ANCIENT

SHIPS

Sonton: C. J. CLAY AND SONS,CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,

AVE MARIA LANE.

ffilasgofo: 263, ARGYLE STREET.

F. A. BROCKHAUS.Sorfe: MACMILLAN AND CO.

ANCIENT

SHIPS

BY CECIL TORR, M.A.

ILLUSTRATED

*7

CAMBRIDGEUNIVERSITY PRESS

1895

[All Rights reserved.}

Viv!

PRINTED BY J. & C. F. CLAY,

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

PREFACE.

FORsome while I have been at work upon a history of

ancient shipping; and the following pages are meant

to form a portion of that history. Assuming that ancient

shipping means shipping in the Mediterranean between

IOOOB.C. and 1000 A.D., and that a history of shipping should

deal with everything connected with ships, I find that I have

upon my hands a task of no small magnitude ;and I do not

quite know when this task will be accomplished. That being

so, I am bringing out this portion of the work before the rest;

this portion being tolerably complete already, and dealing

with a question that may conveniently be discussed apart

from any other, namely, the character of the ships them-

selves.

Ancient ships have already formed the subject of dozens

of books and pamphlets ;and I necessarily have made myself

acquainted with the bulk of this literature, from Dr Assmann's

latest article in the Archaologisches Jahrbuch back to the

treatise De Re Navail published by L. de Baif in 1536. I do

not wish to underrate my obligations to previous writers on

the subject, for they have informed me of many things that

I was not at all likely to discover for myself. But, taking

them altogether, I have found their works more voluminous

than valuable. As a rule, they have relied too much upon

their predecessors. A great many of their works are nothing

more than careless compilations from those of earlier date;

and hardly any of them fail to repeat a few exploded

T. B

vi PREFACE.

blunders. And then a great deal of energy has been mis-

directed. Author after author has written as though the

question was simply how he would set to work, if he were

called upon to build a trireme; and accordingly there has

been a crop of so-called restorations, which are principally

works of the imagination, and do not always agree with the

evidence on the few points that happen to be known for

certain. And while many of the writers on the subject have

thus contented themselves with a very slender knowledge of

the evidence available, nearly all of them have shewn more

zeal in collecting evidence than in sifting it sufficiently to

ascertain its value.

The best of the written evidence comes from inscriptions.

In digging the foundations for a building at the Peiraeus in

1834, the workmen came upon a Roman or Byzantine drain,

and found that it was lined with slabs of marble covered with

inscriptions. These were some of the inventories of the

Athenian dockyards, and a few others have come to light

since then, the earliest of them dating from 373 and the latest

from 323 B.C. or thereabouts. Unhappily, these inscriptions

are shattered and defaced in many places ;but where the

reading is clear, their testimony is conclusive*.

Next in importance are the statements that occur in

ancient literature : but, unfortunately, very few of these are

more than passing allusions;and the only one that enters

into details is open to suspicion. This is the account that

Athenaeos gives of some stupendous ships that were built

about 400 years before his time. In my opinion, this account

is not to be accepted as a description of those particular

ships : but I imagine that its authors based their statements

on what they knew of ships in general ;so that, with due

allowance for exaggerations and anachronisms, every detail is

All these inscriptions are printed in the Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum,vol. ii, nos. 789812. The original set were edited by August Bockh in 1840from copies by Ludwig Ross.

PREFACE. vii

admissible as evidence in dealing with the ships of ancient

timesb

. Of course, the literary evidence has all to be sub-

jected to the ordinary tests, each statement being estimated

by the value that we put upon its author and his means

of information about the matter in hand. And peculiar

difficulties arise when a thing is mentioned only once in

literature, the question being whether this is due to chance,

or must be taken to imply that the thing was not in voguefor any length of time. But that conclusion is not inevitable,

even when a thing is mentioned several times by authors of

one period and never once by those of earlier or later date;

for those authors may only be repeating a simile or illustra-

tion that had struck the fancy of their generation. And,

conversely, authors might go on repeating phrases that were

no longer applicable ; just as Plutarch and Lucian talk about

akatian sails, although these sails had probably gone out of

use some centuries before : the explanation being that the

akatians were mentioned in a famous saying of Epicures .

There are also the statements of the scholiasts and lexico-

graphers : but their evidence may be rejected altogether. So

far as their assertions relate to matters that admit of proof,

they are oftener wrong than right ;and there is no reason for

supposing that they were any better informed on matters

that do not admit of proof. Such people felt bound to find

a meaning for every word or phrase that came within their

range ;and if they did not happen to know, they simply had

to guess.

The evidence from written sources is supplemented byevidence from material sources. There are the ruins of the

docks at Athens to give a notion of the dimensions and

proportions of the war-ships : and there are some rams and

bAthenseos, v. 37 39, quoting Callixenos, and v. 40 44, quoting Moschion.

See especially pp. 9, 10 and 77 to 29 as to the reasons for suspecting these

descriptions; and also note 118 on p. 50 for an example of the mode of dealing

with such evidence. c See p. 86 as to this.

viii PREFACE.

figure-heads and anchors, but practically no other remnants

of the ships themselves. A few models have been found:

but these are all too rough to be instructive;and the chances

are against our finding the splendid model that Lysander

placed at Delphi a trireme, three feet long, and made of

ivory and goldd

. There are plenty of pictures of the ships on

painted vases and in frescos and mosaics, and figures of them

on reliefs and coins and gems and works of art of every class;

for they were constantly in favour with the artists of antiquity.

But these works of art must all be taken at a discount. In

dealing with so large a subject as a ship, an ancient artist

would seize upon some characteristics, and give prominence

to these by suppressing other features; and then would

modify the whole design to suit the space at his disposal.

Moreover, the treatment would vary with the form of art,

painters and sculptors seeing things from different points of

view; and it would vary also with the period, as art went

through its phases. So, works of art may easily be taken to

imply a difference in the ships themselves, when the difference

is only in the mode of representing them.

The greatest caution is necessary in getting this evidence

at second hand from books. If a restorer has handled the

original relief or painting, his mistakes are sure to be em-

bodied in the copy ;and generally some fresh mistakes are

introduced by draughtsmen and engravers and the people

who touch up photographs. The result is that very few of the

published copies are trustworthy in every detail, while manyof them might rank as caricatures : and yet those copies

are handed on from book to book, and quoted as autho-

rities. But obviously the authors of these books have never

made a search for the originals, for then they would have

discovered that not a few of these supposed copies have

no originals at all6

.

dPlutarch, Lysander, 18. 2, T/H^/WJS, Sid xpixrou Treiroir)fj,^vr) KO! IX^curos, dvelv

PREFACE. IX

The evidence from all sources falls short of what is

needed for a complete description of the ships ;for although

our information on certain points is ample and conclusive,

there are many points on which we have no information

whatever. Practically, this is not a matter of importance, as

nobody is likely to resuscitate the ancient style of ship-

building in its entirety; and hitherto no attention has been

given to devices that might still be serviceable. Thus, for

example, the ancients saw their way to supplement a square-

sail by a triangular topsail with its base along the yard and

its apex at the top of the mast, so that no additional yard

was needed;and to reinforce the ram by a series of auxiliary

rams above, which not only increased the damage to an

e For example, in the last edition of Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman

Antiquities, vol. ii, p. 218, there is a picture of an ancient anchor with flukes to

its arms and no stock. A note says that the picture is taken from Baumeister. It

occurs on p. 1614 in vol. iii of Baumeister's Denkmdler des klassischen Altcrtums;

and there the statement is that the picture is taken from Kekule, and that the

original may be seen upon the balustrade round the temple of Athena Nike at

Athens. But in Kekule's Reliefs an der Balustrade der Athena Nike the picture

is given on p. 12 among the Ergiinzungsskizzen, merely as a suggestion of what

might have filled a vacant place; and on the balustrade itself there is not the

slightest trace of any anchor at all. Again, in Smith's Dictionary, vol. i, p. 361, a

picture of a boat, or coracle, is introduced with these remarks : "The illustration,

given both by Rich and Saglio, is taken from Scheffer, De Militia Navali

Veteruniy who describes it as from an ancient MS. of Vitruvius (Polenus,

Supplemmtum ad Grccvium et Gronovium, v. p. 831)." Saglio gives the picture

on p. 915 of vol. i of Daremberg and Saglio's Dictionnaire des Antiquites Grecques

et Romaines, saying that he took it from Scheffer, who took it from a MS. of

Vitruvius, and that Rich had given it before. Rich gives it on p. 117 of his

Dictionary of Roman and Greek Antiquities, third edition, saying that he took it

from Scheffer, who took it from a MS. of Vitruvius. But Scheffer himself, p. 81

and Polenus reprints him rightly says that he took it from a MS. of Vegetius.

As a matter of fact, he did not take it from Vitruvius or Vegetius or from

any MS. at all. An edition of Vegetius, De Re Militari, was printed at

Paris in August, 1532. An edition of Robertus Valturius, De Re Military had

been printed at the same press in July. And as the volumes were uniform, they

generally were bound up together. Scheffer took the picture from an engraving on

p. 316 of the treatise by Valturius. The engravings in this edition of Valturius

are copied from the engravings in the original edition printed at Verona in

1472, and refer to matters of that period. This sort of thing is not at all

uncommon.

X PREFACE.

enemy, but also protected the stem from being crushed

against her sides. Such devices as these, which proved of

service in antiquity, would certainly be worth a trial on

modern ships.

I must warn the reader that in the passages quoted in the

notes I have silently omitted any subordinate clauses that do

not bear upon the matter in hand. And also that I have

made a rough use of round numbers in dating Egyptianmonuments

; my opinion being that the evidence does not

justify the popular system of chronology.

The illustrations in plates I to 7 are by Mr J. A. Burt and

those in 8 by Mr H. W. Bennett. I have never seen the

originals of fgs. 10, n, 29 to 31, and 40; but I can guarantee

the accuracy of all the rest in every point on which I cite

them as authorities. Unfortunately, the illustrations were

arranged some while ago, before the book had assumed its

present form;and they fall short of what would be desirable.

But I hope that the complete work will contain a satisfactory

copy of every monument that can elucidate the subject.

C. T.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

lips with oars .....the oars arranged in banks .

number of oars in each bank .

auxiliary oars on sailing-ships

>imensions of the ships

'onnage of the ships ....[aterials for ship-building .

timber

tar, paint, wax, etc. .

metal

Structure of the hull ....keel, ribs, skin, waling-pieces

cables for strengthening the sides

port-holes in the sides .

beams, etc, in the interior

superstructure and upper decking

lower decks, forecastle and poopdeck-houses and turrets

ballast and bilge

the ram and its auxiliaries .

figure-heads, etc.

Anchors and cables

Steering-gear

PAGE

i 20.

3-

IO.

20.

20 25.

2531.

31-38.

34-

37-

- 39-

41.

43-

45-

49.

54-

. 58.

60.

. 62.

65.

69-74.

74-78.

Xll TABLE OF CONTENTS.

ANCIENT SHIPS.

THE Mediterranean is a sea where a vessel with sails maylie becalmed for days together, while a vessel with oars could

easily be traversing the smooth waters, with coasts and

islands everywhere at hand to give her shelter in case of

storm. In that sea, therefore, oars became the characteristic

instruments of navigation ;and the arrangement of oars, the

chief problem in shipbuilding. And so long as the Mediter-

ranean nations dominated Western Europe, vessels of the

southern type were built upon the northern coasts, thoughthere generally was wind enough here for sails and too muchwave for oars. But afterwards the nations of Western Europefilled the Mediterranean with sailing-vessels of the types theyhad devised for voyages on the Ocean

;and oars finally gave

place to sails. Yet, only a few years before sails began in

their turn to give place to steam, oars were still employedon vessels of considerable size that were intended for the

Mediterranean alone; and probably would have been more

generally employed there, had there still been an adequate

supply of galley-slaves. In the ancient world, however, thej/rower was not usually a slave : and it is a strange fact that

Athenian citizens in the age of Pericles, who were in no wise

unconscious of their own transcendent gifts, willingly laboured

at the oar to generate a mechanical force that was directed

by the intelligence of others.

T. a

2 THE EARLIEST SHIPS WITH OARS,

The art of rowing can first be discerned upon the Nile.

Boats with oars, as in fg. 2, are represented in the earliest

pictorial monuments of Egypt, dating from about 2500 B.C.:

and although some crews are paddling with their faces

towards the bow, others are rowing with their faces towards

the stern. The paddling is certainly the older practice ;for

the hieroglyph chen depicts two arms grasping an oar in the

attitude of paddling, and the hieroglyphs were invented in

the earliest ages. And that practice may really have ceased

before 2500 B.C., despite the testimony of monuments of that

date; for in monuments dating from about 1250 B.C. crews

are represented unmistakably rowing with their faces towards

the stern and yet grasping their oars in the attitude of

paddling, as in fgs. 3 and 5, so that even then Egyptianartists mechanically followed the turn of the hieroglyph to

which their hands were accustomed. In these reliefs there

are twenty rowers on the boats on the Nile, as in fg. 3, and

thirty on the ships on the Red Sea, as in fg. 5 ;but in the

earliest reliefs, as in fg. 2, the number varies considerably and

seems dependent on the amount of space at the sculptor's

disposal. In the contemporary relief representing a battle

fought in the Mediterranean about 1000 B.C. the Egyptian

war-ships, as in fg. 6, have from twelve to twenty-two rowers

apiece according to the requirements of the sculptor, while

the Asiatic war-ships, as in fgs. 7 and 8, have not any rowers

at all.

Among the Greeks the oars of a ship were collectively

termed tarsos, and among the Hebrews ships of a certain

type were known as ships of tarHs\ and Tarsos and Tarsis

1Iliad, i. 308, 309, 'ArpelSifjs 5' dpa vrja. doty a\aSe Trpotpv<r<rev, \

es 5' ep^ras

tKpivev telKOffiv. xvi. 168 170, Trevr'qKovT1

rjaav vijes Ooai, ri<nv 'A%tXXe()s |

^s

Tpol-rjv rjye'iTO Ad <j>l\of ev 5' ap' e^dcrr^ | irevT^Kovr'' 2aav avdpes tiri K\-rfiaiv

ercupot. But this last line is clearly an interpolation : the icXrjides are not

mentioned elsewhere in the Iliad though often mentioned in the Odysseysee note no on p. 46 and the number of rowers is unparalleled in the Iliad

outside the Catalogue, while the number of the ships according to the Cata-

logue, ii. 685, would incite an interpolator to repetition.2

Iliad, i. 402 404, u>x' tKarbyxetpov /coX^cracr' s [JLaKpbv *0\v[ji.7rov, \

&v

aXtovffi 6eol, avdpes 8 re Trdvres\ Atyatuva.

3 The story of the Minyse, for example, as narrated by Herodotos, iv. 148.

AND THE OARS USED ON THEM. 3

were the Greek and Hebrew names for Tarsus in Cilicia.

The coincidence suggests that this city was pre-eminent in'

furthering the use of oars upon the Mediterranean. But of

this there are no records. The early progress of the Phoeni-

cians and their neighbours must be divined from the progress

of their disciples, the Greeks. In the Iliad, apart from the^x

Catalogue, the Greeks have ships with twenty rowers 1: but the

allusion to Briareos, the hundred-handed giant of the ^Egean,indicates some knowledge of the fifty-oared ship which forms

so essential a feature in legends of somewhat later date, such

as those of the fifty daughters of Danaos or the fifty comrades

of Jason2

. The thirty-oared ship belongs to legends of far

later date 3. In the Odyssey the Greeks still have ships with

twenty^ rowers, while the Phaeacians at Corfu have a ship

with fifty4

. An advance from twenty to fifty oars, without'

intermediate steps, seems hardly possible unless a nation was

adopting the discoveries of another : and a greater advance,

again at a single step, may be traced in the Catalogue of the

Ships, which mentions ships with fifty rowers and ships with

a hundred and eighteen5

. Ships could not beindefinitely]

lengthened to accommodate an increasing number of rowers ;L

and consequently the oars began to be arranged in two andjthen in three banks one above another. These ships with a

hundred and eighteen rowers must have been two-banked

ships formed by inserting ports for eight and fifty oars in the

intervals between the tholes on ships of sixty oars. Yet the

Greeks never employed sixty-oared ships, and apparentlynever knew that such existed, for they had no name for

them : so the invention was not theirs.

4Odyssey, i. 280, vtf apo-as prri<nv IdKoaiv. iv. 669, dXX' dye fj.ot 56re 1/770,

6or]v Kal efaocr' eratpovs. ix. 322, offffov 6* Ivrbv 1/7765 tKO<r6poio /u.e\aivijs.

viii. 34 36, dXX' 076 vya /-cAcui/aj/ ep6<r<rotJ.ev eh a\a diav\ irpurbirXoov, Kotpw d

5i5w Kal irfVT^KovTd \ Kpivdcr6wv Kara drj/j-ov. These fifty-two men would include

KeXeii<TT7^s and Kv^epvrjTTjs, leaving fifty to row with one to mark time and one to

steer; for they are described as Kovpoi, not eptrai or eraipot, as otherwise was

customary.5

Iliad, ii. 719, 720, eTrra vewv eptrai 5' ev eKdarr) irevr^KOVTa | e/u^/Saaai'.

509, 510, rCov fj.kv TTfvr^KOVTa i^es Klov ev 5t eicdoTfl | Kovpoi BOIWTUV Karbv Kal

fialvov. These hundred and twenty men, Kovpoi, would likewise include

and

4 INCREASE OF THE BANKS OF OARS

There is nothing to shew when or where the ancients first

bmjtj wflr-shioswith a single bank of oars

6. But two-banked

war-ships were certainly in use in Phoenicia about 700 B.C.,

for Phoenician war-ships are represented with two banks of

oars in Assyrian sculpture of that date, as in fgs. 10 and 11 :

and if three-banked war-ships were built in Egypt about

600 B.C., as Herodotos relates, they probably were in use

in Phoenicia at a somewhat earlier date 7. According to

Thucydides, the first ships that were built by the Greeks for

use in warfare, were built about 700 B.C. at Corinth and at

Samos;and the first three-banked war-ships that were built

for Greek fleets, were also built at Corinth;but vessels of

that type were not built in large numbers by the Greeks until

V)a little before 500 B.C., and then chiefly in Skily and Corfu 8

.

6 Various traditions about them are quoted, or misquoted, by Pliny, vii. 57,

longa nave lasonem primum navigasse Philostephanus auctor est, Hegesias Para-

lum, Ctesias Semiramim, Archemachus ALgaonem ; biremem Damastes Erythraos

fecisse, triremem Thucydides Aminoclem Corinthium, qiiadriremem Aristoteles

Carthaginienses, quinqrieremem Mnesigiton Salaminios, sex ordinum Xenagoras

Syracusios, ab ea ad decemremem Mnesigiton Alexandrum Magnum^ ad XII

ordines Philostephanus Ptolemaum Soterem, ad xv Demetrium Antigoni, ad xxx

Ptolemaum Philadelphum, ad XL Ptolemaum Philopatorem .

7 Herodotos, ii. 159, Tra.vffdfji.fvos 5e rrjs diupvxos 6 Ne/ccbs erpdirero irpbs

<rrparT]tas, Kal rpnjpees at /te> eiri rrj fSopylri 6a\d(T0"r) ^TroLTjdrjffav, at 5' ev T

'Apa/Sty K6\ir(f}' Kal ratr-gal re exparo ev r dVoj/rt, K.r.X. Nekau reigned from

610 to 594 B.C., or thereabouts. Clemens Alexandrinus, stromateis, i. 16. 76,

TOJ^S re ^iSuivlovs (Trpwrous dicnK6afJi,v) rplKporov vavv KaraffKevdo-ai.

8Thucydides, i. 13, vavTiicd re e77/>rtfero r) 'EXXas /cat TTJS da\da<rr)S fj.a\\ov

avrelxovTo. Trpuroi 5e Kopivdioi \yovrai eyytirara rou vvv rpbirov yueraxetp/crat

TO. Trepl ras vavs, Kal rpt^pets Trpurov ev KopLvdy T^S 'EXXaSos vavTnfjyr}67Jvai.

<t>alveTa.L de Kal Sabots 'A/ietvoicX^s ~K.opii>0tos vavn-rjybs vavs -rrot^ffas recraapas'

07 5' earl yuaXtcrra rpiafc6(rta es TTJV T\evrT]v rovde rod TroX^tiou ore 'A/xetvo/cX^s

Sa^t^ots TjXflep. 14, 6X^70^ re irpb rCjv M^St/cwv ai rou Aapeiov davdrov rpiripeis

irepl re 2iiKe\iav rots rvpavvois es TrX^os eyevovro Kal Kepxvpaiois' raOra yapreXeurata irpb rfjs S^p^ou trrparetas vavriKa di6\oya iv rr\ 'EXXaSt Ka.re<STt].

AlyiVTJrai yap Kal 'A0r)vaioi Kal et rives aXXot jSpax^a e/c^/cr^i/ro, Kal rotrwv ra

TroXXa irevTT]Kovr6povs. cf. Diodoros, xiv. 42, aKotiuv yap 6 Aiovuaios ev Kopivdy

vavTrrjyrjdTJvaL rpi-f]pr) -rrpurov, /c.r.X. But while Diodoros says irp&rov ev KopLvdy,

Thucydides takes care to say -rrpurov ev KopLvdy TTJS 'EXXtiSos to save the priority

of the Phoenicians. Thucydides can hardly mean that the Corinthians were

building three-banked ships three centuries before the peace of 404 B.C. Theallusion to their three-banked ships is parenthetical. His meaning must be that

they were only then beginning to build war-ships of any sort. But, as to their

priority in this, see Herodotos, i. 163, oi 5e" ^w/cat^es oSrot vavri\iyffi /xa/cp^<rt

FROM TWO UP TO SEVEN. 5

For more than two hundred years the three-banded ships

were the largest war-ships afloat : but at length the systemof successive banks was tested thoroughly. The extant

fragments of the inventories of the Athenian dockyards merely

shew 9that ships of four banks were first built there shortly

before 330 B.C. and ships of five banks in 325 B.C. But

according to Diodoros 10

ships of four and five banks were

built for the Syracusan fleet in 398 B.C., five-banked ships

being then built for the first time;and according to ^Elian

11

there were ships of five and six banks in that fleet forty years

later. Pliny states that ships of four and five and six banks'

were first built at Chalcedon and Salamis and Syracuse respec-J j

tively ;and then Alexander the Great made the advance to

ten banks 12. A whole fleet of seven-banked ships was built by

Trpiirot 'EXXrjvuv CXP7?'ai'ro>KC" T^v T 'ASpiijj/ Kal TTJV Tvpff-rjvi-rjv Kal TT\V

'

Kal rbv TiapTrjffbv OVTOI etVt ol Karade^avres'

eva\)Ti\\ovro Be ov ffTpoyyti\ri<ri

dXXa TrevTrjKovTepoitri. Herodotos, however, may only mean that the Phocaeans

were the first Greeks to employ these war-ships on trading voyages and thus defy

the piracy in the Western Mediterranean.yCorp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. b, 11. 76 79, rerp^peis d' fa fiev rots

vewpiois Trapedo/j-ev Pill, fa ir\$ de A 'Apt<TTO<t>uvTos apxovros, 330/329 B.C.:

no. 809, col. d, 11. 87 91, rcrpripeis 5' fa pv rots vewpLois Tra.ptdofJ.ev AAAAUIKal Trevrripeis PI I, rerpripeis 5' fa TrXy PI I

'

AVTIK\COVS dpxovros, 325/324 B.C.

Ships of four and five banks are not previously mentioned in these lists. There

is a list for the year before 325/324, no. 808, col. d, 11. 22 39 ; but none at present

for the years immediately before 330/329. The first eighteen four-banked ships

probably were built in two or three years, as the next thirty-two were built in five

years besides seven five-banked ships ; so the Athenians probably built their first

four-banked ship in 331 or 332 B.C.

10Diodoros, xiv. 42, rfp^aro de (Atoi'i/crios) vavTrrjyeiaOai rerpTjpeis Kal TrevTrjpiKa

0"K(i0?7, TrpcDros Tavrrjv TT]V KaracrKev^v rdov ve&v e7rt^o^o"as. cf. 41, Siepoetro yapKO.Ta.ffKeva.aai vaCs rerpripeis Kal TrevrTjpets, ovdtirft) /car' eKeivovs roi)s Xp6?OUS (Txd^OV>

wevTTjpiKOv vevavTnjyrj/ji.frov. 44, aTr^aretXei' irevrrip'ri, wpurov vevavTnjyrj/ji.&rji'.

11/Elian, variae historic^, vi. 12, vavs fj.ev eK^KTrjTo (Aiovtifftos 6 detirepos) OVK

^Xdrrous TUV TerpaKOfflw, e^/oets Kal Tre^r^pets'

ireG)v de 5vvajj.iv els 5^/ca /ii/ptdSas,

iTTTrets 5e cf^ea/ctcrxtX/ous. Diodoros, xvi. 9, mentions these forces in narrating the

events of 357 B.C., so /Elian is probably referring to that date : but Diodoros says

nothing about the size of the ships.12

Pliny, vii. 57, already quoted in note 6. cf. Clemens Alexandrinus, stro-

mateis, i. 16. 75, Ka/)xrj56ftot 6e TrpcDroi rerpripr] KaTecrKei>a<rav, evavTrriyTjffe d

avrrjv B6cnropos, where the allusion to Bosporos shews that Chalcedon is meant,not Carchedon or Carthage. The common spelling, Calchedon for Chalcedon,would induce the error.

6 INCREASE OF THE BANKS OF OARS

Alexander on the Euphrates in 323 B.C., according to Quintus

Curtius : but the other biographers of Alexander nowhere

mention ships of more than five banks 13. According to

Diodoros, there were ships of six and seven banks in the

fleet of Demetrios Poliorcetes at the battle off Cyprus in

306 B.C., but none of more than five banks in the fleet of his

opponent, Ptolemy Soter; while there had been a few ships

of nine and ten banks in a fleet formed in 314 B.C. by

Antigonos, the father of Demetrios, though apparently no

other ships in that fleet were of more than five banks 14.

Pliny states that ships of twelve and fifteen banks were built

by Ptolemy and Demetrios respectively : and a fifteen-banked

ship is ascribed to Ptolemy by Pollux15

. An eleven-banked

13Quintus Curtius, x. i. 19, igitur Mesopotamia pratoribus imperavit (Alex-

ander] materia in Libano monte casa devectaque ad urbem Syria "J'hapsacum,

septingentarum carinas navium ponere: septiremes omnes esse, deducique Baby-

loniam. Cypriorum regibus imperatum, ut ccs stuppamque et vela praberent.

The statements of Aristobulos, who was present, are cited by Arrian, anabasis,

vii. 19, /carAajSe 5e ('AX^avdpos) ev Ba/3uXu)j>t, cos Xe^et 'AptaT6/3ovXos, /cat TO vavn-

KOV'

TO fj.j> /card Tbv Ev^pdTrjv iroTafWV dvaTre-rrXevKOS CLTTO 0a\d<rar]S TTJS IIepo-i/c?}s'

r6 5e e/c foa^/CTjs dpa/ce/coyiucr/xeVoj', TrepT^pets /u,ei>duo r&v e/c $>oivlKdov, rerp^peis 5e

rpets, rpi77pets 5e 5w5exa, Tpia.KOVT6povs 5e e's Tptd/covra' rairras ^WT/j.ijdeia'as KO/JU-

iirl TOV EvcppaTyv TTOTa/j.6v e/c QoiViKys e's Q6.\^a.KOV irb\iv, e/ce? 5^ ^v/j.Trrjxdeio'as

Kara7rXeO(rai e's Ba/SiAwva. X^ei 5e 6'rt /cai aXXos aury evavTrrjyeiTO oroXos

rds KV7rctpi<r<rovs Tas iv TT/ Ba/3uXw^t{t. Also by Strabo, xvi. i. n, rd TrXota

v QoiviKr] re /cat K^Trpy vavjr^/

rio'd[j.evov didXvTa re /cai<

yo/x,0wra., a KO/M-

eis Qd^atfov ffTad^ols eTrrd elra r<y Trora/uy /cara/co/iKT^^at jJ^XP1 Ba/SuXw^os,

rd 5' tv Ty Ba/3vXwi//a av^-r^a.^f.vov TUV ev TOLS d'Xcrea-i /cat rots 7rapa5ecrois KVTrapiT-

TUV. And probably also by Plutarch, Alexander, 68, /cat TrXota TravTodaTrd irepi

Qd\l/aKov ew^yuvTo. These statements shew that Curtius has confounded the ships

that were built on the Euphrates with those other ships that were brought over in

sections from Phoenicia; and sufficiently disprove his assertion that this fleet

consisted entirely of seven-banked ships. But possibly the word septiremes stands

for some word like solutiles denoting that the ships were in sections.

14Diodoros, xx. 49, el^e 5e (UroXe/xatos) rds Trdcras ^aCs jua/cpds e/caroi' /cat

rerrapd/coi'Ta TOIJTWV 5' TJV i) /meylffTf] TrevTrjpijs, i] 5' eXa^tor?; rerpTyp^s. 50, ai)ros

5e (A?;/i?7Tptos) e/crd|as rds ^aus diryvTa rots TroXe/xiots, ^xwv T^s <*7rd(ras 6/crco irXelovs

r&v Ka.TOv crijv rats TrXT/pw^etcrats e/c TU>V ^wp/wj' T&V XrjtydfVTW' TOVTUV 5' TJ<rai> at

^yi.ffTa.1 fj.ev eTTTTypets, at TrXetarat 5e Trevr^pets. Kal r6 fJL^v evwvv/mov /ce'pas eTretxoi'

eTTT^petj p.V eTrrd ^ou/t/cwi', rerpTjpets 5e rptd/coj/ra TWV'

A^Tjj/atwj/ ewLirXovs Se

TOVTOLS %Taev e^pets 5^/ca /cai Trej/TTjpets dXXas rocrairras, K.T.\. Speaking of the

two hundred and forty war-ships collected by Antigonos, he says, xix. 62, TOVTUV

5' r)<rav rerp^pets yitej/ evevrjK.ot'Tu,, vrej/r^pets 5e 5e/ca, evvrjpeis 5e rpets, 5eM7pets 5e 5^/ca.

&(ppaKToi. 5e rptd/coj/ra. The rest presumably had the normal three banks.

FROM SEVEN UP TO SIXTEEN.

ship unquestionably was built by Demctrios, for the fact is

mentioned by Theophrastos, a contemporary whose position

secured him most trustworthy information16

. She was built

in Cyprus ;and therefore after the naval victory in 306 B.C.,

which made Demetrios master of the island and its timber.

According to Plutarch 17

,Demetrios had a thirteen-banked

ship in 301 B.C., and built ships of fifteen and sixteen banks

in 288 B.C. And there certainly was a ship of sixteen banks

in the Macedonian fleet a century afterwards. She was

expressly mentioned in the treaty with the Romans in

197 B.C. : her arrival in the Tiber in 167 B.C. was a memor-

able event;and she afterwards gave her name to one of the

docks at Rome 18.

15Pliny, vii. 57, already quoted in note 6. Pollux, i. 83, /cat

vavs, Trei'TeKai.deKrjpTjs' Kal'

Kvnybvov, Tpidp/j.evos. For the meaning of

see note 124 on p. 54.16

Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 8. i, tv Kinrpt^ yovv OVK trep-vov ol

/SaatXetj (TO, devdpa) d/xa jj,ev rypovvres Kal rap.Levbp.evoi. d/xa de /cat did rb

dv<TK6/Ju.ffrov elvai. fATJKOS /j.ev riv rCjv ets TT\V evdeKrjpr) rr\v Arjfj^rjrpLov rfJLf]6ivrwv

rpiffKaideKadpyviov, avra de rd tfXa ry yu.7y/cei 6avfj,a<rrd Kal d'oa Kal Xeta. This is

repeated by Pliny, xvi. 76, with some exaggerations.17

Plutarch, Demetrius, 31, 6 yovv Aj^rptos rbre trpoaeire^e rots 'A.dr)vaiois

iyKoXuv ^erptws, a&uv 5e ras vavs airoXafidv, ev als rjv Kal i] Tpt<TKaideKr)p-r]S. cf. 30,

Kal yap Kal vavs e/cet Kal xp^ara Kal yvvaiKa Myxave /caraXeXotTrws. 32, irpdrepov

ULCV 2Aei;/cos e<TTid<ras twl (TKrjvrjs iv T^ o-rparoTr^Sy A^^rptoj', avdis 5e ATj^rptos

y TpurKaideKripei Se^d/ievos. 43, crroXov 5e ve&v a/j,a wevTaKocrluv Kara-

rds fj^v ev Heipaiei rpbireis ^ero, rds de ev Koplvdy, rds 5e iv XaX/dfo,

rds de wepl lltXXav, avrbs iiriuv e/cao-rax^cre Kal Si.8a<iKuv a. XPV Kal <rvvTexvu/j.vos,

eKTrXrjTTOfj.evuv airavruv ov rd irX^d-r) phvov dXXd Kal ra peyid-rj TUV tpywv ovdels

yap elder avdp&Trwv afire TrevTeKaLdeKrjpT) vavv irpbrepov ovre eKKaideK'rjpTj. cf.

20, KCU rds fj-ev KKai5(Kr)peis avrov Kal rds Tre^Te/catSe/fTypets idav^a^ov eorwres ol

iroXt/juoi irapa TT\V yrjv avr&v irXeovffas, K.r.X.

18 This treaty is cited by Polybios, xviii. 27, rd 5' at'xAtdXcora /cat TOUS auro/i6Xoi;s

dVa^ras d7roKarao-r?7(rat $l\nrirov 'Pw/xatots iv rots ai)rots \p^vo^'

ofJ-olus dt Kal rds

KarafipaKTOVs vavs, ir\T]t> irivre aKa<puv Kal rrjs e/c/cat5e/c??pous, and by Livy, xxxiii.

30, captivos transfugasque reddere Philippum Komanis, et naves omnes tectas

tradere prater quinque et regiam unam inhabilis prope magnitudinis, quamsexdedm versus remorum agebant. The arrival in the Tiber is described by

Plutarch, yEmilius Paulus, 30, avir\L rbv Quj3pii> irora^bv iirl rijs /Sao-tXt/c^s

CKKaideKrjpovs KareffKevaa-^vTjs ets K6ff/J.ov oVXois at'x/iaXwrots Kal (poiviKiffi Kal

irop<pupais, d?s Kal Travrjyvplfav Qudev Kaddirep ets rtva dpiafifiiKijs diav

Kal irpoairoXaveLv roi>s 'Pw/xatows ry podiy crxtdTjv virdyovn TT]V vavv avrL

701/ras, and also by Livy, xlv. 35, Paulus ipse post dies paucos regia nave

ingentis magnitudinis > quam sexdedm -versus remorum agebant, ornata Mace*

8 INCREASE OF THE BANKS OF OARS

War-ships of still greater size are ascribed to Ptolemy

Philadelphos and Ptolemy Philopator, who ruled Egypt from

285 to 247 B.C. and from 222 to 204 B.C. respectively. Athe-

naeos states that, besides various ships of thirteen banks or

less, Philadelphos had one ship of twenty banks and two of

thirty banks, while Philopator built a ship of forty banks;and he quotes a long account of this ship from Callixenos of

Rhodes 19. Plutarch states that Philopator built a ship of

forty banks, and then describes her in the phrases employed

by Athenaeos, so that he is also quoting from Callixenos 20.

Pliny states independently, on the authority of Philostephanosof Cyrene, that Philadelphos and Philopator built ships of

thirty and forty banks respectively21

. And these amazingstatements have partly been confirmed by an inscription that

was unearthed a few years ago in the temple of Aphroditeat Paphos in Cyprus, namely, a dedication by the reigning

donicis spoliis 11011 insignium tantum armorum sed etiam regiorum textiliiiin,

adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus, completis ripis obviam effusa multitudine,

both authors doubtless copying the lost description by Polybios, who was in

Rome soon afterwards and knew Paulus intimately, cf. Eutropius, iv. 8, Roinani

cum ingenti pompa rediit (Paulus) in nave Persei, qu<z inusitat<z uiagnitudinis

fttisse traditur, adeo ut sexdeciin ordines dicatur habuisse remorum. The dock is

mentioned by Polybios, xxxvi. 3, 81 o3 TrapaKOfjucrOcvTes d<r0aXws ets Trjv 'Pw/^i/,

avveK\dffdr)<rav 6/J.ov Trdvrcs ei's r6 7-775 e/c/cat5e/c?jpous veupiov.19

Athenaeos, v. 36, TroXXtDv 5' 6 ^tXdSeX^os /ScurtXe'aw irXoiJTy Ste^epe, Kal Trepi

iravra e'cTTTOfo'd/cet TO, /caratr/cevdo-yuara 0tXo-riyUa>s, wore Kal -rrXoiuv Tr\r]6ei iravras

u7repe'/3aXXe. rd 701?*' ^te^tcrra T&V ir\oi(av rjv Trap' ai)ry TpiaKOvrripeiS 8vo, eiKoarjpijs

fj^ia, r^crcrapes TpLffKaideKrjpeis, dajdeicfjpeis dvo, eitdeicrjpeis TeeffapeaKaideKa, evvrjpeis

rpidKovra, /c.r.X. 37, Irrel 8e Trepi ve&v KaraaKevrjs elpr^KafJiev , (pep" dirw^v /cat TO,

v-rrb TOU $tXo7rdro/)os /fa(TiX^ws KareffKeuacr^va GK&tyt}'

irepl uv 6 auros KaXXi^evos

iffTOpel iv T<# 7rpt6ry Hepi 'A\e%av8peias ourwcrt Xeywv rrjv TecrcrapaKovTripr) vavv

KareffKeva&ev 6 ^tXoTrdrw/), /c.r.X. The date of Callixenos cannot be fixed. Acertain Callixenos held some high office at Rhodes about 100 B.C., for his name is

found on Rhodian coins of that period : but there is nothing to shew that he was

the historian.

20Plutarch, Demetrius, 43, dXX' varepov TcaaapaKOVTrip-r] IlroXe/Aatos 6 <iXo7rdrw/>

evavTrrjyrjcraTO, fj-rJKOS 5iaKO<riwv oydorjKoi'Ta rrrjx&v, v\f/os 5e ^a?s aKpotrroXLov Trevr^-

Kovra dvew dedvTUV, vaurais 5 xwpis epeT&v e^rjpTv/Jievrjv rerpaKoaiots, ^peYcus 5e

rerpa/ctaxtXtots, XWP'S ^^ TOVTUV OTrXiras dexo[jiei>T)v iiri re rdv TrapoSuv /cat row

Karao-TpufMTOS oXiyy rpto-xtXtwj/ aTrodtovras. cf. Athenseos, v. 37, TO /JITJKOS fyovcraj'

diaKO<riuv oydoTjKOvra Trrjxu>i>...ij^QS 5 eus d/cpocrroXiou TeaaapaKovra OKTCJ Trrjx^v...

ed^aro eperas TrXeiovs T&V rer/)a/ct(rxtXtw^, ets 5e rds vTnjpeffias TerpaKoaiovs'

els 5e

r6 KaTaaTpufj.a eTrt/Sdras T/HcrxiXtous, aTroS^o^ras e/caroi' /cat Trej/

TO TWENTY AND THIRTY OR FORTY. 9

)lemy of the statue of a man who is there described as the

hitect of the thirty-banked ship22

. There may have been a

ty-banked ship : but Callixenos seems quite untrustworthy

in his account of her. According to Diodoros 23,Sesostris

ilt a sacred barge upon the Nile two hundred and eighty

cubits in length : and numerous representations shew, as in

fg. 3, that these sacred barges were vessels of light draughtwith curiously elevated stems and sterns. Now, according to

Callixenos, the length of the forty-banked ship was two

hundred and eighty cubits, the draught was under four cubits,

and the height of the terminal ornaments at the stem and

the stern was forty-eight and fifty-three cubits respectively24

.

