bila and Sunla in the Ming shilu order for that voyage are controversial; see, for example, GDNH, pp. 176-177, 391. - Geoffrey P. Wade translated all Ming shilu entries on the relations between China and the maritime countries of Southeast Asia, South Asia and beyond. See his The Ming shi-lu (Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty) as a Source for Southeast Asian History; Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries, 8 vols., Hongkong 1994 (unpublished PhD dissertation). In the following descriptions we often follow the translations of Wade.


1414 or early 1415. In all likelihood he set out for the homebound voyage in February or March because the main fleet returned to China on 12 August 1415 (qiyue guimao).93

According to the Ming s hilu, the first embassy of Hormuz arrived in Nanjing before Zheng He had returned from his fourth voyage. This embassy submitted tribute on 28 August 1414 (ba yue, jiayin), when the ships of the fourth fleet were still en route to India. The name of the leading envoy was Jijiding (the first character can easily be mistaken for 5/ or yi), which Pelliot suggested to be a transcription of 'Izz ad-Dïn.94

There is some confusion about this embassy in later works, as will be shown below. We shall look at the Ming annals first: 95

In the tenth year of Yongle (1412), considering that [many] nearby Western Ocean countries had already [sent envoys] across the sea to present precious tribute and kowtow in front of the imperial throne, while the more distant [places] had not yet subordinated themselves, the [Yongle] emperor ordered Zheng He to take imperial letters to all countries, and to bestow on their kings embroidered silks, coloured silks and gauze, and also to grant gifts to their wives and high officials. Thereupon the king [of Hormuz] sent out [his] official Yijiding to present a golden leaf- tablet, horses and local products [to China]. In the twelfth year (1414), [when this envoy] reached the imperial capital, the Ministry of Rites was instructed to feast him, and to compensate him with an amount equivalent to the value of the horses...

Obviously, the Ming shi editors thought that Zheng He had caused the king of Hormuz (then Qutb ad-Dïn Fïruzshâh) to dispatch the envoy of 1414 - in compliance with the edict of 1412. This makes no sense because the fourth expedition did not leave China before the end of 1413. Two possible solutions can be suggested: the king sent the envoy on his own initative or, alternatively, he received an imperial letter from China through other channels.

Be that as it may, the Ming shi editors did not commit the kind of serious errors we can detect in certain earlier works. The first source in a long sequence of texts with dubious data is the Huanyu tongzhi (completed in 1456), a very popular compilation which was substituted by an equally popular work, the Da Ming yitong zhi (first edition 1461). For unexplained reasons the editors of both these texts listed two countries for Hormuz, not realizing that they represented the same political entity: Hulumosi and Hulumu'en (the last syllable in the second name is obviously an error for si). Of Hulumosi it is said that this country sent an envoy called Malazu "during the Yongle period"; no year is indicated. In the case of Hulumu'en, we read, that Yi/Sijiding was dispatched in 1405. 96 Needless to say, these data cannot be substantiated through the Ming shilu.

Other sources repeat this information. Some even associated both embassies with the year 1405. Still others refer to the year 1407, or 1409, and so on.97 At that time, it will be remembered, Zheng He's ships had not yet sailed to Hormuz.

93. Ming shilu (Taizong), j. 166, p. 1859; Mills, Ma Huan, pp. 9, 12-13, 15-17; Ptak, "China and Calicut", pp. 81-111, here p. 101.

94. Ming shilu (Taizong), j. 154, p. 1776; Pelliot, "Les grands voyages", pp. 431-432. 95. Ming shi,]. 326, p. 8452. 96. Chen Xun et al. (сотр.), Huanyu tongzhi, 10 vols. (Taibei : Guangwen shuju, 1968), j. 118, 22a;

Li Xian et al. (сотр.), Da Ming yitong zhi, 10 vols. (Taibei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1965), j. 90, pp. 5563- 5564. For the history of both works, see L. Carrington Goodrich, "Geographical Additions of the XlVth and XVth Centuries, A Bibliographical Note", Monumenta Serica 15 (1956), pp. 203-212. Also see, for example, Pelliot, "Les grands voyages", pp. 431-432.

97. For a collection of references, see, Zheng Haosheng and Zheng Yijun (eds.), Zheng He xia Xiyang ziliao huibian, vol. 2.2 (Ji'nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1983), pp. 1801-1804. This includes, for example, the Huang Ming siyi kao, Xian bin lu, Wu bei zhi, Yi cheng, Huang Ming xiangxu lu, Zui wei lu, Ming shu, etc. (see detailed bibliographical references on p. 63 sq., here). Also see XYCGDL, j. xia, p. 111.


Here we may turn to the Hormuzian end. There is a short reference to the first diplomatic exchange between Ming-China and Hormuz in Natanzï's history. At that time Qutb ad-Din ruled over Hormuz. Natanzi comments: "His personality was such that the Sultans of Misr (Egypt, viz. the Mamluks) and the Khâns of Khatà'ï (China) sent letters to him by land and sea."98 Indubitably, the relations with China and Egypt were used to exalt the king's prestige, but the text does not say when the letter (or letters?) from China arrived. Since Qutb ad-Dïn ruled until mid-1417 and since Natanzï's account was submitted in October 1414, any earlier date seems possible." In all likelihood, bilateral contacts were already established by then, but no further details can be found out, neither through Chinese nor through other sources.

We have no clear-cut solution for the above puzzles. However, a few more arguments may help us in narrowing down the problem to several possible answers. The first issue concerns the Hormuzian envoy recorded in August 1414. If this envoy went directly to China, it must have left Hormuz in early 1414, reaching Malacca in May or June of that year. Zheng He was then on his way to India, as we saw. Probably he met the Hormuzian envoy somewhere in or near Malacca, informing him of the edict of 1412. If so, this might explain why the Ming s hi editors thought there was a causal link between the edict and the embassy, but it would certainly not explain Natanzï's reference to the imperial letter(s) from China, because Zheng He cannot have reached Hormuz before October 1414 (i.e., before the departure of the envoy). Second, Fei Xin says that he joined the embassy of a certain Yang Chi; this embassy was sent to Bengal in 1412 and came back to China in 1414. If it left China in late 1412 or early 1413, one may allow for the possibility of a special messenger being dispatched en route, say from Malacca, to Hormuz, which place he would have reached a few months later, just in time for Hormuz to equip Jijiding's mission of 1414. Alternatively, by the time Yang Chi and Fei Xin were out at sea, the Hormuzian envoy of 1414 may have been on his way too, so that both met somewhere in Southeast Asia. In either case, the possibility exists that Yang Chi, or Fei Xin, took Jijiding to China.100 Third, the Shuyu zhou zi lu (dated 1574) claims that Zheng He divided his fleet during the third voyage (1409-141 1), sending some ships to Hormuz and Aden; elsewhere, it states that Zheng He himself 'had proceeded to Hormuz in 1409. These claims are probably based on Lu Rong's Shuyuan zaji (ca. 1475), which also lists Hormuz among the destinations of the third voyage. Furthermore, there is an inscription which says that a certain Zhou Wen (1385-1470) was selected to proceed with the imperial fleet to "Hormuz and other countries" in 1409. If the inscription can be trusted, Zhou also joined the expeditions of 1413, 1417, 1421 and 1431, and an additional voyage in 1424. But no further details are known, nor are his destinations recorded. So, whether he really reached Hormuz cannot be known. If both the Shuyu zhou zi lu and the inscription were correct, the solution would be that Zhou was on the squadron which sailed directly to the Gulf after the main fleet had been divided somewhere else. It thus seems possible that some ships had indeed proceeded beyond India during one of the first three missions.

98. Natanzi, p. 18. Natanzi gives the personal name of Qutb ad-Din as "Bahman"; "Tahamtan" would be correct. See Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", pp. 129-131 n. 313.

99. Ibid., p. 131. 100. Details in Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin, p. 31 and n. 3, there. Much has been written on the relations

between China and Bengal. See, for example, Haraprasad Ray, Trade and Diplomacy in India-China Relations. A Study of Bengal during the Fifteenth Century (New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1993), esp. pp. 64 et seq. Relevant Ming materials were collected in Geng Yinceng, Hanwen Nanya shiliao xue (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1991); Beijing daxue Nanya yanjiusuo (éd.), Zhongguo zaiji zhong Nanya shiliao huibian, 2 vols. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1994).


However, as was said, none of this can be confirmed through the Ming shilu or any other early account. 101 Needless to say, the message received by the Hormuzian ruler through an early "side mission" would not have been identical with the one prepared in 1412. Fourth, in spite of constant political turmoil within Iran, Hormuz may have been in touch with China via Shiraz. According to the Ming shilu, an envoy from this place sent tribute in 1413. It arrived in summer, obviously via the overland route, and may have returned rather quickly, again overland, perhaps with an imperial message rushed on from Shïràz to Hormuz -just in time to equip the envoy leaving for China in early 1414.102 But, as was indicated, this is mere speculation. Finally, mid- and late-Ming references to one (or several) Hormuzian envoy(s) prior to 1414 may not be completely wrong, if the following is considered: Both the Huanyu tongzhi and Da Ming yitong zhi report some details not recorded in the Ming shilu. To what extent these details can be trusted can no longer be known, but perhaps one should not reject them out of hand. In other words, it is possible (though probably somewhat unlikely), that an early Hormuzian envoy was overlooked by the Ming shilu editors. This, in turn, may have confused the editors of the Huanyu tongzhi and Da Ming yitong zhi, to the extent that they decided to list Hormuz twice, under two different names, thereby indicating that certain details did not match with what they (possibly) had read in documents now lost.

Here we may return to the envoy of 1414 and also summarize all subsequent missions. This can be accomplished rather straightforwardly, because the textual basis is much clearer in these cases than in the case discussed above. For convenience, the diplomatic activities between Hormuz and China have been segmented into different steps which mostly, but not exclusively, follow the chronology of the Ming shilu.

1) 28 August 1414: The embassy led by Jijiding arrived together with an envoy from Pahang, offering horses and local products as tribute, as was said.103 The Ming shilu does not refer to the golden leaf-tablet mentioned in the Ming annals.

20 November 1415 (dong shiyue, guiwei): Having received money, silk and copper cash, several envoys, including the one from Hormuz, announced their departure. Whether Jijiding was among them is not recorded, his name is not given. Nor do we know how these envoys returned to their countries of origin. Perhaps they stayed in China until 1417 and sailed with Zheng He's fifth expedition. Another possibility is that Hou Xian, who had received orders to go to Bengal in August 1415, departed much later, after 20 November 1415, taking with him some of the above delegates.104 Finally, since Jijiding is not listed among the returning envoys, we cannot rule out that the Ming shilu entry for November 1415 refers to a second, unknown Hormuzian envoy, who had arrived earlier (or later) than Jijiding.