These measurements must belong to one of those sacred

barges, probably to the one mentioned by Diodoros : and

such a barge could not possibly have forty banks of oars.

31Pliny, vii. 57, already quoted in note 6. Athenaeos says that Philoste-

phanos was a friend or follower of Callimachos, viii. 3, KaXXt/udxou 5 yvupi^os,

and Callimachos died about 240 B.C.

-2 This inscription is printed in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. ix, p.

255 : B]acrtXei>s llroXe/^atos | Hvpy]oTt\Tjv ZUTJTOS dpx<-TeKTOvr]<r[ai>Ta \ TTJV rpiaKov-

rrjp-r) Kail ei/e[ocr?7/3?7. The term dpx^KTwv was often applied to naval-architects :

Aristotle, res publica Atheniensium, 46, xetpoTOpei 5' apx^KTovas 6 STJ/AOS ewl rds

vavs, cf. Athenoeos, v. 40, Diodoros, iv. 41.23

Diodoros, i. 57, evavjrrjyrjvaTO 5t (Secr6wcris) /cat TT\OLOV KtSpivov rb ptv JJLTJKOS

TTTJXWJ' SiaKOffluv /ecu dydorjKOVTa, rr)v 5' irL<pdi>ei.av %xoit TV t^v w0/ iirixpvffov ,

TT]v 8' Zvdodev KaT^yvpufj^v^v /ecu TOUTO fJ.ev av^drfKe T$ 0e ry /u-ctXicrra iv Qrifiais

TifMu/jifry, /c.r.X. This statement is not incredible. According to the Harris

papyrus plate 7, line 5, in Birch's facsimile Ramessu III provided the great

god at Thebes with a vessel of cedar-wood, decorated with bronze and gold,

and a hundred and thirty cubits in length.a4

Athenseos, v. 37, rr\v Teaa-apaKOVT-rjpri vavv /carecr/ceyacre^ 6 4>iXo7raTa;/>, rb

/J.TJKOS ^xova'av SiaKoaiwv dydorjKovra Trrix&v, (J/cra; 5^ Kal rpiaKovra airb irap6dov

e-rri TrdpoSo?/, if^oj 5^ ^ws d/cpocrroX/oi; recrcra/act/fOJ/ra O/CTW Trrjx&v, airb 5e TUV

irpv/JLvriTi.Kui> d(f)\dcrTuv eiri rb wpbs ry daXdwr] (Mtpos avrijs rpets irpbs TO?S

TrevTrjKovTa 7ri7Xets vcrrepov de rdv dirb ^OLvlKrjs rts eTrei>6ri<re TT]V Ka.do\Krjv,

rd(f)pov inroffT^crd^evos tvrjv TTJ vijl /caret /XTJ/COS, r\v ir\r](rlot> TOV Xi/x^os upve.

TOI>S de/j.e\iovs /car(f>/co56^7;cre Xtc^y crrepe^ irpbs irtvre 7nJxets T^ fiddos,

did TOVTWV (pd\ayyas eTri/capcrias /card TrXdros TTJS rdfppov Stwcras <rvvX&,

s /3dc?os T&iroj> aTroXiTroi/cras. /cat Troikas efopovv dirb TTJS 6a\dffarjy

tvewXrjaev aur^s Trd^ra rbv opvxd^ra rd-rrov, eis 8v paStws dirb TUV TVX^VTUV

dvdpuv elo-rjyaye TTJV vavv. As the ship was floated into the dock, and the dock

was only four cubits in depth, the ship must have drawn less than four cubits of

water.

v ^

10 SIZE AND WEIGHT OF THE OARS.

According to Callixenos, the longest oars on the alleged

forty-banked ship were thirty-eight ciitSTs in length, the

extreme breadth of the ship also being thirty-eight cubits, or

fifty-seven feet. And he adds that they were weighted with

inboard to balance the excessive length outboard : but

this statement may safely be referred to the sacred barge

from which he has evolved his ship, as some such weights

are represented on the steering-oars of the sacred barge in

fg. 3, and none are elsewhere ascribed to any ancient war-

ship'25

. The oars of a three-banked ship must all have been

of very moderate size and weight ;for a crew could make a

forced march when each man was carrying his oar and its

appurtenances26

. In war-ships there were always as manygrowers as oars : but in some smaller vessels the oars were

light enough to be sculled in pairs27

.

Of the two hundred oars28 which an Athenian three-banked

ship carried for her crew of two hundred men, a hundred and

seventy belonged to the three banks, while the remaining

thirty VfQTZ perinedi a term which also denoted the men whodid not row in the banks 29

. These thirty men must have

worked these thirty oars from above the upper decking, for

25 Athenseos, v. 37, Tr^SdXta 5' el^e r^rrapa rpta/covraTnfo;?;, /cwTras 5 0pai>m/cds

6/crd; /cat TpidKovra irrix&v rds fj-eyiaras, at, 5td rb fj.6\vpdov 2x LV e(/ T0' s 7x;eipt5iois

/cat yeyovtvai \iav etcrw /Sapetat /card TT\V ^vyuffiv, evr/peis VTrrjpxov eirl TTJS %petas.

The extreme breadth of the ship is determined by the words already quoted in

note 24, 6/crtb 5^ /cai rptd/covra (TT^UJJ') dirb irap68ov eVi irdpodov.~6

Thucydides, ii. 93, e56/cet 6 \afibvTa r&v VOLVT&V e/cacrroi' TTJV KUTT-^V /cat

rb VTrrjptatov /cat rbv TpoiruTTjpa ire^y ttvcu e'/c KopivQov eVt rty irpbs 'A6rjvas

6d\a(r<rai>, /cat d<j>iKOfj.tvovs Kara raxes es M^apa, Ka9e\KixravTas e'/c Ntaa/as rou

vewpiov O.VTUV reaa-apaKovra va.vs at ZTVXOV avrbdi o?Vat, TrXei/crat ev6vs eVt rbv

Iletpata.27

Thucydides, iv. 67, a/carto? dfj.^pLKbv ws X^crrat eiw6ecrav eirl d/tid^u 5td rfjs

rd<ppov KaraKO/jiifeiv rvjs WKrbs iiri rty 6d\aa<rav /cat e/CTrXetJ', cf. Leonidas of

Tarentum, in the Anthology, vi. 4. 6, /cat roi>s e d/cdrwi' dixdadiovs e/^ras.

Lucian, Charon, i, eyu d irpea'^VT'rjs <Jov TIJV diKwiriav ep^rru //,6vos. Aristo-

phanes, ecclesiazusse, 1091, TTWS oftv 8iKUTreti> d^orepas 5w?j<ro/xai ; Synesios,

epistolse, p. 165, riKev iiri /ceX^ou Stcr/cdX/iou. Cicero, de oratore, i. 38, citius

hercule is, qui duorum scalmorum naviculam in portu everterit> in Euxino ponto

Argonautarum navem gubernarit. Livy, xxiv. 40, legati venerunt nuntiantes

Philippum priinum Apolloniam tentasse, lembis biremibus centum viginti flumineadverse subvecium, deinde etc., cf. Virgil, georgics, i. 201, 202, qui adverso vix

flumine lembum\ remigiis subigit.

OARS FOR SHIPS OF THREE BANKS. II

ere certainly was not any space for them below. As

for the other hundred and seventy oars, sixty-two of these

belonged to the upper bank, and fifty-four to each of the

lower banks : yet fifty-eight, as the mean between fifty-four

and sixty-two, would naturally be the number of oars for the

middle bank. In the earliest two-banked ships with a hundred

and eighteen rowers 30there clearly were fifty-eight in the

lower bank and sixty in the upper bank, the lower oars being

inserted in the spaces between the tholes on a sixty-oared

ship. Apparently two oars were added, whereby the upperbank obtained four oars more than the bank below, and then

a third bank was added with four oars less than the bank

above;

a three-banked ship therefore requiring a hundred

and seventy-four rowers. And the Athenians perhaps found

afterwards that more hands were needed for other purposes,

and diminished the number of rowers rather than increase the

crew and thereby complicate their estimates for pay; for with

a crew of exactly two hundred men a talent a month a ship

gave a drachm a day a man, thirty mnas a month a ship gavethree obols a day a man, and so forth

31.

28Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 797, col. a, 11. 17 24, col. b, 11. 6 13,

24 31, col. c, 11. 39 46, no. 798, col. a, 11. 10 17, 27 34, col. b, 11. 18 25,

no. 800, col. a, 11. 52 59, giving a total of two hundred oars in the last seven

instances, KUTTCU QpavLrides RAN, firyuu FINN, 0aXci/uai Flllll, Trepivey AAA,and doubtless in the first instance also, although the mason has there cut FlAIIII

for RAII, presumably by repetition of the III I from the ends of the adjacent

lines. The full numbers occur elsewhere in the extant fragments of the in-

ventories, but not in groups that give a total. Lower numbers often occur, as

many oars were missing.-!)

Thucydides, i. 10, avreperat. 5e OTI rjffav Kal /xd%t/xoi iravTts, iv rats $I\OKTTITOV

vaval ("O/XT/pos) dedrjXwKev' ro6ras yap iravras TreTrofy/ce TOVS TrpoffKibirovs. ireplveus

8 OVK et/cos 7roXXoi)s l;Vfj.Tr\eiv w r&v fiaaiXtuv . Kai r&v /idXiOTa iv r^Xei. cf.

Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. n, quoted in note 45 on p. 17. Dion Cassius,

xlix. i, Kal TOVS 5ou\ovs TOVS TpiypLras fjXevd^puae, TOVS re Treplveus es TO TOV

'AvTuviov vavTiKbv dXiyavdpovv /car^rae'.'M

Iliad, ii. 509, 510, already quoted in note 5 on p. 3.31

Thucydides, vi. 31, TOV ptv 5-rj^oaiov dpa.xfJ>-W TTJS i]/j.tpas r vctirrfl Ka<TT(f

diSovTos Kal vavs Trapaax^TOS Kaivas e^-fjKOVTa. fjLtv Taxdas TeaffapaKovTa dt OTrXira-

7uryous, cf. 8, e^Kovra rdXafra a<rr)(J.ov dpyvpLov us es e^KOVTa va.vs fj.t]t>6s nurdbv.

Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 5. 5 7, 6 5 (K0/>os) KciXcDs p.tv tyy avTous \eyetv, ov

5' tlvai irap a /3a(TtXei)s eV^a'TeiXei' ayry AXXa irotflv. elvat 5t Kal ras

12 OARS FOR SHIPS OF FOUR BANKS

The number of oars in the four-banked ships is nowhere

recorded : but in the inventories of the Athenian dockyards a

complete set is valued at six hundred and sixty-five drachms.

If every bank was intended to contain four oars more than

the bank below, a four-banked ship could carry sixty-six oars

in her upper bank ; and, including thirty perineoi, would thus

have two hundred and sixty-six altogether. This number

gives exactly two drachms and a half for each oar, while the

neighbouring numbers give improbably complicated prices :

and that price seems highly probable, for condemned oars

were then being sold for two drachms apiece, and timbers

bought for three drachms apiece to make new oars32

. Thefive-banked ships in the Roman and Carthaginian fleets in

256 B.C. each carried three hundred rowers besides the com-1

batants 33. With fifty-four oars in the lowest bank and four

more in each succeeding bank, a five-banked ship would have

three hundred and ten oars in the banks, and therefore three

hundred rowers approximately or perhaps exactly, if here

(rvi>9r)Kas cirrus e%otf(ras, TpidKovra ju.t>as e/cd<rr77 vrjl rov ft-rjvbs did6vat, 07r6<ras av

rptcpeiv Aa.Kedaifji,6i>ioi. 6 5 Ati<rav5pos r6re ^ev eaiuirricre' yuerd 5 rb

tirei aur Trpo-rriuv o Kvpos -fjpfro rl av /xaXiora xa/x'^otTO TTOIWJ', elirev

OTI Et Trpos rbv luaQbv e/cd<rry j/atfrT? ofioKbv irpoffdei^. K 5^ Totirov Ttrrapes 6/3oXoi

rfv 6 fju<r66s, Trpbrepov 5^ jpLuftoXov.32

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 809, col. c, 11. 210 214, wapa,

rappov TerprjpiTiKOv aireKa^o^v FHRAP, 8v ?\a(3ev eiri

Zpyov, 11. 215 225, Trapa Avvaviov 2owt^ws...rappou apyov, 5v OVK

v,& ^X^v &v A-rj/Midrjt eiffeirpiaTO, a.Tre\dpo/j.v> HHHHAP,

cf. col. b, 11. 115, 116, rappovs etri rer^petj, oOs A^yttdS^s dffeTrplaro. The first

payment is apparently in full; but the second must be merely on account, the

round sum of 250 drachms remaining due, for the oars would be worth more than

415 drachms, even when condemned. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 803, col. c,

11. 129139, E00wos Aa^Trrpei/s, ra/itas yevbpevos TpiypoTroiKuv eiri 'Apxiov apxov-

TOJ, XXXI Hj aTroXa^Swj' /ca-Tras trap rj/u^uv e/c roO vewpiov rCjv ira.paode(.a'G)v, u>v

avrbs clfffyeyKei', d5o/c^ous xi^'as 6/cra/cocrias, no. 811, col. c, 11. 122 128, roi)j

TWJ/ j/ew/otwj/ e'Tri/AeX^rds TOVS e0' 'Ryr)<riov apxovros dvaypdij/ai SwTroXtj/ a7ro5e5w/c6ra

TUV Kuirtwv e/cdo-rou hhh 5/oax/ids rwv dffevfjvey^vwv aury et's r6 veupiov. These

KWTrets were KUTTO.I in the rough.13

Polybios states that 330 Roman ships fought 350 Carthaginian ships at

the battle of Ecnomos in 256 B.C., and that these were five-banked ships,i. 25, 'Pw/wuoi fiev TpidKovra /cat TptaKOffLais /xa/cpcus vav<rl /cara0/jd/crots,

AND FIVE BANKS AND EIGHT BANKS. 13

rain some of the banks were not fully manned. Subse-

juently the rowers in such five-banked ships were reckoned

roughly at four hundred 34. And an increase in the number

of oars was certainly to be expected : for under that systemof constructing every bank for four oars more than the bank

below, the lower banks would prove disproportionately short

in ships of ten or sixteen banks;so that some new system

rould be devised for these larger ships, and then applied in

course of time to the five-banked ships and possibly to the

three-banked ships themselves. Nothing is known for certain

about the number or arrangement of the oars in ships of more

than five banks. It is said that as early as 280 B.C. there was

an eight-banked ship in the fleet of Heracleia on the Black

Sea with a hundred rowers in each file, and consequently

eight hundred on each side, or sixteen hundred altogether.

Thus, at least, Photios transcribes Memnon : but the multi-

plication of the numbers reads like a gloss of his own; and

these files must be the banks themselves, not the lines of

SOVLOI 8 irevr^KovTO. Ka.1 rpiaKocrlais vaval Kara0pd/crotj, i. 63, jjuKpip \dirovcrweTrTaKoatois cr/cd0e<rt irevTTjpiKois ^vav^d^ffav irpbs dXX^Xous. He calculates that

the Romans had about 140,000 men afloat, reckoning 300 rowers and 120

combatants for each ship, i. 26, KO! rb ^v (njfj.irav rjv a-rpdrev/jia TOVTUV TTJS

vavTtKTjs Swaged)? irepl Turret/Das Kal 5^/ca fj.vpid8as' ws av eKdcrrrjs tdiqi ve&s

Xa/A/3aj>oi5(T77y eptras pev TpiaKoaiovs, ^7n/3dras 5e e/carcV IKO<TI. And he estimates

that the Carthaginians had over 150,000 men afloat, judging by the number

of their ships, i. 26, r6 ye /J.T]V Tr\rj9os avrCsv Jjv inrep TrevreKatdeKa /ut,vpiddas,

/caret rbv T&V ve&v \6yov. He therefore reckons a Carthaginian crew at practically

the same figure as a Roman crew.

34Pliny, xxxii. i, cum <? tota classe quinqueremis sola non proficeret, exsilientibus

protinus qui qucererent circa navem, invenere (auspicalem piscicuhim} adhczrentem

gubernaculo, ostendenmtque Gaio, indignanti hoc fuisse quod se revocaret, quad-

ringentortimque remigum obsequio contra se intercederet. cf. Silius Italicus, xiv.

384 388, medias inter sublimior ibat|

terribilis visit puppis, qua nulla peromne

| egressa est Libycis maior navalibus ovum :\

nam quater hcec centum

mimeroso remige pontum | pulsabat tonsis. Silius and Pliny were contemporary :

but Pliny is speaking of a ship of 40 A.D., and Silius of a ship of 212 B.C. The

Romans captured a seven-banked ship from the Carthaginians at the battle of

Mylse in 260 B.C.;and Silius must have known this, for the capture is recorded on

the Columna Rostrata of Duilius: see Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. i, no. 195. Silius

is therefore allowing 400 rowers for a ship of seven banks at least : and this allow-

ance seems too small, seeing that there were then 300 rowers on a ship of five

banks.

14 OARS ON TRANSPORTS FOR CAVALRY.

rowers, for a bank of two hundred oars is beyond belief35

.

On the forty-banked ship, if Callixenos may be believed,

there were about four thousand rowers;and therefore upon

the average a hundred rowers for every bank of oars36

. In

both these cases the total seems to be deduced from a state-

ment that there were a hundred oars in every bank : and

such statements might not be strictly true, for ships of a

single bank were sometimes said grandiloquently to have

a hundred oars, although they never had more than fifty or

sixty37

.

The two hundred oars of an Athenian three-banked shipwere reduced to sixty when she was employed as a transport

for cavalry. She then carried thirty horses; or a horse for

each of the thirty spaces between the tholes of the upperbank 38

. The hold being now required for the horses, the

oars in the banks could not be worked for want of space,

and the oars above the upper decking would alone be avail-

35 Memnon, Fr. 13, apud Photium, p. 2-26, rjcrav 5' ev airrcus aXXat re Kal TTJS

HpaK\das at /leraVeyUTTTOi, e^jypets re Kal Trevriypets Kal a0/m/croi, Kal d/mypT/s ju.la i)

AeovTO(f)6pos KaXou/ieV?;, fj.ey8ovs eW/ca Kal Kd\\ovs TjKOV(ra eis 6av/u.a' v ra^Tfj yapKa.rbv jj-kv avdpes IZKOLCFTOV aroi^ov TjperTOV, cos dxraKOffiovs etc dartpov /x.e'/oous yevtadai,

e* Kar^p(i}v 5e xtXtous /cat e^aKOcrtovs, ol 5e aTrb rCov KaraaTpw^arwv yaa%77cr6 /u.evot

X^Xtot Kal 5ta/c6<rtot, Kal Kvj3epi>7jrai 8to. The sixteenth book of Memnon's history

ended with 46 B.C., and that book was not the last, cf. Photios, pp. 239, 240; so

he probably lived some generations later. Photios made his transcript about

850 A.D. He clearly takes 0To?%os to mean a line of rowers ; but in the

passage quoted in note 43 on p. 16, Aristeides uses o-rotxos to denote a bank

of oars, and he was probably a contemporary of Memnon. The credi-

bility of the figures is not enhanced by the statement about the combatants. Aship of eight banks would hardly carry 1200 at a time when ships of five banks

carried only 120: see note 33.38

Athenaeos, v. 37, and Plutarch, Demetrius, 43, both quoted already in note

20 on p. 8.

37Pollux, i. 82, fKardvTopos, TrevrTjKdi'Topos, rpta/c6^ropo?, et/c6cropos. The term

eKarbyTopos must refer, like the rest, to ships of a single bank: but there is no

ground for thinking that such ships ever had an hundred oars.

38Thucydides, vi. 43, Kal iTnraywy^ /up rptd/covra ayoto-r] 'unrtas. This was in

415 B.C. The same arrangement may perhaps be traced in the navy of the kingsof Pergamos in 168 B.C. Livy, xliv. 28, mentions qiiinque et triginta naves, quas

hippagogos vocant, cum equitibus Gallis equisque, and then says octingenti fermeGallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti, clearly meaning that they were all killed or

captured. He therefore reckons them roughly as a thousand : and they would

have numbered a thousand and fifty, if those thirty-five ships carried thirty apiece.

SHIPS OF ONE BANK AND A HALF. 15

able : so \.\\Q perineoi oars must have been doubled in number,while the rest were withdrawn 89

. Superannuated three-banked

ships were first utilized as cavalry-transports at Athens in

430 B.C. ; transports having previously been expressly built

for cavalry40

.

Some anomalous ships termed hemioliai and triemioliai

are first mentioned about 350 B.C., and thereafter frequently.

These would technically be ships of a bank and a half, but

must really be two-banked ships of an abnormal type. In

the contemporary three-banked ships the men described as

perineoi rowed an additional half-bank of oars from above

the upper decking, and could presumably do likewise in two-

banked ships of the same build : but if the build made this

impossible, they would have to man half an ordinary bank;

and their oars would not count in numbering the banks, since

they were perineoi. Thus, as three practically meant three

and a half, one and a half would practically mean two 41.

39Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. b, 11. 42 66, rpnypets

^s, . . . YVW/J-TJ KWTras PA v .-' A(TK\r}irids /cciTras PA, . . . KaXXi^pa /

PA, no. 808, col. b, 11. 8, 9, Kal 'nrirrjy&v rpc&v rap'p'otfs, KUTTCIS e/aioTTjs PA.40

Thucydides, ii. 56, 7776 5 (ITept/cX^s) M r&v ve&v bir\lras'

ABr/valuv rerpa-

KurxiMovs, Kal iTTTT^as TpiOLKOviowi ev vavdv 'nnraywyois Trp&rov r6re etc r&v Tra\aiuv

veuv Tronjdelo-ais. Herodotos, vi. 95, Trapeytvovro 8 Kal al iiriraywyol i^es, ras r$

rrportpv tret irpoeiirc roiffi ewurou daa-/Jio<p6poi<ri Aapetos erot/idfetv, cf. 48, KeKeuwv

vtas re [taKpas Kal 'nnrayuya 7r\o?a iroieeadai.

41Theophrastos, characteres, 25. i; Arrian, anabasis, iii. i. 4, vi. i. i, 18. 3;

Diodoros, xvi. 61. 4, xix. 65. 2, xx. 93. 3; Polybios, v. 101. 2, xvi. 2. 10, 3. 4,

3. 14, 7. r, 7. 3; Appian, de rebus Punicis, 75, de bello Mithridatico, 92; etc.

The term i)/j.io\ia rightly describes one and a half as a whole and a half: but the

term Tptrjfj.io\la seems formed on false analogy with words like rpir)/juTr65ioi>, which

describe one and a half as three halves, the 6X in rpirj/jnoXla being thus ignored.

The form rptTjp^/uoXfas occurs in Athenseos, v. 36, ra 5* airb rerpripovs H^XP1

Tpnjpr)/j.io\la$, but is plainly a corruption from rpt^pets and ^LuoXfas which occur in

the parallel passage, Appian, prcefatio, 10, rpt^peis 5' airb r)fj.io\las nfypi Trevri/ipovs,

where rpnypeis is used as a generic term for war-ships. The existence of three

banks of oars on the r/HTj/aoXtai is not to be inferred from Polybios, xvi. 3,

vTro7Tiro6a"r}s yap avrrf (rrf deKTjpei) rpiiy/xioXfas, ravrrj dov<ra TrX^yrj^ /3ialav Kara

/j.t<rov rb /euros virb rbv dpavirriv o-/coXyu6v, ^5^?;, TOU Kvfiepvrjrov rrjV op/^V r^s

vecis OVKTI Swydfrros ava\afiv. The expression dpavLrrjs <r/caX/i6s would certainly

refer to the upper bank on a three-banked ship : but it would also refer to the

upper bank in any ship with more than one. Thus Athenoeos speaks of the

longest oars in the forty-banked ship as /cunra? OpavtriKas, v. 37.

16 THE LIBURNIANS AND DROMONS

The Liburnians used to build very handy two-banked ships

for their irregular warfare in the Adriatic;and soon after

50 B.C. the Romans took these as models for their own two-

banked ships42

. This type may perhaps be recognized in the

Roman two-banked ship in fg. 25. The Greeks had made

trieres^ a three-banked ship, a generic term for war-ships43

,

'though some had more banks than three and some had less.

And in course of time the Romans made liburna, a two-banked

ship, a similar generic term; applying it indiscriminately

about 400 A.D. to war-ships of every rate from those of one

bank to those of five banks for apparently they still had such

ships in the West, though in the East their largest war-ships

were merely of two banks 44. But about 500 A.D. the Byzan-

42Appian, de rebus Illyricis, 3, Kal vavrtKol ftev iirl TOW 'Ap&afois iytvovro

Ai/3vpj>ol, yfros frepov 'IXXupttDv, ot rbv 'I6t>i.ov Kal ras vfivovs \rf(rrevov vavcrlv

WKelais re Kal Kotf0cus. odev rt vvv 'Pw/iatoi ra /co00a Kal 6&a SLKpora Ai.pvpi>i8as

Trpocrayopeijovcriv. See also note on lembi on p. 115 as to the style of shipbuilding

adopted in Illyria. The employment of Liburnian ships in Roman fleets is

mentioned by Caesar, de bello civili, iii. 5, 9, in 48 B.C. and by Horace,

epodes, i. i, in 31 B.C. ; and subsequently by Lucan, iii. 534, with reference

to 49 B. c. These ships never had ten banks of oars : the reading deceris is

merely a foolish emendation for de cedris in Suetonius, Caligula, 37, fabricavit

et de cedris Liburnicas gemmatis puppibus, versicoloribus velis, etc. There were

only two banks, Lucan, iii. 529 536, cornua Romance classis, validceque

triremes,\ quasque quater surgens exstructi remigis ordo

\commovet, et plures

qua mergunt aquore pinus, \ multiplies cinxere rates, hoc robur aperto \ op-

positum pelago. lunata fronte recedunt\

ordine contents gemino crevisse

Liburna.\celsior at cunctis Bruti pratoria puppis \

verberibus senis agitur.

Thus in inscriptions the Romans described ships as six-banked, five-banked,

four-banked, three-banked, and Liburnian : see Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. x,

index, p. 1128, naves.

43Appian, prsefatio, ro, rpt^pets 3 awo fyuioXtas fttxP1 irevT-fipovs. ^Elius

Aristeides, Rhodiaca, p. 341, rprfpeis 5' tiri TOI^TOIS VTTTJPXCV tdelv diKp6rovs Kal

rpiKpdrovs Kal cZs etrra Kal ets fvvta. ffTO^xavt.44

Vegetius, iv. 37, qtiod ad magnitudinem pertinet, minima liburna; remorttm

habent singulos ordines, paulo maiores binos, idonece. mensurce ternos vel quaternosinterdum quinos sortiuntur remigio gradus. nee hoc cuiquam enorme videatur,

cum in Actiaco prcelio longe maiora referanttir concurrisse navigia, ^^t senorum

etiam vel iiltra ordinum fuerint. But this usage is not adopted by his con-

temporary, Zosimos, v. 20, ^Tre/j.e\iTO d (3>paovtToz) Kal TOV vavriKov' 7r\o?a yap

T]v atrip irpbs vav[taxi-ay apKovvra, Alfiepva raura /caXoy/teva, air6 rtvos ?r6Xews ev

'IraXfy Keifdvys 6voiJ.a<TdtvTa, Kad' yv e apxrjs rotiruv ruv irXolwv rb eWos

jr^yfidrj. doKovai 5 TTWJ ra TrXoIa raura raxwavre'icrdai TrevTyKovrbpuv oi>x

Kara Tro\f> ruv TpnjpiKuv tXarTotfjieva, TrXe^rots freer* rrjs TOIJTUV eK\iiro6cn

OF THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES.

tines introduced dromon as a generic term for war-ships,

calling them racers in allusion to their superiority to mer-

chant-ships in speed. In the Byzantine fleet at this time

they were ships of a single bank, but those built in Italy for

the fleet at Ravenna were three-banked ships46

. Unfortu-

nately, the contemporary mosaic at Ravenna in fg. 39 repre-

sents the fleet in the harbour there very unintelligently.

The arrangement of the oars in Byzantine war-ships is

clearly described in a treatise attributed by tradition to Leo

VI., but apparently reduced to its present form during the

reign of his son and successor Constantine VII. No ship had

more than two banks of oars. Every two-banked ship had at

least twenty-five oars on each side of each bank, or a hundred

drj/j-tovpylas, el Kal IIoAtf/Sios 6 criy7pa0e!}j iKrideadaL TTOJS 5oe rQiv e&piKtov ir\ot(t)v

TO, /u^rpa, ofs (paivovrai 7roXXd/as 'Paj/ucuoi /cat KapXTjWptoi TroXeyU.^o'ai'res Trpds

aXXTjXous. Zosimos obviously is describing two-banked ships as TrXota Aiftepva,

just as he describes three-banked ships as TrXota rptT/pt/ca and ships of a single bank

as TrevT'r)K6i>Topoi, his notion being simply that ships of two banks are superior to

ships of one bank but inferior to ships of three banks. The vague usage is

sanctioned by Tacitus, Germania, 9, sigmim ipsum in modum liburnce Jiguratum^i.e. Isidis navigium. And by Pliny, ix. 5, ceu Uburnicarum rostrisfodiunt , ix. 47,

Uburnicarum ludens imagine^ x. 32, liburnicarum modo, rostrato impetu fcrimtiir,

xvi. 17, Uburnicarum ad usus. Tacitus and Pliny clearly are treating the

Liburnians as a representative class of ships ; for in these comparisons nothing

turns on any peculiarity in the build.

45Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. i r, rjffav d aurots Kail TrXota paKpd, o5$ es

vav/j.a.'x.iav wapeffKevaff^va, evev^KOvra, 6Yo, fj-ov/jp-rj IJ.&TOL KO! 6po0as Virepdev ^%ovra,

OTTWS ot raOra ep^acrovre? Trpos T<2v troKe^Luv cos rfKLcrra /3d\\oiVTO. 5p6/m(>t}vas /caXoOcrt

TO. Tr\oia raOra ot vvv dvdpwTTOL' TrXew yelp /cara rdxos dtivavTai yuaXitrra. iv TOVTOLS

drj ~Bvdt>Tioi Stcrxt'Xtot ZirXeov, ai^rep^rat iravres'

Trepiveus yap rjv ev TOI^TOIS oi)5e/s.

This certainly does not imply that these ninety-two ships carried only two thousand

rowers altogether, or hardly more than twenty rowers apiece. The point is that

the two thousand Byzantines helped to row the ships, though normally exemptedfrom this drudgery as combatants. Leo, tactica, xix. i, iirl 6a\d<ra"ris /mdxe(r6ai

5td rlJov Trore Xeyojitvwv rpnfjpwv, vvv 8 Spon&vuv KaKov^vwv. Cassiodorus,

epistolse varise, v. 16, cum nostrum igitur animum frequens cura pulsaret naves

Italiam non habere, decrevimus mille interim dromones fabricandos assumere.

17, renuntias illico completum quod vix credi poterat inchoattim. obtulisti oculis

nostris subito classeam silvam hominum, domos aquatiles, exercituales pedes: trireme

vehiculum, remorum tantum numerum prodens sed hominum fades diligenter

abscondens hoc primum instituisse legimus Argonautas . . .ad tirbem Ravennatam

congregatio navium c^mcta conveniat. Both those despatches are from Theodoric

to Abundantius. For the expression trireme vehiculum ,cf. Paulinus Nolanus,

poemata, xxiv. 72, quadriremis machina.

T. b

1 8 NUMBER AND POSITION OF THE OARS

altogether ;and each oar was worked by one man. The two-

banked ships were of two sizes. The smaller carried at least

a hundred men for rowing and fighting. The larger carried

at least two hundred men;and in action fifty rowed in the

lower bank, while a hundred and fifty fought above 46. Ships

of this type were employed by Constantine VII. for an attack

on Crete in 949 A.D. The smaller had a company of a

hundred and eight or ten men;and the larger had a double

company of two hundred and twenty men with one hundred

and twenty oars. But ships of another type were also em-

ployed : the smaller carrying a hundred and twenty men, and

the larger a hundred and fifty47

. As a hundred men sufficed

for two banks of oars, these ships presumably were also of two

banks. Ten men more were carried on the ships of this typethat were employed by Leo VI. for an attack on Crete about

906 A.D.; or a hundred and thirty in the smaller, and a

hundred and sixty in the larger. The larger ships of the

other type were also employed, but not the smaller. Theyalso carried ten men more at that time, or two hundred and

46Leo, tactica, xix. 7, eVacrros de TV dpo/Jiuvwv etifjLrjKys &TTW Kal c^/u/ierpos,

Tas \eyoutvas e\a<rlas dtio, T-fjv re KOLTU Kal rr/v avu. 8, eKdcrr) de IX^TUi>s rb eXd%i<TT(H' irevTe Kal efaofftv, ev ols ol Kwirr^arai. Kadrdr)<rovTai. us elvat

i)? TOUS cnravTas KCLTM fjiev eiKoai Kal irevTe, dvw de o/xo/ws eiKoai Kal Trevre, O/JLOV

TrevTTjKoi'Ta Kad' eva 5t a\>T&v dto Kade&aduaav ol KUTrrjXaTovvTes, els fj.ev Seid, els

Se dpia-repd. cl>s elvai TOUS aTravras /cwTrr/Xdras 6/xou (/cai roi>s avroi/s

roiJs re ova Kal TOI>S Kano avSpas e/carov. 9, Kal erepoi de dpopuvesdwcrdv ffoi rotrwv /j.eioi>es, airb SiaKOfflwv -xj^povvTes dvdpuv (TJ TrXe/a; rotiruv

T)

eXdrrw Kara rr\v -%P'

Lav r^lv S^ovaav eirl Kaipov Kara r&v ivavrlwv) u>v ol per

TTfVT-fjKovTa TT)J/ Acdrw eXacrlav inrovpYfarovfftv, ol de eKarbv irevT-fjKovTa avid ea-rwrej

airavres 'evoir\oi yuax^crovrat rots TroXe/utots.

47Porphyrogenitos, de caerimoniis, ii. 45, p. 384, 6 crTpaTrjybs rov Alyalov

ire\dyovs /j.erd %eXaz>5/w?' ira^rjXuv S"' dva avdpuv pK Kal -^eKavoiwv ovaiaK&v d' dva

dvdpwv prj''

KaTe\et(f>0T) d Kal [tla oti<rla els rb Kb\l/at. rrjv TTJS oyddys IVOIKT'IOVOS %v\-f}v.

o (TTpaTrjybs TTJS 2d/xou pera xe^a'vo^v tra/j.^\(av 5" dva dvbp&v pv Kal xeXavfoWov<naK&v S"' dvd dvdpwv p-rf' aTreaTdXtjcrav 5e //era roO TrpuTOfnradapiov 'Iwdvvov Kal

d<Tr)Kp-r)Tr)S iv 'A<pi/cT xeXd^Sta y Kal dphpoves d' dva dvdpdv CTK. 6 crrparriybs

KipvppaiWT&v /j.erd xe\avdl<av Tra/^Xwj/ S"' dva dvftp&v pv Kal xS"' dva dvdp&v pi

'

KaTeXeitfrdr) de Kal els <pt\aiv roO dep-aros TrdyU^iAot /3',

5''

/careXe/00?7 de Kal eis TO Kbtyai ryv TTJS dyddrjs IvdiKTtovos ^vXyv ovaiat(3'

'

KaTe\ei<j>6-r) oe Kal els (f>ij\a!;tv TOV Kvpov Sre^dvou rou yvvaiKade\<j>ov TOV fiaaiXeus ev

ovffla a' Kal dpou6vuv d' dvd dvdp&v <TK'. An ovcria was a company, and the

ova-iaKa were ships carrying a company apiece. They carried 108 or no

ON THE DROMONS AND THE GALLEYS. 19

thirty, besides seventy others for fighting only and not for

rowing ;and therefore carried three hundred altogether

48. As

there were more rowers than oars in many of these ships,"*"

though every oar was managed by one man, these rowers

must have worked by turns.

Thus, after a lapse of sixteen centuries, the system of

successive banks was again restricted to two-banked ships

with a hundred and twenty oars at most; and soon afterwards

it was abandoned. The term ralea^was p,!ready _ Applied to

yi

war-ships of a single bank 49: but those new systems were not

yet devised, which made the single bank of the mediaeval

galleys as effective as the numerous banks of the ancient war-

ships. One of these new systems increased the number of

oars by placing them at shorter intervals along the bank, and

making them of several different lengths inboard, the rowers

being arranged in several lines along the deck; while the

other maintained the number of oars at fifty or sixty, but

increased their size and strength, several rowers working

together at every oar50

.

men ; so the eight dromons, which each carried 220 men, each carried two

companies. Twenty other dromons are explicitly credited with two companies

apiece, p. 384, 5pbfj.oves K ava ovai&v {$''

ofxrlat //,'. Each therefore carried 220

men: yet only 120 oars, p. 388, ei's e6irXt<ru> TUV K dpo/jioviwv twirla ava pKr '

6/xoD ,/Su'.

48Porphyrogenitos, de cserimoniis, ii. 44, p. 377, Sia rou 0<^aros rou Alyalov

ire\dyovs. 8p6[ji.oves f ^%ovres ava dvdp&v KWirrfkarCov o*X' Kal ava, TroXe/ucrrcDj' o'

Ofjiov ftp. Trdfj.(pv\oi f ^xoj/res ot ptv y' ava avdpuv p ,01 8k ^repoi 5' ava dvdpwv

p\'- o/J-ov a. 6/j,ov TO irav dta rov dfyaTOS rov Alyaiov ire\dyovs ,yp. cf. ii. 45,

p. 387, 6 8p6fji.uv 6(j>el\ei ^iv avdpas r, ot ^v cr\' 7rX6t/ioi /cwTTT/Xdrat ^roi Kal

Tro\fj.i<rTat, Kal oi Zrepoi o avdpes TroXefj-iffral. That refers to 949 A.D. : but the

%6ir\iffis dpfyovos o, pp. 386, 387, differs materially from the e67rXi<ris r&v K

, pp. 387, 388, so this dromon had now become anomalous.