101. Yan Congjian/Yu Sili, Shuyu zhou zi lu, j. 8, pp. 306-307, j. 9, p. 318; Lu Rong, Shuyuan zaji, Congshu jicheng chubian 329-330, 2 vols. (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1936), j. 3, p. 23. Also see, for example, Pelliot, "Les grands voyages", pp. 282-284, and Zheng Yijun, Lun Zheng He xia Xiyang (Beijing: Haiyang chubanshe, 1985), pp. 208-211; Jinian weida hanghaijia Zheng He ... yanjiuhui (éd.), Zheng He shiji wenwu xuan (Beijing: Renmin jiaotong chubanshe, 1985), pp. 24-25, 43 (Zhou Wen). — The Tianfei xiansheng lu, a religious work of the Qing period, says a certain Chen Qing was sent out in 1409. Perhaps he was among the ones who commanded "side missions". See Gerd Wâdow, T'ien-fei hsien-sheng lu. "Die Aufzeichungen von der manifestierten Heiligkeit der Himmelsprinzessin ", Monumenta Serica Monograph Series 29 (Nettetal: Steyler-Verlag, 1992), pp. 222-225.

102. Ming shilu (Taizong), j. 140, p. 1690 (liuyue, guiyou). 103. Ibid., j. 154, p. 1776. 104. Ibid., j. 166, p. 1859 (Hou Xian), j. 169, p. 1882 (gifts to envoys); Duyvendak, "True Dates",

pp. 379-380; Ptak, "China and Calicut", p. 101.


Fei Xin, author of the Xingcha shenglan, says he went to Bengal with Zheng He in 1415, proceeding also to Hormuz and other countries and returning to China in 1416. This raises several doubts. First, Zheng He did not go back to sea before 1417. Second, the Ming shilu does not confirm Fei Xin's voyage. Third, if Fei Xin really went on a mission in 1415, he probably joined Hou Xian, who must have left China in winter (1415/16). But the time for the outbound voyage to Hormuz and the return journey would then shrink to one year. Only exceptionally favourable weather conditions could have made such a fast "round trip" possible. 105

2) 19 November 1416 {shiyi yue, wuzi): Ambassadors from several countries, including Hormuz, submitted horses, rhinoceroses, elephants, and local products. The grammatical structure of the relevant Ming shilu entry being vague, it is impossible to associate specific countries with specific products. 106 Nor do we know how these envoys reached China. Perhaps the one from Hormuz had embarked with Fei Xin in Hormuz, or had met Hou Xian somewhere en route?

26 November 1416 (shiyi yue, bingshen): Together with the other ambassadors the Hormuzian delegates were honoured with a reception. 107

28 December 1416 (shi'er yue, dingmao): These envoys, including the one from Hormuz, announced their return and received gifts (cloth and patterned silks). They probably left with Zheng He's fifth expedition in early 1417. 108 In the fifth month of that year, Zheng He stayed in Quanzhou. An inscription found near a Muslim tomb there says he offered sacrifice on his way to "Hormuz and other countries" (Hormuz is the only place mentioned by name). This inscription has been discussed in many studies because it shows Zheng He's faith. The further outbound journey, we may assume, was conducted in the usual way. Probably Zheng He's ships reached Hormuz in late 1417 or early 141 8. 109

3) 26 February 1421 (zheng yue, wuzi): Once again, envoys from Hormuz and other countries submitted horses and local products as tribute. The same entry also says that the Ministry of Rites was asked to arrange a banquet for these envoys. Interestingly, Hormuz is listed as number one in a sequence of sixteen places, but the names of the ambassadors are not given. It is not known how and when these delegates arrived, but perhaps they had come much earlier, in the wake of Zheng He and his crew, who had returned from their fifth voyage in summer 1419. n0 If so, this would also be in line with the Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions. Referring to the fifth expedition, both texts state that China's fleets had visited the "western regions"; they then enumerate several tribute gifts, saying that

105. For further details, see, Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin, pp. 32 and n. 4, pp. 73-74 and n. 208. 106. Ming shilu (Taizong), }. 182, p. 1963. 107. Ibid.J. 182, pp. 1963-1964. 108. Ibid., j. 183, pp. 1969-1970; Ptak, "China and Calicut", p. 102. 109. On the inscription, see, for example, Zheng Haosheng/Zheng Yijun, Zheng He xia Xiyang ziliao

huibian, vol. 2.2., pp. 982-983; XYFGZ, pp. 50-51; Zheng He shiji wenwu xuan, p. 59; Chen Dasheng, Quanzhou yisilan jiao shike (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1984), pp. 55, 60 plate 206, pp. 96-97; Roderich Ptak, Cheng Hos Abenteuer im Drama und Roman der Ming-Zeit. Hsia Hsi-yang: Eine Ůbersetzung und Untersuchung. Hsi-yang chi: Ein Deutungsversuch, Munchener Ostasiatische Studien 41 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1986), p. 107 n. 15. - Technically, the next Ming shilu entry within our chronology would be the one of 14 June 1420. This entry says that all those who had been to Hormuz and other places for several times, were promoted by one grade. Among those promoted were Zhu Zhen and Tang Jing. Since nothing is known of their connection with Hormuz, this entry is irrelevant for the present paper. See Ming shilu (Taizong), j. 225, p. 2211. - Zhu Zhen and Tang Jing are also mentioned elsewhere, for example on the Changle inscription and in Ming shilu (Taizong), j. 168, p. 1870.

1 10. Ibid., j. 214, p. 2149 (Zheng He's return); j. 233, p. 2255 (presentation of tribute gifts).


Hormuz, which is listed in primo loco, offered lions, leopards with golden spots, and large western horses.111 There is no exact date for the arrival of the foreign delegates in the inscriptions, but two possible solutions can be thought of: (a) The envoys, who submitted tribute gifts, had indeed travelled with Zheng He, reaching China in 1419; they were then obliged to wait until February 1421 before they were officially received in the capital, (b) Another envoy had left Hormuz around the beginning of 1420, travelling separately, but went unrecorded in the Ming shilu. In this case the inscriptions would refer to one delegation and the Ming shilu to another group of envoys.

3 March 1421 {zhengyue, bingsi): The envoys mentioned under the Ming shilu entry of February went back to their countries of origin together with Zheng He, who received orders to start his sixth expedition. Before departing, they were rewarded with paper money and silk.112 Again, Hormuz is listed as number one. Interestingly, the Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions also underline the importance of this place by referring to "Hormuz and other countries", adding, their ambassadors had already been in attendance at the capital for a long time. This seems to support solution (a), above.

At around that time an embassy sent by the Timurid emperor Shâhrukh and the Timurid princes stayed in China. Details on this embassy were recorded by Ghïyâth ad- Din Naqqàsh. We know, for example, that it arrived on 14 December 1420 (8 Dhu'-l- Hijja, 823) and left again in May 1421 {Jumâda I, 824).m But we are not told whether the Timurid ambassadors saw their Hormuzian colleagues. Obviously both parties acted on their own. Perhaps this should be taken as indicators for China's political influence in the coastal regions of Asia and for Hormuz' autonomy vis-à-vis the Timurid empire.

4) For China, the years from 1420 to 1422 were "special" because they were marked by many extraordinary events. The imperial capital was moved from Nanjing to Beijing - this might explain the long time gap between Zheng He's return in summer 1419 and the official reception of foreign envoys in February 1421 -, the newly-built palace burned down in early May 1422 - a "most inauspicious event" of which Ghïyâth ad-Dïn gives a vivid account -, and one of the emperor's principal enemies, Aruktai (Alutai), ceased to pay tribute in 1421. In the following year the third campaign against the Mongols was begun.114 Although the focus of imperial policy had now shifted to the north, activities at the maritime "frontier" continued. Besides the order of March 1421 for Zheng He's sixth expedition, two further orders can be found in the literature. Both are included in Gong Zhen's text. One, dated 13 January 1421 (shi'er yue chu, shirï), is of interest here. Its addressee is Yang Qing, who was sent to "Hormuz and other countries". A few months earlier other delegations had already been commissioned to Siam and Jaunpur.115 The

111. Inscriptions in Duyvendak, "True Dates", pp. 348, 354. 112. Ming shilu (Taizong), j. 233, p. 2256. 113. See, for example, W. M. Thackston (tr.), A Century of Princes, Sources on Timurid History and

Art (Cambridge, Ma.: The Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture, 1989), pp. 279-297. - Ghîyàth ad-Dïn's account is found in Samarqandï, pp. 477-529. Also see Hàfiz-i Abru (author), Sayyid Kamàl Hàjj Sayyid Jawàdï (éd.), Zubdat at-tavàrïkh, 2 vols. (Tehran: Sâzimân-i châp wa intishàrât-i vizârat-i farhang wa irshàd-i islàmï, 1993-1994), II, pp. 817-865. For the dates see pp. 836 and 862.

114. Edward L. Farmer, Early Ming Government, the Evolution of Dual Capitals, Cambridge Ma. e.a.: Harvard University Press, 1976, pp. 1 12-1 13, 122-123; Hâfiz-i Abru, Zubdat at-tavàrïkh, II, pp. 861- 862.

1 15. HYFGZ, pp. 9-10; TSZL, j. 224, p. 2207, j. 229, p. 2226; Ptak, "China and Calicut", pp. 103- 104, and sources there. - The Tianfei xiansheng lu (Wâdow, T'ien-fei, pp. 227-228), also records a voyage to Bengal for the year 1421. More on this, for example, in Li Xianzhang (author), Zheng


itineraries of all these envoys are not reported in the Ming shilu, nor do we know when Yang Qing called at Hormuz and how he came back to China. Furthermore, one might ask if his name was related to that of Yang Chi, whom we encountered earlier in the context of Sino-Bengal diplomacy. Another point is that the sources do not tell us whether or not his mission was coordinated with that of Zheng He.

24 October 1423 (Jiuyue, wuxu): According to the Ming shilu entry for this date, there arrived in the imperial capital envoys from sixteen countries totalling 1,200 persons. Within the sequence of these sixteen places, Hormuz is listed in secundo loco (or in third place, depending on the interpretation of the text). Orders were then also given to hold a banquet, to distribute rewards and send the envoys back home. No further details are reported on how these envoys had come to China, nor do we know anything of their return trip. Perhaps they had travelled in the wake of Zhou Ding, who had arrived in the capital a few days earlier.116

Here we may summarize the foregoing paragraphs. For the Yongle period, the Ming shi gives a total of four Hormuzian embassies. This corresponds to the data found in Ming shilu. The Ming shi also notes that no embassies arrived from Hormuz in the following reign, under Renzong.117 Whether there was an additional envoy, before 1414, is not clear. The Ming shilu may have failed to record such an early delegation, but the more likely option is that later sources generated a wrong picture on this point.