49Leo, tactica, xix. 10, Kal ZTL de Karaa-Kevdo-eis dp6/j,uvas Adrrovs Spofu-

rdrovs, olovel ya\atas TJ fiov/ipas \eyo/j.tvovs. The forms ya\aiai and 7aX<?cu were

used indifferently at this period.50

According to Pantero Pantera, armata navale, i. 15, the big oars were

known as remi di scaloccio, and were worked by two or three men apiece on the

gakotte, by three or four and sometimes by five or six on the galee, and by as

many as eight or even more on the galeazze. The big oars were superseding the

small oars. These were known as remi ft zenzile, and had usually been worked in

groups of three or four or five, with one man for every oar. Pantera was captain

of the Papal galleys, and published his work at Rome in 1614.

20 AUXILIARY OARS ON MERCHANT-SHIPS.

y Merchant-shigswere generally too bulky to be propelled

by oars. Nevertheless they carried a few, very often twenty61

:

ancTthese probably sufficed for bringing the ship's head roundj

and other such purposes, though hardly numerous enough for

driving the ship along. Thus, a merchant-ship trying to

make some headway with her oars is compared by Aristotle

to an insect feebly buzzing along on wings too small for its

body, after the manner of cockchafers and bees : whereas a

war-ship under way, rhythmically dipping her vast mass of

oars, was commonly compared to a bird upon its flight52

.

The banks of oars were so arranged that the largest war-

fc sships were of no great height. To shew the size of the great

ships in Antony's fleet at the battle of Actium in 31 B.C., Orosius

remarks that they actually were ten feet in height above the

51Odyssey, ix. 322 324, ovvov 0' iffrbv vrjbs eeiKoa6pOiO fjL\atvr)s, | 0opr5os,

evpeirjs, r]r eKirepdq fieya AcuTyiia* |

r6caov e-r\v fAiJKOS, rt><T<rov irdxos elcropdaadai.

Demosthenes, in Lacritum, 18, rd de rptcrxiXia /cepdyiua aye<rdai ravra els rbv

K6vroi> ev rri elKoabpy rjv 'T/JXifa-ios evavK\7jpei. Athenseos, v. 41, rjv 5' rj vavs

rrj i*ev KaraffKevrj etV6(ropos, K.r.X., cf. 40, TrXota crtrriyd KaraffKevafi/uLevos, Civ evbs

rrjs KaraffKevys fj.vrjffdriaofJ.aL.

52Aristotle, de animalium incessu, 10, (3pa8eia 5' ^ 7rr7}(rts ru>v oKoirrtpuv effrl

Kal do'dev'rjs Sici, rb\jJr\

Kara, \6yov xeiv T^lv r&v irTep&v (j)ti(nv Trpbs rb rou (rc6/xaros

/Sdpos, dXAd rb fjt,ev TroXtf, rd 5e fj,iKpd Kal avdevri' uxnrep av ovv el 6\Ka5iKbv TT\<HOV

eiri'x.eipoi'r]fcc^Trats TroLelaQaiL rbv TT\OVV, ourw raOra rrf Trr^crei %p?)rai. virevavrlws 5'

%-)(o vfft-v ' ftpvides rots oKoirrepois TTJV rGiv irrepuiv <pv<nv, fc.r.X. The metaphor about

the birds occurs frequently. Odyssey, xi. 124, 125, ou5' apa roiy' t<ra<n veas <f)ocviKo-

irapriovs, \

ovd' ev-fipe' eper/xd, rare Trrepd vijvcrl irt\ovrai. Euripides, Troades,

1085, 1086, efj-k 5e Trbvriov VKaQos \

diff<rov Trrepoiffi 7ropei5<rei. ^ischylos, Agamem-non, 52, TTTeptiyuv eperfjioiffiv epevabfJievoi, sc. alyiJTriot. Polybios, i. 46, oil de vijes

7rer%oi', etrrep&Kvlai irpbs rr\v e^oKriv. Plutarch, Antonius, 63, rous 82 rapcrotis

ruv ve&v cyelpas Kal Trrepwcras eKarepwdev. Moschos, ii. 59, 60, 6pm, dya\\6fj.ei>os

irTeptyuv iro\vav6ei xpotT?, | raped 5' dvaTr\ic<ras, &<rei re ris cJ/ctfaXos vrjvs. Also in

Latin. Virgil, ^Eneid, i. 300, 301, volat ille per aera magnum | remigio alarum.

Propertius, iv. 6. 47, 48, nee te, quod classis centenis remigat a/is,\

terreat. But

this does not please Quintilian, viii. 6. 18.

53Orosius, vi. 19, classis Antonii centum septuaginta navium /Ttit, quantum

numero cedens tantum magnitudine prtecellens, nam decent pedum altitudine a

mari aberant. This definite statement deserves more attention than the grotesque

exaggerations of Virgil, yneid, viii. 691, 692, pelago credas innare revulsas\

Cycladas, aut monies concurrere montibtis altos. The notion of an encounter with

islands is neatly parodied by Lucian, verse historiae, i. 40 42 ;but is adopted

with some apology by Dion Cassius, 1. 33, e'iKaaev av ris id&v rd yiyv6/j.eva, ws

(Ji.eyd\ois o/xoiwcrcu, refyecri ri<riv r)Kal vrj<rois 7roXXa?s Kal TTVKvaTs eK 6a\d(ra"r)S

THE DIMENSIONS OF THE WAR-SHIPS.

water-line53

: and these great ships were ofjen banks 54. He

therefore allows a foot of freeboard for each bank of oars ;

and thus would make a sixteen-banked ship only sixteen feet

in height above the water-line. And practically there never

f:re

more than sixteen banks on a sea-going ship.

A ship of a single_bank, which was preserved at Rome as,

a relic of yneas, was a hundred and twenty feet in length55

:,

1

and as she probably was a fifty-oared ship, there probablywere twenty-five oars on each side, and therefore twenty-four

spaces between the tholes, or one such space for every five

feet of her length. And this relation would not be fortuitous;

for in ancient ships all the dimensions were related to the

interval between the tholes56

. A thirty-oared ship, with

fourteen such spaces, would thus be seventy feet in length;

iro\iopKovfjiti>a.is. The tamer notion of an encounter with forts seems due to

Plutarch, Antonius, 66, where he compares the battle to a Teixouaxl-a, apparently

in imitation of the common-place in Latin that war-ships were like walled towns.

Thus, the expression urbis instar is applied to a four-banked ship by Cicero, in

Verrem, ii. v. 34, and the expression urbis opus to a three-banked ship by Virgil,

^Eneid, v. 119.54

Plutarch, Antonius, 64, ws 5 vav^ax^v ededoKro, ras ph &\\as evewprja-e

vavs 7r\V e^rjKovra rdov AlyvirrLuv ras 5e dpi<rras /cat /meyiffras dtrb rpir)povs

HtXPL Sexypovs CTrXypov. Dion Cassius, 1. 23, rpiypeis ^v yap oXiyas, rerpripeis

de /cat deKripeis /cat ra XOITTO, ra dca [tecrov wdvra Qtirolriffev. Strabo, vii. 7. 6,

Kal&ap TT\V deKavaiav aKpodiviov airb fj.ovoKp6rov /J^XPL SeKiypofS.

55Procopios, de bello Gothico, iv. 22, rt /m^vroi KO.I 6Va /u^/xeia rov ytvovs

^rt, ev rots /cat TJ vavs AtVet'ou, rou rrjs 7r6Xews ot/ct(TToO, /cat et's r65e /cetrat,

TravreXcDs &viffrov, ve&Gouiov yap Tronj<rd/u.evoL iv /Ji^ffrj rrj 7r6Xet irapa rrjv rov

^V, evravdd re avrriv /cara^^/ttei'ot, e| t/cetVou Typovviv. tfirep oiroia TTOT

eariv avrbs deaffapevos epuv fyxoftai. fjiovrjprjs5 ij vavs ijde Kal Tre/HjioJ/cTjs ayav

Tvyxdvei ovaa, fj.iJKOS [itv irod&v eiKoai /cat Kar6v, evpos d irevre Kal ef/coat, rb o ye

v\//os TOffavri) ecTTiJf ocrov avTTjv epeaaeffdai. /&?) ddvvara elvai.

56Vitruvius, i. 2. 4, uti in hominis corpore e ciibito pede palmo digito ceterisque

particulis symmetros est eurythmia; qualitas, sic est in operum perfectionibus : et

primuin in cedibus sacris aut e columnarum crassitudinibus aut triglypho aut ctiani

emba/e, sed et ballista e foramine, quod Gr&ci PERITRETON vocitant, navis inter-

scalmio, quod DIPHECIACA dicitur, item ceterorum operum e membris invenitur

symmetriarum ratiodnatio. The letters DIPHECIACA seem intended for some

Greek word ; and the word 5t7r7?xat/c77 has been invented for the occasion. If this

word had any meaning, it would mean that the interval between the tholes

amounted to two cubits, and was therefore a fixed distance : but the distance

certainly was variable, since it formed the unit for calculating the dimensions of

a ship, and all ships were not alike.

22 THE DIMENSIONS OF THE WAR-SHIPS

and a three-banked ship, with thirty such spaces in the upper

bank, a hundred and fifty feet in length. These dimensions

certainly appear excessive. Yet the oars could hardly have

been worked, had the interval between the tholes been less

than three feet;so the distance from the first thole to the

last must have been at least forty-two feet on a thirty-oared

ship, seventy-two feet on a fifty-oared ship, and ninety feet

on a three-banked ship : and this distance seems little more

than three-fifths of the extreme length in most of the ships

depicted by the ancients. Moreover, these ships look as

though they were clear of the water for fully a fifth of their

length by reason of the overhanging stern and the elevated

ram. The ship of .^Eneas was twenty-five feet broad, or more

than a fifth of her length in beam : but the Greek war-ships

were considerably narrower. The remains of the Athenian

docks in the harbour of Zea shew that originally they were

quite a hundred and fifty feet in length but only twentyjeet in

57 Plans and measurements of the docks at Zea in the Hpa/crt/co, 7775 ev' Kd-f)vou.$

dpxa.io\oyiKrjs eraipias for 1885, plates 2 and 3, cf. pp. 63 71. The docks

themselves are about 19 ft. 5 in. in breadth, or twenty feet by ancient Greek

measurement ;and they are divided by partitions which are about i ft. 1 1 in. in

breadth, so that the distance from centre to centre is about 21 ft. 4 in. In the

ruins of the docks at Munychia this distance is about loin, less : but possibly the

partitions were narrower. All the docks at Zea are in ruins at the lower end :

yet some of them are still 144 ft. in length. They certainly were not meant

to take two ships apiece, one behind another: there never were double docks,

vetipia, though sometimes there were double sheds above the docks, vewaocKoi.

Diodoros, xiv. 42, y/coSo/iei 5 (Aiovticrios) /ecu vew<ro//cous TroXureAets e/carov e^/cwra,

TOI)S TrXelarovs dto vavs dexopfrovs, Plato, Critias, p. 116, rtfj-vovres de a/j,a d-Treipyd-

ovro vebHTo'iKovs KoiXovs SiTrAoGs evr6s, KaTTjperfte'is avrrj rrj irtrpq.. There are lines

of columns between the docks at Zea ; and these columns are spaced differently in

alternate lines, as if to carry different weights. So these docks undoubtedly were

roofed in pairs : but in no other sense were they double.58

Athenseos, v. 37, already quoted in note 24 on p. 9. A ship of this length

would have 170 oars in the uppermost bank, with 84 spaces between the tholes on

either side, if she had one such space for every five feet of her length : and if each

bank held four oars more than the bank below, and there were 54 in the lowest

bank see pp. 1 1 ff. there would be 1 70 in the uppermost bank on a ship of

thirty banks. The coincidence is curious.

59 This usage of /xax-pd and longa occurs frequently, e.g. Polybios, xxii. 26, cbroStfra;

S Kal ray vaus ras /maKpas Kal rot, e/c TO^TUV a/j/xe^a Kal ra <r/cei577= Livy, xxxviii. 38,

tradito et naves longas armamentaque earum, both authors quoting from the treaty

under which Antiochos surrendered his navy to the Romans in 189 B.C. There

AND OF SHIPS OF OTHER CLASSES. 23

breadth 57. These docks presumably were not much longer

than the ships for w"mch they were designed, and the ships

certainly were not broader than the docks; ,so these ships

Eild

hardly have exceeded two-fifteenths of their length in

im. And this is approximately the ratio of length to

adth which Callixenos ascribes to the alleged forty-banked

p, the length being four hundred and twenty feet and the

breadth fifty-seven58

.

The regular war-ships differed so strikingly frommerchant-)

ships in their proportions that they were generally known as/

the long^ships, while these were known as the round ships59

.

But ships sometimes were constructed on an intermediate

system of proportion, and consequently could not thus be

classed as long or round 60. And the round ships were

themselves of several different types ;while a multitude of

types prevailed among the vessels that were not large

enough to rank as ships61

.

was a corresponding usage of o-rpoyyvXTj. Athenseos, viii. 42, epurrjdds de (Lrparb-

vtKos) virb TWOS, riva rCjv irXoiuv aff^aXearara eo~rl;ra /-ta/cpd, rj ra crrpoyyvXa ; ra

vevewXKij/jieva, elirev. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. i, rets pen, yap

rpir/peis Kal ra paKpa TrXcua eXdriva TrotoDcrt 5ta Kovfioryra, ra de arpoyyvXa wevKiva

did TO daa-rres. Xenophon, Hellenica, v. i. 21, Kal Karadveiv /j.ev OVK eta <rrpoyyu\ov

TrXoiov ovde \vu,aivecrdaL rats eavr&v vavffiv'

ei de irov rpiripr) idoiev op/Aovo'ai', ravrrjv

ireipdadai dirXovv iroLelv. cf. Herodotos, i. 163, already quoted in note 8 on p. 4.

But this usage was not adopted in Latin; and navis longa is opposed to navis

oneraria, just as vavs ytia/cpd is sometimes opposed to 6X/cd$. Csesar, de bello Gallico,

iv. 22, navibus circiter octoginta onerariis coactis contractisque, quot satis esse ad duas

transportandas legiones existimabat, quicquid praterea navium longarum habebat,

quastori legatis prcefectisque distribtiit. Appian, de bellis civilibus, ii. 54, /cat ovo

dXXcoi/ iire\dbvrwv, ode Kal rdde TrpocrXa^iov dvrtyero x^tAtwi/os eirl oXKaduv '

ai

rjcrav avrt^ vrjes oXiyai yaa/cpat, 2ap5w /cat 2t/ceX/av e(f>povpovv.

60Athenaeos, v. 38, quoting Callixenos, rb de vx^f* avrTjs ovre rais

vavcrlv ovre rats vrpoyyvXais eot/c6s, dXXd irapri\\ayp.evov re Kal -rrpbs rrjv ^peii

irorau.ov rb ftddos. Arrian, Fr. 19, apud Suidam, s. v. vavs : etxe 5 rj vavs

fj.ev Kara rpLrjp-rj /xaXtcrra, evpos de Kal pddos Kaff 6X/cd5a, o<rov fj,eyLffrr) Nt/co/njSts $

Aiyv-rrrla. Both these vessels were designed for rivers ; the former for the Nile

under Ptolemy Philopator, the latter apparently for the Tigris under Trajan.

Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 95, eduprjcraro de Kal'OKraovta rbv ddeX(f>6v, airrjo-ava

Trap' 'Avruvlov, deKa (paarjXois rpnjperiKots, eTTt/i^/crots &c re (poprlouv ve&v Kal u.aKpuv.

See note on /j-voirdpuves on p. 108 for a further account of these ships.

61 See note on actuaries on p. 105, and subsequent notes in the Appendix.

The ' round '

class would include the 7aDXot and the tWoi, the corbitae and the

, and perhaps the Kdvdapoi and the KVKVOI and also the pontones.

*

24 THE DIMENSIONS AND TONNAGE

The dimensions of one of the great merchant-ships em-

ployed in carrying corn from Egypt to Italy about 150 A.D.

'' have fortunately been put on record. According to Luciai

her length was a hundred and eighty feet, while her breadtl

was slightly more than a fourth of her length, and her deptl

was forty-three feet and a half, reckoning from the upp<

deck to the bottom of the hold;so that, including the keel,

her depth must have been about the same as her breadth 62.

The well-known dimensions in the Hebrew version of th<

legend of the Flood, four hundred and fifty feet of lengtl

seventy-five feet of breadth, and forty-five feet of deptl

apparently belong to the ark that has been introduced thei

under Egyptian influence, and not to the ship that has beei

implicitly retained there with other features of the Babyloniai

versions. The earlier Babylonian version in the inscriptions

states that the depth of the ship was the same as the breadth,

but is illegible in its statement of the measurements 63. The

extant copies of the later Babylonian version recorded byBerosos state that the length of the ship was either five or

fifteen stades, and the breadth two stades 64. In this equality

62 Lucian, navigium, I, rl yhp 5et /cal Troieiv, w Au/etve, o"x^V cLyovra,

Trvd6fj.i>ov ourws virep/uieytdT) vavv /cat irpa rov fj-trpov els rbv Hetpaia /caraTreTrXei;-

KVOU /j.iav T&V air' Alyvirrov et's 'IraXiav ffiraywyuv ; 5, dXXa /-terai} \oywv, r/XiKr)

vavs, eif/cocrt /cat e/carov 7r?7xewp IXe-ye rb /j-rjitos 6 vavTryyos, edpos 5e virtp rb reraprov

/mXtcrra TO^TOU, /cat euro TOV /caracrrpc6/iaros es rbv Trvd/J-eva, rj fiadiiTaTOV Kara rbv

&VT\OI>, tvvta. irpbs rots el'/cocr:.

63 Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. iv, pi. 50, col. i,

11. 25, 16= pi. 43, col. i, 11. 27, 28, in the new edition. I am indebted to Dr

Budge, of the British Museum, for verifying the statement in the text.

64Berosos, Fr. 7, apud Syncellum, p. 30, <r/cct0os, rb ^kv /J.TJKOS 0-radiuv irtvre,

rb 5 TrXctros <rradiwv dvo, but the length is estimated at fifteen stades instead of

five in the corresponding extract from Berosos in the first book of the Chronica of

Eusebios, as retranslated from the Armenian edition. If these were commonstades of a hundred fathoms each, the length of the ship would be either 3000 ft.

or 9000 ft., and the breadth 1200 ft. : so the reading must be corrupt.65

Genesis, vi. 15, jcol.ourw 7roi?7<reiS TT\V Kifiurov' rpiaKoaiwv irrfx.e(av rb /J.TJKOS

r?7S /ftjSwroO, KO.I TrevrrfKovra Trr)x e<JI}V r& TrXaros, /cat rpiaicovra TrrjX WV r^ fyos avrijs.

The word seems to have puzzled Philo Judseus, for he speaks vaguely of a wooden

structure without a hint about its shape, vita Moysis, ii. n, %6\ivov 5r)fjuovpyri(ras

Zpyov fttyiffTov ets Trrjxets rpiaKocrlovs fJtijKOS, /c.r.X. cf. 12, irpbfKnv e/c rou v\lvov

/caracr/ceuao-yaaros. In the Greek version of the legend, with Deucalion as hero,

the vessel is termed a box, \dpva.

OF THE LARGEST MERCHANT-SHIPS. 25

of breadth and depth the legendary vessel resembles the

merchant-ship just mentioned; and in a possible ratio of

breadth to length she resembles the war-ships for which the

ks at Zea were constructed : but in none of her proportionses she resemble the ark. The authors of the Septuagintd every means of ascertaining the exact sense of the word

'ball, or ark, since it was of Egyptian origin ;and they

translated it by the word kibotos, or chest. This was an

epithet of Apameia in Phrygia : and upon coins of that city

the ark of Noah is represented as a rectangular chest 65.

The tonnage of ancjent ships cannot safely be deducedl^/^ .

from their dimensions, as so little is known about their form.

But the amount of cargo carried by various merchant-shipsis here and mere recorded, this amount being generally

computed by the talent or the amphora, which each weighed^*about a fortieth part of a ton 66

. And the largest merchant-

ships are always described as carrying ten thousand talents,

or 250 tons, though they may really have carried rather more,

ten thousand being a round number of the vaguest sort67

. The

tonnage of such ships would be roughly 150, register.

r\c

tV.0

f.

66 Herodotos, i. 194* iroiterai Se Kai Kapra ueydXa ravra ra TrXola Kai e'Xdcrtrw

-i""

ft

raOra irXrjdei TroXXd, /ecu ayei efj/ta TroXXas x1^' ^015 raXdvrwv, the former on

the Euphrates and the latter on the Nile. Athenaeos, v. 43, K^pKovpos, T/3i<T%iXia

rdXavra Se'xeo'flcu dvvduevos. Livy, xxi. 63, citing a law enacted at Rome shortly

before 220 B.C., ne quis senator, cuive senatorius pater fuisset, maritimam navem,

plus quani trecentarum ainphoranim esset, haberet : id satis habittitn ad

~tus ex agris vectandos : qu&stiis omnis Palribus indecorus visus est. Cicero,

familiares, xii. 15. 2, naves onerarias, quarum minor milla erat duuni inillium

aniphorum. Pliny, vi. 24, magnittido (navitifn) ad terna millia aiuphorum. As

the talent and the amphora each represented a cubic foot of water, and a Greek or

Roman foot measured about '97 of an English foot, the talent and the amphoraeach weighed very nearly 57 Ibs.

67Ctesias, Fr. 57. 6, apud Photium, p. 45, r6 u^os, 6crov /jt,vpio(f>6pov pews

urr6s. Thucydides, vii. 25, irpo<rayay6i>Tes yap vavv /j.vpLO(f>6pov t/c.r.X. Pollux, iv.

165, fj.vpio<f>6pos, cus QOVKvdldys ws 5e Aeh'ctpxos, fjivpiaywyovffa. cf. Philo Judoeus,

de plantatione Noe, 6, (jt-vpiayuya <r/cct$77, de incorruptibilitate mundi, 26, pvpio-

<f>6pois vavffiv. Strabo, iii. 3. r, 6 5 TCIYOS /cat rb TrXctros ^xet T0^ o"7-6/4aro$ ftKoai

irov (TTadtuv Kai TO /3a0os /J.tya, w<rre pvpiaywyo'is dvair\ei<rdai, xvii. i. 26, irXdros

5' e'x64 TTT/X^" fKarbv i) 5iupv%, fiddos 5' 8<rov dpKeiv fjivpio(p6p(^ v-r\l. Heliodoros,

^Ethiopica, iv. 16, ZXeyov 5ij ovv elvai. <l>otVi/ces Tupioi, r^xv "nv & fyiropoi, TrXeiv

5' eTrt Kapxrjdova TT\V AtjS^wi/, 6X/cd5a fj.vpiO(p6pov 'Ivducuv re Kai M6i.oTri.KC3v Kai T&V

26 SHIPS FOR CARRYING THE OBELISKS,

Larger ships were built for special purposes. About 40 A.]

the Vatican obelisk and its pedestal were brought from Eg]

to Italy in a ship which Pliny describes as the most wonderful

vessel that ever was beheld upon the sea; evidently meaning

that she was the largest, for he comments on her length and

her capacity and the size of her mast, but says nothing about

any peculiarity in design. The obelisk and pedestal together

weigh between 496 and 497 tons;and about 800 tons of

lentils were stowed on board to keep them steady68

. There-

fore, unless there is some error about the quantity of lentils,

the ship carried fully 1,300 tons, or more than five times the

load of the largest merchant-ships afloat. This ship was

CK $oivticr)$ dyuylfjMv (ptpovres. Themistios, oratio xvi, p. 212, real v\>v

fHi> airaaa ijirfLpos, yrf 5 Kal fldXarra roi)s Tr/aocrraTas ffTe<j>avov(ri.v, 77 5 dp-%7)

KaOdtrep t>avs /j,vpio<f>6pos TroXXa 5?) Trovydeiffa vtrb xetyu.wj'os Kal rpt/ciy-u'as dva\a/j.(3dvet

Kal dxvpovrai. Himerios, oratio xiv, p. 622, TrXet TTOT^ Kal fj.vpib<popTos 6X/cds, iro\vv

fj.t> xp vot/ Xtpvttovcra, OTI fjirj TrAayos TOVOVTOV evpiffKe (3a6ijTr)Ti, uxrre Kal \v<rai ra

Treia/j-aTa. Automedon, in the Anthology, x. 23. 5, vavs are /j.vpi6(f)opTos. Manasses,

4886, 4887, Kal TOUT' elir&v ex^Xewe yvddois Trvpbs Tra/j.<f>dyov \ Tr)v vavv rty fj.vpib-

(poprov avrtxpoprov fipudyvai.68

Pliny, xvi. 76, abies admirationis pr&cipua visa est in nave, qtia ex ALgypto

Gaii principis iussu obdiscum in Vaticano Circo statutum quattuorque truncos

lapidis eiusdem ad sustinendum eum adduxit, qua nave nihil admirabilius visum

in mari certum est. cxx M modiorum lentis pro saburra el fuere. longitudo

spatium obtinuit magna ex parte Ostiensis portus latere Icevo : ibi namque demersa

est a Claudio principe cum tribus molibus turrium altitudine in ea cxcedificatis

obiter Puteolano pulvere advectisque. arboris eius crassitudo quattuor hominumulnas complectenliitm implebat. A modius was equivalent to the third part of a

cubic foot, so that 120,000 modii would occupy a space of 40.000 cubic feet : and

the weight would be nearly 46 Ibs. for every cubic foot, as Egyptian lentils weighabout 50 Ibs. per cubic English foot, when closely packed. According to Fontana,

Delia trasportatione dell' obelisco Vaticano, pp. 9, 23, the obelisk itself weighs

963)537 Ibs., while the four blocks of the pedestal weigh 165,464 and 67,510 and

179,826 and 110,778 Ibs. respectively : and a ton contains about 2,996 Ibs. of this

measure. Fontana replaced the obelisk upon the original pedestal after its removal

from the Circus in 1586.59

Pliny, xxxvi. i, navesque marmorum causa fiunt> ac per fluctus, sczvissimam

rerum natures partem, hue illuc portantur iuga.70

Pliny, xxxvi. 14, super omnia accessit dijficultas mari Romam (obeliscos)

devehendi, spectatis admodtim navibus. divus Augustus priorem advexerat, mira-

culique gratia Puteolis navalibus perpetuis dicaverat ; sed incendio consumpta est.

divus Claudius aliquot per annos asservatam, quam Gaius Ctesar importaverat,

omnibus quae unquam in mari visa sunt mirabiliorem, in ipsa turribus Puteolis e

pulvere exadificatis, perductam Ostiam portus gratia mersit.

AND OTHER SHIPS OF HIGH TONNAGE.

doubtless of the class that the Romans built expressly for

transporting marble 69. Pliny says plainly that she was larger

than the ship which had performed the somewhat easier task

)f carrying the Flaminian obelisk from Egypt to Italy fifty

rears before 70: yet that ship was afterwards reputed to have

rried 2,700 tons of corn, a quantity of pepper and linen and v

per and glass, and also fourteen hundred men, besides the ''

belisk and its pedestal71

. The tale is absurd : and so also is

c tale that 2,400 tons of corn, 250 tons of salted fish, 500ns of wool, and 500 tons of miscellaneous cargo were putn board a ship that Hieron built at Syracuse and afterwards

to Ptolemy on finding her too large for use 72. Athenseos

71Cedren, p. 172, eVi 5e TTJS /JacrtXetas AvyovffTov Katcrapos etcr7?X0e TrXotov dirb

^avdpelas ets TTJV irbpTav 'Pw/tt^s, eTri.<pep6/j.evov crt'rou fiodiwv xi^'a5as u', eVtjSdras

pairras o"', TreVept, bdovas, xaPTrlv ) v\ia, Kal Tbv fji^yav 6/3eX<r/coj> /uerd roO

nX^ws, aur6i' re earuJra & ry fAeyd\i{) iTTTTt/cy, e'xovra ^os T^'Sas TT' TJ/J.HTVV.

ror roD ^acrtXe'ujs read TT;S /3d<reo>s. Another version is printed by Mommsen,Feber den Chronographen vom Jahre 354, at p. 646, hoc imp. navis Alexandrina

imum in portn Romano inlroivit nomine Acatus, qui attulit frumenti modios

:cc, vectores MCC, piper, linteamen, carta, vitria, et opoliscum cum sua sibi base,

li est in Circo Maximo altum pedes LXXXVIIS. A modius being equivalent to

third part of a cubic foot, 400,000 modii would occupy a space of 133,333

ibic feet : and the weight would be about 45 Ibs. for every cubic foot, since corn

jighs rather more than 49 Ibs. per cubic English foot. According to Fontana,

r., p. 75, the Flaminian obelisk weighs 702,276 Ibs. and its pedestal 497, 187 Ibs. ;

altogether 287,652^5. less than the Vatican obelisk and pedestal.72

Athenaeos, v. 40, irepi 5e TTJS virb 'lepuvos TOV Zupa/coo'foi'

?, TJS Kal 'ApX'M7?^^? TJV 6 yeio^Tpr/s tirbirTris, OVK a%t.ov elvai Kplvw

Ypau/ma Kd6vTOS Mocrx^wpos TLVOS, y ov Traptpyws VTVXOV vrroyviws. ypd(pei ovv

OVTUS, /c.r.X. 44, O~ITOV oe evefiaXKovTO ets TT\V vavv uvpiddes

~pdut.a (j,vpia, epe&v rdXa^ra difffj-vpia, Kal eVe/ra 5e 0opn

jpis de TOVTdJV 6 e7rt(Ttrt(r/x6s TJV T&V e/j,Tr\OVT(i)v. 6 5' 'Itpwv, e?ret Trdiras TOVS

ifievas -fJKOve, TOVS uev us ov ovvaToi et'<rt TTJV vavv dexecrdai, TOVS 5e Kal eiriKivduvovs

>, 8iyvw b&pov avTT)v aTrooretXat IlToXe//,aty T< ^SatrtXet ets 'AXe^dvdpeiav'

it yap TJV ffirdvis CTLTOV /card TTJV AiyvirTOv. Kal OVTUS eTroiTjcrc' Kal TJ vavs /car^x^ 7?

lypaufj-aTdiv TronjTT]v, ypd\f/avTa ets TTJV vavv e7rLypau/J.a, xtXfots irvp&v peStuvois,

/cat 7rap7T/j.\j/ev tSt'ots daTravrjuacriv ets TOV Heipaia, eYt/x.rjcrei'. The corn would

11 be measured by the medimnos, as was customary : and a medimnos was

mivalent to two cubic feet. So the 60,000 measures of corn would occupy a

of 120,000 cubic feet. A Kepdutov was presumably an amphora; and a

opTiov the equivalent of a talent or an amphora, as that meaning is implied in

upi6(j>opTos : see note 67. It is clear that nothing was known of Moschion even

ten, else Athenseos would not speak of him as Moaxt'wi'os r'6s.

28 SHIPS FOR CARRYING THE OBELISKS,

quotes this tale from Moschion, and Moschion cites an

epigram by Archimelos : but nothing whatever is known of

Archimelos or of Moschion;and Athenaeos did not write

until 200 A.D., while Hieron died before 200 B.C. The

epigram celebrates a ship that brought some gifts of corn

from Hieron to the Greeks, and declares her size by sayingthat the hull rivalled Etna in its bulk, the mast touched the

stars, and so forth73

: but such language seems hardly more

appropriate if the ship carried 3,650 tons, than if she carried

a half or a quarter or an eighth of that load;and a ship

might fairly be deemed a monster, if she carried even 500tons at a time when others could not carry more than 250.

In his narrative Moschion says that Archimedes succeeded

in launching this huge ship by means of some mechanical

contrivance of his own invention : yet Plutarch tells sub-

stantially the same story about Archimedes without a hint

73Athenseos, v. 44, %et 5' OVTWS rb

eTriypafji,/j.a : ris r6de cre\fj.a ire\b)pov

eiffa.ro;TOKOS

| Kolpavos d/ca/idrots Treta/mao'Lv r/ydyero ;|

TTWS 5e Kara

ffavis; f) rlvi ybfj.<j>oi \ rarjd^vres TreX^/cet TOUT' e'Ka/j.ov TO KI;TOS,

| 77

Atrvas Trapiffovfjievov, rj nvt vd<rwv, \

as Alyacov tidwp Ku/cXd8as evdederai,\

dfj.(f>orepwdei> iVoTrXaT^s; rj pa Tiyavres \

TOVTO Trpos ovpavlas ^eaav drpairiTOiJS. \

&<Trpwv yap \f/atiei Kapxr](ria, /cat rpieXiKTOvs\ ^cipa/cas [J.eyd\ii)i> evrbs ^%et vefiewv. \

ireifffj.affiv dyKvpas aTrepeiderai, olaiv 'A(3ti8ov \ SJep^s /cal Sy/tTToO dicrabv

irbpov. |/jiavvei crTijSapas /CO.T' eTrw/^t'Sos dpnxdpaKrov \ ypd/u,/u,a, ris K %^/xrou

eKV\i<re rpb-mV | (parl yap d>s "'lepwi/ 'lepo/cX^os 'EXXdSt Trdcra|

/ecu /d(rots

iriova. 5wpo06po^ |

2t/ceXtas (T/caTTToOxos 6 Awpt/c6s." dXXd, H6<rei5ov, \ crcDfe Kara

yXavK&v (rA^a T65e poQlwv. A certain Archimedes is the author of the epigram in

the Anthology, vii. 50, the manuscript distinctly naming 'Apxi /u?75oi;s, thougheditors have printed this as 'Apxi/^Xou to match the name in Athenaeos. Nothingis known of this Archimelos.

74 Athenseos, v. 40, o?s e irepl rbv KaSe\KV<riJibv avrov rbv eis rr\v 6d\a<rffav

iro\\rt riTT]ffLS TJV, 'Apx^Tj^T/s 6 //.77x<m/c6s fJibvos avrb Karrjyaye di b\iyuv ffw^druv.

Kara&Kevdaas yap 'e\iKa, rb rr)\iKovTOv (T/cd0os els rr\v 6d\aaaav Karyyaye. jrpuiros

5''

ApxifjLrjdris evpe rr\v rrjs ^Xt/cos KaraffKevrjv. Plutarch, Marcellus, 14, davfjidaavros

dt rov 'I^pwi'os /cat deydfrros ets Zpyov ei-ayayew rb Trp6j3\r}/j.a Kal 5et%al n r&v

jj.eyd\uv Kivotipevov virb cr/ii/cpas dwduews, b\Kdda rpi.dpfj.evov r&v /3ao"iXt/ccDf Trbv(f

fteydXy Kal %et/ ToXXf vew\Kr]de'i<Taj>, e/uLpd\uv ('Apxt/x^S^s) dvOpuirovs re 7roXXoi)s

Kal rbv crvvrjdri (poprov, avrbs airwdev Ka6r//j,evos, ov fj-era ffirovoris dXXd r/pt/j,a r-fj

X^'pi fftiwv dpx^v riva Tro\va7rd<rTov, irpo<rriydyero Xetws Kal dirraiarus Kal ucnrep

did 6a\drrr)s e-mdeovvav. eKirXayels oSv b /SacriXei/s, /c.T.X. For the meaning of

rpidpfj-evos, see note 124 on p. 54. The term Tro\iL)(nraffrov denotes a combination of

ropes and pulleys, cf. Vitruvius, x. 2. ro: and the term ?Xt may well denote the

same machine, for it conveys the notion of some sort of twisting, and the ropes

AND OTHER SHIPS OF HIGH TONNAGE. 29

that the ship was of abnormal size74

. And then Moschion

dilates upon the luxury of the cabins and the baths and the

covered walks on deck, shaded by vines and whole gardens of

>lants in pots ;while Suetonius describes the very same

lisplay of luxury on board Caligula's yachts : and Caligula

the emperor who built the great ship for the obelisk75

.

'hus, in all probability, Moschion has blended some of the

iracteristics of that great ship and those luxurious yachts

a vessel of ideal size and splendour; and then endeavoured

give reality to his idea by associating it with some vessel

lat Hieron sent to Ptolemy.

Caligula perhaps was rivalled or surpassed in shipbuild-

ig by some of his successors : but there is no proof of this.

great ship was built by Constantine for the Lateran

>belisk, which is the largest obelisk of all, and weighs between

.1 and 442 tons 76: but the Vatican obelisk came over with

here twisted round the pulleys. Archimedes' screw was termed KoxXt'as, and

obviously has nothing to do with this 2Xt. The story is subsequently told by

roclos, in Euclidem, p. 18, olov 5r? Kal "lepwv 6 ZvpaKofatos etireiv \tyerai irepl

j%i/ji.'r]8ovs, 6're TTJV rpidpfj-evov /caretr/ce^ao'e vavv, yv irapeffKtvafcTO iriinrf.iv IlToXe-

(3acri\ei ry Alyvwrltpi iravTuv yap aiJ.a ^vpaKoval^v e\Kvvai. rr\v vavv

, 'ApxiyU/jJS^s rbv 'lepajva [j.6vov avrrjv Karayayew eirolycrev. KaTawXayeis

s, K.r.X. And again by Tzetzes, chiliades, ii. 103 108, 6 'Apx^^s 6

!>6s, yu.'^xai'T/TTjs e/cetj>os, |

r yevei Supa/coi/(Ttos fjv, ytpdov yeufi^Tprfs, | XP&VOVS T

Kal irivre wapeXa^vuv, |

oaris eipy6.aa.TO TroXXas (J/TIXO-VLKO.^ dvvd[j.eis, |

rrj Tpi<nrd(rTi{} fj.rjx -^ X LP'-

Xcu Kal fJ.6vy | TrevTefJ.vpLOp.e8iiJ.vov K0.6ei\KV<rev

There is a variant e-rrTafj.vpLo/j.edi.fJi.voi' for 7TVTe/j.vpiofjidL/jLvov in the last

ic.

75Suetonius, Caligula, 37, and Athenaeos, v. 41, 42, both quoted in note 133 on

> 58, 59-76 Ammianus, xvii. 4. 13, quo (obettsco) convecto per alveum Nili^ proiectoque

llexandri<z, navis amplitudinis antehac inusitatcz cedificata est, stib trecentis re-

ligibus agitanda. 14, quibus ita provisis, digressoque vita principe memorato

Constantino}, urgens effectus intepuit : tandemque sero impositus navi perlaria fluentaque Tybridis, vehit paventis ne quod pane ignotus miserat Nilus,

parum sub meatus sui discrimine mcenibus alumnis inferret, defertur in vicum

llexandri, tertio lapide ab tirbe seittnctum ; unde chamulcis impositus, tractusqtie

tus, per Ostiensem portam pisdnamqiie publicam Circo illatits est Maximo.

le oars must have been auxiliary see p. 20 for three hundred rowers would

ive been of little service in propelling a ship of that size. According to Fontana,

blla trasportatione dell' obelisco Vaticano, p. 70, the Lateran obelisk weighs

[,322,938 Ibs. : and a ton contains about 2,996 Ibs. of this measure. The existing

lestal was constructed by Fontana in 1588.

30 THE TONNAGE OF THE WAR-SHIPS.

its pedestal, whereas this had none;and Caligula's ship thu<

took a heavier load than Constantine's. The merchant^]

employed as transports with Justinian's fleet in 533 A.D. must

it have carried from 1 20 to 200 tons apiece, and not from 1 20 t(

/ 2,000, as stated in the current reading of Procopios. Thei

were five hundred of them; and if they carried 160 torn

upon the average, they carried 80,000 tons altogether, an<

thus afforded ample transport for an army of only sixteei

thousand men : whereas the army would have had far mon

transport than it needed, if the largest of the ships ha(

carried 2,000 tons apiece",

-v^ War-ships were relatively of very little burden;for the]

were not meant to keep the sea, and consequently had hardb

anything to carry except their crew. Thus the Tiber was still

navigable as far as Rome for ten-banked war-ships at a tim<

when any merchant-ship carrying more than three thousan<

talents was compelled to anchor at the mouth 78. Therefore,

unless war-ships were relatively of lighter draught th;

77Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. u, -fjd-r] d iV airroij Kal rty ts

arparelav ev irapacKevrj el^e, 7reot)s /mev ffrparubras fj.vptovs, linreas 5

XtXfoi'S K re <rrpartwr&t> Kal (poiSepdruv ^vvei\eyiJ,evov^...e'iirovro 5 airro?s "EpoiAc

TerpaK6ffioi, Kal tf/z//,axoi f3dp[3apoi ea/c6<rtot /xdXtcrra etc rov ^/[aaffayerCov edvoi

t7r7roTo6rcu irdi>T5...va.vs d r/ ^fj.irao'a crrparta TrevraKocrtas ij'ye, Kal atirCov ovde/mla

TT\OV rj Kara fjivptddas Trtvre fjt.edifj.vajj> <ppeii> ol'a re yv, ov /j,rjv ovd ZXaavov 17 Kara

rptax^ovs. vavrai 5 diff/jujpioi eireTrXeov airacrats. A great number of these

sailors must have been employed as rowers on the war-ships: see note 45 on p. 17.

As the medimnos was primarily a measure for corn, the load was probably about

90 Ibs. for every medimnos : for a medimnos was equivalent to two cubic feet, and

the weight would be about 45 Ibs. for every cubic foot, since corn weighs rather

more than 49 Ibs. per cubic English foot. The emendation is necessarily x'^'^asfor ftvpidSas.

78Dionysios of Halicarnassos, iii. 44, al /jv o$v eiriKuiroi vrjes OTT^XI'KCU TTOT'

&v oucrcu rtixuffi, Kal TU>V 6\Kddw al ^xpi rpi(rxtX<o06/)ajj', dcrdyov<ri re Sia rou

(7T6/tTos avrov Kal /JitxP 1- TW 'Pci^s dpecria Kal pt/uiacri irapeXKb^vai. Ko^ovraL'

al d ftelfovs irpb rov <Tr6fJ.aros eir' dyKvpwv <ra\ei5oi(rai rats TroTa/i^yots airoye[j.iovral

re Kal dvTKpoprifovraL (7/cd,0ats. Dionysios was at Rome from 30 to 8 B.C., workingat his history, and ten-banked ships presumably were the largest war-ships then

afloat, as they were the largest that fought at Actium in 31 B.C.: see note 54on p. 21.

79Thucydides, iv. 118, citing the treaty of 423 B.C., AaKedai/Aoviovs Kal rot)s

j-vjj,fj.dxovs TrXetV /AT; /*a/c/3$ vrji, dXXy 8 K^Trr/pet rrXotip es TrevraKlxna rd\avra ayovri

THE TIMBER FOR SHIP-BUILDING. 31

merchant-ships on account of some difference in design, a

war-ship of ten banks did not carry more than three thousand

talents, or 75 tons;and that would be the weight of a crew of

a thousand men, weighing twelve stone apiece upon the

average. At this rate a war-ship of three banks, with a crew

of two hundred men, carried only six hundred talents, or 15

>ns : and in a treaty concluded at a time when war-ships

normally of three banks, a prohibition against war-ships

backed by a prohibition against any other ships propelled

oars, if they carried more than five hundred talents;

parently, just to preclude the construction of vessels that

>uld be converted into war-ships on emergency79

.

The hull, as a whole, generally was built of pine on ""^~**<

erchant-ships and fir on war-ships; though pine and cypress ,

and cedar were also used for war-ships, the practice varying /!

in different districts according to the nature of the timber

that they produced80

. The timber for the keels was selected

with especial care 81. All the larger merchant-ships had keels

I KtSpOS

e\a.TLi>

!0

Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. i, ^Xdrrj ntv ovv Kal treti/cr] Kal

ws dTrXws elireiv, vavTnjy^ffi/JLa. rds ^ev yap rpir/peis Kal ra ftaKpa 7rXo?a

irotovo'i dia Kov<p6TT)Ta, ra 5 <rrpoyyti\a TretiKiva 8ia rb affaires Zvioi d Kal

rds rpnfjpeis dia rb/Ji-rj einropeiv Adr^s. oi 5 Kara 2vplav Kal QoivlKyv K K^Spov

ffiravl^ovffi yap Kal ir&jKrjs. ol 5' ev K^TT/JC^ Trtrvos' ratinjv yap 17 VTJCTOS xei>Ka-i

8oKi KpeirTUv elvai TTJS TreijK'rjs. Plutarch, qusestiones convivales, v. 3. r, ov ^vdXXd /car' Idtav ry Ho(rei5<3in (frai-r) TIS av TTJV TTLTVV wpoff^Ketv dia rds vav-rryylas

Kal yap avrrj Kal ra d5eX0d dtvdpa, TreG/cai Kal <rrp6jStXoi, rCav re ^{i\wv

ra TrXotyttcirara, /c.r.X. This <rrp6/3tXoj is presumably the tibulus which

iny mentions as a species of the pinus silvestris growing in Italy, and used there

shipbuilding, xvi. 17, Iiburnicarj4m ad usus. Plato, leges, p. 705 c, ri 8 drf;

Trr)yr)<rlfj.7]S v\rjs 6 TO'TTOS i]fui> r^s x^Pas ^us x i'>

^K ^ffTtv otire rts eXdr?; X67ou

a otir a5 7retf/O7, KvirdpiTT6s re ov TroXXr/. Vegetius, iv. 34, ex cttpresso igitur et

imt domestica sive silvestri et abiete pracipue liburna contexitur.

81Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 2, TTJV 5e rpbinv Tpirjpei ptv dpvlvrjv

tva. dvr^xv irpbs rds veuXKias, rat's 5^ b\Ka<n irevKlvrjv btroTidta(ri 5' ?rt Kal

dpvivyv iirav j'ewX/cwo't ra?s 8k eXdrrocrti' d^vivrjv Kal 6'Xws K roirrou ro

cf. v. 8. 3, i] 8t TUV Aarlvwv ^0u5pos iraffa' Kal ij ptv TreSeivT] 8a<j)vi]v

pvpoivovi Kal 6^6rjv davfJLaaTrjv, TrjXiKavra yap rd ,1177/07 T^/j,vovfft U>OT elvai

TUV IvfiprjviSuv v-jrb rr)v rpbirw 77 5^ 6peii>Tj irevKyv Kal Adr^i/. In the former

passage Theophrastos says that the x^cr/uct was usually of beech, and in the

latter he speaks of beech-wood virb rty rpbiriv : so these passages may justify the

assertion of Pollux, i. 86, rb 5' inrb rty rpbirw TeXevTatov TrpoyrjKo^fjLfvov^ roO JJLT)

rr\v rpbiriv, xAiytr/xa /caXeirai.

32 THE VARIOUS KINDS OF TIMBER

of pirier-but were provided with false-keels of oak, if theywere going to be hauled up ashore or set upon one of those

ship-tramways which ran from sea to sea at Corinth and

some other places ;and the war-ships always had keels of

oak, as they used to be hauled up ashore almost every day.

Ships of any size generally had false-keels of beech;and

the keel itself was made of beech in smaller vessels. Pine

8 '2Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 3, TJ de ropveia rots fj.ev

ylverai avKa/Jiivov, /ieXi'as, TrreX^as, irXardvov y\ia"%pb1"nTa- yap fyeiv Bet Kal iaytiv.

77 rrjs ir\ardvov' ra%i) yap cr^Trerat. rcus de Tprfpeffiv evioi Kal Trirvtvas

vaL did rb e\a<f>p6v. rb de crrep^w/xa, irpbs y rb x^Xua/ia Kal rds ^Trwrt'Sas, yiteXtas

avKaplvov Kal TrreX^as 1

laxvPa 7<V dei ravr elvai. v. 7. 5, (piXvpa 8e irpbs ra

ir\oiwv. See last note for %Aw/u.cc, and note 141 on p. 62 for

The oaviduna must be some sort of planking, and the arep^^a. some

sort of backing. The ropveia would be timber cut to shape by carpenters ; but

possibly i) d ropvela should be read TJ 5' evrepbveia, cf. Aristophanes, equites, 1185,

eis ras Tpir/peis evrephveia, Livy xxviii. 45, interamenta naviiim. Plato, leges,

p. 705 C, irlrvv T ct5 Kal ir\a,TO.vov 6\iyr)v av evpot rtj, ofs 5^ Trpbs TO, &TOS rCov

jrXoiuv fJ.pir) avayKalov roi? vavirtiyoLS xpTJadai e/cdcrrore. Theophrastos, historia

plantarum, iv. 2. 8, Kal tv rats vavirriyiaL^ xptovTai irpbs ra eyKoiXia atiry, sc.

aKdvdri. Theophrastos is describing the Egyptian acacia, or mimosa: and

Herodotos, ii. 96, remarks that the trading-vessels on the Nile were built entirely

of this. For eyKoL\ta see note 95 on p. 39.83

Iliad, xvi. 482 484, Ijpiire 5', u>s ore TIS 8pvs rfpi-irev, T) d%epa?i's, |rj TTi'ri/j

fiXwdp-f), rty T oO'pecri Throve* avdpes \ e^ra/Jiov ire\tK(crffi verjKeffi, vfjiov elvai.

Odyssey, v. 239, 240, K\-rj9p-r] T' atyeipds T, d\drr) T fjv ovpavofj.'/iK'rjs, \

ova TrdXat,

7TpiK7)\a, ra ol TrXuocev Aa^pws. Thus, besides pine and fir, there are here two

kinds of poplar, d%e/3ws and atyeipos, and also oak and alder. Alder was so

generally employed for shipbuilding in Italy that the Roman poets use alnus like

abies and pinus to denote a ship. Virgil, georgics, i. 136, tune alnos primumfluvii sensere cavatas, ii. 451, torrentem ttndam levis innatat almis, cf. yEneid,

viii. 91, abies, x. 206, pinus. Lucan, iii. 520, emeritas repetunt navalibtis alnos.

Silius, xii. 522, transmittunt alno vada. But they do not use quercus in this sense.

Valerius Flaccus, v. 66, is referring to the piece of Dodona oak in the bows of

the Argo. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 4. 3, 5o/ce? yap (8pvs) 6'Xws affaires

flvai'

di' 5 Kal els TOI)S 7rora/xoi)s Kal els ras \iuvas eK TOVTWV vavTryyovcriv ev de rfj

dakdrrri (njVerai. But sea-going ships are described by Csesar, de bello Gallico,

iii. 13, naves totce factcz ex robore ad quamvis vim et contiimeliam perferendam : and

Strabo here translates ex robore by dpvivTjs vXrjs, iv. 4. i. These ships, however,were peculiar to the Bay of Biscay. Claudian names beech with alder as a

wood for shipbuilding, de raptu Proserpinae, iii. 365, J'ago>s metitur et alnos : but

the beech, like the oak, probably was wanted for the keel. Theophrastos,historia plantarum, iv. 2. 6, tfXcw 5<: (/3aXdj/oi>) lax^pov Kal els &\\a re xP

r

n ffifJLOV

Kal ds TOLS vaviryytas. Theophrastos is describing the Egyptian moringa, the tree

that produces oil of ben.

EMPLOYED IN SHIP-BUILDING. 33

and plane, elm and ash, mulberry and lime and acacia, were

all employed in the interior of the hull82

. And alder and

poplar and the timber of a balsam-tree are also named amongthe kinds of wood in use in shipbuilding

83. But in some

outlandish districts the sides of the ships were formed of

^'leather instead of wood 84. The masts and yards were made

f fir, or else of pine ;and so also were the oars 85

.

84Caesar, de bello civili, i. 54, imperat militibus Casar ut navesfaciant, cuius

eum superioribus annis usus Britannia docuerat. carina primum ac

tumina levi materia fiebant: reliquum corpus navium viminibus contextum

Us integebatur. Lucan, iv. 131 135, primum cana salix madefacto vimine

im|

texitur in puppim, casoque inducta iuvenco\

vectoris patiens tumidum

itat amnem.\

sic Venetus stagnante Pado, fusoque Britannus\ navigat

Pliny, vii. 57, etiam nunc in Britannico oceano (naves} vitiles corio

cumsuta fiunt. Dion Cassius, xlviii. 18, depudnva TrXotct /card rous iv r<

v<$ TrX^oj/ras iKTroiijcrai ^Trexet'pTjo'ei', frdodev uv pd/35ots aura Koti(pais 8ia\au^d-

a>0ev 5 /Sods dtpua uubv Is dvirLdos /cu/cXorepoCs rpbtrov irepiretvuv. cf. 19,

irXotdpta fivpo-iva. Antiphilos, in the Anthology, ix. 306, v\or6uoi irafoacrQe ve&v

Xdptp. oiWri iretiKf) \Ktuaros, dXX'

-fjd-r] pivbs ^rirpoxdet. Strabo speaks of similar

vessels on the north coast of Spain, iii. 3. 7, dupdeplvois TrXofots, and also in the

Red Sea, xvi. 4. 19, depuarivois TrXofots. Herodotos describes the practice in

Assyria, i. 194, ^Tredv yap voutas Ire?)? raubuevoi, TronycrwpTat, Trepireivovffi roirrotcrt

dupdtpas <TTeya<rTpi8as Qwdev eSdfaos rpoVoi', o^re Trp6uvr)v dTTOKplvovres otfre Trpyprjv

avvdyovres, dXX' dffiridos rp6irov KVK\OTepta TrotTjcrai'Tes, /c.r.X. According to

Zosimos, iii. 13, five hundred vessels of this sort were built for Julian's campaign

;re in 363 A.D.85

Iliad, vii. 5, 6, eirty KeKauwffiv Iv^ffTTjs IXdrrfffiv \

irbvrov

iyssey, xii. 171, 172, ol 5' ^TT' tperua |

e6uevoi \ftiKat.vov #5o

icophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 1.6, tan 5e Kal iroXtXoirov ij IXdrij Kaddirep

TO Kp6uvov del yap %X i Tiva U7ro/cdrw roD <j)aivo/j.vov Kal K roiotiruv i] 0X77.

i 6 Kal rds /cwTras ^o^res d(paipeiv Treipuitrai Kad' 2va Kal 6ua\(2s' lav yap ourws

.tpa5(riv, i<rxvpbs o Kwire&v, lav 8 TrapaXXd^wo't /cat u^) Karaviruffiv

yap OUTOJS, e/ce^ws 5' d0atpeo"is. ^crrt 5^ Kal /j.aKp6raTov i]

SC 3 Kal rds /cepat'as Kal roi^s Jo-rous e/c Tafoys irotov<nv. Pliny,

a. 76, ha omnium arborum altissima ac rectissima, sc. larix et abies. navium

ilis antennisque propter levitatem prafertur abies. See also the passage quoted

>m Pliny in note 68 on p. 26. Odyssey, xv. 289, 290, lorbv 5' d\dnvov KoiXys

ro<rde ueo-bSuT)? \arr\ffa.v delpavres. Apuleius, metamorphoses, xi. 16, iam malus

urgit, pinus rotunda. Lucan, ii. 695, 696, dum iuga curvantur mali, dumquetua pinus \ erigitur. iii. 529 531, validaque triremes,

\ quasque quater surgens

tructi remigis ordo\commovet, et plures qua mergunt aquorepimis. According

Theophrastos, historia plantarum, iv. i. 2, 4, wood from chilly places was

:koned the best for yards and oars, but not for masts. See also Claudian, de

iptu Proserpinae, iii. 367 369, qua longaest, tumidis prabebit cornua veils:\ qua

'is, malopotior: qttce lenta, favebit \ remigio.

T. C

34 DRYING THE WOOD, CALKING THE SEAMS,

The timber for ships never was seasoned thoroughly, as

it then became too stiff to bend into me needful shapes : but,

as a rule, it was allowed some while for drying after it was

felled, and then for settling after it was built into a ship ;for

otherwise the seams were likely to expand considerably and

admit the water 86. The seams were calked by filling them with

tow and other packing87

,and fixing this with wax or tar : and

the whole of the outer planking was protected with a coat of tar

86Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 4, reKroviKrj ph ovv

i] TraXcuordrij

(tfX?;) Kparia-rrj, eav % affaires' etffleret yap ws eliretv ira<n xPV ff6a <" vavn-yyiKfi de

did T7]v Kan^LV evt,Kfj.orepa dvayKaiov' eVet Trpos ye TTJV K0\\7]<nv r/ ^tjpore'pa

(rvfj.^e'pei. t'0-rarat yap Kaivd rd vavTryyoti/jieva Kal orav ffv/jurayfi Kade\Kvadevra

avfj.fji.ijeL Kal areyei irXty edv yurj iravrdiraaiv e^LK^aad^' rbre de oft 6Yxercu K6\\7]<nv

% oi>x O/AO/WS. Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum, 9, yevopevriv 8e (vavi>) arrival Set

Kal Trayrjvai a^uf^fJierpov xpbvov, ^ws 01 re dea/Jioi /cdro^ot ytvuvrai Kal (rvvrjdeiav ot

y6/j.(poi \dj3(i)ffiv eav 5e vypols ZTI Kal TrepioXiadalvovo'i rots apfj.ois Karao'Trao'drj t

iravra xaXdaei faanva-xQevra Kal deerai TT\V QtiKarrav. Vegetius, iv. 36, illud

etiam cavendum ne continuo, ut deiectcefuerint, trades secentur vet statim, ut sectcz

ftierint, mittantur in navem ; siquidem et adhuc solids arbores et iam divisce pertabulas duplices ad maiorem siccitatem mereantur indutias. nam qua virides

compinguntur, cum nativum umorem exudaverint, contrahuntur et rimas faciuntlatiores. Thus, the notion was that the timber ought to be moderately dry,

, Zyporepa, ad maiorem siccitatem, but not completely dry, fj.7)

87Iliad, ii. 135, Kal 5?? dovpa ffe'<rr)Tre ve&v Kal airapra \e\vvrai. This line is

noticed by Pliny, xxiv. 40, nondum enim fuisse Africanum vel Hispanum spa^imin usu, certum est: et cum sutiles fierent naves, lino tamen non sparto unquamsutas. And also by Varro, apud Aulum Gellium, xvii. 3, in Grczcia sparti copia

modo ccepit esse ex Hispania: neque ea ipsa facilitate usi Liburni, set hi plerasquenaves loris suebant, Graci magis cannabo et stiippa ceterisque sativis rebus, a q^^^bus

fftrapTa appellabant. At Portus near the mouth of the Tiber there was a guild of

calkers entitled splendidissimum corpus stuppatorum'. see Corp. Inscr. Latin.

vol. xiv, no. 44. Herodotos, ii. 96, &rw0ej> 5e" rots apuovlas ev wv e-jraKTUirav ry

^i5j8\y, sc. ot MytiTTTLoi. Pliny, xvi. 64, ubi lignosiore callo (arundo) induruit,

sicut in Belgis, contusa et interiecta navium commissurisferruminat textus, glutino

tenacior, rimisque explendis fidelior pice. Strabo, iv. 4. i, 01) <rvvdyov<rt rots

apftovias T<2v <ravL8uv, dXX' dpat.wfji.ara /caraXe^rroucri ravra de fipvois diavdrTovvi.

This refers to the ships in the Bay of Biscay.88

Genesis, vi. 14, Kal dcr^aXrwcreis a^rr/i/ (rrfv Kifiurbv) taw6ev Kal e^wOev rrj

do-0dXry. Hipponax, Fr. 50, apud Harpocrationem, s. v. p.d\dtj : eVetra /j.d\0ri

rr,v rpbinv Trapaxptvas, cf. Virgil, ^Eneid, iv. 398, uncta carina. This /xdX^ was

asphalte: see Pliny, ii. 108, in Commagenes urbe Samosatis stagnum est, emittens

limum (maltham vacant)fiagrantem. Pliny, xvi. 21, pix liquida in Europa e tceda

coquitur navalibus muniendis, 23, non omittendum, apud eosdem zopissam vocari

derasam navibus maritimis picem cum cera. cf. Arrian, periplus, 5, Kal 6 K-rjpos

::

AND TARRING OR PAINTING THE SIDES. 35

r wax or both together88

. The wax had to be melted over

a fire until it was soft enough to be laid on with a brush;d usually some paint was melted with the wax, so that the

hip received a coat of colour in encaustic. Pliny states that

seven kinds of paint were used in this way, a purple, a violet,

a blue, two whites, a yellow and a green ;and UFalater date

there was a paint which matched the colour of the waves 89.

his was selected for vessels employed in reconnoitring or

i;v<rQr}. Valerius Flaccus, i. 478 480, sors tibi, ne qua \ parte trahat taciturn

puppis mare, fissaque fluctu \

vel pice vel molli conducere vulnera cera. Ovid,

tamorphoses, xi. 514, 515, spoliataque tegmine cerce\

rima patet, prabetqueletalibus undis. Lucian, dialogi mortuorum, 4, Kal Krjp6v, ws tirnr\d<rai TOV

a<pt5iov ra avLpyt)T(i. Plutarch, quaestiones convivales, v. 3. i, TTI'TTTJS re Kal

XoKprji', r)$ &vev rwv crvfj-Tray^ruv 6'0eXos otidev ev TT} 6a\aTT7]. Vegetius,

44, unctasque cera etpice et resina tabulas, sc. navium. Porphyrogenitos, de cseri-

niis, ii. 45, 56drj virep /caXa0aT77<rea>s ruv avrCjv ta Kapafiiwv'

\y, cf. Zonaras,i. 1 8, T&V yap r&s vrjas KaraTTiTTOijvTuv T\V avrf 6 Trarrip, sc. 6 KaXa0d,r?;s.89

Pliny, xxxv. 41, encausto pingendi duo fuisse antiquitus genera constat,

donee classes pingi ccepere : hoc tertium accessit, resolutis igni ceris penicillo utendi,

quce pictura in navibus nee sole nee sale ventisque corrumpitur. This must meanthat the new process was introduced when encaustic was first employed in painting

ships not when ships first were painted, for that was in the earliest times.

Pliny, xxxv. 31, cerce tinguntur iisdem his coloribus ad eas picturas quce inuruntur,

alieno parietibus genere sed classibus familiari, iam vero et onerariis navibus, these

colours being purpurissum, indicum, cceruleum, melinum, auripigmentum, appia-

num and cerussa. The purpurissum was a shade of purple, and the ccsruleum was

blue; while the indicum was some colour between blue and purple, xxxv. 27, in

diluendo mixturam purpurcz caruleique mirabilem reddit. The melimtm is de-

ibed as candidurn in xxxv. 19, and classed as album in xxxv. 32; so this was

ite. The auripigmentum was presumably a shade of orange. The appianuma shade of green, xxxv. 29, viride qtwd appianum vocatur. The ceriissa was

ite-lead, xxxv. 19, est et colos tertius e candidis, cerussa, cuius rationem in

mbi metallis diximus. fuit et terra per se in Theodoti fundo inventa Smyrna,

qua veteres ad navium picturas utebantiir. nunc omnis ex plumbo et aceto fit, nt

diximus. But Vitruvius, vii. 7. 4, says that this terra was creta viridis, and was

known as theodotium, while Pliny, xxxv. 29, says that creta viridis was used for

appianum. Vegetius, iv. 37, ne tamen exploratoria naves candore prodantur,

reveneto, qui marinis estfliictibus similis, vela tinguntur et funes ; cera etiam,

ungere solent naves, inficitur. cf. Philostratos, imagines, i. 18, y\avicois phaTrrat xpw/^acrt, sc. vavs X^a-rpt/c??. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. b,

114 118, UTraXo0^ & <f>idaKvly ^\CLLVO.' ertpa iv a^.<popei [j,t\aiva'

ertpa Xewrfy

<f>idaKvli{)' h afji(popevffi Svoiv \evK-/j. These paints were for the ships : see no.

col. e, 1. 156, col. f, 1. 4. Polysenos, v. 34, Nkow 2</uos Ku/Se/wTjrTjs,

Tjalov Tpi-fjpuv TroXe^ifwv 6pfJ.ovcrG}v, j8ouX6/*ei'OS TrapaTrXei^aas \adf1v, TTJV aKoupty r^s

avroO i/ews 6fj.oiav Karaxpivas TCUS 7roXe/ifats Tptrjpeffi, ^TrXei K.T.\.

C 2,

36 DECORATIVE PAINTING ON THE HULL.

piracy, to keep them out of sight. But the encaustic was

often put to a better use than merely giving the ship a coat

of colour; and elaborate designs were painted all along the

sides, with great groups olHigures at the ends, especially at

the stern90

. Such groups may be seen on the sterns of the

Greek ships of about 200 B.C. in fg. 24 and the Roman ship

of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29. The earliest Greek ships had

only patches of colour on the bows, blue or purple or ver-

90 Athenseos, v. 37, fwa ph yap efyev (77 vavs) OVK Adrrw 5c65e/ca Tr-rjx^v Kara

re Kal irpypav, Kal Tras rbiros atirijs Kypoypafila /caTeTreTroiKiXro, rb 5'

airav /u.^xpi TT)S Tp6?rews Kiffffivrjv (fiv\\dda Kal 6vp<rovs el%e 7r^/)<. 42, ^ 5e

vavs iracra oineiais ypa<pai$ eTreirbvfjTo, where olicelais denotes encaustic, the genus

dassibus familiare of Pliny, xxxv. 31 : see last note. Valerius Flaccus, i. 127 ff,

constitit ut longo moles non pervia ponto | puppis, et ut temtes subiere latentia

cer&| lumina, picturce varies superaddit honores.

| hie..., 140, parte alia ......,

describing in detail two large groups. On one side, Thetis is riding on a dolphin

towards the home of Peleus. Three of the Nereids are following her; and

Galatea, the last of these, is beckoned back to Sicily by Polyphemos. In front of

Thetis is the home of Peleus, where she is seen again at a banquet of the sea-gods.

The centaur Cheiron is playing to them on the lyre. On the other side, the

centaurs have broken loose at the marriage-feast of Hippodameia. Peleus and his

comrades keep them off with sword and spear. The monsters wield fire-brands

and use their hoofs ; but one is still in his cups and another is galloping away.

Horace, odes, i. 14. 14, 15, nil pictis timidus navitapuppibus \fidit. Ovid, fasti, iv.

275, 276, picta coloribus ustis\

ccelestum matrem concava puppis habet, heroides,

1 6. 112 114, accipit et pictos puppis adunca decs.\ qua tamen ipse vehor, comitata

Cupidine parvo \ sponsor coniugii stat dea picta sui, tristia, i. 4. 7, 8, monte nee

inferiorprorce puppique recurva\ insilit, et pictos verberat unda deos. Persius, vi.

30, ingentes de puppe dei. Propertius, iv. 6. 49, vehunt prorce Centauros saxa

minantes. Lucian, navigium, 5, rrjv eTrtbvvfAov r^s vews 6cbv ^oucra rty *\GLV

eKartpudev, sc. 17 Trpypa. These last passages, however, may perhaps refer to

carvings: see note 148 on p. 65. On the other hand, several of the passages quotedin that note probably refer to paintings. Aristophanes, ranse, 932, Aibwcros:

rbv %ovdbv iinrd\KTpv6va fyruv, rls ecrrtv opvis. 933> AiV%i;Xos: 0"r)[j,e'iov iv

rats vava-lv, upadtffTaT, tveytypairTo. The allusion is to the verses quotedfrom yEschylos by the scholiast, in pacem, 1177, airb 5' aure %ovdbs linraXeKTpvuv \

ffrdfct K-rjpbdev T&V <pap/^aKcov TTO\VS ir6vos. The reading is corrupt: but icrjpbdev

suggests a word akin to Kypbs, and the sense is obviously that the picture melted

off in drops while the vessel was burning. That seems to be the earliest record

of encaustic on a ship. Hipponax, Fr. 49, apud Tzetzen, in Lycophronem, 424,

oprixave, fjLrjK^Ti ypd\{/ys \ 6(j>iv rpnfipevs iv iroXv^jytf) rolxy \

air e/u.(36\ov

irpbs Kv^epvrjTrjv. The point of this appears to be that the painter meantto put a horizontal band of colour round the ship, but drew it so unsteadily that it

twisted about like a snake. According to Pliny, xxxv. 36, there was a tale that

Protogenes was once a painter of ships ; but the phrase naves pinxisse is ambiguous,

METAL SHEATHING ROUND THE HULL. 37

milion, the rest of the hull being black with tar; and possibly

the painting on the bows was not in wax 91. Occasionally,

the coats of wax or tar were replaced by a sheathing of leadrt,

outside the outer planking, some layers of tarred sail-cloth

jing interposed between the metal and the wood 92.

The timbers of a ship were held together by wooden pegs^Xid metal nails; and bronze was preferred to iron for the nails, i

j

it was better able to resist the action of the water 93. When V

id may refer to pictures on ships or pictures of ships. It was said that he

itroduced ships in the background in two of his masterpieces, ut appareret a

dbus iniiiis ad arcem ostentationis opera sua pervenissent: and this suggests that

had begun life as a painter of rough pictures of ships. Such pictures were

imably in great demand at a large sea-port like Rhodes, where Protogenes

sided, for it was then the custom to dedicate pictures as thank-offerings for escape

>m storm and shipwreck : see Cicero, de natura deorum, iii. 37.

91 Herodotos, iii. 58, TO de iraXaibv aTrcurcu al pe'es Zaav /uXrTjXi^e'es. The

)ithet /uXroTrdpTjos occurs once in the Iliad, ii. 637, that is to say, in the

Catalogue, and once in the Odyssey, ix. 125; and the epithet (poiviKOTrdprjos occurs

ace in the Odyssey, xi. 124, xxiii. 271: but utXaiva and Kvavdirpypos are the

)rmal epithets in both the poems, so that TO Tra\ai6v cannot include the earliest

ies. The colour must have been confined to patches on the bows, for in the

lyssey, xiv. 308, 311, a ship is first described as u\aiva and then as Kvav6-

rpypos, and the iraprna would not be far from the 6(pda\pol and ffluwua, as to

rtrich see note 147 on p. 65 and note 153 on p. 69.92

Athenseos, v. 40, r6 uv ovv ijfjuirv rou iravTos TT?S vcws ev uyo-lv 2 dpydaaTo,

rcus eK uo\lf3ov TroiTj^eicrais Kepautinv del /ca#' 6 vavirrjyijOel'r) /ue'pos TrepLeXau-

u/ero cos de Kal TO, \onrd utpr) TTJS vews ev AXXois l a-rjffl KaTecrKevd<rdr), Kal rots

^Aots Traaa irepieXytpdr], wv oi iro\\ol 8eKa.fj.vooi r)<rav, ol 5' dXXot TOIJTWV

uot'

did Tpvirdvuv d' rjcrav OVTOI'rjpfji.oa'fj.e'voi,

roi)s ffTauivas ffvv^x VT ^'

uo\vj3dl-

Jthough Athenseos asserts here that sheathing was used on a ship belonging to

[ieron, he may really be describing a practice of Caligula's time or afterwards:

pp. 27 2 g. L. B. Alberti, de re sedificatoria, v. 12, ex navi Traiani per has

r duni qua scripsimus commentarer ex lacu Nemorensi eruta (quo loci annos phis

demersa et destituta iacuerat] adverti pinum materiam et cupressum egi'egie

'.: in ea tabulis extrinsecus duplicem superextensam et pice atra perfiisam

lam ex lino adglutinarant supraque id chartam plumbeam daviculis eneis coadfir-

tt. This was written in 1485 A.D.

93Odyssey, v. 248, y6(jt.<poi.(ri.v 5' apa T-fjv ye Kal dpuovlr)<riv apaaaev. 361, o0p'

fj.ev Kev SovpaT' ev dpuovlyffiv dpj}py. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 369, 370, IV' eu

laTo yo/j.(pois \ dovpaTa. ii. 79 81, w$ 5' ore vrjia dovpa Qoois dvrL^oa y6fj.<f>ois \

^pes vXyovpyoi, ein^X^riv eXdovres,|

deLvwffi ff^prfffiv. Plutarch, de fortuna

lomanorum, 9, uWep yap 6X/cds rj rptTjp^s vavir-rjye'iTat. pev viro TrXrjydv Kal fita?

y, <r<pvpais Kal ^'Xois dpaffffo^evr] Kal you<t>d)/J.a(Ti Kal irpioffi

c.vop.evriv 8e (TTrjvai del Kal irayrjvai (fvp-^eTpov XPOVOV >

^ws ^' re

SHIPS IN SECTIONS FOR TRANSPORT.

necessary, these fastenings were arranged in such a way that

the ship could easily be divided into sections for transpoi

overland;and war-ships of three and four and five banks

were thus conveyed to distant waters, presumably in thirty 01

forty sections apiece, since those of thirty oars used to b(

divided into three94

.

ytvwvTa.1 /cat vvvrideiav ol ybn<poi \dfiu(nv. cf. ^Eschylos, supplices, 846, yo/m<j)o5t

66pei. Thus, while the Beffpol are coupled with the y6y.<pot by Plutarch, tl

ap/j.oi>lai are coupled with the yb^oi in the Odyssey, so the appovlai and tl

5e<r/j.ol may be the same things under different names : cf. Odyssey, v. 33,

Tro\v8t<rfJi.ov. And as the yb/j.<f)oi certainly were pegs, the decrfjt-ol or appoviai woul

naturally be the sockets for those pegs. Apparently 7<>/i0u>/ia<ri is equivalent tc

y6fji<pois in the passage just quoted from Plutarch, and d/oyaocr^drwv to apfj.oviuv ii

Euripides, Helena, 411, Tpbiris 5' e\el<p6r) iroud\uv dpfj-oafj-dTuv. In that pas

Plutarch mentions yXoi as well as y6fn<poi, and these were usually of metal :

Athenseos, v. 40, quoted in the last note, xa^K0^ *?Xoi. Caesar, de bello Gallic

iii. 13, transtra pedalibus in latitudinem trabibus confixa clavisferreis digiti polli*

crassitudine. Vegetius, iv. 34, ritilius (liburna) cereis clavis quam ferreis confin-

genda ; quamlibet enim gravior aliquanto videatur expensa ; tamen, quia amplii*

durat, lucrum probatur afferre : nam ferreos clavos tepore et umore celeritcr robig

consumit, <zrei autem etiam in fluctibus propriam substantiam servant. See al

Procopios, de bello Gothico, iv. 22, quoted in note 97 on p. 40, and Taciti

historise, iii. 47, quoted in the note on camara on p. 107.94

Arrian, anabasis, v. 8, raura ws gyvu 'A\^avdpos, Kotvov fj.v rbv IloXe/.

KpdTovs 7r{fj.\l/as 6irt<r<i) iiri TOV 'Ivdbv 7rora/x6i', rd TrXota 6Va 7rape<r/cei5a(rro avrf eirl

TOV irbpov TOV 'Ivdov %vvTe/j,6vTa KeXevei fapeiv ws e?rl Tbv 'IbdcTr^v iroTa^v. KI

Te rd 7rXo?a /cat eKO/micrd'r) avT<^, ova. /JLV j3paxvTepa 5t%^ 5ia.T[Jt,T)6frTa

' TP1XV eTfj.rjdya'av, /cat rd T/i^/iara eVl frevy&v bieKo/m.ia'Or] CTT tiri

''TSdffTTOv' /cd/cet ^vfj.irrjxdfi' TO VO.VTIKOV avdis dy 6fJ.ov wcfidij iv Tip'1

.

According to Arrian, anabasis, vii. 19, already quoted in note 13 on p. 6, shi]

of three and four and five banks were afterwards brought over from the Medi

terranean to the Euphrates for Alexander's fleet. See also Strabo, xvi. i. i r, ar

Quintus Curtius, x. i. 19, already quoted in that same note. The vessels on tl

Indus are mentioned by Curtius, viii. 10. 2, iussitque adJlumen Indum precede

et navigia facere, quis in ulteriora transportari posset exercitus. illi, quia plura

flumina superanda erant, sic iunxere naves ut sohita plaustris vehi possent rursusqt

coniungi. All these devices are attributed to Semiramis by Diodoros, ii. ii

/iereTr^/x^aro 5 /cat vavirrjyovs K re 3>oivlKTjs /cat* Zupas /cat Kvwpov /cat TT?S &\\r]s ri

Trapa.da\aTTiov %wpas, ols a<f>dovov v\rjv /j.eTayayov<Ta diKe\vffa,TO /tara

Trord^ta TrXota Statperd. 17, vavs 5e Trora/iias /care07cei;a<re Statperds 5t(rxtX/as, afj

irape<TKevdtTa,To Ka/j.r]\ov$ rds Treffi 7rapa/co/xtfoi5<ras rd ffKd^r). Diodoros is quotingfrom Ctesias, and Ctesias lived before the time of Alexander; so these devices

were customary in those regions. It is said that Nero tried to drown Agrippina by

putting her on board a vessel that was to come to pieces on the voyage : Suetonius,

Nero, 34, solutilem navem. But the project miscarried : Tacitus, annales, xiv. 5,

nee dissohitio navigii sequebatur.