5) 15 February 1426 {Xuandeyuan nian, chun zhengyue, guimao). Although Renzong had stopped China's maritime expeditions in 1425, contacts between China and Hormuz may not have ceased during his short reign. This assumptions rests on a Ming shilu entry of 15 February 1426, which tells us that Liu Xing, an assistant commander of the Imperial Right Guard (xiaoji youwei zhihui qianshi), plus 220 persons altogether, came to the capital from a mission to Hormuz and other countries, submitting local products as tribute. They were ordered to the Ministry of Rites to have these products evaluated, obviously receiving paper money in return.118 Once again, no further details are available. We do not know anything of Liu Xing' s voyage and his stay in Hormuz. Moreover, the text remains ambiguous because it is not stated whether the 220 persons in question included any ambassador from Hormuz (or other maritime countries), or whether these were all (or mostly) Chinese officials who had simply collected tribute gifts abroad (including some Hormuzian products), which were submitted on behalf of their various senders. If a "regular" Hormuzian embassy was included in this group of people, it must have been dispatched in early 1425, at the latest - probably on the initative of Saif ad-Dïn Mahâr, who had acceded to the Hormuzian throne in 1417. Generally, however, contacts between China and Hormuz were significantly reduced during the period 1425-1431. Perhaps, then, Saif ad-Din tried to reverse this trend.

6) 14 September 1433 {run, bayue, xinhai): The Ming shilu entry for this date records the arrival of Malazu, who was sent by Saif ad-Din (Saifuding in Chinese). Malazu came together with ambassadors from nine countries, offering giraffes (qilin), elephants, horses, and other products. As is well-known, the qilin was considered an auspicious animal in

Pengnian (tr.), Liu Yuelian (rev.), Mazu xinyang yanjiu (O culto da deusa A-Ma) (Macau: Museu Marítimo de Macau, 1995), pp. 125-126.

116. Ming shilu (Taizong), j. 263, p. 2403. Details in Ptak, "China and Calicut", p. 104. 117. Ming shi,]. 326, p. 8452; Ptak, China and Calicut, p. 105. 118. Ming shilu (Xuanzong), j. 13, p. 347.


China, but Xuanzong showed little appreciation for it.119 This time Hormuz was not heading the list of foreign embassies; its name appears far behind those of Samudra, Calicut, and other places.

Earlier, on 29 June 1430 {liuyue, wuyin), Zheng He had been sent on his seventh and last expedition, with Hormuz being listed as the principal destination. 120 The itinerary of this expedition is documented in a work by Zhu Yunming. As mentioned above, in the introduction, the main fleet had reached Hormuz on 17 January 1433 whence it had set sail again in March, returning to China in July. 121 The Ming shi editors were certainly correct in stating that Malazu was dispatched as a result of this seventh mission. 122 Most likely he had travelled with Zheng He's ships.

A few days after Malazu and his colleagues had presented tribute gifts, a banquet was held in honour of various ambassadors from "Japan, Samudra and other countries" (19 September 1433, bingcheri).122 Although Malazu is not listed in the Ming shilu entry of that date, he probably attended the gathering, because he had arrived together with the envoy from Samudra.

On 3 October 1433 (gengwu) various gifts, silver and silk in particular, were presented to the envoys often different countries, Malazu being the last name on the list. All envoys were classified as "ambassador", with two exceptions only: the younger brother of a king (who was addressed accordingly), and Malazu, who was called a "fan person". 124 He was already noted as a fan in the Ming shilu entry of 14 September, but the reasons for the use of a pejorative term in his case remain unknown. Perhaps there is a link between this unusual constellation and the fact that, later on, the editors of the Huanyu tongzhi and Da Ming yitong zhi decided to list two different entities for Hormuz. It may be added that, if Malazu' s appearance in China was restricted to the mission of 1433, the editors of the aforementioned texts were wrong in associating him with the Yongle reign (see above).

It was only under the next emperor, Yingzong, that the envoys from the above- mentioned countries were sent home (on 1 1 August 1436; Zhengtong yuan nian, run Ни yue, guisi), via Java, whose king was asked to look after their safe return. 125 Thus these envoys spent circa three years in China.

7) Yingzong did not continue the maritime policy followed by the Yongle and Xuande emperors, and the fleets formerly commanded by Zheng He (who had already died by then) now lay idle in China's ports. Nonetheless, some tribute envoys still arrived. On 9 February 1442 {Zhengtong, Ни nian, shi 'er yue, xinyou) there also came an envoy from

119. Ibid., j. 105, p. 2341. For the giraffes, see, for example, Duyvendak, "True Dates", pp. 32-35. Filesi, China and Africa, pp. 29-30. Also see Arion Rosu, "La girafe dans la faune de l'art indien", BEFEO 71 (1982), pp. 47-61. - Curiously, Malazu was considered so important by the editors (Qiu Shusen et al.) of the Zhongguo Huizu da cidian (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992) that they have listed him; see p. 1029.

120. Ming shilu (Xuanzong), j. 67, pp. 1676-1677. An order for this mission is also included in Gong Zhen's XYFGZ, p. 10. It bears a slightly different date. Also see Ptak, "China and Calicut", p. 105, and sources quoted.

121. See references in note 3, here. 122. Ming shi,). 326, p. 8452. 123. Ming shilu (Xuanzong), j. 105, p. 2344. 124. Ibid., j. 105, pp.2350-2351. The Ming shi uses the term shi; see j. 326, p. 8452. 125. Ming shilu (Yingzong), j. 19, p. 385.


Hormuz. This was Hâjj 'Ali, called Hazhi AH in the Ming shilu. As usual, he presented horses to the Chinese court: 126

The minister of rites Hu Ying127 and others reported to the throne: "The king of Hormuz, Sultan Turànshâh, 128 declares that he resides at the most distant borders. During former reigns envoys were frequently exchanged, so that high and low were in a state of communication. Nowadays, envoys have not been sent for a long time, but when Hàjj 'Ali of the city of Sabuji129 returned [from China], [the king] knew that the emperor of the Great Ming rules [all] living beings under Heaven, and [so] he was very pleased. 130 He now sends [back] Hàjj 'Alï to the [Chinese] court, offering horses as tribute. [Furthermore], he humbly hopes the Court will treat him with kind mercy and send envoys as in old times to link the roads. -The affections of the barbarians cannot be easily trusted; [therefore] I (=Hu Ying) beg [Your Majesty] to confer variegated silks on [this envoy], so as to reward him for presenting horses as tribute and for his desire to turn towards our culture. Imperial orders might [also] be issued to instruct [him] (most likely the king is meant) that he should respect the law, according to his lot, and be pleased with [his position in] the borderlands." This was approved. 131

This document is only found in the Ming shilu. The Ming shi overlooks the event, wrongly stating that bilateral relations were interrupted after 1436. 132 But the Guo que (с. 1653) gives an abbreviated version: Turànshâh sent tribute and asked for the exchange of envoys; the Ministry of Rites proposed to issue imperial orders, which was approved. 133 Before we turn to more general observations, two more points should be addressed. First, the Ming shilu entry seems to imply that Hàjj 'AH had already come to China once before, prior to 1442. If correct, this first visit must have occurred in the late 1430s, or in 1440 at the latest. It may not have been an official visit, because official contacts had been interrupted for so long. Second, is the expression "to link the roads" meant literally? Was Hormuz thinking of diplomatic and trade connections via the overland route, perhaps because Yingzong had withdrawn from the sea, or was the intention to suggest that China should revive its former "maritime program"?

Unfortunately, sources do not provide any further clues which might help us to answer the above questions. It is clear, however, that the initiative to resume official relations came from Turànshâh. Turànshâh was mainly interested in trade and profit; probably he did not care too much for the kind of subtle diplomacy China was accustomed to. This

126. Ibid., j. 87, pp. 1755-1756. The larger part of the translation follows the version in Wade, The Ming shi-lu, pp. 1303-1304.

127. For this man, see L. Carrington Goodrich and Fang Chaoying (eds.), Dictionary of Ming Biography, 1368-1644. The Ming Biographical History Project of the Association for Asian Studies, 2 vols. (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1976), I, pp. 643-645.

128. This is Fakhr ad-Dïn Turànshâh II (r. 1436-1470/1471). See, for example, Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", pp. 131-133. There are various designations for the Hormuzian kings: malik (king) in Natanzi, p. 10; pâdishàh (shah) in Ja'fari, p. 250; and sultan (sultan) in ibid.

129. The translation may be wrong. The "city of Sabuji" cannot be identified. "But" (after the comma) for erh (usually "you"): Zheng Haosheng/Zheng Yijun, Zheng He xia Xiyang ziliao huibian, vol. 2.2, p. 1638, have erh with rad. 162 ("recently"). Could one part of this passage be a transliteration of some foreign words, or stand for the envoy's name?

130. Ibid., p. 1638, has "very" (busheng); Li Guoxiang, Ming shilu leizuan, p. 1046, leaves blanks. 131. The punctuation of the last sentence has been interpreted differently. Li Guoxiang' s text also

puts the quotation marks after "towards our culture". Furthermore, the entire text from "that he resides" to "roads" appears in simple quotation marks. Obviously the intention is to show which passages have to be attributed to the king.

132. Ming shi,]. 326, p. 8452. 133. Tan Qian (сотр.), Zhang Zongxiang (éd.), Guo que, 6 vols. (Beijing: Guji chubanshe, 1958),

II, 2, p. 1620. Note, the text is ambivalent: it could also imply that the king himself came to present tribute.


assumption rests on a few lines in Ja'fari's account; these relate to the times of Saif ad-Din (r. 1417-1436), but they contain certain obervations that also apply to the reign of Turànshàh:134

During his (Saif ad-Din's) reign, many ships (jank) from China (Chïn), with Chinese products and many silken fabrics, came [to Hormuz] on several occasions. He (again Saif ad-Din) sold countless [normal] pearls and royal pearls to them, and he received many riches in return - gold, silver, silks and china - filling the treasuries [with them].

Ja'fari did not record the exact dates of China's expeditions. But from the above it is clear that Saif ad-Din's rule coincided with the fifth (1417-1419), sixth (1421-1422) and seventh (1431-1433) of Zheng He's voyages. Furthermore, the quotation does not allude to any kind of political intentions on the part of the Chinese, although it is generally known that China demanded formal submission from all its "trading partners". One striking example for China's "superiority" can be found in an Arabic text. According to this source, a Chinese envoy who came to Aden in 1420, addressed the Rasulid monarch al Malik an-Nàsir in the following manner: 135 "Your master, the Lord of China, greets you and counsels you to act justly to your subjects." Thereafter An-Nasir wrote a letter to the Yongle emperor confirming China's position: "Yours is to command and [my] country is your country." - The Chinese envoys received by the Hormuzian kings may not have behaved too differently, but probably Ja'fari discretely overlooked their comportment, pointing out instead, that material profit was the "big issue" in Sino-Hormuzian contacts.

If Ja'fari is right, trade between China and Hormuz was a state-to-state affair. It is the Hormuzian ruler who sells pearls; whether ordinary merchants were involved in direct barter with the Chinese (as in Aden), or depended on the Hormuzian king, is not disclosed.136 Be this as it may, at least the local emirs ('umam') must have profited from the arrival of Chinese vessels. It may be added that Ja'fari's list of "imported treasures" is similar to the commodities enumerated by Fei Xin: gold, silver, blue and white porcelain articles, coloured satins, and thin silk (in addition Fei has putchuk, benzoin, sandalwood, and pepper). 137 In sum, there are reasons to assume that Saif ad-Din, and perhaps the Hormuzian elite, derived great profit from official contacts with China and that Turànshàh also wished to fill the princely treasuries - which must have motivated him to propose a revival of trade relations, even at the cost of certain lip services.

Samarqandi also refers to the relations between Hormuz and China, but his remarks are very brief. He says that merchants from all over came to Hormuz; among them were those of Chin and Màchïn (the northern part of China and China "proper"). He then continues: "The people of the regions of China [...] bring valuable objects and rarities,

134. Tàrïkh-i Ja'fari, p. 251b; Hinz, "Quellenstudien", pp. 381-382. 135. Serjeant, "Yemeni Merchants", p. 75 (quoting Ibn ad-Dayba'). The date - 1420 (823h) - poses

questions. Does it refer to the arrival of Zhou Man (perhaps identical with Zhou Ding) and/or Li Chong, or perhaps to Yang Qing who, according to Gong Zhen, was sent abroad in early 1420 and may have reached Hormuz and Aden in late 1420? See, for example, XYFGZ, p. 9 (Yang Qing), p. 35 (Zhou and Li), and Mills, Ma Huan, pp. 154-155. - Also note that the XYFGZ and two of the Yingya shenglan versions indicate the same number of ships as Ibn ad-Dayba', namely three vessels (see Mills, Ma Huan, p. 155 n. 4). - Another Ming visit to Aden, recorded by an anonymous Rasulid chronicle (Serjeant, "Yemeni Merchants", pp. 74-75), is easier to verify. The date given in this text - January 1419 - matches with Zheng He's fifth voyage. The ships of this expedition probably left China in autumn 1417, returning in summer 1419. A brief stay in Aden in January 1419 thus seems possible.

136. According to Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", p. 149, the merchants of Hormuz did not form a legal body. For Aden, see Mills, Ma Huan, p. 155.

137. Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin, p. 71.


which will shine in [the light of] the moon, sun and clouds, and which can be shipped across the sea, to this city [of Hormuz]."138 Interestingly, Samarqandi does not exalt China's position in any way, China simply figures as one of many countries. Nor does he refer to China's political intentions or any specific dates. Whether he wanted to remind his readers of Zheng He's visits, however "glorious" they may have been, or whether he mentioned China to stress the cosmopolitan role of Hormuz, is difficult to decide; but as in the case of Ja'fari it seems clear that, at the Hormuzian end, material aspects were more important in bilateral relations than anything else.

Ming Accounts of Hormuz The tribute mission of 1442 was the last recorded embassy from Hormuz to China.

Already a few years earlier Ming government trade to the Indian Ocean had ceased. Chinese accounts of Hormuz reflect these changes. All "first-hand" information on Hormuz, as on many other distant ports and polities, was collected in the days of Zheng He - by Ma Huan, Gong Zhen and Fei Xin, who accompanied Zheng He on his expeditions. Later sources merely repeat what these three authors had to tell, without adding anything new to the stock of data then available.

Similar to the old account by Wang Dayuan (with the earliest Chinese description of Hormuz), the works by Ma Huan, Gong Zhen and Fei Xin concentrate on ethnographic data; they do not present the chronology of diplomatic relations for the reconstruction of which we had to rely on the Ming shilu. The first two texts, by Ma and Gong, are very similar; since Ma's work is the earlier one, the present chapter will focus on this book. Thereafter Fei Xin' s description, which is shorter and different in character, will be looked at in some detail. 139 In each case, the main topics will be discussed, one by one. As was already said, translations are available of both Ma's and Fei's work; therefore, they do not need to be reworked in full.

Yingya shenglan (1416) and Xiyang fanguo zhi (1434)

Ma Huan was a translator and participated in three of Zheng He's voyages: the fourth, the sixth and the seventh. He probably visited Hormuz twice, during the fourth and sixth expedition, and certainly had ample opportunity then to collect all details he needed for his account. However, since his own preface carries the year 1416, his observations on Hormuz may stem from the fourth expedition only, unless he later extended the draft version of his book by inserting new data. During the last expedition he went with parts of the fleet from Calicut to Mecca, without passing through Hormuz. The "pilgrimage" to Mecca must have been of special importance for him because he was a convert to Islam. His faith becomes evident in many parts of his book, including the chapter on Hormuz. 14° Gong Zhen only joined the seventh expedition, as a private secretary. One can assume that he sailed with the main fleet to Hormuz. His account did not circulate widely. 141 With this in mind, we may now turn to the descriptions in both texts.

138. Samarqandi, p. 768. 139. The textual correlation between all three works and their various editions cannot be discussed

here; this would have to be accomplished within a thorough philological analysis - certainly a challenging but also a most difficult task that could only be taken up in the form of a lenghty monograph.

140. Mills, Ma Huan, pp. 34-37; Ptak, "Ein mustergultiges 'Barbarenland'?", pp. 96-100. On Ma Huan and Islam, also see, for example, Lelièvre, Le dragon, esp. pp. 263-266, 340-341.

141. Mills, Ma Huan, p. 56; XYFGZ, preface by Xiang Da, pp. 1-4.


Geographical Location According to Ma Huan and Gong Zhen, it took twenty-five days to sail from Calicut

to Hormuz. This is a realistic estimate. "The capital" of Hormuz, says Ma, "lies beside the sea and up against the mountains." It should have been known to an experienced traveler that the capital was on Jarun Island. Probably the text intends to refer to the entire kingdom with its possessions on the mainland. This also applies to Gong Zhen's book. Both works are correct in stating that merchants from all over come by sea and land, "hence all the people in this country are rich".

People and manners The king of Hormuz and the people all profess the Muslim religion; they pray five

times a day, they bathe and fast; they are reverent, meticulous, and sincere believers; and there are no poor families among them, because the rich support the poor. These observations, taken from Ma Huan, are related to the "five pillars of Islam" (excluding the pilgrimage), the last point representing the zakàt, the command to help the poor. Gong Zhen repeats all this, but differs in one detail: the sentence "they are reverent ... believers" is replaced by "they are very attentive to the rites". It is not known whether he was a Muslim; if not, this might explain his modified version. However, both authors agree in describing Hormuz as a pious country; neither Aden nor Zufár were as zealous as Hormuz, only Mecca is an (obvious) exception. 142

Ludovico di Varthema, who visited Hormuz in 1503, a few years prior to the first Portugese, only refers to the king as professing the Muslim faith, but gives no further details. Marco Polo is equally reserved, he simply states, the people "worship Mahomet". 143 Above it was shown that Hormuz was not an exclusively Islamic society; on the contrary, it had the flair of an international port with all its sins and vices, certainly not being as "pure" and religious as Ma Huan had thought. Even Samarqandï was more realistic when drawing attention to the numerous infidels (kuffar) he had found in this city.144

Ma Huan then continues, "the limbs and faces of the people are refined and fair" - medieval Chinese would generally prefer a light complexion over a dark skin - "and they are stalwart and fine-looking; their clothing and hats are handsome, distinctive and elegant", whereas to Marco Polo all Hormuzians appeared as black.145 Barbosa distinguishes between Persians and Arabs, saying the former "are tall and well-looking, and a fine and up-standing folk [...] The Arabs are blacker and swarthier than they".146 Teixeira confirms: "... the people of Harmuz are mostly white and well-conditioned ..."147 Fei Xin only describes the clothing in some detail.

142. Mills, Ma Huan, pp. 151, 154, 173-174; XYFGZ, pp. 34, 35, 44-45. 143. Varthema, cited in Arnold T. Wilson, The Persian Gulf (London: Allen and Unwin, 1954),

p. 106; Polo, The Description of the World, I, p. 124. 144. Samarqandï, p. 768. 145. Polo, The Description of the World, I, p. 124. On skin colour, for example, Frank Dikôtter, The

Discourse of Race in Modern China (London: Hurst and Co., 1992), esp. pp. 10-17. 146. Duarte Barbosa (author), Mansel Longworth Dames (tr., éd.), The Book ofDuarte Barbosa. An

Account of the Countries Bordering on the Indian Ocean and their Inhabitants..., Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd ser. 34 and 49, 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1918-1921), I, p. 91.

147. Teixeira, Travels, p. 168.


The next paragraph in Ma Huan's text deals with wedding and funeral ceremonies. He emphasizes they were all in accordance with Islam. He also mentions the jiadi, i.e., the qâdl (Arabic pronunciation) or Islamic judge, who "superintends the regulations of the religion". Furthermore, the preparation of the dead body and the grave are described in some detail. Marco Polo and Friar Odoric stress, rather, the women's mourning.148

There then follow some remarks on the cuisine. Butter is preferred for the preparation of meals; various kinds of roasted meat and cereals are sold in the markets, as is halasa. Gong Zhen and one version of the Yingya shenglan write halisa,149 which is the correct transcription for halïseh, a dish made of meat and wheat. Ma Huan adds that many families do not cook, but buy their meals on the markets. This is confirmed by Barbosa. According to Marco Polo and Ibn Battuta Hormuzians mainly ate dates and fish; these are not mentioned by Ma Huan; perhaps he thought they were too cheap and not refined enough.150

Having discussed the cuisine, Ma Huan turns to the currency system. The king, he says, used silver to mint his own coin, the dina'er or dinar. ш Barbosa also mentions this royal privilege, but Dames denies it.152 Under the Portuguese the following coinage was in use: copper pieces with a value often dinar; the fais; the silver lâri-tàngà; the silver sâdi; the gold hazâr, valued at one thousand dinár and also called "half ashrafV; and the "full" gold ashrafi, often called xerafim in Portuguese texts. 153 Interestingly, the founder of the Hormuzian dynasty was named Shah Muhammad Dirham-kub, viz., "the striker of Dirhams". It is not known whether Hormuz already minted its own coinage in this early period (eleventh century), but the island of Jarun had one of the more important mints around the Persian Gulf. The extant coinage of Hormuz dates from the year 1300 onwards. Some silver and gold pieces carry the name of Hormuz' overlords, but more often there is no name at all. Obviously, Hormuz did not issue its coinage for reasons of prestige, but to facilitate commerce.154 Finally, the silver coins called dinar by Ma Huan probably bore different names in other parts of Iran (for example, tanga or shâhrukhî).

148. Polo, The Description of the World, I, p. 125; Odoric of Pordenone in Henry Yule (tr., éd.), Henri Cordier (rev. éd.), Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China, 4 vols, in 2 (rpt. Taibei: Chengwen chubanshe, 1966), II, p. 112.