THE KEEL AND RIBS, STEM-POST, ETC. 39

The outer framework of the hull consisted of a keel and /^-

/I/

ribs95

. There was not any stern-post ;nor was there a stem- \V

>st, unless the ship was built to carry a ram. And thus in^x*

far-ships and merchant-ships alike the after part of the keef

irved slowly upwards till it reached the level of the deck;/

in the merchant-ships the fore part made a similar curve

95Ovid, heroides, 16. 109, \\Q, fundatura citasflectuntur robora naves,

\

texitur

costis panda carina suis. Procopios, de bello Gothico, iv. 22, % re yap rpbiris

ou<ra K irpvuitTjs &Kpas &xpi ts rrjv wpfpav Sir/Kei, Kara fipaxb utv

ivuacrlus eirl rb KOL\OV U7roxw/>ou<rct, Kal av ird\i.v evdev8e Kara \6yov eu ud\a eirl rb

re Kal 8t.arerap.evoi> eTraviovcra. ra re Trax^a ^vuiravra %v\a es TTJV rpdiriv

oadevra airep ol uev iroi^ral Spuoxous Ka\ov<nf, erepoi. Se voueas e/c roixov

eKavrov darepov axpi- s rrjs veus 5i?J/cei rbv erepov TotxOJ/< This ship was

jrved at Rome as a relic of ^Eneas : see note 55 on p. 21. The term Spvoxoi

:urs in the Odyssey, xix. 574, where the axes are set up in a long row like the

ibs of a ship, 8pv6xovs ws. Also in Polybios, i. 38, avdis Zyvucav K rCov

<ocri Kal 8iaK6cria vavirriyelffdai ffKatpTj, in Plato, Timseos, p. 81 B, 0101* eve

id in similar passages ; the notion being that a ship was altogether new, if the

were new, as they formed the best part of the framework. The term voltes

is employed by Herodotos, ii. 96, irepl ybpspovs TTVKVOVS Kal //,a/c/>oi)s irepieLpovci ra

%v\a' eireav e rq> rpbTTip rovrtp vavirtjyrjcrwvrai., vya CTrtTroX^s reivovcri

vouevcrt Se offiev XP^TCU. This seems to mean that the ribs (routes) were

^placed by trenails (y6u<poi) in these trading-vessels on the Nile, i.e. the timbers

of the side were not nailed to vertical supports behind them, but were held together

by vertical supports which ran right through them. The term vo/zces is again

applied to the ribs in the passage quoted from Herodotos in note 84 on p. 33 ; and

in the passage quoted from Caesar in that note the ribs are termed statumina,

which answers to <rraulves in Greek. Odyssey, v. 252, 253, iKpia 8e <rr-r)<ras, apapuv

6aue<ri (rrauiveo-cri, |

Troiei' drap uaKpfja-iv tirr)yK*i>i8<r<Tt reXetfra. These ora/itVes

must be the ribs, which stand behind the timbers of the side, eTr-rjyKevLSes, and

ipport the upper decking, fopia. And in the passage quoted in note 92 on p. 37

thenaeos says incidentally that the skin and sheathing of the ship were nailed to

65. Athenaeos classes the <rraulves with eyKoi\ta and y6u<poi cf. v. 40,

ious re Kal eyKolXta Kal trrauivas and these y6u(poi may be the trenails which

[erodotos describes as substitutes for ribs. In translating from Theophrastos,listoria plantarum, iv. 2. 8, Pliny renders eyKoiXia by costa, xiii. 19. And the cosfcz

ire the ribs, this metaphor surviving from those times : but the tyKolXia were

letaphorically the guts frrepdveta, interamenta, see note 82 on p. 32. They are

mtioned again by Strabo, xv. i. 15, KareffKevavuevas 5e (vavs) duforepwdev

fKoiXtots u-rjrpuv xwpk- In the mediaeval galleys every pair of ribs was in three

actions, the matere in the middle and the stamenali at each end ; and these terms

lust be survivals of urjrpai and ffrauives. So, if a vessel had ffrauives or fyKoi\ia

/ithout uyrpai, each pair of ribs made an acute angle at the keel. Leo, tactica,

ix. 5, ex^TW Se Kal K irepiffffov v\a nva eyKol\ia Kal aavLSas Kal crrvinrla Kal irlffcrav

vypbTTiffffov. These things apparently were meant for stopping up holes in

ship's side, the eyKoiXia being a makeshift for ribs to put behind the planks.

40 STRUCTURE AND THICKNESS OF THE SIDES.

towards the bows 98. The skin of the ships was formed

planking laid upon the ribs, and fastened through them tc

the beams 97. This planking was seldom of any great thickness

sometimes three inches, sometimes only two and a quartei

and rarely more than five and a quarter98

. But outside th(

planking there usually were several waling-pieces, that is

say, long strips of timber running horizontally round the shi]

in the manner shewn in fgs. 20 to 23, 26 and 29, and knowi

accordingly as zosteres, or belts99

.

96 The contour of the earliest Greek ships is indicated by the epithets in tl

Iliad, xviii. 3, veuv dpdoKpaipduv, 338, vrjval Kopuvlffi, 573, fiouv 6p6oKpaipdui>,

Theocritos, xxv. 151, fowl Kopuviffi. And if the ships curved upwards at the enc

like a bull's horns, the <rret/>7; was simply the fore part of the keel, not a separat

stem-post. Iliad, i. 481, 482, a^i 5t Kvpa \ areipy iropcptpeov peydX' fo^e vt

iotiffys. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 525 527, IlTyXtas 'io-^v 'Apy6 tv ydp

dbpv deiov eX^Xaro, rb p dva fjAGtrqv \ aretpav 'AB^vaif) Awduvidos TJp/J.offe

Thus when Lucian says rj TTJS 'Apyovs rpbiris e\d\7)(rev, somnium, 2, and sj

of TT]V 'A/ryc6, TTJV \d\ov O.VTTJS rpbiriv, de saltatione, 52, he implies that the k

curved upwards till it ended in the figure-head. Lucian, navigium, 5, u>s

irpvp.va ptv tiravtaT-riKev yptpa /ca/ATrtfX?; x/oycrouv \t\vi<JK.QV eTrt/cet/x^?;,

d dvdXoyov i) wp^pa virepfitfiriKev e's rb irpbau a.irofi'rjKvvo^vr). That refers to

merchant-ship of about 150 A.D. : and the contour seems there to be the same

in the earliest Greek ships. Hence that curvature of the keels which is noted

Ovid and Procopios in the passages quoted at the beginning of the last note.

97Bianor, in the Anthology, xi. 248, r/S?; ydp iuv diraaav tiri fvya yopQuQeiaav \

77Xet0oi' Trefoils rrj \nrapy voriSi. It was clearly the skin that was bolted to the

beams, as it was the skin that received the coat of tar. Procopios, de bello Gothico,

iv. 22, <ravls re irpbs eirl TOTJTOLS e/cdtrr^ e* Trpvfj.vrjs &Kpas & r^s ^7765 ^t/c^etrat TT)V

er^pav dpxnv, wvoeidijs ovca /cat K^vrpa ffidTjpa TOTJTOV ^e/ca 7rpoa-Xa/3oO(ra (j,6vov,

6'?rws drj rats doKois tvappoffdelffa rbv ro^xov Trotet. These Soitoi are presumably the

beams, though possibly they are the irax^a tfXa which Procopios has just defined

see note 95 as dptioxoi, or ribs : cf. Athenseos, v. 44, TTWS 5e /caret 5pv6x&v eirdyr)

<ra/t's; Csesar, de bello Gallico, iii. 13, transtra pedalibus in latitudinem trabibus

confixa clavisferreis. These trabes appear to be the timbers of the side.

98Diogenes Laertios, i. 103, /ta0o;j> ('A^axa/acrts) rrra/>as 5a/cri5Xous etvoa TO

Traxos r^s veus, TOVOVTOV Z(pr) rod davdrov roi>s TrX^o^ras aTr^xef. cf. Juvenal, xii.

58, 59, digitis a morte remotus\ quattuor, aut septem, si sit latissima t&da. Dion

Chrysostom, oratio 64, p. 594, ouSe yap 7rrr?7 TT)V ty\)~)(T]vo^re (rxowtois eT

OVTC rptddKTV\OV O.VTOVS O-UJfei %ti\OV TTflJKiVOV.

99Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, i. i, 6X/cas dirb irpv^v^ffl^v u>/>/*ei, rdv

OVTWV x?7/)e^ ol;(ra

) <pt>prov 5t rr\ridov<ra' nal TOVTO ydp yv (ru/i/SaXetj/ icai rots

TToppudtv rb ydp axdos dxpi xal tirl rptrov i"w<rr^pos TTJS ve&s rb vd&p dvd\ifiev.

These fa><rr?7pes can only be the waling-pieces which figure so prominently on the

merchant-ships of that period in plate 6. There does not appear to be any earlier

instance of this use of the term. Later instances are plentiful. Manasses, 4876,

CABLES FOR STRENGTHENING THE SIDES.

On the war-ships the hull was strengthened externally by a

it of cables. These were known as hypozomata yor girdles,

ind used to be fastened round the ship horizontally ;the two

ids of each cable being joined together, so as to make it a

>mplete girdle extending from stem to stern along the

irboard side and back from stern to stem along the port

>ide 100. On the Egyptian ships of about 1250 B.C., as in

>. 4 and 5, similar cables were stretched from stem to stern

>ver posts amidship101

: but these clearly were intended to

177, eirl yap rplrov rfjs vrjbs T^S (popryyov faffrrjpa \ rrfv 6d\ao'(Tav aveO\ifie T&V

V jScipos, where Zonaras says, xv. 25, (poprls fidpet rdov dywyl^wv trecpopTKr-

7, teal roi/ry /x^xpts effxdrov faffrrjpos KaratefiairTur^vr). Theodores Prodromos,

lodanthe et Dosicles, v. 444, 445, K devrtpov faffrypos &xpi Ka <- rplrov \iri\oi.s

iTfffKira.ffro va<TTOit TTO-X^I-V. Unlike the others, these were war-ships, cf. 439,

)2 : and the padding was meant to turn off missiles. Anna Comnena, vi. 5,

rcu Se (al vijes) ry KOVcpbryTi ireTr6\aov olov rots voa<nv dve^/xepcu, ws ^176 &XP L

tvrepov ^waTTjpos roD vdaros <p6dvovros. The waling-pieces had perhaps been known

as oVX/iara in earlier times. Euripides, Cyclops, 503 506, TrX^ws y^v otvov,\

Se daiTos 7J/377, | 0-/CC100S, 6X/cds ws, ye/juaOels \

TTOTI <rA/ia yavrpos d/cpas.

100 Athenjsos, v. 37, rijv T<ro-apaKoi>Tr]pr) vavv KQ.TtGKeba.vev 6 ^iXoTrdrwp, rb

cos ^%ofO'a^ 8(.a.Koai(j3V dydorjKovra TTTJX&V, 6/crcb 5^ Kat rpiaKOvra diro Trap68ov eirl

5oi', Ci^os 5^ /c.r.X U7rou>yuara 5e eXd^/3a^e 5w5e/ca' e^aKoalwv 8' j\v eKacrTov

v. Each of these cables being 600 cubits in length, while the ship was 280 in

th and 38 in breadth, each one would just be long enough to pass once round

ship from stem to stern. These measurements may all be fictitious, for Athen-

is quoting from Callixenos : but Callixenos presumably took the trouble to see

it his measurements were consistent with each other, so the statement is admissible

i evidence that the girding-cables would have been of this length on a ship of these

lensions. Some similar cables on a battering-ram are mentioned by the other

ithenseos, mechanica, p. 6, viro^vvvrai. 5e 6'Xos 6 Kpibs oVXois 6/cra5a/cruXots rptcrt,

8ia\afji.(3dveTai Kara /j-etfov e/c rptwv StaXetyu/idrwj' dXtfawi TTTjxucUcus : and these

itements are repeated by Vitruvius, x. 15. 6, a capite autem ad imam calcem tigni

itentifueruntfun.es mi crassitudine digitorum viil, ita religati quemadmodumns a puppi ad proram continetur; eiusque pracinctura funes transversis erant

iti) habentes inter se palmipedalia spatia. This shews that the girding-cables

;nt from the stem of a ship to the stern. Plato, civitas, p. 616 C, olov TO. uTrofw-

ira TUV Tprfpwv, oijTd) TTaffav <rvvtxov T^lv Teprfopdv. This shews that these cables

right round a ship externally. Throughout the inventories of the Athenian

:kyards the uTro^uctTa are named among the ffKevrj Kpepaffrd, which are dis-

iguished from the ffnev-ri &\iva. see, for example, the passages cited in note

>3 and this excludes the notion that they were made of wood.101 The ends of these cables seem to be coiled round the stem and the stern :

it those coils may belong to smaller cables for strengthening these parts, as

lilar coils are represented at the stern of one of the Greek war-ships of about

B.C. in the so-called Telephos frieze from Pergamos.

42 CABLES FOR STRENGTHENING THE SIDES,

prevent the ship from hogging, and would have been super-

fluous on Greek or Roman war-ships, which had decking

enough to hold the stem and stern together. The girding-

cables proved of service to the war-ships in keeping the

timbers firm when the ship was labouring in a seaway, or

forcing them back into position afterwards if any of them

had been started 102: yet these cables must primarily have

been intended to prevent the ship from going to pieces under

the heavy shocks from ramming and the constant strain from

/the working of so many oars, for otherwise they would have

been employed on merchant-ships also. In the Athenian

navy a set of girding-cables was provided for every ship of

three or four banks, though possibly the set did not consist of

more than two 103;and occasionally this provision was in-

creased. Thus in 324 B.C., when a squadron was leaving for

the Adriatic, every ship of three or four banks was supplied

102Apollonios Rhodios, i. 367 370, vya, 5' eTrtK/mr^ws "Apyou

j-faffav irdfjiiTrpWTOV evvrpetyet ZvooQev oVXy | Tewdjj.ei'oi tKarepOev, 'lv eC apapolaro

y6/j.(f>oi$| dotpara, /cat poOloio fil-r\v %ot dvTi.bwaav. cf. Horace, odes, i. 14. 6 9, ac

sine funibus \

vix durare carincz\ possint imperiosius \ aquor. Appian, de bell is

civilibus, v. 91, 6 5e (IIoyUTr^tos) ou're irepl TTJS yijs evevo^tjev, o$re rots \ei\l/dvois TOV

vavaytov Trapovtnv TJ aTTtoOcri, Karaffravros TOV KKvdwvos, eVexetpTjo'ei'*

dXX' vTrepelSev

K T&V bwaTuv diafruvvv/Jitvovs TO. o~/cd0?;, /cat dvt/jLQ dia.Tr\ovTas es TO 'iTnrdoveiov.

The Sid in diafavvvi*tvovs is perhaps a corruption of virb resulting from a repetition

of the 5td in 5(.air\^ovras. Acts, xxvii. 17, flor/delctis exptDi'ro, virofavvvvres TO

irXolov. This obscure statement seems to mean that they used expedients which

answered the purpose of the fA3 ing-cables. They would not find any of these

cables on board, for they were^i a merchant-ship, and these were used for war-

ships : nor could they fix them on a ship during a storm at sea, for even in a

dockyard this was a long and troublesome process, cf. Polybios, xxvii. 3, /cat

OVTa vavs crvyW/SouXetfcras rots 'PoS/ots VTrofavvtieiv, iva, edit rts &c T&V /catpcDf

XPe'a > W TOTC Trapacr/ceyd^wj/rat irpbs TO 7rapa/caXotf/<tej'OJ', dXX' ero//>tws

Sta/cet/xej'ot irpaTTwai TO npidh e^avTrjs. The phrase fioydeiais exp&vTO viro^wvvvvTes

matches Appian's phrase e/c T&V dvvaT&v oia^uivvv^vovs : but Appian is speakingof war-ships already provided with vTro^uara. Apollonios indeed refers to

on the Argo, which was hardly a war-ship : yet he is justified in

treating her as such, since he takes her for a ship of fifty oars.

103Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, 11. 66102, no. 808, col. d,

11. 119151, no. 809, col. e, 11. 75 no, no. 811, col. c, 11. n 32. These are

the lists of the entire gear (eVreX?} ovceify) supplied to ships of three and four

banks in 330/329 B.C. and following years; and in every case they mention

uTro^w/xara in the plural, but without any further indication of the number allowed

for each ship. The opinion that there were more than three is founded on a

AND LEATHERS FOR CLOSING THE PORTS. 43

with two girding-cables in addition to the usual set;while

every cavalry-transport^was supplied with four, and every I .

ship of thirty7"oarswith two, borrowed from the stock of//

girding-cables intended for the three-banked ships104

. Such

cables would fit the cavalry-transports, as these were old

three-banked ships ;but would be far too long for the thirty-

iared ships, unless each cable made two girdles: in which

a ship of three banks must have been fully twice as longa ship of thirty oars 105

.

sides of a wardship had to be pierced with a row of f/t

for each bank of oars below the first;

so that

several banks was almost honey-combed. On the

.thenian ships these openings were closed against the water

leathern bags termed askomata, which could cling round

:he oars without much hindrance to their motion 106

;and some

protection here was indispensable, as the gap generally was

restoration of no. 809, col. b, 1. 131. The words U7rofu>/iara eirl vavs HHAAAIare followed by Kal rbv 1 1 1 on the margin of the stone, and this has been restored

as Kal (vTro)[^fji](aTa) III, the TON being changed to IAM : but such a

restoration seems unwarrantable.104

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 809, col. a, 11. 163, ships of three banks:

in each case ffKeti-rj ^xovffiv j-6\iva evreXij, KpefMacrra frreXr), /cat Zrepa UTrofii/mra

Aa/3oj> T&V ey\v6vT<*)v dtio /card i^?70tay<6a 8^/nov, 5 elirev'

Ayv&vld-rjs Hepyaafjdev,

11. 64 90, cavalry-transports: in each case <TKVIJ ^x Vfflv tfXwa evTe\7J, Kpe/j-aara

evT\ij, uTrofw/xara 5e INI TpnjpiTiKuv, or T&V ty\u(dtvT&v} TpiTjp(iTi.K&i>), 11. 91

164, ships of thirty oars: in each case disregwling minor differences ffKeti-ri

%et %v\wa evT\Tj, /c/>e/ia0Ta, uTro^w/iara Tpir)pi.TCKa T&V ey\vd^vTO}v duo ZXafiev Kara

^7i<picrtJ.a 5?7/xou, 6 flirev'

Ayvuvldr]? HepyacrijQev, col. b, 11. 40 45, a ship of four

banks : (TKfvr] &X i Kpe/jLaffra evre\TJ Kal UTro^iw/xara 1 1 rCov eyXvdtvTdov Kara ^^(pKr/j-a

j, 5 elirev 'Ayv<avl9ip Hepy(aa'TJdi>).105 See pp. 21, 22, as to the grounds for thinking that the lengths were 70 ft.

150 ft. respectively.106

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 791 : some of the ships are marked -fjo-Kwrai,

jrs are marked do-/cwyudrwv y apxy ?xet AAAAhhHI usually abbreviated

i] dpxrj %X l AAAAhhhll, while others are marked d<r/cw/4ara

always abbreviated into dcr/cw. rpiripapxos or dovcci. rprf. The term

must denote a leathern bag of some sort : the cost of a set, 43 drachms

obols, shews that each ship had a great many: the expression ijffKurai shews

they were fixtures : and a joke by Aristophanes indicates that they were fixed

on the ports, Acharnenses, 97, dcr/cw/i' xets 7rou veP^ T^v o<t>da\/j.&v /cdrw.

44 THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE PORTS AND OARS,

large enough for a man to put his head through107

. In the

Roman ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25 similar bags may be

observed around the oars just outside the ports. Curiously,

///the edges of the ports were not utilized as rowlocks; and

the oars of all the lower banks were worked against tholes to

which they were fastened by leathern loops, just like the

oars above the gunwale108

.

In the Phoenician two-banked ships of about 700 B.C. in

fgs. 10 and n, and also in the Athenian two-banked ship of

about 500 B.C. in fg. 17, the oars of the first bank pass over

the gunwale, and the ports of the second bank lie midwaybetween the tholes of the first and somewhat lower down.

The ports of the third bank in a three-banked ship would

then be placed midway between the ports of the second and

somewhat lower down;so that these ports of the third bank

would lie vertically below the tholes of the first, while the

ports of the second would lie diagonally between : and in the

Athenian three-banked ship of about 400 B.C. in fg. 21 the

ports of the third bank are approximately in this position109

.

The ports of the fourth bank would then be placed vertically

below the ports of the second, the ports of the fifth bank

vertically below the ports of the third, and so on, the ports

107 Herodotos, v. 33, 6 5 8eiv6v n 7rcu??a'djwei'os e'/cA.eua'e rods dopv(f)6povs

tevpt>VTas rbv apxovra ra^rrjs TTJS ve6s, rig ofrVo/ia -r\v S/ct;Xa, TOVTOV dijcrcu SICL

daXafJ-L'rjs die\6vras rijs vebs Kara TOVTO, a> ptv /ce0aXV Troievvras, &rw 5 rb

<ra>//a. With ports of this size there necessarily was some leakage in rough

weather in spite of the cur/cw/uara. Arrian, periplus ponti Euxini, 3, Koi\t]v ptv

yap di' 6\iyov rr\v 6d\aTTav (rb irvev^a) tirol'qa'ev, ws /ur? Kara ras KUJTTCIS fj,6i>ov, dXXcb

/cat vtrkp ras irape!;eipe<rias eireurpeiv rjfuv eKartpwdev atyddvws rov #5aros. Lucilius,

in the Anthology, xi. 245, oi TOIXOI, Ai60<WTe, ra KV/JLara iravTa dtxovTat, \

KCU 5td

TUV dvplduv '&Keav6s ^perai.108

Odyssey, viii. 53, ypTtivavTO 5' eper/xa rpowo'is Iv depfMartvoiffL.

Persse, 375, 376, vavfidTys r avyp \ rpoTrovro K^TTTJV <ri<a\fj.bv afjuf)

Aristophanes, Acharnenses, 553, daKa^iQiv rpoirovfjAv^v. Vitruvius, x. 3. 6, etiam

remi circa scalmos struppis religati cum manibus impelluntur et reducuntur.

^schylos and Vitruvius are both speaking of oars generally, not merely of oars

above the gunwale, and Aristophanes refers explicitly to a lower bank; so that

all the oars must have had these tholes and loops. The loops were known as

KWTTTjTTypes or rpoTrwr^pes as well as rpotroL : see note 114 on p. 47. It is clear that

the oars were worked against the tholes, and not against the loops : see Aristotle,

mechanica, 5, quoted in note 115 on p, 48.

AND PROBABLE ARRANGEMENT OF THE ROWERS. 45

being thus kept clear of the ship's ribs : but there is no direct

evidence that this system was pursued. If the rowers in

fg. 21 are men of ordinary stature, the gunwale of this three-

banked ship must be rather more than three feet above the

water-line, and the tholes of the first bank rather more than i

two feet above the ports of the third : yet clearly there

cannot be space enough for the rowers of the first bank to

sit vertically above the rowers of the third, or for the rowers

the second bank to sit diagonally between. The three

es of rowers on either side of a three-banked ship would

;urally be ranged along three tiers of seats ascending

m the centre of the ship like steps, so that each rower

the lower banks could get free play for his oar beneath

the legs of a rower in the next bank above. But there are

no materials for rigidly determining the relative positions of

the lines of rowers in these three-banked ships, or in the

larger war-ships.

In the earliest Greek ships the beams formed the upper

limit of the hold, and above them were the thwarts for the

rowers of the single bank;

these thwarts doubtless being

placed in the intervals between the beams, so that the rowers

ight plant their feet against the beams, and make them

109 The first two horizontal bands above the water-line seem to be waling-

jces, and the next is unquestionably the gunwale with tholes above for the

first bank of oars. The ports of the third bank are just above the lower

waling-piece, and almost vertically below the tholes of the first bank. But

the ports of the second bank are hard to find. Three sets of bands run

downwards from the gunwale, the first to the upper waling-piece, the second

to the lower waling-piece, and the third to the water-line; and these all look

like portions of the hull. But apparently the bands that reach the water-line

were intended for the oars of the second bank, and should have ended in

ports just above the upper waling-piece, though the sculptor has carelessly

prolonged them to the gunwale like their neighbours. These waling-pieces appear

again upon the three-banked ship represented in relief on Trajan's Column; and

here the ports of the third bank are between the waling-pieces, and the ports of

the second bank unmistakably between the upper waling-piece and the gunwale.

The ports of the second bank are probably meant to lie diagonally between the

tholes of the first and the ports of the third ; though in that case an oar has been

omitted in the third bank, either to avoid confusion, or from mere carelessness.

In the first bank the oars are hopelessly entangled in a railing above the gunwale :

and altogether the design makes little pretension to accuracy of detail.

46 THE BEAMS, THWARTS OR SEATS,

serve as stretchers110

. A second bank of oars could thus be

added to a ship without any alteration in her build, simply

by seating rowers on the beams and piercing port-holes for

their oars 111

;and with a slight increase in her freeboard, a

third bank could be added by putting rowers in the hold just

underneath the rowers of the first bank. But if the rowers

of the first bank sat on thwarts, the rowers of the third bank

must have been seated so much lower down that these thwarts

were clear of their heads : and the thwarts may have therefore

been replaced by planks that did not reach across the ship,

so that the rowers of the third bank might be nearly on a

level with the rowers of the first, if only they were seated a

little further inboard 112. The beams must then have been

110Odyssey, ix. 98, 99, roi>s ptv tyuv wi v^as ayov K\alovTas dvdyicri, | vrjval

8' frl yXcKpvprjffiv UTTO vyd dTJ<ra. e/wcrtras. xiii. 20 22, Ka.1 ret (j.kv

lepbv /i&'os 'A\Kii>6oio, |

avrbs Iwv diet, vrjbs virb fyyd, /J.'TITIV' eralpwv |

i\avv6vT(av, 6ir6re (nrepxolaT' eper/AOis. cf. Theognis, 513, 514, ^776$ TOL

UTTO vya Q^aoy-tv ij/Ji.e'is,| KXedpurfl', of ^x%te>' X^a 5i5ou<rt 6eol. The vyd are

not mentioned in the Iliad;but the compounds TroXtffiryos and e/car6firyos occur

there, ii. 293, xx. 247. These beams are not to be confounded with the seats.

Iliad, xv. 728, 729, dXX' dvexdfcro rvrOdv, 616/j.evos davteadcu,| dpTJvvv e0' 6TrTa.7r65'r}i>,

\ITT 5' f/cpia vybs ftcnj5. This name dpyvvs is preserved in 6pai>tTys, which denoted

a rower of the first bank in ships with more than one bank, while frying* denoted

a rower of the second bank. But the name is changed to K\r)is in the Odyssey,

ii. 419, &v 5t KO.I avrol /Jdj/res tiri /cX^Icri Kadifov, viii. 37, 38, dyvd/jievoi 5' e5 irdvres

CTTI K\rfic(.v eperfjid | ^K^t]T\ xii. 214, 215, u/xets ^kv K&irriffiv dXos priyfuva, fiadeiav |

T^>TTTT K\7]idea<Tlt> (p^fJ.VOl, Xiii. 76, 77, TOl d KO.dioV Tfl KkrflfflV ZKCHTTOl| K6<r/M{),

cf. iv. 579, ix. 103, 179, 471, 563, xi. 638, xii. 146, xv. 221, 549. The icXy'ides are

mentioned only once in the Iliad, and then in a questionable line, xvi. 170 see

note i on p. 2 but the compound TroXv/cX^ts occurs several times in the Iliad as

well as the Odyssey. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 395, 396, ^X?/?5as p.tv irpiora TrdXy

8te(j.oipr]<ravTO, | avSp' evrwa^vu 5ota> /j-lav. Apollonios therefore supposed that

the xX^iSes reached right across the ship and seated two rowers apiece : but the

expression in the Odyssey, xiii. 76, eirl K^lcriv &CCKTTOI, suggests that each rower

was on a separate seat. The expression in the Iliad, xv. 729, dprfvvv <}> eTTTair6dr}v,

makes it clear that the 6p-f)vves reached right across the ship. This dprjvvs was

apparently the nearest to the stern, so the width thereabouts would thus be seven

feet internally : and that is likely enough, as three-banked ships were nowhere

more than twenty feet in width : see note 57 on p. 22.

111Arrian, anabasis, vi. 5, 6Vcu re diKporoi atiTtov rets *drw K&TTO.S oik M iro\t>

w 2xov(rai T v tf^aros. Arrian is contrasting the war-ships of two banks with

those of a single bank, for there were not any ships of more than two banks in the

fleet : so the ships of two banks must have carried oars at a lower level than the

ships of one bank.

AND STRETCHERS FOR THE ROWERS. 47

an

displaced, if a fourth bank was to be appended to the second

as the third was to the first : but there is nothing to shewwhereabouts the beams were placed in any of the larger

war-ships, or where space was found in three-banked shipsfor the additional beams that sometimes were inserted to

make them seaworthy113

. To mitigate the roughness of the IA

beams or other seats, every rower was provided with a cushion/7

which he carried about with him from ship to ship114

.

Ships normally attain their greatest width in the middle

d theirgreatest^height at the ends, curving outward"and

downward fronvtlie ends towards the middle. And, according

Aristotle, the nearer amidship a rower sat, the greater was

leverage on his oar, as he had a greater length of oar

112Euripides, Helena, 1531 1533, 2idwviav vavv irpuT6ir\ovv Ka0fi\Ko/j.fv, \

v re TrevTrjKovra KapeTfjLuv /j,^Tpa \ ^xovffav ' There are here as many fvyd as

oars : and when Theocritos says TpiaKovTafyyov 'Apytb, xiii. 74, he seems to be

giving the legendary ship thirty oars instead of fifty, for ships of sixty oars do not

appear in legend. This indicates that the rowers now had separate seats, the

term vyd being applied to seats in any of the banks. Sophocles, Ajax, 249, 250,

rj dobv eipealas fvybv e6fj.tvov\ irovTOTrdpy vail peOeivau. Latin authors use transtra

in this sense. Virgil, ^Eneid, iv. 573, considete transtris, v. 136, considunt

transtris, intentaque brachia remis, etc. cf. Cicero, in Verrem, ii. v. 51, quoted in

note 129 on p. 56. Virgil and Cicero include ships of three and four banks in

these allusions ; and such ships could hardly have a tier of beams for every bank

of oars. The two-banked ships of the Byzantines certainly had two tiers of beams,

fvyoi, with two rowers on each beam see note 46 on p. 18 but these were ships

quite another type.[3

Thucydides, i. 29, Kal rds vavs a/ma tir^povv, teti^avT^s re ras TraXcuds wore

:/xous flvai Kal rets aXXas ^Trtovcevdcraj'Tes. Ships in this condition are marked

in the inventories of the Athenian dockyards : see Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol.

ii, no. 809, col. b, 1. 45, no. 811, col. b, 1. 144, no. 812, col. a, 1. 144, and also no.

808, col. a, 1. 20, with the fragment in the appendix at p. 515.114

Thucydides, ii. 93, ^56/cei 5 \a(36vTa T&V vavT&v %Ka<TTov rty Kuinjv Kal TO

inrrjpto'iov Kal rbv Tpoirwrrtpa. ire^-g lt>ai K.T.X. Plutarch, Themistocles, 4, r6 S6pv

Kal TT)V aa-rrida T&V TTO\I.TU>V 7rapeX6/A'os, et's virrjptffiov Kal Kuiryv o-w&rmXe rbv T&V

'Mrjvaluv 8ijfj.ov. The term vTr-rjptcriov was applied to saddles for horses, cf.

Diodoros, xx. 4. i ; so it must here denote some similar covering for the thwarts.

Pollux, x. 40, TO vavriKois virirjp^ffiov idiws iv rats "12/>cus KpartVos Trpo<TKe<pd\aiov, cf.

esychios, s.v. iraviKTbv: -'Epfj.nriros tv SrpaTitiTats, A. wpa ToLvvv fjt.fr tp.ov

twl KUTrijTrjpa, XajSovra |

Kal irpo(rK<f>a\aioi>, 'iv' s T^V vavv /j.iri)8ria'as

.|

B. dXX' ov 5to/j.ai, iraviKTOv ^xwv rov irpwKTov. Cratinos and Hermipposboth contemporary with Thucydides. The TpoiroL mentioned in the Odyssey,

* 53-^see note 108 on p. 44 are here styled T/>o7rwr%>es by Thucydides and

by Hermippos.

48 STRUCTURE FOR SEATING THE ROWERS,

inboard by reason of the greater width of the ship115

. So the

lines of rowers did not follow the ship's curve outward. The

oars may have increased in length towards the middle of

each bank 116: yet the increase inboard must have been rela-

tively greater than the increase outboard, for otherwise the

leverage would have remained the same. So the lines of

rowers could not have followed the ship's curve downward,as the oars amidship would then have lost their hold uponthe water. And if the lines of rowers did not follow the

ship's curve outward or downward, they presumably were

straight. The rowers would consequently be seated in a

rectangular structure within the ship ;and as every rower

^must have been seated some way inboard to give him the

necessary leverage on his oar, this structure would nowhere

occupy the whole width of the ship.

115Aristotle, mechanica, 5, did rl ol ^evbveoi judXi<rra rty vavv KIVOVVLV ; $

}] KUTTVI yuo%X6s eaT(.v ; virofj.b'xXiov fj.ev yap 6 ffxaX/Abs ytverai [level yap d?) TOVTO'

rb d /Jdpos 77 BaXarra, yv dirudel r) /CWTTT;'

6 8e KIV&V rbv jJ.o-)(\bv 6 va^rrjs early.

del de Tr\eoi> /Sdpos Kivei, 6Vy av ir\ot> d^eoTr/KT/ rov uTro/ioxXtou 6 KIV&V rb /3dpos. ev

^effrf de rrj vtjl ir\e1(TTOV TTJS K&TTTJS ivrb'i e'crnv Kal yap 77 vaus Tatirr) eiypurdri; fffrlv,

ciVre irKetov e?r' d/A06repa e^S^xecr^at /u-tpos rr}s Kuir-rjs e/car^pou roLxov evrds eTvat

rr)s vecis.

116Aristotle, de partibus animalium, iv. 10, Kal 6 &TXO,TOS 8t (rCov daxrfawv) ^it/cpds

6p9u>s, Kal 6 fj.tcro5 fj.aKp6s, u<rirep /cc6?rr/ fjAffov veus' ^dXf<rra yap rb \a^av6fMevov

avayKT] TrepiXa/i/Sdveo-^at Ki^/cXy Kara rb fj,t<rov irpbs ras epyaalas. Galen, de usu

partium, i. 24, 5ta ri de &VIGOL irdvres eyevovro (ol 5d/cruXot) Kal /JiaKphraTOs b fjLe"(ros;

T) on rds /copulas avr&v eirl taov e^tKveiffdai j3\Tiov TJV ev ry Trepi\a/j,j3dvei.v oyKovs

Twas /ueydXovs iv /cikXy; ......Kaddwep, ol/iat, K<J.V rats rpi-fipeat ra irepara r&v KWTTUV

els laov eZiKvelrai, Kalroi. y OVK fouv aTracr&i> ov<rv Kal yap ovv K<j.Ket ras fj.e<ras

[ji,eyl<TTas direpyd^ovrai dia TT]V avrrjv alrlav. Aristotle and Galen are apparently

asserting here that the oars amidship were longer than the rest. But in the

inventories of the Athenian dockyards the oars of a bank are always classed

together as though they were all exactly alike. So these assertions may only

apply to the aspect of the oars inside the ship. When Galen adds that the

ends of the oars all reached equally far, he probably means that the inner

ends reached a line parallel to the ship's keel, the oars being of unequal

length inboard he could hardly mean that they reached a curve parallel to

the ship's side, the oars being of equal length inboard, for then he would be

contradicting Aristotle, mechanica, 5 : but possibly he means that the outer

ends reached a line parallel to the ship's keel, the oars being of equal length

altogether but unequal outboard and unequal inboard also, or that they reached

a curve parallel to the ship's side, the oars being of unequal length altogether but

equal outboard and unequal inboard only.

AND SUPERSTRUCTURE TO COVER THIS. 49

A heavy superstructure is represented on the Phoenician

lips of about 700 B.C. in fgs. 10 and 11 and on the Greek

lips of about 550 B.C. in fgs. 15 and 16 and also on the

.thenian ship of about 400 B.C. in fg. 21. At the top there

a decknlike the hurricane-deck on modern ships. That

leek must be the katastroma : for these representations tally

rith the statements of ancient authors that this was the postthe combatants on board Greek ships when in action, while

Phoenician ships it was of larger build, and was occupied

dignitaries during voyages, the space below being fully

:cupied by rowers 117. If the rowers in fg. 21 are men of

mary stature, that hurricane-deck stands 'about four feet

>ve the gunwale ;and about a foot above the gunwale

icre is another piece of planking. This must be the star-

ird gangway: for there was a parodos, or gangway, on

117Thucydides, i. 49, o-vfj./j.tavTes 5e frav/j.dxovv, TroXXous fj,ev oTrX/ras exovres

!>6repot ^?rJ T&V KaTaaTpu/uLdTuv, iro\\ovs de To6ras re Kal dKOPTtords, T$ TraXaty

aTreiporepov &TI jrapeo'Kevao'fji.froi. Plutarch, Themistocles, 14, rds yueV

OVK /3Xa7rre vaCs (r6 Kv/jia) dXireveis o&ras Kal Taireivortpas, rds 5f

/3ap/3api/rds TCWS re Trpv/mvais di>e<rT(Jb<ras Kal rots KaTa<TTpu/ji.a<ni> vi//op6(povs Kal

/Sapetas e-m^epo^va^ ^<r0aXXe TrpoffirlirTov Kal irapedldov irXayias rots "E\\r}ffiv.

lotos, viii. 1 1 8, atfrds 5^ (Etpi-ijs) tirl vebs $oivi<r<rr}s eTrijSds iKo^ero es

TrX&ovra 5 fjuv ave^ov 'SiTpv^.ovLtjv viro\a/3iv ijAyav Kal

/j,a\\ov ydp rt x i/ul'a^V0'^ai ye/u-oiKrrjs TTJS ve6s aJore tirl roD

avxy&v Uepcrtuv T&V vbv EtpZrj KOIJLL^O^VWV, evdavra ts deifjia

etpeadai jSuxrapra rbv KV^epvfjrea et ris &TTI cr0t <rwT-r)pttj, Kal rbv

i dtairoTa, OVK fan ov5e/mLa. el fj.7] rotirwv aira\\a.yf) rts ytvrjTat T&V iro\\C}v

larewv. 119, el yap di] ravra o&rb) elptdT) CK TOV Kvfiepvfirew Trpbs S^p^ea,

yvJ}/mr](ri plav oik xw o.vrL^oov /xr/ OUK av iroiijo-ai fiaaiKea roidvde,

;s fJLev K TOV /carao-rpwaaros /cara/SijSda-at & Koi\-rjf vta f6vras Htpffas Kal

TfbJV T0l)s TTpWTOl'S, T<Sf 5' pTWV ebvTWV ^OIVIKUV 0/CWS OVK O.V tffOV 1T\i)6oS

t'f^jSaXe es TTJV 6d\a<r(rav. The term /cardarpw/ta was habitually

)Hed to the deck for combatants on war-ships : but it also was applied to the

jr deck on merchant-ships. Thus the depth of a merchant-ship is reckoned

Lucian, navigium, 5, airo TOV KaTa(TTp&/j.aTos es TOV irvd^va, rj fiadvTaTov /card

avT\ov. cf. Demosthenes, in Phormionem, 10, yeye/juff/ji.^* ydp -fjdTj TTJS

CLKovofJifv, fid\\ov TOV dtovTos, TrpoaavtXafiev ^?rt TO KaTdffTpu/j-a x i^^a$

fyxras, odev Kal i] dia<f>6opd Trj vyi <rvv^r], Synesios, epistoloe, p. 178, TrXefrw de

f/j.evos eTrl TOV Karatrrpci/iaros'

fj.i] ydp ets KoiXyv vavv KaTafiairj, tirelfj.i] davfj.da"rjs

T&V Kepa/j.twv i)/j.Lderj crot TrotTjaet. Indeed, the term was not reserved

:lusively for the decks of ships. Athenseos applies it to the flooring or roofinga battery erected on an armed merchant-ship, v. 43, re?xos 5^, eTrdXfets ?xov *<"

rrpciyuara, did yews eirl -iXXt/3d^rwz/ KaTCffKevao-TO' i$> ov \idofi6\os e0etcrr?7/cei.