149. Mills, Ma Huan, p. 167, n. 1; XYFGZ, p. 42. 150. Barbosa/Dames, The Book ofDuarte Barbosa, I, p. 97; Polo, The Description of the World, I,

p. 124; Ibn Battuta/Gibb, Travels, II, p. 400. 151. Most Yingya shenglan versions and Gong Zhen erroneously give nadi'er. See Mills, Ma Huan,

p. 167 n. 3, and XYFGZ, p. 42 n. 2. For the monetary system of Iran in that period see Bert G. Fragner, "Social and Economic Affairs", in Jackson/Lockhardt, Cambridge History of Iran, pp. 556-567.

152. Barbosa/Dames, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, I, pp. 99-100 n.l; cf. Mills, Ma Huan, p. 167 n. 6. 153. Fragner, "Social and Economic Affairs", p. 564; Walther Hinz, "Die spâtmittelalterlichen

Wâhrungen im Bereich des Persischen Golfes", in E. С Bosworth (éd.), Iran and Islam, in Memory of the Late Vladimir Minorsky (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1971), pp. 306-307; id., Islamische Wâhrungen des 11. bis 19. Jahrhunderts in Gold: Ein Beitrag zur islamischen Wirtschaftsgeschichte (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1991), pp. 79-80; H. L. Rabino di Borgomale, Coins, Medals, and Seals of the Shahs of Iran, 1500-1941 (n. p., 1945), p. 25. For Hormuzian coins also see id., Album of Coins, Medals, and Seals of the Shahs of Iran, 1500-1941 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1951), plate 54. Due to its purity, the laň was one of the most important currencies around the Indian Ocean. It was named after the city of Lâr where it was originally minted. See Hinz, pp. 304-306, and Fragner, pp. 563- 564 (both as above).

154. The "Munzsammlung der Universitât Tubingen" has several Hormuzian coins. We would like to thank Dr. Lutz Ilisch for information on these coins and examining them for us. Also see Nicholas Lowick, "Further Unpublished Islamic Coins of the Persian Gulf, Studia Iranica 11 (1982), pp. 251-252, 258-261.


Ma Huan also noted the use of the Arabic script and the large variety of shops in the market-places; "only they have no wine-shops, [for] according to the law of the country wine-drinkers are executed." This would have been a special Hormuzian regulation, because the sharl 'a prescribes a punishment of forty to eighty strokes for wine-drinking. Obviously, Ma Huan tried to add another element to his "idealized" picture of an Islamic port society. Marco Polo, it will be recalled, drank wine made of dates (nabïdh), which "makes them (i.e., the men who are not used to drink it) go down much and purges them entirely; but afterwards [...] it does great good..." Barbosa also says, "they drink wine of the grape in secret as it is forbidden by their law".155 In all likelihood, the ban on wine- drinking was then not observed as strictly as it is today. For centuries, wine was very much a part of Persian life and culture, even the Timurides loved to drink it, and the people of Hormuz may not have been too different from them.

The alleged "superiority" of officials, physicians and diviners to those of other places is a further point where readers are left with the impression that Ma Huan wishes to create a castle in the air. He adds a rather long passage on acrobatic performances which he saw in Hormuz. Amusements of this type were certainly popular in many cities. One might recall a similar description given by Ghïyâth ad-Dïn while visiting Beijing.156

Environment and products In his brief description of the local climate, Ma Huan either refers to the entire country

- because he mentions trees, frost and heavy dew - or else, he once again intends to project an idealized image. One text edition adds: "In this place, during the four seasons, the climate resembles that of the Central Country."157 The account then turns to the main mountain on Jarun Island with its four colourful sides. One side consists of red-coloured salt, one is made up of red earth - the colour is compared to that of vermilion -, one produces white earth, "like lime", and the fourth has yellow earth, its colour being similar to that of turmeric. Quarrying is going on in many sites and this is superintended by local chiefs. The island of Jarun does indeed consist of salt (mostly rock-salt and gypsum), its peak being as white as snow. In the southern part red iron oxide is found which is still quarried in small quantities today.158 Ma Huan's description is even better understood if compared with the one found in the Historical Gazetteer of Iran: "Hormuz is covered with jagged hills of brilliant and variagated hues. The dominant colour is a reddish-purple streaked with white, while the principal geological ingredients are rock-salt, red ochre and a greenish adhesive clay." 159 Teixeira and Barbosa also describe the quarrying of salt and its export to India. Teixeira, however, writes that this salt was not used in Hormuz, because it spoiled the meat. Hormuzians would only use salt from the sea. 160 Ibn Battuta adds that they manufacture ornamental vessels and pedestals from the salt of the mountain.161 We shall return to this statement when discussing Fei Xin's account.

155. Polo, The Description of the World, I, p. 123; Barbosa/Dames, The Book ofDuarte Barbosa, I, p. 96.

156. Hàfiz-i Abru, pp. 845-846. 157. Mills, Ma Huan, p. 169 n. 1. 158. Deutsches Hydrographisches Institut (éd.), Handbuch fur das Rote Meer und den Persischen

Golf, (6th ed. Hamburg, 1983), p. 321; Ehlers, Iran: Grundzuge, p. 56. Also see references in notes 29 and 30, above.

159. Adamec, Historical Gazetteer of Iran, IV, p. 181. 160. Barbosa/Dames, The Book ofDuarte Barbosa, I, p. 91; Teixeira, Travels, p. 165. 161. Ibn Battuta/Gibb, Travels, II, p. 400.


Regarding daily necessities, especially agricultural products, Hormuz mostly relied on imports. This also included rice and wheat. Besides these two, Ma Huan lists various nuts, fruits and vegetables. For the almond he uses the characters badán (Farsi bádám), otherwise he employs common Chinese terms. Raisins and dates are described in some detail. Here, Ma Huan again refers to the whole kingdom of Hormuz, and not only to the island of Jarun. Some products could also be imports from other parts of Iran. Barbosa confirms the abundance of victuals in Hormuz, adding however, that they were expensive because they had to be imported.

Besides daily necessities, Ma Huan enumerates various precious products available in Hormuz. The following list is based on Mills' translation: blue, red and yellow yagu (stones);162 red la stone, zuba emerald, zumula, cats' eyes, and jin'gangzuan',]63 large pearls like longan fruits, weighing one qian and two or three уел (ca. 4,47 g), coral trees and branches; 164 golden amber, amber beads, rosary beads, wax amber, and black amber which is called sabaizhi; 165 all kinds of beautiful jade utensils, and crystal utensils; ten kinds of embroidered velvet, woollens, sahala, felt, and muslins; 166 foreign blue and red silk-embroidered kerchiefs, etc. Gong Zhen lists the same items with only a few minor modifications. He adds coral pieces, omits crystal utensils and felt, and has some different "spellings".

As to animals, Ma Huan remarks they had many camels, horses, donkeys, mules, oxen, and sheep. This is followed by a detailed description of different goats and sheep. One wonders why he did not describe the horses which were of major importance in trade

162. There are various orthographs for yagu (from Farsi yaqut, "jewel"). Mills follows Bretschneider in identifying these jewels with sapphire, ruby and yellow corundum; see Mills, Ma Huan, p. 170 n. 9. Duyvendak translates qing with "black", not "blue". See his Ma Huan Re-Examined, Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling Letterkunde, new ser., 32.3 (Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uitgeversmaatschappij, 1933), p. 68. Also see references in Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin, p. 47 n. 72.

163. La stone: probably related to Farsi làl (ruby). - Zuba: related to Arabic dhubàb (originally "fly", but also used for a first-quality emerald). - Zumula (XYFGZ: zumulu): related to zumurrud (emerald). - Jin 'gangzuan: diamonds. For all these terms, see, for example, Duyvendak, Ma Huan Re- Examined, p. 68 n. 6-8; XYFGZ, p. 43 n. 3-5; Mills, Ma Huan, p. 170 n. 10-13.

164. Pearl- fishing was one of the most important industries in the Persian Gulf. For references to pearls in Hormuz, see, for example, Donkin, Beyond Price, table pp. 125-126. Near-to-contemporary Western references to pearls and pearl-fishing can be found, for example, in Ludovico de Varthema (author), Folker Reichert (tr., annot.), Reisen im Orient, Fremde Kulturen in alien Berichten 2 (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1996), p. 115; Pierre Bertius, Livre premier des tables géographiques auquel est traité du monde en général (Amsterdam: 1618), p. 716; Barbosa/Dames, The Book ofDuarte Barbosa, I, pp. 81-82. - On corals, see, for example, Roderich Ptak, "Notes on the Word Shanhu and Chinese Coral Imports from Maritime Asia, ca. 1250-1600", Archipel 39 (1990), pp. 65-80.

165. The XYFGZ puts qian after zhi. Therefore, Xiang Da thought the "foreign" term would be sabai, meaning shâhbuy (grey amber or ambergris), and placed zhi qian ("having a money value") before the next product (XYFGZ, pp. 2, 43 n. 6). Sabaizhi can also be a transcripiton of Arabic sabaj (meaning "jet"), or Farsi shabeh; see Mills, Ma Huan, p. 171 n. 1; Duyvendak, Ma Huan Re-Examined, p. 69 n. 2. Ambergris (from Arabic 'anbar), in Chinese usually called longxian, is not included in Ma Huan' s list, though it was most certainly traded in Hormuz. - For ambergris, also see references in Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin,p. 61 n. 142.

166. Woollens: suofu, probably the transcription of Arabic sm/(woo1). - Sahala: a transcription of either saqalát (scarlet cloth) or saqirlât (broadcloth). - Muslins: muluosha (this follows the XYFGZ). Mu means "woollen", luo and sha "gauze". Therefore, "muslins" is the best translation. Different explanations in Mills, Ma Huan, p. 171 n. 6, and Pelliot, "Les grands voyages", pp. 437-438.


across the Indian Ocean. Instead, he introduces an animal called xiyaguoshi, which probably stood for sïyàh-gush, namely the lynx.167

Concluding remarks Towards the end of his account, Ma Huan summarizes the "effects" of Zheng He's

visit. The Hormuzian king, he says, provided a golden leaf-tablet with characters and sent envoys along with Zheng He's ships, presenting lions, giraffes, horses (not mentioned by Gong Zhen), pearls, precious stones, and other such things as tribute. Although no date is given, Mills links this tribute embassy to the seventh expedition. According to the Ming shi the golden leaf-tablet was brought in 1414 (see above), but Ma Huan thinks it was sent in the wake of a Chinese visit. On the whole, the impression prevails that Ma presents Hormuz in the best possible light. The way he describes the inhabitants, their religious zeal, their material well-being and general prosperity - all these indicate that he had in mind to exalt the position and importance of this port. And yet, he sees Hormuz through distinctly Chinese eyes, thereby combining "Confucian" or "quasi-Confucian" elements with his own aspirations as a devout Muslim.

Xingcha shenglan (1436)

Fei Xin took part in three of Zheng He's expeditions: the third, fifth and seventh, and he also accompanied Yang Chi on a voyage to Bengal and Delhi (1412-1414). The arrangement of Fei's account suggests that he had access to a copy of Ma Huan's work. But his description of Hormuz differs in many ways from the one by Ma Huan.168

Environment and manners The Jilu huibian version of Fei's text, which only appeared in the Wanli period, at the

end of the Ming dynasty, defines the distance from Calicut to Hormuz as a journey of ten days; this seems rather short. The earlier text editions do not indicate any distance.169 Another strange observation relates to the natural environment and the animal world: Hormuz, says Fei Xin, has no grass or trees, all animals are fed on dried fish. This statement was often cited by later authors, although a little further on, Fei adds that wheat, rice, and cereals were collected in small amounts. Marco Polo also noted that wheat and barley were sown in November and harvested in March, but this refers to the mainland. Today, some barley is cultivated on the island of Hormuz. 170 We may assume, however, that most cereals were imported. Regarding the city walls and houses, Fei observes, they were made of "piled stones". Some houses were three to four stories high. Barbosa also speaks of "loft stone and mortar houses with flat roofs and many windows". The stones, says Teixeira, were quarried on the island.171 This brings us to the colourful mountain described by Ma Huan. Fei Xin is very brief here, but, like Ibn Battuta, he noticed that certain utensils were made of salty earth, and he adds that dishes required no extra salt

167. Mills, Ma Huan, p. 172 and n. 1, there. 168. Mills, Ma Huan, p. 59; Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin, pp. 17, 31-32, 70-71. 169. In Fei Xin/Feng Chengjun, Xingcha shenglan jiaozhu, qianji, p. 37. The Jilu huibian collection

was compiled in the latter part of the sixteenth century and printed in 1617. At least one earlier source also gives a duration of ten days: Huang Zuo, Guangdong tongzhi (1561 éd.), 4 vols. (Hong Kong: Dadong tushu gongsi, 1977), j. 66, 56a (p. 1776).

170. Polo, The Description of the World, I, p. 125; Adamec, Historical Gazetteer of Iran, IV, p. 181. 171. Barbosa/Dames, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, I, p. 91; Teixeira, Travels, p. 167; cf. also

Aubin, "Le royaume d'Ormuz", pp. 92-94.


(because the plates were already salty). m Finally, Fei Xin refers to the breeding of horses and the excellent archers on horseback. Persia was famed for this art; here one may also remember the four thousand archers waiting for Albuquerque. 173

People "The lower classes are wealthy", says Fei Xin. This might indicate a high standard of

living, or point to the kind of mutual assistance between the rich and the poor we had already encountered in Ma Huan's work. Fei Xin also comments on local dressing habits: Both men and women wear long robes, and the women cover their head and face with a veil when going out. This conforms to the hijàb, the Islamic law that tells women how to dress in public. But obviously Fei Xin had a chance to observe their hair-dress and makeup because he gives some details on both. He also notes the many jewels worn by the well-to-do.

Trade and products Fei Xin does not mention the minting of coins, but says that gold and silver coins were

used. He lists the following products: genuine pearls, precious stones, golden amber, ambergris, broadcloth {sahala, as above), woollens,174 and woollen carpets. As imports he gives gold, silver, blue and white porcelain articles, coloured satins, thin silks, putchuk, benzoin, sandalwood, and pepper. Naturally, these came from different places, like China, Southeast Asia, and elsewhere.

Huanyu tongzhi (1456) and Da Mingyitong zhi (1461) As noted above, there are two entries for Hormuz in both the Huanyu tongzhi and the

Da Ming yitong zhi, under Hulumosi and Hulumu'en respectively. Since these works were influential texts, and the first ones to spread certain mistakes, the two entries will be translated in full, in this case from the Da Ming yitong zhi. 175 The descriptions in both texts contain comments - these were placed in brackets - and, as all other country segments in these two works, are organized according to certain "captions" which were put in italics.

The country of Hulumosi. Successive changes: [These] were never examined. During the Yongle reign (1403-1424) of the present dynasty, the king of [that] country sent his envoy Malazu and others to come to Court and offer local products as tribute. Local products: Big horses, Western Ocean cloth, lions, ostriches ([Comment:] Lifting up its head, it can [reach] a height of seven chi [ca. 2.5 m]), zebras ([Comment:] They resemble donkeys, are patterned [with stripes] and are lovable),176 ling-sheep ([Comment:] Those with a large tail weigh over twenty jin [ca. 12 kg]; for

172. This curious addendum is only found in the Jilu huibian version. See Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin, p. 70 n. 192.

173. Barros, Asia, part 2, book 2, chap. 2. 174. Again suofu in the Jilu huibian version, in the other versions wrongly suoyan. See Mills/Ptak,

Fei Xin, p. 7 In. 197. 175. See references above in n. 96. 176. Ma Huan mentions the zebra in connection with Aden (Mills, Ma Huan, p. 155 n. 11), the

Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions refer to it in connection with Mogadishu (Duyvendak, "True Dates", pp. 348, 354). The zebra also appears, for example, in the Zhufan zhi (Hirth/Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, p. 128 n. 7) and on various illustrations.


moving it, a cart is used to carry the tail), 177 and the "long-horned mahashou" ([Comment:] Its horns are longer than its body). 178 The country of Hulumu'en. Successive changes: [These] were never examined. In the third year of Yongle (1405) the king of [that] country dispatched his envoy Sijiding and others to come to Court and offer local products as tribute. Local products: Sandalwood, su incense,179 and pepper.

Not all the local products of Hulumosi can be associated with Hormuz; some items should rather be looked for in Africa. They also appear in Fei Xin's chapters on Aden, Giumbo and Brawa and were perhaps transferred from these segments to the Hormuz segments by the editors of the Huanyu tongzhi and Da Mingyitong zhi. 18° The products of Hulumu'en are more typical of Southeast Asia. Occasionally they were also listed in later works, which combined the information of both entries.

Xiyang chaogong dianlu (1520) Huang Shengceng, the author of this book, followed the works by Ma Huan and Fei

Xin and a lost nautical treatise called Zhenwei bian. But in some parts, his text is more clearly structured than the earlier descriptions by Ma and Fei. 181

The opening remark - "This country is located at five thousand // (about 2,500 km) to the northwest of Calicut" - probably comes from the Zhenwei bian. The next paragraphs either follow Ma (on Islam; marriage and funeral rites; acrobatics; local products) or Fei (appearance and dress of men and women). Interestingly, the king's privilege to cast money is not mentioned, but the silver dinar is referred to as a medium of exchange. The list of local products includes eight precious things. The first is erroneously given as yagula stone (instead of yagu plus la). There are also five kinds of amber and four kinds of textile fabrics, four kinds of sheep, and four kinds of grapes. Finally, the fruits and nuts are listed, as are three kinds of local dates.

Huang ends his account by stating that Hormuz rarely sent tribute. However, he refers to a tribute mission in 1407, believing it presented giraffes and other things. This information cannot be confirmed through the Ming shilu, as was already explained above.

Other Accounts Other sixteenth century sources and later works have nothing new to add to the early

Ming descriptions of Hormuz. It will thus be sufficient to simply enumerate the more important references. 182

1) Gao Dai (author), Huang Ming hongyou lu (1557), Jilu huibian, in Baibu congshu jicheng 16.4, j. 6, 18a. Both Hulumosi and Hulumu'en are listed.

2) Zheng Xiao (сотр.), Huang Ming siyi kao (preface 1564), Zhonghua wenshi congshu 3.16 (Taibei, 1968), j. xia, 41a. Hulumu'en and Hulumosi are introduced.

177. This must be the big-tailed sheep (Ovis platyura) described in Mills, Ma Huan, p. 171. The weight (12 kg) probably refers to the tail only.

178. Probably a kind of antelope is meant. See, for example, Duyvendak, "True Dates", pp. 348, 354 (inscriptions), Wheatley, "Analecta", p. 93 and n. 53, there {Oryx beisa, Rupp, or Madoqua Kirkii, Gunth.); Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin , p. 104 and n. 1 12; Shen Fuwei, Zhongguo yu Feizhou. Zhong Fei guanxi erqian nian (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990), p. 478.

179. A variety of lign-aloe. See Wheatley, "Geographical Notes", p. 71, and Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin, p. 52 and n. 100.

180. Mills/Ptak, Fei Xin, pp. 99, 101, 104. 181.XYCGDL,pp. 3-6, j. xia, pp. 106-111. 182. The GDNH, p. 521, indicates two sources not available to us: Huayi fengtu ji (first half of

seventeenth century), j. 4, and Huayi huamu niaoshou zhenwan kao (late sixteenth century?), j. 8.


3) Zhang Huang (сотр.), Tushu bian (compiled between 1562 and 1577), Siku quanshu zhenben, wu ji, zi bu, 24 vols. (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1974), j. 51a, 74b and 83b-84a. Hulumu'en and Hulumosi are described.

4)Yan Congjian (сотр.), Shuyu zhou zi lu (1574), see above n. 9. Yan Congjian (jinshi 1554) was well-acquainted with China's neighbours, but his book contains many inaccuracies. The account of Hormuz comprises circa nine hundred characters, almost half of which consist of a text composed by a certain Jin Youzi in praise of the "camel-fowl", or ostrich. Early Ming works associate this fascinating animal with places other than Hormuz. The Huanyu tongzhi and Da Ming yitong zhi are the first known sources to list ostriches as a product of Hormuz (see pp. 62-63, above). This may explain why Yan included Jin's text in his chapter on Hormuz. Other curious observations relate to the Hormuzians themselves: "The people have an upright disposition, their appearance is good-looking and tall; they like to worship Buddha, they often sing and dance, they hate killing." Obviously, Ma Huan's idealized picture of an Islamic port city was replaced by the notion of a peaceful Buddhist society! Other textual distortions do not need to concern us here. Suffice it to say, the Shuyu zhou zi lu shows - pars pro toto - the fate and character of many later sources on maritime countries. Their authors rely on a small number of texts without any attempt or possibility to check their data.

5) Li Dongyang et al. (сотр.), Da Ming huidian (1503, 1587), 5 vols. (Taibei: Huawen shuju, 1963), j. 106, 8b (p. 1600; Hulumosi - one variant name form is given - sent tribute in 1405), j. 114, 14a (p. 1675; regulations for official receptions: Hulumosi is listed among those countries whose ambassadors had to be feasted once while in China), j. 115, 7a (p. 1682; provisions granted to departing foreign envoys: "During the Yongle reign, there were fourteen delegates from Hormuz. For every three days of the return voyage they were provisioned once with the following: three sheep, two geese, four chicken, fifteen bottles of wine, forty jin of flower, one dan of rice, eighty biscuits, four dou of fruits, plus vegetables and assortments.")