T. d

.

50 THE SUPERSTRUCTURE, ETC.

either side of a Greek war-ship ;and as combatants were

posted on the gangways as well as on the hurricane-deck,

these gangways formed part of the upper decking118

. Thus

the upper decking of a Greek war-ship must have consisted

of a hurricane-deck, which did not extend from side to side,

and two gangways, which were placed a few feet lower down

and occupied the remaining width. And the superstructure

between the gangways, comprising the hurricane-deck and

its vertical supports on either side, would naturally correspond

to the rectangular structure below for the rowers, and hence

would form the top of that structure.

This hurricane-deck was apparently the only place avail-

able for working the supplementary oars known as perineoi.

The length of these oars on the Athenian three-banked ships

was nine cubits or nine and a half, that is to say, thirteen

feet and a half or fourteen and a quarter119

;some change

occurring soon after 400 B.C. In the Athenian three-banked

ship of this date in fg. 21 the hurricane-deck must be about

five cubits above the water-line, and the gangway about

two cubits below the hurricane-deck, if those rowers of the

118 Athenseos, v. 37, r6 /u^/coy txovffav (TV vavv) diaKoaiuv dySoriKovra wyxuv,

6KT& dt Kal rpidKovra dirb TrapoSov eVt Trdpodov, tfi/'o?5 K.T.\. The measurement

from irdpodos to wdpodos is clearly intended for the breadth, so the Trdpodoi were at

the sides; and their name implies that they were gangways. Athenseos is indeed

quoting from Callixenos, so the measurement may be false, or the ship imaginary:

yet the statement proves that measurement from Trdpodos to -rrdpodos was a recog-

nized mode of reckoning the breadth of a war-ship. Plutarch, Demetrius, 43,

OTrXt'ras Sexo/i^T/p (TT]V vavv) eirl re T&V irap6db)v Kal TOV KaraaTpibfjiaTos 6\iy(f)

T/ncrxiXtai' atroMovTas. Plutarch is likewise quoting from Callixenos : but the

statement proves that combatants were normally posted on the Trdpodoi of a war-

ship. In the passage already quoted in note 35 on p. 14 Memnon speaks of the

combatants as o! &TTO T&V Karaffrpw^druv fj.axTja6fji.evoi, and the Trdpodoi and

Ka.Td<TTpwfj.a may here be classed together as /carao-rpti/iara : but apparently the

plural was treated as equivalent to the singular, cf. Pausanias, i. 29, TrXotoi'

KadrfKov ts tvvea. ^ras &irb T&V KaT(t(rTpu[ji,dTut>. According to the present

reading, Thucydides says Kal ctfrrcu otiirw el^ov Sia Trda-ris KaTcurrpw/iara, i. 14, in

speaking of the ships built by the Athenians under Themistocles, as though their

ships afterwards had Karao-Tp^fj-aTa did Trdo-r)? vet6s, which might mean that these

hurricane-decks reached right across the ship and left no space for gangways. But

the words 5id TrdcrTjs must be a corruption of some word connected with 5id[3a<ns.

cf. Plutarch, Cimon, 12, wp/j.r](rev (Kifjwv) apas airb KvlSov Kal Tpioirtov diaKoaiais

i. TTOOJ u.v rd^os O.TT dpxys Kal Trepiaywyrjv bird 0e/xt0TO/cX^ot/s dpurra

THE SUPPLEMENTARY OARS. 51

upper bank are men of ordinary stature : and as the gangwaywould hardly be more than a cubit in width, an oar of nine

cubits and a half might dip quite a cubit and a half in the

water, if worked from the hurricane-deck with seven cubits

and a half outboard and two cubits inboard. Some oars

are certainly being worked from the hurricane-deck in the

Athenian ship of about 600 B.C. in fg. 14: and these pre-

sumably are perineoi^ since they are not in the banks. And

thalfa bank was allotted to these supplementary oars in the

ips termed triemioliai, this may have been because there

(s

not any hurricane-deck 120.

War-ships generally were classed by the Greeks as kata-

*aktoi or aphraktoi, that is to say, completely fenced or

unfenced : and these terms would well denote the presenceor absence of a line of screens on either side to close the open

space between the hurricane-deck and the gangway, and thus

protect the rowers of the upper bank from missiles121

. In

the Egyptian ships of about 1000 B.C., as in fg. 6, the rowers

on either side were protected by a long screen above the

gunwale ;and similar screens are mentioned in the Odyssey,

KO.L O

hurri

T

/careerKevafffttvaLS, e/cetVos 5 r6re /cat TrXarvT^pa? eVo^o'ei' auras Kal 5id/3acr' ro?s

Karaarpwfiaff'Lv l-d&Kev. In this context 5td/3acris would mean breadth, as in Hippo-crates, epistolse, 14, oI5a ?rapa trol yev6/j.evos iv 'P65y, Aa/tid-y^re, rr)v vavv

'AXas TTiypa(f>T) rfv avrrj irdyKa\6v riva Kal ttfTrpvfAvov, kavws re

Kal 8idpa<Tit> e?%e TroXX^f. Thus, as the ships were themselves made broader, the

icane-decks could also be made broader without encroaching on the spaceuired for the gangways.119

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 789, col. a, 1. 14, ireplveus (fat) AAPIIII,

dS^Kifwv I, ewea-ir-fix*1 * Ka-l <r7ridafjii(atas), 1. 51, ireptvey evvta 7nfcewj> Kal o-Trt^a^j.

The length of the other oars is never stated, so the length of these would not be

stated unless it varied : and the words aSrat eVpeaTrfa"? and Totruv eweaTr^xets P

Kir

in 11. 22, 55, where they must refer to the Treplveq. The inscription belongsic archonship of Asteios, 373/2 B.C.20 See p. 15 as to these ships and their oars.

1 The words <f>pd<r<reiv and <f>pay/j.6s or <f>pay/uia properly refer to fences ; and

Kara in /fard0/)a/cTos clearly means that the ship was fenced completely, not

she was fenced down or decked, for then /fard^pa/cros would be opposedto aKardfipaKTOs instead of d^pa/cros. cf. Arrian, anabasis, vii. 16,

vaCs naxpas, dfipaKTOvs re Kal Tre<ppay/j.fras. Apparently the /card in

also indicates completeness, like the con in constratum, the crr/xS/xa and stratum

indicating sufficiently that the deck was laid down. Cicero opposes constrains to

d2

52 BULWARKS, SCREENS AND AWNINGS,

but only as bulwarks for the water 123. Screens for missiles,

however, were probably in use on the Phoenician war-ships of

about 700 B.C. : for there are certain square objects upon the

superstructure of the ship in fg. 10, which has a ram and

must therefore be a war-ship ;and these are absent from the

ship in fg. u, which has no ram and therefore cannot be a

war-ship ;so they certainly served some purpose in warfare,

yet seem unserviceable unless they could be lowered to

protect the rowers. Had there been such screens on the

Athenian war-ship of about 400 B.C. in fg. 21, they would

doubtless have fitted into the gaps between the supports

of the hurricane-deck. In the Athenian war-ships the rowers

were also protected against sun and spray by awnings termed

pararrhymata or parablemata, which were spread along each

side to cover the open space below the hurricane-deck. Every

apertus in describing ships with and without a /caTdVr/xo/ua, in Verrem, ii. v. 40,

poterone in eos esse vehemens, qui naves non modo inanes habuerunt sed etiam

apertas : in eum dissolutus^ qui solus habuerit constratam navem et minus exina-

nitam? cf. Aulus Hirtius, de bello Alexandrine, u, quattuor constrain naves

et complures aperta. But he simply transliterates &(f>pa,KTos, ad Atticum, v. 13. i,

navigavimus sine tiniore et sine nausea : sed tardius, propttr aphractorum Rho-

diorum imbecillitatem, cf. v. n. 4, 12. i, vi. 8. 4. And Livy says naves tectas,

xxxiii. 30, where Polybios says KaTatppdKTOvs vavs, xviii. 27, in citing the same

document. Now, if these screens closed the open space below the hurricane-deck,

a ship could not be Kard^paKTOs unless she had a fcardo-Tpcoyita, so that every navis

tecta would be constrata but no navis aperta would be tecta. Thus Livy uses the

terms indifferently, xxxvi. 42, C. Livius, prafectus Romance classis, cum quinqua-

ginta navibus tectis profectus,..<quum sex Punicas naves ad auxilium missas

accepisset,...Piraum ad veterem classem pervenit. a Pirao A. Atilius, traditis

successors quinq^le et viginti navibus tectis, Romam est profectus : Livius una

et octoginta constratis navibus Delum traiecit. 43, Eumenes cum quattuor et

viginti navibus tectis^ apertis pluribus paullo, ad Romanos rediit. inde centztm

quinque navibus tectis, etc, cf. Appian, de rebus Syriacis, 22, KCU TOV vir'

ArtA/y

<nb\ov 7ra/>aXac6j>, ?rXei (Af/Jios) Karat^d/crou oydo^KOvra /cat /*t^, ewo^vov KO!

Eu/Aevous irevT-f)KOVTa. idiais' Kal yv KaT&Qpa-KTOv KO.I r&vde TO TJ/Jiiffv. The decked

and undecked merchant-ships were distinguished in Greek by other terms.

Antiphon, de csede Herodis, 22, tv < ptv yap eTr\tofj.i> , avrtyaaTov fa rb TrXo'tov,

ei'j 8 5^ jLter^STj/iev, evrfyavntvov TOV 5 ueroO ZveKa TO.VT -rjv. See also note 126 on

p. 55 for this use of OT^TJ and stega.122

Odyssey, v. 256, 257, $/)de 5^ fjnv plireffcri Sia/ATrep^s olffvlvyffi \ /c^aros

eTXap t/jiev. Bulwarks of this rough sort were sometimes made to serve as a

defence against missiles. Csesar, de bello civili, iii. 24, virtnte militum confisus,

scaphas navium magnarum circiter sexaginta cratibus pluteisque contexit, eoque

milites delectos imposriit, etc.

ALONG THE SIDES OF THE SHIPS. 53

ship carried two pairs of these, one pair of sail-cloth and the

other of horse-hair or possibly of hide. Two other awningswere carried on these ships to cover some other spaces, a

itablema for above and a hypoblema for below: but the exact

ition of these is doubtful 123.

A later arrangement of the upper decking may be seen in

Roman two-banked ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25. Theirs of the upper bank here pass through ports, instead of

issing over the gunwale : and as the rowers of the upperink are therefore lower down in the ship, the deck above

leir heads is also lower; so that this deck for combatants

longer forms a hurricane-deck, but now stands between

ilwarks which represent the former lines of screens, whilst

fegangways retain their place outside.

123Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 809, col. e, 11. 75 no, no. 8n, col. c,

n 32: these are the lists of gear for three-banked ships and four-banked

ships in 325/4 B.C. and 323/2 B.C. at present there is no list for 324/3 B.C.

Both lists include /cara/SXTj/iaTa and Trapappufj-ara Xei>/cd and Trapap'ptf/iara rplxwafor three-banked ships and for four-banked ships : but the earlier list includes

iiTro/SXij/xara for three-banked ships only, and the later list does not include them

at all. These discrepancies indicate that the uTro^X^ara were discarded about

that date upon the three-banked ships, and never came into use upon the four-

banked ships: cf. no. 807, col. c, 11. 66 102, no. 808, col. d, 11. 119 151. Alist of gear in store in 357/6 B.C. shews that each three-banked ship used to have

a pair of Trapapptf/mra of each sort, but only one /cardjSX^a and one UTr6/3X?7/m,

no. 793, col. e, 11. 6 21. A list of ships some twenty years before incidentally

mentions 7rctpa/3X?7,uara, no. 791, 1. 31. Two instances of the use of irapappv^ara

pa/SXT^uara in 406 and 405 B.C. are mentioned by Xenophon, Hellenica, i.

19, TOI)S eTTi/Sdras a's KolXyv vavv /u.eTa/3t/3d(ras /ecu ra Trapap'p'tf/iara TrapafiaXuv,

.22, -rravra 5 Trapacr/ceuacrd/iej/os ws eis vav}Jiaxtai> /ecu ra Trapa/SX^/iaTO, TrapaftaXuv .

n both instances a fight was expected; yet the Trapctppu/mra and Trapa/SX^/xara

were not spread to protect the crew, but to conceal the crew for a surprise : so

they were spread over the open spaces below the hurricane-deck, for here alone

would the crew be visible. Thus the Trapa/SX^/xara may merely be the Trapafipv-

Hara under another name, which ranges better with /cara/3X^ara and u7roX?7/xaTa.

In the arsenal the Trapapp6/j.a.Ta Xeu/cd were stored in the same chests with the

sails, and so were probably of similar material. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no.

1054, 11. 85 87, TTCwjcrei 5 /ecu Kift&TOvs TOIS urrfou /eai rots jrapap'pv/Ji.a.o'tv TOIS

Xeu/cois, dpidfj-bv exarbv rpiaLKOvra. r^rrapas. The other Trapappu/xara were perhapsof horse-hair, for that seems the likeliest meaning of rpLx<-va, but were possiblyof hide. cf. Caesar, de bello civili, iii. 15, pellibus, quibus erant tect<z naves.

The /cara/SX77yuara and viroft\7j/j.aTa were presumably of some similar material; and

certainly were not of timber, for in the lists they are classed with the Trapappu/mra

amongst the <r/ceu?7 /cpe/Actord, which are distinguished from the aKetiij v\iva,.

54 THE THREE-BANKED SHIPS,

The thrge^banked ships were termed triremes in Latin and

friereis_\r\.Greek : DuT"wn"ile the Latin term implies a triple

yXarrangement for the oars, the Greek term implies a triple

arrangement of some undetermined sort;and the cognate

adjective triarmenoi was applied to large sailing-ships, which

had not any banks of oars 124. These sailing-ships^ however,

used often to have three decks. Thus, while Plutarch and

Proclos describe a ship as triarmenos, Athenseos describes

her as triparodos, that is to say, with three gangways ;and

states that these gangways stood one above another, and

gave access to cabins along the sides and at the ends : so

that this clearly was a three-decked ship, though apparently

the planking of the decks did not extend over the whole

124 The older form of triremis was triresmus^ cf. Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. i, no.

195, 1. 12, triresmosque naveis : and both these forms are connected with eper/xos

and epevffeiv, whereas Tptrjprjs is connected with apetv, and thus with ap/j.evos.

The ternvr/3td/>/iej'os was introduced about 100 A.D.;but not to designate a novel

type of ship, for it is applied to ships of earlier times by Pollux, i. 83, /cat

IIroXe/u.atou vavs, Trej're/catSe/c^pTjs'

/cat 'Avriydvov, Tpidpftevos, and by Plutarch and

Proclos in the passages quoted in note 74 on p. 28. The term is employed by

Lucian, navigium, 14, irevTe. yap, et /SotfXet, /caXXtw /cat /xetfw TOV Alywriov vrXotou

ijdif) xe Ka l T0 fdyiffToy ovde KaTadvvai 8vvdfJt,eva} ...... 6s yap rt evbs irXoiov TOVTOVL

Seo-TroTT/s uv TraprjKoves POUVTUV, el irevTe KTr)<raio Trpbs TOIJTU) rpidp/j.tva iravra /cat

di>w\e6ph, ovde 6\}/ei 6\j\a5i] roi)s <pt\ovs. Again by Lucian, Lexiphanes;- 15, 6X/cd6a

rpidp/Aevov ev ovply ir\eov(rav, efjiTre7rvevfJ.aTWjj.evov rq,0 a/caretou, ev(popovo~dv re /cat

dKpoKVfj,aTov<rav, cf. pseudologistes, 27, /x,t/cpou yovv (pao-iv d.TroirvLy^va.i o~e vavry

nvi T&V rpLapfj.ev(i)v evrvx.oi'Ta, 8s e/j-Treffuv dTre(ppa^ o~oi TO <rT6/J.a. Also by Philo-

stratos, vita Apollonii, iv. 9, /cat a'/wa dawi* raOra vavv eloe T&V Tpiapfj.evaji' eKwXeov-

GQ.V Kal TOVS vavTas aXXov dXXws es r6 dvdy^adai avTTjv TrpaTTOVTas. cf. Synesios,

epistolse, p. 161, ra%i> fj,ev TTJV yrjv d7reKpv7rTOfj.ev, ra^u 6e /uerd T&V 6X/ca5a> rj^ev

125Athenseos, v. 41, yv 5' i} vaus TJJ fj.ev /caraa/ce^ et'/c6cropos, Tpnrdpodos 5e, TT]V

fj.ev /carwrdrw exowa e-rrl TOV y6fj,oi>, e0' r/v did /cXt/id/cwv TTVKV&V ij /card/3a(Tts eylveTO'

rj 8' fTepa rots ets rds Statras fiovXofJLevois elvievai fj.efj,r)xdvr]TO' /J.e6' rjv r/ reXevrata

rots ev Toes oVXois TeTayp-evoLs. rjffav de TT/S fj.ea"r)s irapodov Trap' e/cdrepov T&V ToL^^v

Statrat rer/ad/cXtvot rots dvdpdffi, TptaKOVTa Tb TrXrjdos. i) de vavK\7)piKT] Siatra K\IVU>V

fj.ev -r\v Trej/rc/catSe/ca, 6a\dfj.ovs 8e Tpeis el^e TpiK\ivovs, uv rjv TO /card rijv irpv^vav

dTTTaviov. /card 8e TTJV d^wrdrw irdpodov yvfj,vd<riov fjv, /cat wepLiraTOi, /c.r.X. For

a further account of the structures on the upper irdpodos, see note 1 33 on p. 58.

The ship here described as Tpnrdpodos is described as Tpt.dpfj.evo$ by Plutarch and

by Proclos in the passages quoted in note 74 on p. 28. Athenaeos is quoting here

from Moschion, and applies the term -rrdpodot to the three decks of the ship;

whereas in quoting from Callixenos see note 118 on p. 50 he applies the term to

a pair of gangways along the two sides of the ship : but Moschion seems to be

AND THREE-DECKED SHIPS. 55

ship, but left the centre open125

. And the term triereis was

itself applied by certain authors to three-decked ships, and

even to three-storied buildings126

;while in the Septuagint the

Ark is described as triorophos, that is to say, with three

stories, though in the original its triple arrangement is of

an undetermined sort127

. The three-banked war-ships maytherefore have inherited the name triereis from three-decked

ships of earlier date : but they never had three decks them-

selves. The rowers of the lower bank were indeed styled

halamitai, as if they had originally sat in a thalamos, or

lamber: but the rowers of the middle bank were styled

vgitai, as if they had originally sat upon the zyga, or beams;id if the beams served as seats, they could not carry a deck,

:koning each pair of gangways as a single structure, for he states explicitly that

middle irdpodos had cabins on each side of the ship. Possibly the open spacetween the gangways was covered over by a deck corresponding to the KaTdarpw/jia

on a war-ship, so that the ships described as rpnrdpoSot or Tpidp/j.evoi really had

four decks altogether. Thus, Lucian reckons the depth of a merchant-ship diro

TOV /carcurrpw/iaros, navigium, 5, and she was one of the TrXoia Tpia.piJ.eva, navigium,

14. Cabins at the stern are mentioned by Lucian, navigium, 5, al Kara TT]V

irpii^vav oi/cTjcreis cf. Lucan, ix. no, l\\> puppisque cavernis\

delitutt and these

probably answer to Moschion's vavKXrjpiKTj diatra and its ddXa^oi, the diizta

magistri of Petronius, satirse, 115.126

Etymologicum Magnum, s. v. drfpris :

'

A.iro\\uvios 8 Kal rds vaus TO.S ^x^ffa ^

duo TJ Kal rpecj or^yas dirjpeis Kal rpt^pets \yei. This obviously does not imply that

the three-banked ships had three decks themselves : it merely shews that this author

applied the name for three-banked ships to three-decked ships also. The author

may be either Apollonios or Apollodoros, as the reading is doubtful. For this

sense of artyr), cf. Plautus, Bacchides, ii. 3. 44, Stichus, iii. i. 12, in stega. ^Elius

Aristeides, panegyrica in Cyzico, p. 420, dvrl yap T&V oini&v TUV Tpiupbcpwv Kal

T&V Tpir/puv irdpecrTiv opav ve&v TOV fj-tyurTOv, T&V p.kv aXXwv Tro\\aTT\a(rlova, ai/TOv

Se TpnrXovv Tr, <f)v<Ti. Ta fj-ev yap avTov KaTayuds ecrri 6a, ra 8' virepqjos, ^<n} 8e rj

vevo/j,i(Tfjt.evTj. 8p6fjLOL 8 VTTO yrfv re Kal Kp/j.affTol 5t' avTov StTjKoi/res KVK\<J>, wffwep

OVK ev Trpocr6r]Kr)s ^pei, dX\' e%TrlTt)des elvai. dp6fj,oi Trfjronjfj^voi. The interior of this

temple thus bore some resemblance to the interior of a three-decked ship, as

described by Athenseos in the passage quoted in the last note : and this resem-

blance may have led Aristeides to use the term Tpirjpr]? in his comparison. See

also Athenseos, ii. 5, as to a dwelling-house known as Tpiypys at Agrigentum : he

quotes the story from Timaeos.127

Genesis, vi. 15, Kal ouro; iroiri<reis TTJV KifiuTov, 16, KaTayaia, dtwpoQa Kal

Tpiupo<pa Troojcreis avTrjv. A fourth deck is mentioned by Philo Judaeus, vita

Moysis, ii. ii, /cat ffvvex^ /caracr/cei'ao'd/xei'os v8ov oiV^/iara, tirlTreSa Kal vireptfa,

Tpi<J>po<pa Kal TTpupo(pa. And also byjosephus, de antiquitatibus Judaicis, i. 3. 2,

\dpvaKa TTpd<rTyov KaTa<rKevd<ras.

56 BEAMS AND DECKING AMIDSHIP.

and the space below could only figuratively be termed a

chamber. Moreover, there is a characteristic little jest of

Aristophanes to prove that in his day the rowers of the

middle and lower banks had no deck between them 128. And

Xenophon speaks as though the rowers of all three banks

had to pull together to avoid collision with each other129

.

The earliest Greek ships had little decks at stem and

stern, somewhat above the level of the beams 130;and similar

decks are represented on Egyptian and Asiatic ships of

still earlier date, as in fgs. 4 to 8, the bulwarks markingtheir extent. But on Greek ships of about 500 B.C., as in

fgs. 17 and 19, the forecastle appears without the poop; and

128Aristophanes, ranse, 1074, Ka ^ TrpoffTrapdeiv y' ei's rb <rr6/ta T$

But see Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 107, 6 be 'Aypl-mras t'ero /idXicrra tvdv TOV

HcnrLov, Kal aur< Kara TTJV eTramSa efiireauv /car^treicre rijv vavv nai es rd /cotXa

ev'

i) de rotfj re ev rots irtipyois aTrecmVaro, /cat TTJV OdXavaav d#p6a>s' Kai T<*>v tpeT&v ol fjiev 0aXa/uat Trdvres d.Tre\r]<f>dr)<rai>, oi 5' erepoi. rb /card-

dvapprj^avres e^evrixovTo. This was in an action off Mylae in 36 B.C. The

incident rather suggests that, there was a deck just above the rowers of the lower

bank, since they were all drowned, while the rest escaped. But as the survivors

had to make their escape by breaking through the upper decking, the rowers of

the lower bank may have been delayed until too late by the crowd above. See

also Silius Italicus, xiv. 424 426, trepidatur omisso|

summis remigio : sed enim

tarn rebus in arctis| fama mail nondum tanti penetrarat ad imos. But^this

cannot reasonably be taken to imply a deck between the banks.la9

Xenophon, economica, 8. 8, Kai rpiriprjs 5t TOL ^ ffeuay^v-r) avdpuiruv 5id rl

d\Xo <t>ofiepbv etrn 7roXe/x.tou rj 0tXois d^iod^aTOf 17 tin ra%i) TrXel; did rl 6 &\\o

AXuTTOi dXX^Xots fiffiv oi e/JurX^ovres f) 5i6rt iv raei fj,v KdOyvTai, ev rd^et 5

7rpoveijov(rit>, tv rd^et 5' dvairlTrTOV<nv, iv rd^et 5' e/mfiaiisovcn KO.L fKfiaivovai ; But

although they had thus to pull together when they were all at work, one set

could go on working while another stopped. Thucydides, iii. 49, ol fj,h inrvov

ypovvTo /card /^/>os, oi de -fjXavvov. Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 29, el fj.ei> atfpa

<f>tpOi, dtovres dpa dveiravovro' et 5e eXatiiteiv 5^ot, /card fdpos TOI/S VCUJTO.? avtiravev.

Polysenos, v. 22.4, TO?S 5^ eptrais (TrapayyeiXas) dvd fJL^pos ore /j.et> rds daXa/uuas, ore

5^ ras fvylas, ore d rds Opaviridas /cw?ras dvafapeiv. The stratagem here was to

make the enemy believe that the ships were fully manned, when there really were

only hands enough for one bank of oars : but the enemy would not have been

deceived, unless the three banks were often worked separately. Of course, there

was space enough in the hold for the combatants as well as the rowers :

Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 6. 19, roi)j eVt/Sdras els KolXrjv vavv ^era/SijSderas. But

there was no space to spare: Cicero, in Verrem, ii. v. 51, ea est enim ratio

instructarum ornatarumque navium, ut non modo plures, sed ne singuli quidem

possint accedere...classem instructam atque ornatam fuisse, nullum propugnatoremabfuisse, nullum vacuum transtrum fuisse.

DECKING AT STEM AND STERN. 57

on Greek ships of somewhat later date, as in fg. 23, and even

on the ship of earlier date in fg. 15, the bulwarks of this

forecastle are represented as supporting the fore part of a

turricane-deck and enclosing a cabin underneath. Someich forecastle was wanted on the war-ships, as their bows

>ped down to meet the ram : but the merchant-ships had

lipper bows high out of water; and by about 500 B.C. the

forecastle had already been deprived of bulwarks on vessels

that class, as may be seen from fg. 18, and apparently was

a level with the ordinary deck amidship. The stern nowheld a tier of seats for the steerer and others in command; but

this did not necessitate a separate deck there 131.

30Odyssey, v. 163, 164, drdp i'/cpta TTT^CU e?r' avrrjs \ v\j/ov, us (re fop-gent eV

rjepoeiSta TTOVTOV, 252, 253, f/c/>ta 5e ffT7}(ras, dpapuv 0a/ieVi <rTap.lv effffi, \

irotet. xii.

229, 230, ei's LKpia vr/6s tfiawov | Trpyprjs, 411 414, 6 5' dpa Trpv/j.vr] evl vrji | TrX^e

KvfiepvrjTfd) Ke<pa\r)i>, avv 5' dcrrt' dpa^ev \iravr' ctyu,u5is /ce^aX^s' 6 5' dp' dpvevTrjpi

toiK&s|

/caTTTrecr' CITT' iKpi6(piv. xiii. 73 75, /cd 5' dp1

'OSucrcTTji arbpeaav pTJy6s re

\ivov re\vrjbs e*7r' lKpi6(pLv y\a.(pvpr)$, 'iva viqyperov evdot.,

\ Trpvp.vrj<s. cf. iii. 353, xv.

283, 552 ; also Iliad, xv. 685, 729. The term is used in prose by Synesios,

epistolae, p. 161, tiri r&v UpLuv e<rrc6s, and also by Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, v. 24,

r&v IJL^V ei's TO, /coiXa T^S vews /caraSvo/weVcoi', r&v 5e Trpbs fj.dxw ^TTI T&V iKplwv

dXXTjXots TrapaKe\evojji{i>(*)v. Pliny, vii. 57, tectas longas (naves invenere] Thasii :

antea ex prora tantum et puppi pugnabattir. This probably answers to the state-

ment in Thucydides, i. 10, ovd' av rd TrXota /card^pa/cra ^xoj/ras>dXXd ry TraXaty

Tp6ir({3 XyaTiKurepov irapeffKevaa^va. As to the statement in Thucydides, i. 14,

Ko.1 aurcu O^TTW elxov 5id Trdcnjs KaTa<TTpu/j.a.Ta, see note 118 on p. 50. And see

e 121 on p. 51 for the meaning of tectas and Kard<ppaKTa.131

Ptolemy, Almagest, viii. i, 'Apyovs d<TTepi(r/j,6$, employs the phrase fv ry

a(TTpufj.aTL TTJS irpupv^ : but this does not imply that the ship had a separate

at the stern, any more than his phrase eV rrj rp67rei TTJS irpu(ji.fr)s implies that

had a separate keel there. So also Petronius employs the phrase supratratum puppis, satine, 100; the construction being determined by the context

supra constratum navis occuparemus secretissimum locum. The same interpre-

ion must be placed upon the phrase in Aulus Gellius, xvi. 19, stansque in

surnmce puppis foro. This is a translation from Herodotos, i. 24, who speaks of

Arion aravra eV roicrt ewXi'oi<ri while the robbers dvaxupr)<ra.i etc rijs irp6fj.v>js ts

fdffriv vta. cf. Euripides, Helena, 1571, 'EXeV?? Kadtfrr' iv ytt^o-ou eSwXtois, 1602,

1603, Trapa.K^\evafji.a 5' T\V \ jrpvp.vriOev 'EX^^s. These eSciXta at the stern were

presumably a set of seats, the term eSwXia being equivalent to sedilia in Latin.

Virgil, ^neid, v. 837, sub remis fusi per dura sedilia naut<z. For the other

cduXtov that held the mast, see note 196 on p. 91. Apparently, the term

$vyt)v served also to denote some bench at the stern. ^Eschylos, Agamemnon,1617, 1618, av ravra (pwveis, veprtpa irpoayiMevos \ K&irrj, Kparovvruv T&V tirl vyip

dop6s ; cf. Euripides, Cyclops, 14, 15, tv TrpvuvQ 5' a.Kpa \

our6s Xa/JoH' etidvvov

58 DECK-HOUSES AND THEIR FITTINGS.

Ships generally had a deck-house at the stern for the

commander and his friends, sometimes constructed solidly,

but oftener of wicker-work or merely of awnings132

. The

Xeaviertype is represented on the Roman merchant-ship in

y. 29, and the lighter type on the Roman war-ship in fg.

Some ships had deck-houses all along the upper decking;and these were fitted with every luxury, baths of bronze and

marble in the bath-room, paintings and statues and mosaics

in the principal saloons, and even a library of books. And

alongside these deck-houses there were covered walks with

rows of vines and fruit-trees planted in flower-pots133

.

d/j.<j>rjpes 86pv. This vybv may answer to the iuga longa of Virgil, ^Eneid, vi.

411, 412, inde alias animas, qua per iuga longa sedebant, \ deturbat, laxatque

foros : for the ghosts here were not on board as rowers, so these iuga would not be

the rowers' seats, nor could those seats be described as longa. In this passage

Virgil calls the deck Jori, whereas Aulus Gellius calls it forus : but singular and

plural were used indifferently. Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 206, ilium nautisforum.

Cicero, de senectute, 6, alii per foros cursent. Lucan, iii. 630, ad summos repleta

foros, desedit in undas, sc. navis. Ennius, apud Isidorum, origines, xix. 2. 4,

tnultaforo ponit et agea longa repletur, where agea or ayvia is probably a synonymfor wdpodos. These termsforus andfort must convey the notion of an open space,

like Forum ; and hence denote a deck. Ammianus, xxvii. 5. 2, ponteque contabu-

lato supra navium foros fiumen transgressus est Histrum.132

Herodotos, vii. 100, cos ravrd oi ^TreTrotTjro, T!JOV ve&v /careX/cixrfleto'^wj' es

ffdXaffffav, evdavra. 6 fZty&s /xere/c/3ds e/c TOV ap/Aaros es vea. 'LiSwvL'rjv tero VTTO ffKyvrj

Xpvvty /cat TrapeVXwe irapa rds Trpypas TUV veuv. Arrian, anabasis, vi. 13, /cat

ir\twv /card TOV irora^bv, ws eTT^Xafev i] vaOs -fjdr) ry ffTparoired^ TOV jSacrtX^a (pepovaa,

Si] (A.\eat>8pos) d0e\t^ TTJV ffKtjv^v dwb rrjs Trpvfj.vr)S, tus /cara0ai/7?s et^at

Chariton, viii. 6, tlfftirXevvtv ovv Tpirjpys i] Xat/^ou TT^WTTJ. et%e 5' dwdvoj

(njyKfKaXvfJL^vriv Ba^SyXwj'iots 7rept7rerd(r /aa(r'...at0>'t'5tof elXxvffdr] rd Trapa-

,/cat w0^ KaXXipporj, /c.r.X. Tacitus, annales, xiv. 5, Crepereius Gallus

haud procul gubtrnaculis adstabat, cum dato signo ruere tectum loci multo plumbo

grave; pressusque Crepereius et statim exanimatus est. cf. Suetonius, Nero, 34,

camera ruina. Sidonius, epistoke, viii. 12, hie, superjlexa crateparadarum, sereni

brumalis infida vitabis. Ausonius, epistolae, 5. 28, 29, Medullini te feret ora

noti| expositum subter paradas.

133Athenaeos, v. 41, /card 5e TT\V dvwrdrw TrdpoSov yv/j,vd<rtov riv, /cat TreptTrarot,

ffv/Afterpov x VT s TV KaraffKevrjv ry rot) irXotov /jLeytdei, tv ols Kijtrot iravroiot

6av/j.affiii}s T]GQ.V TreptpaXXoires rats 0irretats, 5td Kepa/j-Ldcov fjt,o\vj35ii><jji' KaTeffTeyavdJ-

jj^voi. TI 5 ffKrjval KITTOV \evKod /cat d/ATr^Xwi', uv at pt^at rrjv rpo<^r\v tv TrL6ois

i\ov yrjs TreTrX^pw^i^foty, TT\V avTTjv apdevffiv \a/j.(3dj>ov<rai Kaddirep /cat oi

aOrat 5e at aK-rjval (rvveffKlafrv rous TrcpiTrdrous. eijs 5 TOIJTWV'

A(f>podiaiot> /ca?

o-/ceyacrro rpt/cXt^ov, 8dTre5oi> fyov e/c \LOwv dx<*-T&v re /cat a\\wv xa/>teo-rdrwj',

/card TT]v vrjtrov rjaav'

roi)y rot'xous 5' e?Xe *a * T^v opo(f)T)v KvrrapiTTOv, rds 5 6vf

TURRETS FOR ENGAGING AN ENEMY. 59

Ships also carried turrets on the upper decking to enable

their crews to shoot down missiles on an enemy 134;and

merchant-ships carried them as much as war-ships, since they

lad often to encounter pirates. These turrets could easily be

up and taken down again, their foundations alone being:tures in the hull: and apparently those foundations some-

imes projected overboard, as though the turrets reached right

:ross the ship or else were placed in pairs on either side. Alerchant-ship might carry as many as eight, two in the bows,

fo near the stern, and four amidship; and such turrets mightmtain three stories each, and thus be fully twenty feet in

t<pai>TOS Kal dvov '

ypatpais de Kal dyd\fjia(riv TI 5 troT-tjpiwv KaraffKevdlj vircp-

i\\6vTO)s KaT<rKeua<7To. 42, TOVTOV 5' t<pe^s ffxoXaffT-rjpLov virijpxe TrepTa/cXtJ'oi', e'/c

ov TOVS Tolxovs Kal ra 6vpd)fjt.ara KaTe<rKevao-fj.frov, ^\i.od^K-rjv fyov tv aury,

ira 5 TT]v 6po(j>T]v TTO\OV, e/c TOV /card TTJV'

AxpaSivyv aTrofJi/j.ifj.rjfji.^i>ov TjXiorpOTrLov.

Kal flaXaveiov TpiK\ivov, irvpias x^X/cas fyov rpets Kal \ovT7jpa irtvTt /ieT/JTjTaj

,iromiXov TOV Taupo/xeiuTov \idov. /farecr/cei/aaro 5^ Kal ot/c77ju.ara, K.T.\.

Lthenseos ascribes this ship to Hieron, but the description seems to be inspired by

lips of later date : see pp. 2729. Suetonius, Caligula, 37, fabricavit et de cedris

iburnicas gemmatis puppibus, vcrsicoloribus veils, magna thermarum et porticuurn

tricliniorum laxitafe, magnaque etiam vitiurn et pomiferarum arborum varietate ;

quibus discutnbens de die inter chores ac symphonias litora Campania peragraret.

Maximus Tyrius, i. 3, X^yw 5^ ov pvdov TrXdrrwi', dXXd ov TroXus XPOV0^ ^>Te c'

Aiyvwrov es fvpov ^TrXet /3ao"tXei)s T&V virep QoivlKTis fiapfidpuit tueivuv ruv avdpuv,

01" OVK 'Lcraai. 6a\arTav, ovde d\tyovcri TOV Alyi6xov Aios oi>8 de&

Trapecr/cefdcraro dr) /xeXXwi' TrXeiv 6 adeos OVTOS Kal d^dXarros /3ao"tXei)s

cvpuxwpov vavv, 'iva avT<^ Tracrat at rjdoval crf/WTrX^wo't' TO /JLCV yap ai/Trjs fiaalXeia rjv

ola jcaXXtoTa, TracrrdSes, Kal evvai, Kal dp6/j.oi' "

izKTOffdev 5' ai)X^s ft^yas

dvpawv TeTpdyvos," Kal oevftpa efj.irecpvKea'av, poiai, Kal cry^^ai, Kal

iTreXof TO 5e avrris \OVTQOV r)v yKal yvfj.vdaiov TO d 6\f/OTroi.ois x^Pa

' T0 ^TO 5^ ffvpirbffiov

' TO 5e AXXo Ti /ifyos Tpv(pu<n)s TroXewj. This would

iturally refer to some king of the Nabatseans ;but in the context his name is

iven as /Eetes, and that does not suit any king in history. Plutarch, Lucullus, 7,

rt 5e vavs ov %pi'crop60ois o~KT)vlo~iv ou5c XouT/9o?s TraXXa/ctSwi' /cat yvvatKuvlTiffi

s, dXX' o/rXw^ /cat /SeXwv /cat xp^/xaTWi' ye/j.ov<ras TrapapTv<rdfji.ei>os,

134Pliny, xxxii. i, sed artnata: classes imponunt sibi turrium propugnacula, ut

niari quoque pugnetur velut e muris. Vegetius, iv. 44, in maioribus etiam

'iburnis propugnacula turresque constituunt, ut tamquam de muro ita de excelsior-

tabulatis facilius vulnerent vel perimant inimicos. Horace, epodes, i. i, 2,

'/is liburnis inter alta navium, | amice, propugnacula. The term liburni is used

trictly by Horace, but loosely by Vegetius see p. 16 and notes 42, 44 so their

tements are not contradictory. Lucan, iv. 226, turrigeras classis pelago sparsura

irinas, cf. iii. 514. Virgil, ^Eneid, viii. 693, turritis puppibus.

60 THE BALLASTING OF THE SHIPS.

height135

. A little turret is represented in the bows of the

Roman war-ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25. On such ships the

turrets were painted ;and their colouring served to distinguish

one squadron from another 136.