6) Wang Qi (сотр.), Хи wenxian tongkao (1586) (Taibei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1979), j. 236, 1 la (p. 14055) and 13b (p. 14060). Hulumu'en and Hulumosi are described.

7) Luo Yuejiong (сотр.), Yu Sili (éd.), Xian bin lu (1591), Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), j. 6, pp. 158-159. Hulumosi is described.

8) Sanbao taijian Xiyangji tongsu y any i (preface 1597, by Luo Moudeng), Zhongguo gudian xiaoshuo ziliao congshu (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985), especially hui 79. This is a novel with a macro- structure similar to the one found in Xiyouji. Zheng He is one of four main characters travelling from China to the countries around the "Western Ocean". His fleet also reaches Hormuz (Hulumosi; the last syllable is left out in the title of hui 79). The descriptive elements on which the relevant episodes are built can be traced back to Ma Huan and Fei Xin. 183

9) Xu Xueju (сотр.), Guochao dianhui (earliest preface 1601), Zhongguo shixue congshu 7, 4 vols. (Taibei: Taiwan xuesheng shudian, 1965), j. 168, 26a-b (p. 1964). Hulumosi is briefly described.

10) Mao Yuanyi (сотр.), Wu bei zhi (preface 1621), 22 vols. (Taibei: Huashi chubanshe, 1984). The description of Hormuz is in a text called Siyi kao (1606), which was later incorporated in the Wu bei zhi. Hulumu'en and Hulumo'si are described in j. 237, pp. 10082-10083.

183. Roderich Ptak, Cheng Hos Abenteuer im Drama und Roman der Ming-Zeit. Hsia Hsi-yang: Eine Ůbersetzung und Untersuchung. Hsi-yang chi: Ein Deutungsversuch, Munchener Ostasiatische Studien 41 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1986), esp. pp. 21 1, 224, 228.


1 1) Wang Qi (сотр.), Sancai tuhui (earliest preface 1607), 6 vols. (Taipei: Chengwen chubanshe, 1970), I, dili j. 13, 23a (p. 452, upper right part). Hulumosi is briefly introduced.

12) Yang Yikui (сотр.), Yi cheng (preface 1615), Xuanlantang congshu 2-7, 6 vols. (Shanghai: Xuanlan jushi, 1941), j. 3, 44a, and j. 5, 9a-b. Hulusi'en and Hulumosi are described. Zheng He is wrongly said to have been sent to Hulusi'en in 1405.

13)Jiao Hong (сотр.), Guochao xianzheng lu (printed 1616), Zhongguo shixue congshu 6, 8 vols. (Taibei: Taiwan xuesheng shudian, 1965), j. 120, 155a (p. 5353), and 162a (p. 5357). Hulumosi and Hulumu'en are described.

14) Shen Moushang (сотр.), Siyi guangji (late Wanli period), Xuanlantang congshu xuji 87-102, 16 vols. (Nanjing: Guoli zhongyang tushuguan, 1947). Hulumosi is listed, but not described. See vol. 102, p. 934b. In another chapter - vol. 97, p. 647a - the following is said: "From Calicut going south in the кип direction (225°) with fair winds, one reaches Hormuz (Hulumosi) in fifteen days, fourteen days and nights further on, one reaches the port of Mecca whose foreign name is Jiddah."

15) Mao Ruizheng (сотр.), Huang Ming xiangxu lu (preface 1629), Guoli Beiping tushuguan shanben congshu, 1st. ser., 4 vols. (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937), j. 5, 22a-b. Hulumosi is described. Hulumu'en is given as another name. According to a postscript, this work is based on the Ming shi and Shuyu zhou zi lu. In the part on Hormuz, Jin Youzi is again mentioned. The description is identical with the one in the next work.

16) Chen Renxi (сотр.), Huang Ming shifa lu (completed 1630), Zhongguo shixue congshu 8, 4 vols. (Taibei : Taiwan xuesheng shudien, 1965), j. 82, 44a-45a. The same description as in the previous text.

17) He Qiaoyuan (сотр.), Ming shan zang (after 1632), 20 vols. (Taibei: Chengwen chubanshe, 1971), vol. 20, 27a-b (pp. 6209-6210). Hulumosi is described.

18) Zhang Dai (сотр.), Liu Yaolin (éd.), Ye hang chuan (late Ming) (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 1987), j. 15, p. 582. Hulumosi is briefly mentioned.

Qing sources with data on Hormuz also abound. Once again, these sources only repeat the kind of information found in Ming works. There is no advantage in listing all texts here. Some examples for different text categories may suffice.

Local chronicles 19) Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin (сотр.), Zhao Chunchen (éd.), Aomen jiltie

jiaozhu (preface 1751), Aomen wenhua congshu (Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1992), Aofan pian, pp. 135-136. Hulumosi is described, You Tong's zhuzhici (see below) are quoted. There is a Portuguese translation of the Aomen jiltie which would need to be updated. 184

20) Guangdong tongzhi (1864), 120 vols. (rpt. of Ruan Yuan éd.), vol. 119, j. 330, 53b. Hulumosi is described. This is one of the more widely-circulated editions of that work. Earlier editions also refer to Hormuz.

Literary works 21) You Tong (author), Waiguo zhuzhici, Longwei mishu, in Baibu congshu jicheng

32.10, 15b. At first sight, the zhuzhici, or "bamboo songs", are similar to old Chinese shi poetry, but their inner structure follows very different rules. In this work of You Tong, an

1 84. Tcheong-Ů-Lam and Ian-Kuong-Iâm (authors), Luis Gonzaga Gomes (tr.), Ou-Mun Kei Leok (Monografia de Macau) (Macau: Imprensa Nacionál, 1950), pp. 161-162.


eminent scholar who was interested in many topics, various countries are described in the form of songs, plus prose explanations. Hulumosi is one of them.

Comprehensive historical and geographical works 22) Fu Weilin (сотр., died 1667), Ming shu, Congshu jicheng chubian 3928-3958, 30

vols. (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1936), j. 167, p. 3316. Hulumu'en and Hulumosi are introduced.

23) Cha Jizuo (сотр.), Zui wei lu (finished 1672), 4 vols. (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 1986), j. 36, pp. 2874-2875. Hulumosi is described; a comment to the headline adds: "This is Hulumu'en".

24) Zhang Tingyu et al., Ming shi (1739), see above, n. 9. The Ming annals were already cited in connection with the different envoys sent from Hormuz to China. The descriptive parts in the annals combine the accounts of Ma Huan and Fei Xin. The text is practically identical with that contained in the Ming shi gao (1697) by Wang Hongxu (see j. 198, 19a, and j. 200, lla-12a). This includes notes on the climate, local soil conditions, dressing habits, ceremonies, and so on. Of the "professionals" it is said they are equal to those in China (not superior to those elsewhere). Some fruits and products are mentioned as well. Furthermore, salty clay is used to make plates and no additional salt is required when food is served on these plates. Finally, there are references to the zebra and the ling- sheep, as in the Huanyu tongzhi and Da Mingyitong zhi.

25) Long Wenbin (сотр.), Ming huiyao (printed 1887), Zhongguo xueshu mingzhu, 2nd ser., Lidai huiyao 1, vols. 9 and 10 (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1963), j. 79, pp. 1544-1545. Hulumosi is briefly introduced.

26) Lu Ciyun (сотр.), Ba hong yi shi (1683), Congshu jicheng chubian 3263 (Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1939), j. 2, pp. 28-29 (Hulumosi is described; some descriptive elements are given a fantastic touch), pp. 30-31 (Hulu/msi, a small maritime country which sent tribute in Ming times).

Encyclopaedic works 27) Chen Menglei, Jiang Tingxi et al. (сотр.), (Qinding) Gujin tushu jicheng (1725),

800 + 8 vols. (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1934), vol. 215, bianyi dian,]. 73, 19b (bottom) to 20a (top). Among other sources, the Da Tang xiyu ji is cited. There, Hormuz is called Hulumo (b).

Chronologically arranged histories 28) These include the Guo que (с. 1653; see n. 133, here), the Ming tongjian (1870),

and the Mingji (1871). All three contain references to Zheng He's voyages and foreign tribute delegations. The arrangement is in the style of the Ming shilu, but in most cases not as many details and names are given.

Nautical Texts and Maps Maritime Asia is depicted on many maps which stand in the tradition of the Yuan

geographer Zhu Siben. The original works of this celebrated man are no longer extant, but later sources reflect the cartographic knowledge collected under him and others. The famous Korean world map of 1402 - of which different copies exist - is one example. It


shows Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, including the Gulf region.185 Generally, mid- Ming maps are similar in many respects, but certain modifications become visible: The Gulf region can no longer be distinguished through its shape, some names pertaining to the Middle East disappear, others are placed in the middle of the sea, at locations disconnected from reality. Hormuz (Hulumosi) is one of these places. It usually appears on maps showing the "southeastern barbarians". Examples are included in the Huang yu kao (1557) and Tushu bian. 186 Maps of this kind were still popular in the late Ming period, but by then one also finds cartographic works showing Jesuit influence - in the tradition of Matteo Ricci's Kunyu wanguo quantu (1602), Giulio Aleni's account Zhifang waiji (1623), and so on. These maps are more realistic. In some cases the name Hormuz is marked; occasionally, however it appears on the northeastern part of the Arabian peninsula, in the region of Oman.

The further development of cartography influenced by Europeans is of little interest here. Instead we may look back at the period of Zheng He's voyages. The so-called Mao Kun chart, contained in Mao Yuanyi's Wu bei zhi, illustrates the navigational knowledge then available in China. This map was examined in many studies, but nothing precise can be said of its origin and authorship. Probably it was copied from similar charts and circulated among the early Ming navigators. It shows the sea routes from China to Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean. The Arabian Sea, in particular, is crossed by several routes. These run from Mangalore and the area around Goa to Qalhât, near Ra's al-Hadd. From there the route continues to Hulumosi. Although the distance and sailing direction are not given correctly in the case of this last segment, Hulumosi is clearly shown on the map as an island. Near it one also finds the islands of La'erkeshu (Làrak), Jia Hulumosi, and Salamo (Salàma). A place called Kulumala (Khaur-i Mïnàb, or Minab bay?) is indicated on the Iranian mainland and there are some further islets near Masqat, on the opposite side. Regarding Hulumosi and Jia Hulumosi, Mills equated the first with Hormuz Island, or Jarun, and the second with Qishm Island. Other sources reverse the order, or identify Jia Hulumosi with "Old Hormuz" on the mainland, and Hulumosi with Hormuz Island. Jia Hulumosi is drawn as the smaller of both places; this might point to Jarun. But the way in which all relevant locations are placed on the map leaves room for speculation - and indeed for the acceptance of several proposals.187

185. Walter Fuchs, The "Mongol Atlas" of China by Chu Ssu-Pen and the Kuang-yu-t'u with 48 Facsimile Maps Dating from about 1555, Monumenta Serica Monograph 8 (Peiping: Fu Jen University, 1946), esp. pp. 9-10; Joseph Needham et al., Science and Civilisation in China (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1954-), III, pp. 551-556, and IV.3, pp. 499-501; J. B. Harley and David Woodward (eds.), Joseph E. Schwartzberg and Cordell D. K. Yee (ass. eds.), Cartography in Traditional East and Southeast Asian Societies, The History of Cartography, vol. 2.2 (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1994), pp. 244-249. Further information in Yi Ch'an, Han'guk ko chido (Seoul: Han'guk Tosogwanhak Yon'guhoe, 1977), Han'guk ui ko chido (Seoul: Pom'usa, 1991), and other works. Recently also Cao Wanru et al. (eds.), Zhongguo gudai ditu ji. Mingdai (An Atlas of Ancient Maps in China. The Ming Dynasty, 1368-1644) (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1994), esp. plates 155 and 156. The Yuan material is collected in the volume for that period, published in 1990.