To counterbalance these encumbrances upon the upper

decking, quantities of ballast would be required at the bottom

of the hold;and some gravel or sand or stone always was

carried there for steadying the ship137

. And this ballast could

135Thucydides, vii. 25, -rrpocrayay6t>Tes yap vavv /j.vpio(f>6pov avrois oi 'Adijvatoi,

irupyovs re fcvXlvovs xovffav Kal Trapa.<ppdy(j.aTa, K.T.\. Appian, de bellis civilibus,

v. 1 06, Kal irijpyovs tirl TWV veCjv elxov Kara re irpqpav Kal Kara irpvp.vav. Athenaeos,

v. 43, irvpyoi re rjffav eV avr-g 6KT&, cnj/j-fjierpoi rb [Jityedos rots TTJS veus oyKots' 860

fj.fr Kara TrpvfJ,vav, ol 5' tffot Kara irpifpav, oi Xouroi 5e Kara ^at\v vavv. cf. 42,

drXavrts re irepi.trpexov TTJV vavv Kr6s ea7r?7xets, ol TOVS oyxovs VTreiXrjQeo'av roi)s

dvurdru. These 8yKoi are presumably the 7ru//yoDxot of Polybios, xvi. 3, -jrapa-

ireffuv de rots TroXe/uois, airtfiaXe rbv oe&ov rapabv TTJS vews, 6/xoO ffvppaytvTbiv Kal

TWV Trvpyotixw- Thus the 67*01 or irvpyovxot. would be beams or platforms

projecting from the ship, and serving as foundations for the turrets. Dion

Cassius, 1. 33, oi ntv ra iffria tfyeipov, oi 8t rots re ^^70^5 Kal ra ^TrnrXa e^s rrjv

6a\aff<rav tppiTTTOvv, STTWS Kov(plcrai>Tes diacptiyucri. Appian, de bellis civilibus,

iv. 72, tXirlfav yap n TOIOVTOV, ^Tre^pero (Kdo'O'ioy) irijpyovs tirTvy/j.ti'Ovs, ot rbre

dvlffravTo. Csesar, de bello Gallico, iii. 14, turribus excitatis^ de bello civili, i. 26,

turres cum ternis tabulatis erigebat. The reference is here to merchant-ships ;and

so also in the passages quoted above from Athenseos and Thucydides. Although

the statements of Athenoeos are questionable, since they are borrowed from

Moschion see pp. 27 to 29 they probably are based on fact.

13(5Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 121, /wXu 5^ wore rats xp ic" s r^v irvpyw,

ah or] fj.6vais 8it(pepov a\\r)\wt>, 6 'Aypimras vvvds irXtovas airoXwXtvai TOU HO/XTTT/IOI/

vavs, edappvve roi>s o~vi>6vTas, K.T.\. See also Polysenos, v. 34, already quoted at

the end of note 89 on p. 35, as to uniformity of colouring in a fleet.

137Odyssey, v. 257, TroXXrji' 5' eTrexetfaro vXrjv. Lycophron, 618, TOV p/j.a.TiTif9

vybs ^KfiaXuv Trtrpov. Plato, Theaetetos, p. 144 A, Kal arrovres <ptpovrai uvirep ra

dvep/j.aTiffTa irXola. Plutarch, animi et corporis affectiones, 4,

dvep/j.dTi<TTos efs TI vavdyiov <pofiepbv ireffe, ad principem ineruditum, 5,

TroXXoC Kal Kv^epv/irov fteydXov Ofb^evov, Livy, xxxvii. 14, onerarias multa saburra

gravatas. Pliny, xvi. 76, CXX M modiorum Untis pro saburra d fuere. See also

Aristotle, historia animalium, viii. 12. 5, ix. 40. 21; Pliny, x. 30, xviii. 87;

Aristophanes, aves, 1428, 1429; Virgil, georgics, iv. 194196; Plutarch, de

solertia animalium, 10. 10, 28. 2. At Portus, near the mouth of the Tiber, the

ballast-heavers formed a guild, corpus saburrariorum : Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. xiv,

no. 102.

138Arrian, anabasis, ii. 19, tynard re s TTJV Trptuvav v0<rav, TOV tapai es

C^os Tyv wpypav Tneofj.tvr)s Kara irpv^vav TT)S vecos. Polybios, xvi. 4, avrol fJ.ev yap

tfiTrpypa rd ffKd(pTfj Troiowres, t^dXovs eXdfJ.ftavov ras 7rX7?7cis'

rots 5^ -rroXeulois v$aXaTO, Tpav/j.ara 5i86t>Tes, dfiorjdrjTovs taKetiafov ras irXrjyds.

BILGE-WATER AND DRINKING-WATER. 6l

easily be shifted fore or aft to depress or elevate the bows, as

need arose for ramming or manoeuvring138

. At the bottom of

the hold there was also a mass of bilge-water, which needed

:onstant baling out by buckets or else by a machine consisting

>f an Archimedean screw worked by some sort of treadmill 139.

,nd probably the cisterns for the drinking-water were also

lown below, serving like the bilge to increase the weight of

>allast 140.

39Odyssey, xii. 410, 411, tor6s 5' oirlau ireaev, oir\a re irdvTa

|

els &VT\OV

-e"xyvr(>- xv. 479, avT\(p 5' evdovTrr/cre ireffovff', us elvaXli) Kr)j-. Sophocles,

^hiloctetes, 481, 482, e/x^aXou // o"irrj 6e\eis aywv, \

els dvT\lav, es irpypav, es

, Cicero, ad familiares, ix. 15. 3, sedebamus enim in puppi et clavum

lebamus: nunc autem vix est in sentina locus. Sallust, Catilina, 37, Romam,icut in sentinam, confluxerant. These terms AVT\OS or dvr\ia and sentina, which

ms denoted the bilge of a ship, also denoted the bilge-water. /Eschylos, septem

iversus Thebas, 795, 796, Kal K\v5b)t>iov\

TroXXcuxrt TrX^cus O.VT\OV OVK e^5eaTo.

jneca, epistoloe, 30, quemadmodum in nave, qua sentinam trahit^ uni rimce ant

Iteri obsistitur, ubi plurimis locis laxari ccepit et cedere, succurri non potest navigio

ehiscenti. Euripides, Troades, 685, 686, 6 fj.lv irap otax, 6 5' eirl \ai<f>effiv

Ms,|

6 5' avT\ov etpywv va6s. Cicero, de senectute, 6, alii malos scandant, alii

faros cnrsent, alii sentinam exhauriant. The buckets for the baling were

>wn as dvT\rjTript.a or sentinacula. Dion Cassius, 1. 34, otfre yap TroXXd r] Kal

\a TO. dvT\r)T7]pia efyov, Kal rnjudea avrd are TapaTTO/J.evoi dve(pepov. Paulinus

Jolanus, epistolge, 49. 3, et post unum vel alterum brevis sentinaculi haustum

\umore destricto siccataque navi, etc. The pump is mentioned by Athenoeos, v. 43,

oe dvT\la, nalirep ftddos vireppd\\ov ^xovffa ^ &1'

*vo* apSpos e^rjvrXelTo did Kox^lov,

ovs e^evpbvTos. cf. Vitruvius, x. 6. 3, cochlea hominibus calcantibus facit

rsationes. Artemidoros, oneirocritica, i. 48, ot5a 5^ riva, ds e"8oe TOV iravTbs

ISVU

,

<T<

YI;, 6'/u,ws 5^ Kivelo~dai. ffweBy ai>T<^ els dvT\lav KaTadiKaffBijvai. Kal yap ^/ce?

s dvT\ov<TL vvfjipep-nKe 8tafialveiv pev us padtfrwiv, del 8e peveiv ev ry aury TOTT^.

'or the phrase els dvT\lav KaTadiKa<r6r)vai, cf. Suetonius, Tiberius, 51, in antliam

\emnato. In the context Artemidoros says that a man was set to bale 6vn

(j,and Lucian reckons it fit work for the dpybv Kal arexvov Kal ATO\UOV,

upiter tragoedus, 48. See also Paulinus Nolanus, epistolae, 49. 12, sent persona

tinatoris, et in natitis vilissima.

14Q Lucian, veras historise, i. 5, TrcfytTroXXa /j,ev <riTla eve^aXb^-qv, iKavbv 8 Kal

jp evedffAyv, /c.T.X. ii. I, TT\V vavv eTreaKevdfo/j.ev, vdwp re us evi TrXeicrrov e/ij3aXX6-

voi Kal TO. dXXa eirtT-fideia. Dion Cassius, 1. 34, r6 /j.ev wpuTOV ry 7rcm>y CSari y

(fiepovTo exp&VTO, Kal Tiva KaTeo~Be(rav'

eirel d eKeivo KaTavaXudrj, r/vT\ovv TO

6a\aTTiov. Athenseos, v. 42, r^v 5e Kal vSpodriK-rj vara TTJV wpfpav /cXeto-TTj,

fieTpr/Tas Sexo/J-evrj, eK vaviduv Kal TrlTTrjs Kal bdovlwv KaTeffKevaff/j-evt}.

was equivalent to a cubic foot and a half, this cistern would contain 3000 cubic feet

of water; and that would weigh about 75 tons. The statement is open to suspicion

as it comes from Moschion: see pp. 27 29.

62 CATHEADS AND RAMS ON WAR-SHIPS.

In the fore part of the war-ships everything was con-

structed with a view to ramming. The catheads were

massive, and stood out far enough to tear away the upperworks of a hostile ship, while the ram was piercing her below;for which purpose they occasionally were strengthened at the

ends by timbers springing from the hull some way behind 141.

And they must also have served in ramming to protect the

oars from damage by the enemy. Their position and design

may be observed in the Greek war-ships of about 300 B.C. in

fgs. 22 and 23. Here the catheads are on a level with the

gunwale and the gangway, which both finish at this point,

while the waling-pieces run onward to the stem. Rightforward the keel and stem-post and the lower pair of waling-

pieces converge to hold the ram;and higher up the stem-

141Thucydides, vii. 34, r&v 5'

''

A.dfjva.lwv KartSv ^v ovSe/j-ia ciTrXws, eirra Se"

Tives AVXot tyevovTo avrtrrpypoi /ut./3a.\\6/u.evai Kal dvappayutrai rd? 7rapeetpecrtas VTTO

TUV Kopwdiuv vewv eV avrb TOVTO 7ra%i>T^pas ras eVwrtSas exovcrwv. 36, /cat ras

Trpypas T&V veuv vvTe/j.6vTS (ol Zupa/c6<rtot) e's ZXaacrov crrepi0a;re'pas eiro'n)<rav, Kal

ras e7rarr5as eir6ecrav rat's Trpc^pats iraxelas, Kal dvriypiSas aV' aurcDv VTrtreivav

?rp6s TOVS rot'xous (as eVi t 7r^%ets tvros re /cat ZfaBev, $7ren Tp6?ry /cat oi KopivOiot

TTpo? rds eV rrj NauTrd/cry vavs eirtaKevaa'dfJievoi irpypadev evav/ui.dxovv. 40, oi 8

2upa/c6criot de^dfj-fvoi Kal ra?s re vavalv aWtTrpypois xpw/wei'ot, cucTTrep dievorjOrjcrav, rCiv

tfj.{3t>\uv rfj TrapaaKev-fi dveppriyvvaav ras rCov'

AOyvalw vaOs eirl TTO\I> rrjs Trape^et-

petr/aj, /c.r.X. cf. 36, avrlirpypoi yap (4v6junaav) rats e/x/3oXa?s %pco/ie^ot dvaj^p^etv ra

irpypadev aiJrots. In these passages the term ?rape etpecrta denotes the bows ; but

its meaning is merely that the place was out beyond the oars, and sometimes it

denotes the quarters or the stern, as in the passages quoted from Polysenos in

note 170 on p. 75 and from Thucydides and Plutarch in note 223 on p. 102. In

saying that the bows were made shorter, Thucydides may only mean that the

distance between the ram and the catheads was reduced by carrying the catheads

further forward. Diodoros says that the bows were also made lower, xiii. 10, but

that was merely a matter of ballasting : see note 138 on p. 60. The dvrtjpiSes were

clearly a pair of props sloping upwards and forwards from some point in the keel

to the extremities of the catheads, and thus passing through the ship's sides a little

ahead of the oars of the lower banks. The term dvrrjpides is employed by Polybiosto denote the props for a gangway, viii. 6. 6. Dion Cassius, xlix. 3, Kal rots yuev

r6 retfi/'os

rcDv (TKa0tDv Kal TO 7rd%os rwv eTrwrldiav ot re irtipyot. ffwypovro, roi)s 5'

erepovs oi' re SteWAot tW^epov, /c.r.X. This refers to the action off Mylae in 36 B.C.

between the fleets of Augustus Csesar and Sextus Pompeius. As a rule, the

eirwrldes had a backing of the strongest timber. Theophrastos, historia plan-

tarum, v. 7. 3, r6 5e (rrep^w/xa, Trpos $ TO xeAw/za Kal ras e7rwr5as, yUeXfas /cat

ffvKafJiivov Kal TrreXe'as'

tV^fpa ^ap Set raur elvai. For the use of the eVwr/Ses as

catheads for the anchors, see note 154 on p. 69.

THE PRINCIPAL AND AUXILIARY RAMS. 63

>st a smaller ram is fixed upon the junction of the upper

pair of waling-pieces. In ships of more than three banks

icre was presumably an extra ram for every extra pair of

waling-pieces ;and here some rams are fixed upon false

iling-pieces on a level with the catheads 142. All these

ixiliary rams would extend the wound inflicted by the

incipal ram, and thus cut an enemy open from the gunwalethe water-line; while they would also protect the stem-post

iderneath them from being shattered by contact with her

les.

The rams usually were made of bronze 143. On the

Athenian three-banked ships the principal ram did not weighlore than three talents or thereabouts, that is to say, I7olbs.;

the metal could only have formed a sheathing round a

142Athenseos, v. 37, KOL /i/3oXa el~x.ev fi"r<* Totiruv v /xi> i]yo)jfj.i>ov, TO, 5'

orrcr riva 5k Kara rds eTrwrtSas. This refers to the alleged ship of forty

banks. Apparently, the meaning of the last words is that she had some auxiliary

rams on a level with the catheads in addition to the other six. y'Eschylos applied

the epithet Se/c^u/foXos to Nestor's ship in the '

Myrmidons ', according to the

scholiast on Aristophanes, aves, 1256, OVTCO ytpwv &v cnJo^ou rp^^oXov. cf.

Fr. 301, apud Athenaeum, i. 52, iireyepei rbv tufioKov. But clearly the meaningwas that a good ship could go on ramming time after time

;not that ten rams were

carried, or even three. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 795, col. d, 11. 3 7,

NiK7706pos, 0eo5c6poi> tpyoi>, tTno-KevTjs deo^vr}, irpofji^6\iov OVK ^xovffa ^ cf- c l- e,

11. 28 32, no. 796, col. a, 11. 38 41, col. e, 11. 4 7. These entries refer to ships

of three banks; and indicate that such ships had only one irpoe/j.p6\iov, or auxiliary

48^Eschylos, Persae, 408, 409, vavs v vrjl ^aX/c^p?; crr6\ov

|t-iraurev, 415, 416,

oXcus %aXKO(TT6^oij |

iralovro. Plutarch, Antonius, 67, TrX-^ OVK> frtfidXev els

'

Avrwviov vavv, dXXd ryv ertpav rdv vavapxiSuv ry ^aX/cci/tcrn 7rardas

epp*6/i/377<re, Sulla, 22, vavs ^aX/c^peis, Pompeius, 28, vavs %aXKe/x/36Xous. cf.

iripides, Iphigeneia in Aulide, 1319, va&v xaX/fe^oXd5w^, Electra, 436,

tve/ji.{36\ot.<riv. Philippos, in the Anthology, vi. 236, fyeSoXa

v6?rXoa revxfo. vrjuv. Petronius, satira2, 30, embolum navis (zneum. Statius

lebais, v. 335, arata dispellens aquora prora. Virgil, ^Eneid, i. 35, spumas'is are ruebant, viii. 675, classes aratas. Caesar, de bello civili, ii. 3, cum classe

mini sexdecim, in quibus pauca erant cerate. Horace, odes, ii. 16. 21, 22,

indit ceratas vitiosa naves|cura, iii. i. 39, dtcedit Grata triremi. Iron is

mtioned by Pliny, xxxii. r, rostra ilia, are ferroque ad ictus armata, and byritruvius, x. 15. 6, is autem aries habuerat de ferro duro rostrum, ita uti naves

ngcs solent habere. But see Tibullus, iv. i. 173, ferro tellus, pontus conscinditur

re. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 789 b, 11. 27, 32, 89, 90, rb xdXicw/Aa rb avu.

us was presumably the Trpoe/j.p6\iov.

64 DESIGN AND STRUCTURE OF THE RAMS.

core of timber 144. And thus the ram was often a treacherous

weapon in warfare, inasmuch as it was slender enough to be

wrenched off the ship in delivering its blow, and started her

timbers as it broke away145

. As a rule, it had three teeth;so

that it looked like a trident, when viewed from the side146

.

These teeth are conspicuous in the Greek ship of about

300 B.C. in fg. 23 ;but in the Greek ship of about 600 B.C. in

fg. 13, and also in the Phoenician ship of about 700 B.C. in

fg. 10, the ram has only a single tooth : and here the ram

curves slightly upward, whereas the trident ram curves down,as though it was intended to heel an enemy over. This

downward curve appears again in one of the Greek ships of

about 5 50 B.C. in fgs. 15 and 16, while the curve points

upward in the other;so both the forms were then in use

concurrently. And apparently the earlier form was de-

veloping the curious type depicted in the Athenian ships of

144Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 809, col. e, 11. 169 172, [/*/JoXoi] r[^]r[Ta/)]es,

araBf^bv] TTT fivai A[A]AP, rifiy P1 A A h hhl ....cf. no. 8n, col. c,

1. 87, [e/i]/36Xoi;s P, 0ra0/*to'....l. 88, AAAP, rt^.... These are entries of

delivery and receipt, and ought therefore to correspond. The word r^rrapes has

been defaced by the mason; so it was inserted by mistake, the number really

being five. There probably were other figures in the gap between o-radfj. and

TTT, perhaps AT, or even A P, for the price is a trifle under 5-25 drachms,

and this would represent about fifteen talents of metal for the five rams, as bronze

was selling for 35 drachms a talent at that period : see Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. i,

no. 319, 11. 2 4, xaX/c6s euv^6[r]...Td\avra...]Kat5Ka Kal fj.vdi 5^/c[a]. TI[IU,]T] [TOV

raXavTov rpi]aKovTa irtvre 8paxfJ-a'i. These restorations are considerable; but

they are justified by what follows, cf. 11. 5 8, KaTrlrepos ewvf]dT)...Tb raKavrov

SiaKoffiuv Tp\iaK~\ovTa dpaxv-wv TI/J.^.

145Herodotos, i. 166, at /JL^V yap TccrcrepaKovrd <r(f)i(ri vtes Siefiddpycrav, al 8e

ef/cotri ai Trepicovaat %aav dxptjo'Toi'

a7recrrpa0aro yap TOVS ^/x|36Xous. Dion Cassius,

xlix. i, Trpos re rds ^yu./3oXds rQ>v tvavrLwv avr"x.fl-v > /ca' TOVS ^36Xoi/s avr&v dirocrTpt-

0etv. Plutarch, Antonius, 66, airedpatiovTo yap TO. /u./?o\a padiw, Polybios, xvi.

5, TdtrrTjs yap (rjv eKvfiepva Avr6\vKos) en^aXovcr^s et's 7roXe/ut'ai> vavv, Kal /caraXi-

Troijcrrjs (v ry <TKa<f>(, TOV ^/ijSoXov, ffvvtfi'r) 677, rr\v fj.v ir\r)yei<rav avravdpov Karaduvat,

TOI)S 5^ -rrepl rbv AvrbXvKOv, e/crpeoua?;? ets TTJV vavv TTJS da\dffO"r)s did rijs Trpojpas,

K.T.\....TT)v ptv vavv OVK T)dvi>r]6i} cr&crai, Sid rb Tr\r]pT) 6a\aTTr)S elvai, K.r.X. Aulus

Hirtius, de bello Alexandrine, 46, itayue prim^ls ( Vatinius] stea quinqneremi in

quadrireniem ipsius Oclavi impetum fecit, celerriniefortissimeque contra illo remi-

ganteynaves adversce rostris conctirrerunt adeo vehementer ut navis Octaviana,

rostra discusso, ligno contineretur . . .deprimitur ipsius Octavi qiiadriremis. cf.

Caesar, de bello civili, ii. 6, prafracto rostro.

RAMS AND FIGURE-HEADS OF ANIMALS. 6$

about 500 B.C. in fgs. 17 and 19, where the ram assumes the

shape of a boar's head. This type was characteristic of

Samian ships in the days of Polycrates147

,who ruled there

from 532 to 522 B.C.;

but it afterwards came into use on

ships of other states. And in later times, when the principal

ram was usually a trident, the boar's head was retained for a

smaller ram above, as in the Leucadian ship of about 150 B.C.

in fg. 42. Some of these smaller heads are extant;and one of

them is drawn to scale in fg. 43. They probably belonged to

oman ships.

Before the introduction of the ram, animals had been

rved upon the prow for figure-heads, as in the Egyptian

r-ship of about 1000 B.C. in fg. 6. And generally there

s either a figure-head, or else a painting or relief on both

e bows;the subject corresponding to the name of the ship,

d serving to distinguish her from others148

. Such paintings

146Virgil, ,/Eneid, v. 142, 143, infindunt pariter stdcos, totumque dehiscit

\

'(/sum remis rostrisque tridentibus cequor, cf. viii. 689, 690. Valerius Flaccus,

i. 687, 688, volat immissis cava pinus habenis\ infinditque salum, et spiimas vomit

tridenti.

147 Herodotos, iii. 59, &cry de ret Alyivyrai aurofa (Sa^ous) vavfAaxiy VIK.-TI-

rjvdpatrodiffavTo fj,era Kprjruv, Kal TUIV ve&v Kairptovs exovatuv ras irpypas

Kal avedt<rav es rb Ipbv 7-775

'

A0rjvat^s ev Aiyivrj. Anonymus, apud

Hesychium, s. v. Sa/a/cds rpbiros : vavs St rts uKuiropos 2a/ta vos elSos ^xov<ra -

Plutarch, Pericles, 26, i] Se Za/iaij/a vavs tariv Mirpypos ^v rb fflpu/Jia, KoiXortpa

82 Kal yaffrpoeidrjs, ware Kal 0opro0o/>etv Kal TaxwavTew. oirrw 5' d)vofj.dff6r] dia

rb irp&Tov ev ^dfjap (pavyvai, JloX^/cpcirous rvpavvov KaraffKevdffavTOS. cf. Alexis

Samios, apud Athenaeum, xii. 57, TrpcDros 5 6 Uo\vKpaTtj3 Kal vavs Tracts dirb r^s

irarpiSos 2a/iks ^aXeae. For aL^wp.a, cf. Thucydides, iv. 25, dTro<ri[j.w<rdvTuv Kal

irpoenfiaKbvTwv, Appian, de bellis civilibus, iv. 71, <?/*/3oXat /cat aTroo-t/iwo-eu,

Aristotle, problemata, xxiii. 5, dvdcn/j,a ra TrXota iroiovvrat. Thus the stem was

styled the nose, just as the bows were styled the cheeks and the hawse-holes the

eyes : see note 91 on p. 37 and note 153 on p. 69.148

Diodoros, iv. 47, 5iair\ev<rai yap avrbv (3>plov) Qaaiv ol p.lv tirl i/ews irporo^v

tirl TTJS Trpypas exotffrjs Kpiov, K.r.X. Apollodoros, Fr. 105, apud Stephanum, s. v.

Tavp6ets : ravpofapos yv rj vavs 77 Siafco^crao-a TOI>S rty ir6\iv KTt<rai>Tas,...dirb TOV

tTri<rr]fj.ov TTJS vews TT\V Tr6\iv d>v6fjt.a<rav. A Xeovro06pos is mentioned in the passage

quoted from Memnon in note 35 on p. 14. Plutarch, de mulierum virtutibus, 9,

dpdKovra. Strabo, ii. 3. 4, evpbvra 5' aKpbirp^pov v\ivov eV vavaylov, tirirov txov

tyyy\vij.fji.froi>, deiKvvvat TOIS vavK\r)poi$, yv&vai dt Tadeipiruv 6v rotrwv yap roi'S

Hfi> e(j.ir6povs fj.eya\a aT^\\eiv TrXota, TOI>$ 8e Tr^ras fJiiKpd, a KaXew 'itnrovs dirb TWV

ev ra?s Trpypats ^n<7T7>wj'. Hippocrates, epistolse, 17, i&vefi.\ffas Bt /xoi, 0tX6T7js,

T. e

66 FIGURE-HEADS, RELIEFS, PAINTINGS,

or reliefs may be seen upon the Roman ships of about

200 A.D. in fgs. 29 and 31, and a figure-head upon the Roman

ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 26. The only figure-head nowextant is drawn to scale in fg. 41. This was found off

Actium, and probably dates from the time of the battle. On

ships of that period it was customary to add some carved or

painted figures as supporters ;so that if a ship were called

the Ida and had a personification of the mountain on her

prow, she would have a pair of Phrygian lions down below,

as in the Roman war-ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25, where

the crocodiles indicate that the ship was called the Nile 149.

All these figures on the stem were intended to distinguish

ship from ship, and had nothing to do with the statues of the

tbs a\-r)6ws'

AffK\7)Trla5a VTJO., y irp6<r6es /xera TOV'

A\tov firlffri^ov Kal'Tyielyv. But

while animals would be suitable for figure-heads, this group of Helios and Hygieia

suggests a relief or painting on the bows : cf. Lucian, navigium, 5, TTJV eir^vv^ov

Trjs veus debv 2xovffa TV "'iffiv eKartpudev, sc. i) irpqpa. Strictly a figure-head

would be an tiria-tj^ov, while such a painting or relief would be a Tra.pdo-rjfjt.ov.

Acts, xxviii. ir, & TT\O^ 'AX^cwS/awy, TrapcKn^uy Aioaicovpois. Plutarch, Themis-

tocles, 15, irp&Tos fjilv ovv \a/JL^dvet vavv Au/co/^S^s, avyp 'AQyvcuos, Tpnjpapx^v, rjs

ra Trapda-^fj.a irepiKtyas dvtdtjKev 'Air6\\(t}vt dcupvyfopit), the plural indicating that

the Trapd<rr)fj.ov was repeated on each bow of the ship. Plutarch, septem sapientium

convivium, 18, irvdbnevov TOV re vavK\-r}pov roijvo^o. /ecu TOV Kv(3fpvf)TOv Kal Trjs vecbs

Tb 7rapdffri/j.ov. cf. Herodotos, viii. 88, CTCK^WS TO ^Kia-qu.ov T^S /e6s ^Tricrra/x^ous.

Thus the terms Trapdar)fj,ov and ^iriffr)fj.ov were used indifferently to denote the

badges which distinguished one ship from another. But where Diodoros says

TOIS dnl TCUS Trpypais 4 7rio"f)/j.aff i, xiii. 3, Thucydides merely says ffrjfj.eiois, vi. 31;

and the wider term is approved by Aristophanes, ranae, 932, Ai6vv<ros : TOV

j-ovdbv 'nnra\KTpv6va frr&v, n's CTTIV opts. 933, AtVx^Xos: <r-r)fj,eioj> fr rats

vav<rlv, ufj.a.6t<rTa.T', tveytypairTo. The term insigne was employed in Latin.

Tacitus, annales, vi. 34, navis insigne fuit, sc. aries. Propertius, iv. 6. 49, vehunt

prorce Centauros saxa minantes. Virgil, ^Eneid, x. 195 197, ingentem remis

Centaurum promovet : ille|

instat aquce, saxumque undis immane minatur|

arduus, et longa sulcat maria alta carina, cf. 156 158, 209 212. Silius Italicus

enumerates a whole fleet of ships and their badges, xiv. 567 ff : Europa on the

bull, a Nereid on a dolphin, Pegasus, a Siren, a Triton, sundry deities, mount

Etna personified, and so also Sidon, Libya, etc.

149Virgil, ^Eneid, x. 156 158, sEneia puppis \prima tenet, rostro Phrygios

subiuncta leones :\

imminet Ida super, profugis gratissima Teucris. Inscription in

the Bulletin epigraphique de la Gaule, vol. ii, p. 139, Ti(berio) Claudia, Aug(usti)

lib(ertd], Eroti, trierarcho liburna Nili. This must date from the middle of the

First Century, the deceased being a freedman of Claudius or Nero ; so the Romanfleet contained a two-banked ship called the Nile about the time when the two-

banked ship with the crocodiles was being carved in that relief.

AND STATUES AT STEM AND STERN. 6/

s by which the ships belonging to one state were dis-

tinguished from the ships belonging to another; every

Athenian ship carrying a statue of Pallas Athene, every

Carthaginian ship a statue of Ammon, and so forth. On the

Roman ship of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29 one of these statues

may perhaps be seen at the far end of the stern, which wasthe usual place for them 150

. The stern here is prolonged into

a kind of gallery, while its true contour is marked by the

swan's neck that rises in a curve within;and in the Roman

ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 26 the structure is the same, the

swan or goose being a recognized feature in ships of that

period151

. Very often the goose was gilded; and so also were

the statues of the gods.

150Euripides, Iphigeneia in Aulide, 239241, x/w<r<?cus 5' elx6fftv

\/car' aicpa

N?7/>7j5es ecrraaav deal\ Trpv/jLvais, fffjfJi 'AxiXXefov o-rparov, 246 258, 'Ardidos

'

ayuv | e^Kovra vavs 6 Qrjo-tus|

TTCUS e?}s tvav\6xei, deav \ IlaXXaS' ev /j.wi>xois \

^X(j3V TTTepwrottrtP ap/JLacriv derdv,\ ev'o"r}(ji6i> ye (fida/ia vavfiaTats. |

r(av Botwrwi' 5'

cnrXioTta, Trovrlas\ Trevr^Kovra vrjas eld6/mav \ fftj^eLoiaLv ^OToXtay^i'as

'

\

rots de

Kadfios T\V | xptveov dpaKOvr' ^xuv I a/t0J va&v Kbpvpfia. 273 276, etc HvXov 8e

N^<rropos | Yepyvlov /carei56yLtai/ | irp6[j.vas cr^/ia Tavphirovv 6pai> \rbv irdpoiKov 'A\<pe6v.

Aristophanes, Acharnenses, 544 547, /cat Kapra fj.evrav etdtus /fa0etX/cere|

TptaKo<rias vavs, rfv 5 av 77 7r6Xis ?rX^a| Ooptifiov trTpariwrwj', Trepl rpLTjpdpxov jSo?;?, |

/Mffdov Sido/J^vov, Ha\\adib}v xpvffovlj'ev(>}v iK.T.\. Virgil, ^Eneid, x. 170, 171 ,

una torvus Abas: huic tottim insignibus armisj agnien^ et aurato fulgebat Apolline

puppis. Silius Italicus, xiv. 408 410, irrumpit Cnmana ratis,,..mimen erat

celsce puppis vicina Dione, 438, 439, Ammon numen erat Libycce gentile carina,\

cornigeraque sedens spectabat ccerula fronte. Ovid, tristia, i. 10. 12, Palladia

numine tuta fuit, sc. navis, cf. i, flava tutela Minerva. Valerius Flaccus, viii.

202, 203, puppe procul summa vigilis post terga magistri \haserat aurata genibus

Medea Minei-v<z, cf. i. 301, fulgens tutela carince. Seneca, epistoloe, 76. 13, tutela

(navis) ebore coelata esf. The distinction between the tutela and the insigne is

obvious in Ovid, tristia, i. 10. i, 2, esf mihi, sitque precor, jlavcs tutela Minerva\

navis, et a picta casside nomen habet. There is presumably an error, Trp<j>pri<ri for

irpv/j-vrja-t, in the current reading of Herodotos, iii. 37, tan yap rou 'H0a0Tou

TtZya\fj.a Totat ^OLviKrjLoiai HaraiKolffi efJifpepeffrarov, roi>5 01 QotviKes tv Trjffi Trp^prjtn

TWV rpL-riptuv Trepidyovcn. 6s 8e TQIJTOVS ^77 o?TW7re, tyw 5^ ol <n)fj,ave'w TrvyuaLov

avdpbs pin-rials eori.

151Lucian, navigium, 5, 77 Trp6(j.va per tiraveffT-rjKev ypepa Ka/ji.Tnj\'r) xP vff vv X~nv ^~

ffKov e7Tt/c6t/i^77, cf. Jupiter tragoedus, 47, quoted in note 158 on p. 71. Apuleius,

metamorphoses, xi. 16, puppis intorta chenisco bracteis aureis vestito fulgebat.

Lucian, verse historise, ii. 41, 6 re yap ev ry irp^^vrj XT'two* &<f>vu tirrepv^aTo KOI

dv^6r]cre, Kal 6 Kvfiepi>ir)Tr)s (paXapKbs ydy u>v aj/e/c^^cre, K.r.X. This passage is

obviously a skit on the Homeric hymn to Dionysos. The xyvicrttos is mentioned

again by Ptolemy, Almagest, viii. i, 'Apyovs dcrre/)t(r/x6s.

68 ORNAMENTS AT STEM AND STERN.

The stern used generally to be surmounted by an orna-

ment, which may originally have been an imitation of the bud

or flower of the lotos, as in the Egyptian ships of about

1250 B.C. in fgs. 3 to 5 ;but this developed into something

like a plume or fan, that always looks rather massive in reliefs,

as in fg. 24, but light and feathery in paintings, as in fgs. 17

to I9> 35 and 36. This ornament was taken as a trophy,

whenever a ship was captured152

. Another such ornament

used sometimes to surmount the stem in default of a figure-

head, as in the Greek and Roman war-ships in fgs. 23 and 25.

The type depicted in fg. 23 and previously in fg. 13 can be

traced to its origin in fg. 3, an old Egyptian form of bow sur-

viving in this useless ornament above the ram. And the type

152Iliad, ix. 241, 242, ffrevrai yap vr)Giv diroKo^etv aKpa Kopv/mfia, \

aura's r'

fj.a\epov irvp6s. Apollonios Rhodios, ii. 601, 2/jnnjs d' d<p\a<rToio irapt-

a= Valerius Flaccus, iv. 691, extremis tamen increpuere corymbis.

Here the Kbpvufia must be the aftermost piece of the ship, as the legend was that

the Symplegades did not snap at the Argo till she was all but clear of them ; and

they are reckoned as part of the a^Xaa-Tov, which was certainly at the stern. Iliad,

xv. 716, 717, "E/crcop d Trptip,vt]dev eirel Xd(3ev, ov'xjl ftedlei,\ a<pXa<TTov /xera xe/xriv

xw"> cf. Lucan, iii. 586, Graiumque audax aplustre retentat. Lucretius, iv. 437,

438, at marts ignaris in portu clauda videntur| navigia aplustris fractis obnitier

undce. This shews that the aplustre reached down below the water-line, for

Lucretius is speaking of the refraction through the water ; so the aplustre or

aspXaffrov was presumably the after part of the keel, answering to the oretpa at the

other end, as to which see note 96 on p. 40. But in Juvenal, x. 135, 136,

victaque triremis| aplustre, the name aplustre seems to be transferred from the

d(f)XaffTov as a whole to the part that formed the trophy, the aKpa Kopvufia. Manyauthors speak of aKpoaroXta as trophies : Diodoros, xviii. 75, xx. 87 ; Strabo, iii.

4. 3; Plutarch, Alcibiades, 32; Appian, de bello Mithridatico, 25 ; Polysenos, iv.

6. 9. But authors of earlier date, and others who quote from them, prefer the

term cucpwr^pta : Herodotos, iii. 59, viii. 121 ; Xenophon, Hellenica, ii. 3. 8, vi. 2.

36; Polysenos, v. 41 ; Athenseos, xii. 49. In the former passage Herodotos refers

to dKpuT-fjpia at the bows see note 147 on p. 65 but in the latter he describes a

statue holding an aKpurripiov in its hand;and when such figures appear on coins,

the trophy in their hands is always the ornament from the stern, cf. Hymnus in

Dioscuros, 10, n, en-' dKpur-fjpia /SdVres | irpv^vris. Again, in the passage quotedfrom Athenaeos in note 24 on p. 9, Callixenos assigns the d/t/xxrroXioj' to the bows,

contrasting it with the a(p\a<rToi> or a^Xaora at the stern ; while in the Almagest,viii. i, 'A/xyouj aVreptcr/ios, Ptolemy places a pair of stars kv r< aKpoa-ToXiy, and the

constellation shewed only the after part of the ship. Thus aKpurripiov and

d/c/HKTToXioj' appear to be general terms for ornaments at either extremity of a ship,

though oftenest applied to the ornament at the stern, as that was the more

conspicuous. There is no warrant for the notion that the stem-post was called the

THE HAWSE-HOLES IN THE BOWS. 69

picted in fg. 25 preserves the normal contour of the bow in

merchant-ships. On the Roman merchant-ship in fg. 26

there is a gallery round the stem as well as round the stern;

and both these galleries appear again in the ships of later

date in fgs. 37 and 40.

On each bow of a ship there generally was a huge eye, as

in fgs. 12, 13, 15, 19 and 40; and sometimes more than one,

in fg. 23. These pairs of eyes doubtless owed their originthe sentiment that a ship is a living thing and must see

way : but in course of time they probably were turned to

as hawse-holes for the anchor-cables 153. The anchors

;d to be suspended from the catheads a little way abaft of

tese hawse-holes 154.

or6Xos, and that the aKpoaroXiov was the top of this; for in ^Eschylos, Persae, 408,

409, ev6i/s de vavs tv vf\l x&kKTjpr) ffro\ov\ Zirouffev, the term aroXos can hardly

mean more than structure cf. 416, Zdpavov iravTa Kwjrrjpr] <TTO\OV and in

Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1135, the meaning seems to be just as vague:see note 202 on p. 94. All these terms are avoided by Pausanias, v. n. 5, Kal

2aXa/x.is ^%of(ra ev rrj %etpi rbv TTI rats vavalv $/cpcus TTOLOV^VOV Kbff^ov^ x. u. 6,

dvaKeirai 5e Kal ir\oiwv ra a/cpa /cocr/x^yuara.

53^Eschylos, supplices, 716, Kal irpfpa irpbffdev o/JL/j-affi /SXe'Trovcr' 656v, 743,

744, Sopvirayets 5' ^xoj/res /cuapwTrtSas\ vrjas Z-jrXevaav, cf. Persse, 559, 560,

KvavuinSes\

/aes. Philostratos, imagines, i. 18, y\avKols ptv (i) vavs) yeypa-rrrai

Xpu[j.a<n, fiXoffvpois 5e Kara irpigpav 6<f)da\iJ.ols olov /SX^Tret. Corp. Inscr. Attic,

vol. ii, no. 789, col. a, 1. 24, avrrj ovcei/os 2%ei ovdtv, ovd' ol 6<j)da\/j.ol ZveHTiv, no.