186. Tushu bian, j. 51, 18a (see p. 64, no. 3, above); Zhang Tianfu, Huang yu kao, Xuanlantang congshu xuji 28-35 (Shanghai; Xuanlan jushe, 1941), j. 12, 4a. Also see the Guangyu tu,}. 2, previous note.

187. Mao Yuanyi, Wu bei zhi, j. 240, p. 20219; Mills, Ma Huan, pp. 296-298; Xin bian Zheng He hanghai tuji, pp. 78-82; GDNH, p. 714; Xu Yuhu, Mingdai Zheng He hanghaitu zhi yanjiu (Taibei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1976), pp. 164-167. Other studies on the Mao Kun chart include Zhou Yusen, Zheng He hanglu kao (Taibei: Haiyun chubanshe, 1959), and Xiang Da, Zheng He hanghai tu, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961). - The syllable jia ("false") in Jia Hulumosi


The Mao Kun chart is a unique map. No similar map showing the network of Chinese trading routes through the Indian Ocean has yet been found. 188 We may therefore turn to a different genre of nautical works now, namely route books, or so-called "rutters". Several of these texts mention Hormuz, instructing sailors how to reach the Persian Gulf and the Arabian peninsula. Most likely all relevant data were also collected in the early fifteenth century, or even under the Yuan. Nothing points to private Chinese merchants going from the Far East to the Persian Gulf in the late fifteenth century or thereafter. References to Middle Eastern ports in late Ming or early Qing works thus seem to reflect the knowledge of earlier periods.

The earliest written evidence for the route from India to Hormuz comes from the works by Wang Dayuan, Ma Huan and Gong Zhen. Wang says a voyage from Quilon to Ganmaili took two months, Ma and Gong calculated twenty-five days for a passage from Calicut to Hormuz. The Qianwen ji indicates thirty-four days for that route, the Jilu huibian version of the Xingcha shenglan gives ten days. The last estimate is questionable, as was said above. Regarding Wang, Ma and Gong, we do not know whether their estimates were based on written sources or personal experience.189 The next reference can be found in the Xiyang chaogong dianlu (also referred to above). There the distance between Calicut and Hormuz is calculated at five thousand li, and the distance between Calicut and Aden at six thousand li. These numbers are accurate and probably originated from the lost Zhenwei bian. 190

Several other route books existed under the early and mid-Ming, but none of these texts has survived. One work was the Duhai fangcheng, printed in 1537. According to a certain Dong Gu, who had seen a copy, it described two routes, one leading from Liujiagang, at the lower Yangzi, to Hormuz, and one connecting Liujiagang with the Sino- Korean border area. Presumably the data for both routes were taken from earlier works (now lost as well). It was also thought that the Mao Kun chart and the Duhai fangcheng were related to each other, but there is not enough evidence to support such an assumption. Other works possibly listing the name Hormuz were the Haidao zhenjing (Haidao jingshu), the Sihai zhinan, the Haihang mijue, and the Hanghai quanshu; according to one contemporary observer, they all resembled the Duhai fangcheng. m

surprises. Does it have a phonetical origin? Or does it carry a negative sense? Moreover, could it be that the two different entities for Hormuz which we encountered in texts like the Huanyu tongzhi and Da Ming yitong zhi are somehow related to the two entities of "Jia/non- Jia Hulumosi"?

188. The history of Chinese sea charts and navigational techniques has attracted many scholars. For a recent survey, see, for example, Zhang Sun et al. (éd.), Zhongguo hanghai keji shi (Beijing: Haiyang chubanshe, 1991), esp. pp. 315 et seq. (old maps), and Jacques Dars, La marine chinoise du Xe siècle au XIVe siècle, Études d'histoire maritime 1 1 (Paris: Economica, 1992), ch. 2.

189. See notes 64 and 169 above. 190. XYCGDL, p. 8 (preface), j. xia, pp. 106, 112. For the routes in that text see also, for example,

Zheng Haosheng and Zheng Yijun (eds.), Zheng He Xia Xiyang ziliao huibian, vol. 1 (Ji'nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1980), pp. 293-297; Zheng Yijun, Lun Zheng He xia Xiyang, pp. 184-191; Xu Yuhu, '"Xiyang chaogong dianlu' zhong zhi hanghai zhenlu kao", (Zhongguo lishi xuehui) Shixue jikan 10 (May 1978), pp. 157-178.

191. T'ien Ju-k'ang (Tian Rukang), "The First Chinese Printed Rutter - Duhai fangcheng", T'oung Pao 68.1-3 (1982), pp. 77-78; Dong Gu, Biliza сип,), xia, i.e. Yanyi zhilin, vol. 29, 9a-10b (quoted after Tian), also in Zheng Haosheng/Zheng Yijun, Zheng He xia Xiyang ziliao huibian, I, p. 248. Note, there is a slightly enlarged version of Tian' s essay in his Zhongguo fanchuan maoyiyu duiwai guanxi shi lunji (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1987), pp. 127-139 (see esp. p. 136). Also see, for example, Yang Guozhen, Min zai hai zhong: Zhuixun Fujian haiyang fazhan shi, Haiyang yu Zhongguo congshu (Nanchang: Jiangxi gaoxiao chubanshe, 1998), pp. 67-68.


The precise textual relationship between another famous work, the anonymous Shunfeng xiangsong, and the Duhai fangcheng, also remains obscure. Tian Rukang thought the former was based on the latter, but there may have been further works between these two. Be that as it may, the Shunfeng xiangsong contains data from different periods, with the earliest strata relating to the times of Zheng He. These materials include a brief section on the route from Calicut to Hormuz and back. Some of the geographical names contained therein are similar to or identical with the names found on the Mao Kun chart. The route has been examined by Mills and others and therefore does not need to be discussed here. 192

Of the many works cited under "Other Accounts" (pp. 63-65), in the previous chapter, some also briefly refer to the voyage from India to Hormuz, but, generally, they add nothing new. One example is the Siyi guangji, quoted above. This work also contains many more references to various other sea routes and probably reflects the kind of knowledge already available in earlier treatises. 193 The same may be said of certain Qing texts. Generally, however, all these later works concentrate on the routes to Southeast Asia, without paying too much attention to the Indian Ocean. Therefore, they are of little interest in the context of this paper.

Final Remarks

The last two sections show that China's knowledge about the countries around the Indian Ocean stagnated after the mid-Ming period, Hormuz being only one case in point. But the presence of Zheng He's fleets in these waters was remembered in many ports, as may be gathered from non-Chinese accounts. Pierre Bertius, for example, wrote that, on several occasions, China sent as many as forty ships to buy aromatics in Hormuz, which were needed to perfume cloths. 194 Gaspar da Cruz alludes to a "very great armada of the Chinas" lost in the shallow waters near Sri Lanka.195 Others report the presence of Chinese ships in Calicut and elsewhere.

One of the most inflated version of China's maritime past comes from Garcia da Orta, who not only repeats the Sri Lanka incident but also refers to Hormuz. Here is what he has to say:196 "The Chinese have navigated to this land (i.e., the West Indian Ocean) from a very remote period, and as the people were barbarous and unlearned they adopted laws and customs from them. The Chinese went in such large vessels and in such a way that, if

192. Xiang Da (éd.), Liang zhong haidai zhenjing, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (2nd ed. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982), pp. 21, 41 (Hulumowsi), 78-79 (Hulumosi); Mills, Ma Huan, esp. p. 300. For the date of the Shunfeng xiangsong, see, for example, Zhang Chonggen, "Guanyu 'Liang zhong haidao zhenjing' de zhuzuo niandai", in Zhongwai guanxi shi xuehui (Zhu Jieqin et al., eds.), Zhongwai guanxi shi luncong, vol. 1 (Beijing: Shijie zhishi chubanshe, 1985), pp. 183-187. - It may be added here, that J. V. G. Mills left a number of unpublished works of which one short piece summarizes the Chinese sailing routes in the Arabian Sea, the Gulf, and so on. A copy of this paper was seen at the Needham Research Institute in 1991.

193. Most data on routes in that book were collected by Zheng Haosheng and Zheng Yijun in their Zheng He xia Xiyang ziliao huibian, I, pp. 306-327.

194. Bertius, Livre premier, p. 715. For the Chinese tradition of perfuming cloth, see Schafer, Golden Peaches, pp. 162-163.

195. С . R. Boxer (éd.), South China in the Sixteenth Century, Being the Narratives of Galeote Pereira, Fr. Gaspar da Cruz, O.P., [and] Fr. Martin da Rada, O.E.S.A. (1550-1575), Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd ser. 106 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1953), pp. 66-67.

196. Quoted in Pearson, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, p. 5. For the Portuguese text, see Garcia da Orta, Colóquios dos simples e drogas da India (facsimile version of the 1891 éd.), 2 vols. (Lisbon : Imprensa Nacionál - Casa da Moeda, 1987) I, pp. 204-205.


it will not bore you, I will tell you many things which do not directly belong to the subject of our colloquy, but which may interest you." And he continues: "I know the number of Chinese ships that navigated, having counted those which went to Ormuz as recorded in their books, and there were 400 junks which entered the port of the island Jeru, now called Ormuz. They also say that 200 junks have been lost on the rocks of Chilâm ..."

The story of the early Ming expeditions has always stirred the imagination of writers and scholars. In a Ming play Zheng He subdues the Sulu Islands and its allies, and in a late Qing novel he travels through the Suez Canal. Modern Chinese comics and other popular versions of similar themes also abound. There are films on Zheng He, journals dedicated to him, and various discussions conducted on the internet. Homage to Zheng He was also paid by Western authors. Lately Louise Levathes described his itinerary in a book essentially based on historical facts, but with a strong admixture of fanciful elements as well. Although late medieval Hormuz receives less attention in these accounts than one might expect after reading the works by Ma Huan and Fei Xin, the Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions, and the various entries in the Ming shilu, it is always there and continues to be present in the many essays, brochures and scripts devoted to the promotion of Zheng He's fame and glory, in China and among the overseas Chinese.

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