791, 1. 68, 6<t>6a\fj.bs Kartayev, cf. 11. 41, 75. These entries shew that the eyes

were not mere ornaments painted on the ship, but served some useful purpose :

and they could hardly be used for anything but hawse-holes. The epithet

Kvavuiris suggests that they were made of bronze, like the ram : cf. Aristophanes,

equites, 554, 555, /cvcw^u/SoXoi | rpt^pets, ranse, 1318, irpypais Kvave/j./36\ois. See

note 147 on p. 65 as to the nose of a ship, and note 91 on p. 37 as to the cheeks.154

Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1350, 1351, ol 5' eirwrLduv\ dyKijpas

^avrJTTTov, cf. Pindar, Pythia, iv. 191, 192, eirei 5' ^uj36Xou | Kpt^aaav dyKvpas

virepOev. There are two slits in the side of each cathead on the ship of about

300 B.C., which is viewed from the front in fg. 22. Each slit is horizontal, and is

crossed by a vertical pin in the middle : and abaft of the pin the depth decreases

gradually in a slope up to the outer surface of the cathead. On each cathead one

of the slits stands a little above and abaft of the other. These slits seem to be

intended for a loop of rope to hold the anchor; the two ends of the rope enteringthe slits from behind and passing out again in front of the pins to form the loop.

An elaborate theory has been based upon the supposition that these two slits are

the port-holes for the bow oars of an upper and a lower bank, the cathead being

merely the front of a long structure serving as an outrigger. There is not anyevidence of that.

7O ANCHORS OF STONE, IRON AND LEAD

The genuine anchor with a pair of arms was reckoned

among the inventions of Anacharsis 155;and he was in his

prime about 600 B.C. In earlier times the anchors had been

made of stone 156. At first the metal anchors were made of

iron;and these were singularly light, an anchor of less than

half a hundred-weight being in use in the Athenian navy.

But all such anchors had a mass of stone and lead fixed on

to them by means of iron clamps, and thus acquired what

weight they wanted 157. Apparently, this ballast was fastened

to the anchor near the bottom of the shank, and filled up155

Strabo, vii. 3. 9, Kal rbv 'Avdxapviv de (ro(pbi> /caXcDj/ 6 "E0o/)os roi/rou rou

yevovs (LKvduv) (pyo-lv elvai' vo^iadrjvaL de Kal eirrd o-Q(pu>v eva re\elg, <ru(ppoo-ijvri

Kal o~vve<rei'

evprj/uLard re avrov \yei rd re fairvpa Kal rr/v a/J.(f)t(3o\ov ayKvpav Kal

rbv Kepa/m.iKbv rpoxov. Some sort of anchor had already been invented by Midas,

according to Pausanias, i. 4. 5, ayKvpa dt, f]v 6 Mi'5as dvevpev, yv eri Kal es e/j,e ev

iep Ac6s. cf. Pliny, vii. 57, ancoram (invenit) Eupalamus; eandem bidentem

Anacharsis. Latin writers often termed the arm of the anchor its tooth, and

spoke of its bite : Livy, xxxvii. 30, ancora unco dente alligavit, Virgil, /Eneid,

i. 169, unco non alligat ancora morsu, vi. 3, 4, dente tenaci|

ancorafundabat naves.

And Greek writers also : Lycophron, 99, 100, KauTrtiXovs crxdo-as | Tretf/ojs 65<Was,

%KTopas Tr\r)Ufji.vptdos, Lucian, Lexiphanes, 15, /cropas d/A0ta-r6Mous. But see

Plutarch, de mulierum virtutibus, 8, afia 5e 6 II6XXij /car^catfe ry dyKijpq, rbv

6vvxa fJt-Tl irpoabvra'

filq. yap \KO/JLfrrjs, us ZoiKev, ev rdwoLS viroTrtrpois aTrocrTracr^eis

Z\a6e. Here the arm is termed the talon : and possibly uncus should be read

unguis in Lucan, ii. 694, and Valerius Flaccus, ii. 428. The name ayxvpa

appears for the first time in Alcaeos, Fr. 18, apud Heracleitum, allegorise, 5,

X^Xcucri 5' ayKvpai, and then in Theognis, 459, ou5' aywpai t-xovaw.156

Arrian, periplus, 9, tvravda Kal i) ayKvpa decKwrat T^S 'Apyovs. Kal rj pev

ffidrjpd OVK doj; /JLOL elvat TraXatd. Xt-dLvys 5 TWOS aXX?;s 6pati<r/y.aTa ede'tKVVTO TraXcud,

cbs raura fjiaXXov et'/cdaai e/ceTya etvai ra \etyava. rr)s dyKiJpas rrjs 'Apyovs. Apol-lonios Rhodios, i. 955 958, /ce?<re Kal evvai^ 6\lyov \idov K\6cravres

| T/0uos evve-

ffiycriv vwb Kp^vrj eXlwovTO,| Kprjvri UTT' 'ApraKir]

'

erepov 5' %\ov, 6o~ris dprfpei, | Ppidvv.

These stone anchors are termed evval in the Homeric poems. Iliad, i. 436, ^/c

5' etvds 2fia\ov, Kara 8^ irpv^ivrjaC 25i)(rai>, xiv. 77, v\j/i5' eir' ebvdwv bpulffffopev.

Odyssey, ix. 137, otir evvds fiaXteiv oifre Trpv^v/iat' dvd\f/ai, cf. xv. 498. The form

euj/cucu occurs again in Apollonios Rhodios, i. 1277, ii. 1282, iv. 888; but gives

place to evval at iv. 1713. See also Oppian, de piscatione, iii. 373, vtpdw

dvaif/duevoi rprjrbv \iQov evvao~ri)pa. This refers to a plummet for a weel. In the

Odyssey, xiii. 77, ireiffua d' \vcrav dirb rpyroio \L9oio, the stone is clearly a fixture

on the shore, with a hole through it for a ship's cable ; but according to

Herodotos, ii. 96, vessels coming down the Nile used to tow a \i6os rerpfi^vos

astern to steady them against the current. In mooring vessels for floating-bridges

the Romans made use of conical baskets filled with stones. Arrian, anabasis, v.

7, Kal tvravda ijd-rj Kadlerai ir\{yuara e/c Xifyoy Trvpaaoeidrj ir\ripri \l6wv \oyd5b)i> dwb

irpypas e/cdarijs vetis, roO d^e'xetf rty vavv irpbs rbv povv.

THEIR WEIGHT, FORM AND STRUCTURE. 71

all the space between the arms, as shewn on the coin of

about 350 B.C. in fg. 44. At a later date the anchors weremade of lead, and perhaps of other metals 158

. The remains of

n anchor of this class, lately recovered near Cyrene, are

rawn to scale in fgs. 45 to 47. One piece seems to be the

ock, and the other two the arms;and these are all of lead,

ithout any alloy159

. The shank was probably of wood, as

t has perished. The three surviving pieces weigh 372 Ibs.

d 472 and 473 Ibs. respectively, or 1317 Ibs. altogether;nd a wooden shank would increase the weight to more

157Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. b, 11. 83 88, dyKvpas ffidr)p[ds,

AA . ., decr/j.d (Tidypa 56/a/i[a TO] K r(av \lduv y\vdtv[rd] o~vv ry

, dpi[djj.bs] HHHAAAP. This inscription dates from 3293.0. Inscrip-

n from Delos in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique, vol. vi, p. 47,

171, ayKvpa o~i5r)pa, ~\L6ov OVK ^ovcra, cf. 1. 168, dyKvpa ffidypd, Kal Xt'0os

u;/35oOs. This inscription dates from 180 B.C. Diodoros, v. 35, tirl TOO~OVTO 5^

TOI)S epiirbpovs diareivai 7775 <f>i\OKep8ias c&rre, tireiddv KaraybfJiwv OVTUV ru>v

\olwv TrepiTTevri 7roXi)s apyvpos, ^KKdirretv rbv iv rats dyKvpais /x6Xt/35o' Kal K

dpyvpov TT]v K TOV [j.o\ipdov xpdav aXXdrrecr^at. In the Athenian inscription

the first numeral would be F1

in place of A, if the weight had exceeded 50 mnas;d 50 mnas are rather less than 50 Ibs.

158Lucian, Jupiter tragcedus, 47, dXX' 6 ptv Trp6rovos, el TVXOI, & rrjv irpvfivav

jT^rarat, ol ir6des 8 e's TTJV irpypav d/x06re/)of Kal xpv<7a-i p.v at ayKvpai evlore,

fjviffKos 5e /Jio\vj3dovs, Kal rd /J.ei> v<pa\a Kardypa(pa, ra 5' ^aXa rrjs j/ecus a/xo/)0a.

is implies that the anchors used generally to be made of lead at that period, the

xos being gilt: see note 151 on p. 67. According to the present reading,

en anchors are mentioned by Moschion, apud Athenaeum, v. 43, AyKvpai d

av v\ivai (j,ev rerrapes, vidypai de (5/crc6. But they are not mentioned by anyother ancient author : so the reading is probably corrupt. For v\ivai read

tdXiPcu. cf. Lucian, verae historiae, i. 42, Kal yap dyKvpais exp^vro /j.eyd\ais,

va\lvais, Kaprepals. Apparently, some metal was known as CaXos, for vd\ivos

cannot here refer to glass ; and this metal may be intended in the story of the

TroT-rjpiov vaXovv in Dion Cassius, Ivii. 21, Petronius, 51, Pliny, xxxvi. 66, and

Isidore, origines, xvi. 16. 6. It is obviously the ship, not the anchor, that

Lycophron describes as irevK-rj in the passage quoted in note 155: cf. Euripides,

Phcenissae, 209, Adra TrXetftracra, Alcestis, 444, e\a.ra SI/CWTT^J.

159 The components of a sample were lead 98^65 per cent, iron '55, tin "12,

silver 'on, and gold '0005. Some oxygen was present also. I am indebted to

Mr Roberts Austen of the Royal Mint for making the analysis. To judge by

look, the material is just the same in a similar arm recovered near Syme and nowin the collection of the Archaeological Society at Athens. This arm retains a

portion of a bar corresponding to the bar that runs across the opening in the stock

m % 45 >and there are traces of another such bar in both the arms belonging to

that stock.

72 SET OF ANCHORS FOR A SHIP.

than 1400 Ibs., or twelve and a half hundred-weight, which

is now the allowance for the best bower on a sailing-shi]

of 250 tons. But this anchor could never have held

firmly as a modern anchor of equal weight ;so its ship was

probably of lower tonnage. The ship's name, Zeus Hypato<is inscribed in relief upon the arms 160

. In the Atheniai

navy the war-ships carried two anchors apiece161

: but larg(

merchant-ships carried more, and sometimes had three or

four anchors out at once;the anchor that was let go last of

all the sheet-anchor now passing among sailors as the holy

anchor 162. Cork floats were kept for marking the position of

160 This inscription reads XEYC YFIATOC. The words are not repeated;

but Zeus is on the right arm facing one way, and UTTCITOS on the right arm facing

the other way. The word ASI3TAZ is inscribed upon the arm at Athens.

The form of the lettering in these inscriptions dates them near the beginningof the Christian Era.

161Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, 11. 66102, no. 808, col. d,

11. 119 151, no. 809, col. e, 11. 75 no, no. 8n, col. c, 11. n 32. These are

the lists of the entire gear (evreXij cr/ceir?/) supplied to ships of three and four banks

in 330/329 B.C. and following years; and in every case they mention dyKtipas

ffidrjpds dtio, or simply dyKijpas 5uo: cf. no. 793, col. f, 11. 6 8, dyKvp&v dpid[/j.bs]

A PI 1 1' aCrcu yly[yovrai\ e-rri vaus Pill I e[VreXeis. In one instance there are four

anchors, no. 803, col. c, 11. 54 72 : but this is a list of gear supplied to a ship

during the term of a command, and consequently does not show that she had all

the four at once.162

Plutarch, Solon, 19, ryv d' aw fiovXty eK&diffev, oldpevos evrt 5v<rl /SouAcus

wffirep aytajpais bp/j,ovffav VJTTOV ev adXy rty TTO\IV foeadai, cf. Demosthenes, in

Dionysodorum, 44, eirl dvoiv dyKvpaiv bpneiv. Synesios, epistolse, p. 164, i) p.kv otiv

vavs {(rdXevev e?r' dyKvpas /juds, i] er^pa yap dTrr)U7r6\T]TO, Tplrrfv 5e dyKVpav 'A(J.dpav-

TOS OVK fKT-rjaaTo. Euripides, Phaethon, Fr. 7, apud Stobseum, xliii. 3, vavv TOI pi'

dyKvp ovda/jiov (r&fav 0iXe?, |u>s rpets d(pi>Ti. Acts, xxvii. 29, e/c vpffO'TjS pi\f>avTes

dyKvpas re<rpapas. Lucian, fugitivi, 13, ^5o^e 5?; cr/coTrouyu^otj rty v^Tdr^v dyxvpav,

f)t> iepdv ol vavTL\\6fji,voi <pa<ri, Kaditvai, cf. Jupiter tragoedus, 51. Plutarch, prse-

cepta gerendse rei publicse, 15. 15, /jnjdt (del) wa-jrep ev ir\ol(f <r/ceOos iepbv a7ro/ce?(r^at,

rds t<rxara s Trep(.p.tvovTa %/>e/as, 19. 8, wa-irep dyKvpav iepdv dpd/j.et>oj> tiri TOIS /meyiff-

rots, cf. Coriolanus, 32.163

Pausanias, viii. 12. i, 'Apicdduv de iv TOIS dpv/JLOis dffiv at dpvs did<f>opoi, Kai

rds fj^v 7r\aru0i;XXoi's avr&v, rds 5e <f>r)yobs Ka\ovcriv'

al rpLrai 5 dpaibv rbv (p\oi.ov

/cat OVTU 8-r) TI iraptxovra Kov<pov wVre air' avrov Kai ev 6a\d<r(rri TrotoOvrat (Tr)/j.eia

dyiujpais Kai St/cri/cus. cf. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, iii. 16. 3, 6 5^ KaXovffiv

ol 'ApKddes <pe\\65pvv. Pliny, xvi. 13, suberi minima arbor, glans pessima, rara:

cortex tantum infructu, prczcrassus ac renascens, alque etiam in denos pedes undique

explanatus. usus eius ancoralibus maxime navium piscantiumque tragulis.

CHAIN-CABLES AND ROPE-CABLES. 73

the anchors, when that was necessary168

;and these did duty

as life-buoys, if anybody fell overboard 164. The cables were

sometimes made of chain, but usually of rope : and a thicker

rope was needed for large merchant-ships than for the war-

ships165

. Rope-cables of two sizes were in use in the Athenian

navy, one described as six-inch and the other as four-inch

and a half: but unfortunately there is nothing to shew

whether these measurements refer to the circumference or the

diameter 166. Four cables of each sort were carried by each

ship, one set to serve the two anchors at the bows, and the

other for making the ship fast to the shore by her stern :

54Lucian, Toxaris, 20, (pe\\otis re yap TroXXod'S d^elvat avrois Kal TUV KOVTUV

Ttvas, cos eirl TOIJTUV dirovfi^aivTO, et TLVI avr&v weptTuxotev, Kal r^Xos Kal rr\v diro-

fiddpav avTrjv ob (juKpav otcav. 21, rb [J.tv yap irpurov 0eXXots rifft irepnreff6i>Tas

dv^xet-v tirl TOIJTUV eavrovs Kal dTrovr}X a'^ai nov/ipus, vcrrepov d rrjv dwofiddpav

idbvras, K.T.\.

55Aristophanes, pax, 36, 37, &<rirep oi rd ffxoivia |

rd 7ra%ea

ray oX/cdSas. Arrian, anabasis, ii. 21, a\6<Te<Ti.v eis rds dyKtipas dvrl

(j.ei>oi, cf. Herodotos, ix. 74, %aX/c^y dXi^ai dedefjLfrrji' ayKvpav (ndTjp^rjv. Caesar,

de bello Gallico, iii. 13, ancorce, profunibus, ferreis catenis revincta:.

166Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, 11. 66102, no. 808, col. d, 11.

119 151, no. 809, col. e, 11. 75 no, no. 81 1, col. c, 11. n 32. These are the

lists of the entire gear (evreXrj cr/cei;?/) supplied to ships of three and four banks in

330/329 B.C. and following years; and in every case they mention (rxowta, (kra;-

ddKTv\a (HI, e5d/cTi>Xa III I. These cables were described as enlyva and

a few years earlier. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 793, col. e, 11. 22 26,

'AKportpq. tirlyva |||, 'HStVrT? eiriyva II, NauK/3dri6t tntyva \\\\,"Ei>r) tiriyva II, col.

h, 11. 19, 20, [eTrl] TTJV "H.5i<?Tr)v [crxjofia dyKijpeia (III, no. 794, col. b, 11. 33 35,

W dpie(fj.bs) eJ>reX(?7) eirl va(vs) PAAAPII Kal Triyv(a) AAAIII /cat dyw-

eV. These inscriptions of 357/6 and 356/5 indicate that only two sorts of

<rxoii>ia were then in use, and that four of each sort made a complete set: so the

change was merely in the names. For the name tirlyva see Polybios, iii. 46, TTJV 5'

OTTO TOI} pV/j.aTos TrXevpdv r]<r<j)a\tfot>TO rots ^/c TTJS yrjs ewiyuois, els rd irepl r6 xXos7re0i;/c6Ta rcov dfrdpuv evdirTOvres, xxxiii. 7, rdirdyaia Kal rds dyKtipas, Lucian, verse

historice, i. 42, e^d^avres avrov ra diroyeia, Kal ^TT' dyKvp&v ir\rjcrLov o

Aristophanes, apud Harpocrationem, s.v. ^Trt/Sdr?;?: e5 y et;eKo\i>fj.pT]<r'

ws eol(rwj> e-rrLyeLov, and Leonidas of Tarentum, in the Anthology, x. i. 5, dywpasdvt\oio Kal e/cXiArcuo ytiaia: also Quintilian, iv. 2. 41, sublatce sunt ancorte, sohimus

oram, and Livy, xxii. 19, resolutis oris, in ancoras evehuntur, xxviii. 36, orasque et

ancoras, ne in moliendo mora esset, prtzcidunt. These shore-cables seem to be the

same as the stern-cables, Trpv/mv^ffia, which are likewise named apart from the

anchor-cables; and also the same as the mooring-cables, iretV/iara, which were

likewise made fast to the shore. Odyssey, xv. 498, e'/c 5' ewots ^/faXo^, Kara 8t

74 ANCHORS AND CABLES AT THE STERN.

and ships everywhere carried some shore-cables at the stern

in addition to the anchor-cables at the bows. Ships being

thus fitted for cables at each end, anchors could easily be put

out astern, if needed there for any manoeuvre or to help the

ship ride out a gale167

.

The ships used to be steered with a pair of very large oars

at the stern, one on either side168

. In vessels built for rowingeither way, and therefore shaped alike at stem and stern, a

pair was carried at each end 169. And occasionally a second

C Z8ir)<rav, x. 96, TreV/^s e'/c TreLff/^ara operas, xiii. 77, Tretffua 6' \vaav dtrb

\L6oio, xv. 286, rot 5k Trpv^v-fjCfC g\v(rav, cf. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 912, 913,

Trpvfj.vri<ria 5e (T<j>t<riv "Apyos \

\vfffv VTTK TreY/oijs dXt/ivpe'os. Athenseos, xv. 12,

Xucra/ieVous 5' airroiis rd irpv/j.v/i<na xai ras dyiajpas dve\o/Jivovs. Polysenos, iv. 6. 8,

#XXot jjikv dveviruv TO. Trpv/^vrjcna, a\\oi de ayxtipas dvi/m&VTO. Philostratos, vita Apol-

lonii, iii. 56, Trei<rua e/c TTJS vya-ov pd\\e<rdai, vi. 12, /3dXXe<r#at rti/d ayxvpav TJ ire'iafjt.a.

The TTpvuvrjO'ia and the TrelauaTa are mentioned together in Odyssey, ix. 136, i37

ev de \ifjt,-r)v eOop/JiOS, 'Lv

1

ov xpew Tretcr/uards eariv,\

olr' evvas j3a\&iv ovre irpvp-vqai

dvd\j/ai. But that is mere tautology; and the passage is translated accordingly

by Virgil, yEneid, i. 168, 169, hie fessas non vincula naves\

ulla tenent, unco non

alligat ancora morsn. Here ireLfffiara is rendered by vincula, as in Pliny, xxxii.

i , non vincula ulla, non ancorcz : but elsewhere by retinacula. Ovid, metamor-

phoses, xv. 696, solvunt retinacula puppis, cf. xiv. 547.167

Polygenos, iii. 9. 63, 'I<f>iKpdTrjs vepi $>oii>lKr]v Karair^wv eKarbv r/)ia/co?/r6pots,

Zvda Tevayd)8r)s alytdXbs yv, Trapr/yyeiXev, orav TO ffrj/u.e'tov dva5et%^y, rots p.v KV/3ep-

vijTais &yi<vpav dcpifrcu /card Trpti/JLvav /cai rrfv Karaywy^v ev rdei iroiei<rdcu, TCHS 5^

orparicirats, K.r.X....... ws 5^ -fjdrj a^^i^Tpov vir\afii> elvan TO TTJS 6a\d(ra"r)S fiddos,

TO ffrj/j.tioi' r^s eAf/Sdaews. at rpia/c6'TO/)ot nlv tv rd^et KaT^yovTO 8ta TUV

, ol dt dvdpes, /c.r.X. This happened about 375 B.C. Appian, de rebus

Punicis, 123, 'Pw//,aots 5e 6 ^v eTriTrXous r\v pq.dios, Ka.1 TO /id%e(r^at vavcriv ecrrwcrats

eti/uLapts' at 8' dj'axwpTja'ets 5t' dva<TTpo<f)7]J> r&v ve&v, yua/cpwf ovcruv, J3pa8eial re /cai

5i'(r%epe?s CTreyiyvovTO' odev a.vT^iraffx. v & Ttpoe TCI 6'/iota, ore yap eincrTpe(pot.vTQ,

ir\T]CTcrovTO virb T&V K.apx.t)Soviuv eiri.ir\ebvT<j)v. /J-^XPi vrie^ 2t57jrcD^ Tr^re, at 0tX^2iKiTriwvos e'iirovTO, ras fj.ev dyKtipas KadrjKav K TroXXou 5iacrr7j/iiaros e"s ro TrAa^os,

d\{/d/j.vai d' aTr' aurwi/ /cdXois /ta/c/)oi;s, dpevia rots Kapx^oj'fots eTT^TrXeoJ', /cat Sre

birex&povv, TOUS /cdXous f-mcrTrdfjiei'ai /card irp^^vav'

aP^t's re po0ty

t, TrdXt^ dv/iyovTO /card irpvf^vav. This happened in 147 B.C. Appian,de bellis civilibus, v. 89, rds J'aus enaTtpwdev dyifvpais ZK re roO ?reXd7ous /cat dirb

rijj 7775 8iKpdTovv. This was in a gale in 38 B.C. Acts, xxvii. 29, e/c irp^/j.v^

ptyavTes dyKtipas reVtrapas. This was also in a gale. An anchor is represented at

the stern of one of the ships on Trajan's Column, where the fleet appears to be

going down a river.

168Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 793, col. a, 11. 23 27, [Tr]r}5a\lwv dpi6jj.bs

HHHHPAPIIII raCra ylyverai iiri vavs HHAAAHII Kal tv wr)dd\ioi>. cf.

Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, v. 22, TU? irribaiKluv ddTcpov d7ro/3aX6vres, Apuleius,

THE OARS FOR STEERING THE SHIP. 75

iir was carried near the stern in vessels of ordinary build;

so that if the ship was pitching heavily enough for the usual

steering-oars to come out of the water at every plunge, the

steering could be managed with another pair placed a little

further forward 170. The steering-oars were fastened to the

sides of a ship just below the gunwale, either by passing the

loom of the oar through some sort of loop or ring, or else by

tying it between a pair of pegs171

: and these fastenings maybe noticed on the ships in fgs. 3 to 5, 17, 18 and 40. The

metamorphoses, ii. 14, utroque regimine amisso. Herodotos, ii. 96, iryddXiov 8t

v TToieuvTai, Kal TOVTO did TTJs TpbiTios diafivveTai. Herodotos is speaking of vessels

on the Nile ; and his emphasis shews how unusual it was for a vessel to have only

a single steering-oar. In these Egyptian vessels the steering-oar must have passed

through the after end of the keel, where it curved upwards in place of a stern-post :

see p. 39 and notes 95, 96.169

Athenaeos, v. 37, TnjSdXta 5' et^e r^rrapa, diirpypos 5' tyeybvei Kal

SiTrpvfJivos. Dion Cassius, Ixxiv. ii, KaL Tiva avT&v eKarepwdev Kal IK TT)$ Trpvfj.vr)s

Kal K TTJS Trpypas TrrjdaXiois ^ovcero. Tacitus, annales, ii. 6, appositis utrimque

gubernaculis, converse ut repente remigio hinc vel illinc appellerent.170

Polysenos, iii. ii. 14, Xa/3pias irpbs TOVS ireXaylovs TrXoGs Kal rous ev TTJ

$a\aTT7) x^'A^as KO.reffKeva.frv e/cdcrrfl TUV vrj&v diffffd irrjddXia. Kal rots p.ev

vwdpxovffiv ev rats evSlais exPVT0'

et' ^

"*!^dXacrcra KoLXr) yevoiro, ddrepa 8ia r^s

7ra/)e^et/>e<7/as Kara rds dpaviridas /cw?raj iraperidei, rovs a^x^as exovra Kal rot's

ota/cas virep TOV /caraa-r/ow/iaros, wore e^aipo^evrj^ rrjs irpvnvr)S roirrois rrjv vavv

Karevdvveadai. Here a.i/x'nv must mean the loom of the oar, the handle being

known as o!fa : but it afterwards came to mean the oar itself. Leo, tactica, xix.

8, Kal rous Stfo Kv^epv/iras T&V TOV 5/)6/xw^os avx&uv. See note 172 as to the

meanings of ofa. The irape&iptala is here the space between the rowers and the

stern, as also in Polyaenos, iii. n. 13, XajSpfds 7r/>6s rds eVifioXds ruv KVIJ.O.TUV vtrep

rty TrapeeipecrLav eKarepov roixov deppus irape^a\ev ,Kal Kar^Xaxras dpri'ws ry /cara-

Kara r6 ui/'os (ppdyfj-a KareXd^avev avrb irpbs rds Trape^eipea-ias. TOVTO 8

Ti}v vavv viro^pvx^v (pepevdai Kal TOVS vafoas vTrb TUV KvpaT

Kal TO, eiri<pep6fj,eva Kvpara ovx bpuvTes did TT\V TOV (ppdyfJ.aTOS irpbadeffiv OVK

TavTo did TOV <pb[3ov ovdt TT\V vavv e<r<pa\\ov. See note 141 on p. 62 for another

meaning of irapeeipe<rla.

171Euripides, Helena, 1536, ir^SdXtd re fvy\ai<rt irapaKadieTo. Acts, xxvii.

40, dvevTes rds evKTt)plas r&v irrjSaXiuv. cf. Aristotle, mechanica, 6, 5 t^v ^7 TO

Tn)8d\iov TrpoffefcvKTat, Set ofty rt TOV Kivovfj.evov pecov voetv, Kal wffTrcp b (TKaXfjibs

T7? KWTry. The term vyw<ris is used by Callixenos in speaking of oars for rowing,

when he may really be referring to the steering- oars : see p. 10 and note 25.

Orpheus, Argonautica, 278, 279, tin 5' our' oirjKas 25i)<rav, | irpvfMvbdev dpT-fjaavTes,

eireff(piy^avTO 8' ipaffiv. The term ofa must here denote the entire steering-oar :

see next note. Vegetius, iv. 46, per has (bipennes) in media ardore pugnandi

peritissimi nautce vel milites cum minoribus scaphulis secreto inciduntfunes, quibus

adversariorum ligala sunt gubernacula.

76 THE OARS FOR STEERING THE SHIP,

steering-oars could thus be worked like oars for rowing ;and

while the rowers drove the ship ahead and astern by pulling

their oars forward or pushing them aft, the steerer drove her

to port and starboard by pulling his oar inboard or pushing it

outboard, if he steered with one, and moving the other in the

same direction, if he steered with two 172. But this method was

impracticable when the steering-oars were big and heavy ;

and they used then to be worked by turning them round a

little way. So long as the blades were parallel to the ship's

keel, the ship went straight ahead : but if the oars were

172Aristotle, mechanica, 6, 8ia rl rb irr]8d\iov, /JUKpbv ov /cat eV

r<$ ?rXo(>, roffavrrjv dvvafjuv %ei w<rd' VTTO /u/cpou ot'a/cos /cat evbs dvdp&wov 5vvd.fJ.ews,

Kal ravrrjs r/peuaias, ueydXa Kivel(rdat ^eyedy ir\olwv ; 77 dtori Kal rb irrjddXibv ecrn

/ji.o'x\6s, Kal /uo%Xei/et 6 Kvfiepvrirys ; 77 /j.ev ovv Trpoo~rjp/j.oo~rai T< TrXoty, yiverai

VTTOfJi.6xXiov, rb 5' 6\ov irrjodXiov 6 ^co%X6j, rb de (3dpos 77 6d\ao~o~a, 6 de Kvfiepvr/rrjs

6 KIVUV ...... 77 uev ovv K&TTT] Kara TrXdros TO j3d/)os udovffa Kal VTT' eneLvov a.vr(^QQV^vt]

et's rb evQv irpodyei.' TO 5e Trr)dd\i.ov, uxrirep KadrjTai TrXdyiov, TTJV els rb Tr\dyiov

TI devpo T) eKel Troiet Kivi]<nv ...... $ /j.ev 5i] rb 7rrjdd\LOjf 7rpo<r^"ev/CTCu, 8el olov n TOV

v/ji^vov fdcrov voelv, Kal uxnrep 6 ovcaX/xos ry /CWTTTJ rb de {JLCGOV virox^pei y 6 oi'a

edv /uev efrrw ayy, Kal i] irpv^va devpo /JLed^ffr^Kev, r/ 5^ Trpypa eis

rovvavriov vevei. cf. Plato, Alcibiades, p. 117 C, rl 5' el ev vt]l TrXeots, apa 8o%dois

av, irbrepov xp?) TOV ofo/ca eiVw ayeiv rj a>; Aristotle is followed by Vitruvius, x.

3. 5, quemadmodum etiam navis oneraria maxima gubernator^ ansam gubernaculi

~tenens, qui o'la% a Gnzcis appellatur, una manu, momenta per centri librationem

pressionibus artis agitans, versat earn amplissirnis et immanibus mercis et penus

ponderibus oneratam, reading librationem for ratiomm cf. 4, per scapi librationem

and assuming that artis comes from artus. The term oifct is here applied to the

handle of the steering-oar; and so also in Polysenos, iii. n. 14 see note 170

and in Plutarch, Lysander, 12, fj<rav Be rives oi TOVS Aioovatyxw eiri rijs A.v<rdvdpov

veus exarepwdev ao~rpa rots o'la^w tiriXdiityai \eyovres. But it used also to be

applied to the entire steering-oar, as in Orpheus, Argonautica, 278 see last note

and in Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1356, 1357, Kal dievdvvrrjpias |

oi'a/cas

^rjpovfjiev evirpvfji.vov ve&s. This can only mean that they took away the steering-

oars, which was then the ordinary way of disabling a ship : cf. Herodotos, iii. 136;

Athenaeos, viii. 61; Xenophon, anabasis, v. i. n. The cognate term ol-rjtov

^ denotes the entire steering-oar in Odyssey, ix. 539, 540, Kad 5' efia\ev /Aero-made

vebs Kvavoirpqpoio |rvrdov, e5evr}(rej> 5

1

olrjiov &Kpov LKeffdai. This term occurs again* in Odyssey, xii. 218, e?ret 1/7765 yXafivprjs olriia vaults, and in Iliad, xix. 43, /cat e^ov _

oiT^ia vrj&v, but without anything to shew whether it denotes the whole of the oar

or only the handle. Apparently ofa was synonymous with TT\TJKTPOV. Herodotos,

i. 194, IQuveTai 5e virb re dvo TrX^Krptjov Kal 8vo dvopuv dpdwv effre&ruv, Kal 6 fJ.ev

ecu e'X/cet rb TrX^/crpov, 6 5 ^w udeei. Sophocles, Fr. 151, apud Pollucem, x. 133,

TrXrjKrpois direvdvvovaiv ovplav rpoiriv. Silius Italicus, xiv. 401, 402, residentis

puppe magistri \ ajfixit plectro dextram, sc. telum.

AND THE MODE OF WORKING THEM. 77

irned to bring the fore part of each blade to starboard and

the after part to port, the action of the water on the oars was

enough to thrust the ship's stern to starboard and thus send

her head to port ; and, conversely, if the oars were turned to

bring the fore part of each blade to port and the after part to

starboard, the ship's head went to starboard. There was

probably a tiller in the loom or handle of each steering-oar

and a piece of gear to join these tillers;so that the steerer

could turn both oars at once 173. In the Egyptian ships of

irly date, as in fgs. 3 to 5, the steering-oars appear to be

173Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum, 4, of> ptv yap dtreid^, Kara Hivdapov,

ovdt 8i5vfj.ov crTptyovaa ir^ddXiov, sc. i) T^x??. Lucian, navigium, 6, KaKtiva iravra

fjiiKpbs rts avdpu-rriaKos ytpuv -fjS-r) gffwfev vnb XeTTTT/ Ka/ua/u rd rrjXt/caura ir7)8a\ia

irepi.<rTp<p(i}v. The equivalent of Ka/na^ was adminiculum. Pliny, vii. 57, admi-

nicula gubernandi (addidif) Tiphys. In the passage just quoted from Lucian the

term /ca/ia is used in the singular with 7r??5aXta in the plural, and so also is ofa in

Plato, politicus, p. 272 E, TnySaXtaw oi'a/cos a(p/j.vos, sc. 6 KvpepvrjTt]^, and likewise

claims with gtibernacula in Cicero, pro Sestio, 9, clavum tanti imperil tenere et

gubcrnacula rei publics: tractare. These passages imply that the two steering-oars

were controlled by a single piece of gear, and that this used sometimes to be

termed ota and clavus as well as Kct/<ia and adminiculum ; and various other

passages imply that ships were steered by turning the clavus or ofo. Quintilian,

ii. 17. 24, dum clavum rectum teneam. Virgil, ,/Eneid, v. 177, davumque adlitora torquet. Euripides, Helena, 1590, 1591, ird\u> irXewfjiev, vavfidrav.

at '

\

(TV S <TTp(p' oi'a/ca. yEschylos, septem adversus Thebas, 62, ware vabs

oiaKO(TTp6(pos. Pindar, Isthmia, iii. 89, KvfiepvaTTJpos oia/co(rrp60ou. The expression

is merely a pleonasm of Oppian, de piscatione, i. 189 192, ZVTTOVTCU

&\\odev &\\os,\ dfj.<pnrpi(rKa[poi>TS eu^vyov apfia 6a\ouro"r)s,

\

r' d^^or^/oous, irepi re Trpv/jivaia %aXtz/d |oirjKWv

' &\\oi d irepl T

ayepovrou. For the converse metaphor, see Oppian, de venatione, 'i. 96,

xaXi^6v, and ^schylos, septem adversus Thebas, 206, iinriKui>

A similar pleonasm is introduced by Statius, Thebais, x. 182 185,

non secus, amisso medium cum preside puppis \fregit Her, subit ad vidiii

moderamina clam\

aut laterum custos, aut quern penes obvia ponto \ prora fuit.

The term moderamen was used by itself, like regimen, to denote a steering-oar.

Ovid, metamorphoses, iii. 644, capiatque alitts moderamina, dixi, xv. 726, innixus

moderamine navis, iii. 593, 594, addidici regimen, dextra moderante, carince\

flectere,yi\. 552, frangitur et regimen; Apuleius, metamorphoses, ii. 14, utroque

regimine amisso. The trrepvl- was presumably the blade of the steering-oar.

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 790, col. b, 11. 44 46, ?xet ?n7[S]a\ta 860, roD

epv^ a56/a/xos [7r]a[/9a/fet]rai. Apollonios Rhodios, iv. 931, ^ 8' oiridev

Trr]8a\loio. Apollonios is narrating how a goddess rose from the deepand laid her hand upon the steering-oar ;

so the Trrepv^ was necessarily at the lower

end.

78 THE STYLE OF RIGGING IN VOGUE

attached to a pair of posts upon the deck besides the rings

underneath, as though their function was simply to turn upontheir axis : and in the Roman ships of about 200 A.D., as in

fg. 29, the motion of the steering-oars seems to be restricted

to the same extent by ropes fastened through the blades. In

these Roman ships both the oars were sheltered from the

impact of the waves by a prolongation of the upper waling-

pieces, or something of the sort, as may be seen in fgs. 26,

28, 29, 36 and 38. Curiously, the steering-gear was used to

keep the ship on either tack, when the wind was light,

the yard being left amidship ; though in a stronger wind the

yard was properly braced round and the square-sail trimmed

accordingly174

.

In every age and every district of the ancient world the

method of rigging ships was substantially the same : and this

method is first depicted by the Egyptians. Their ships on

the Red Sea about 1250 B.C., as in fgs. 4 and 5, had one mast

with two yards, and carried one large square-sail. The mast

was secured to a prop at its foot to keep it steady, and was

held by two fore-stays and one back-stay ;the two halyards

of the upper yard being carried down to the quarters, so that

the strain on these relieved the back-stay and partially

obviated the need for shrouds. It is strange that the mast

had no shrouds at all : but a curious double mast, like a pair

of sheer-legs, had formerly been carried by vessels on the

Nile, as in fg. i, which mast was always set athwartship, so

that no shrouds were needed on these vessels;and possibly

mere force of habit kept the Egyptians from fitting shrouds

to the single mast of later times. Each yard was formed of

two spars lashed together, so as to avoid the waste of timber

in tapering the thicker end of a single spar to balance with

the thinner end : and this device was adopted by the Greeks

and Romans, as may be seen from the Athenian ships of

about 500 B.C. in fg. 19 and the Pompeian ship of about

50 A.D. in fg. 26, and was thus transmitted to the modernworld 175

. The yards were each worked by two braces;and

there were numerous lifts to support the lower-yard at all

174Aristotle, mechanica, 8, quoted in note 206 on p. 96.

ON EGYPTIAN AND PHOENICIAN SHIPS. 79

times and the upper-yard when lowered. The other ropeswere brails for taking in the sail. In the great relief repre-

senting the battle in the Mediterranean about 1000 B.C. the

rigging is indicated very roughly both in the victorious

Egyptian ships, as in fg. 6, and in the defeated Asiatic ships,

as in fgs. 7 and 8 : but two things at least are clear. The

lower-yard had been discarded;so that the lower corners of

the sail must now have been controlled by sheets. And the

sail was no longer taken in by brails stretching down obliquelyfrom the centre of the upper-yard, but by brailing-ropes

stretching vertically down from several points along the yard.

A figure of a square-sail on a mast with two yards forms the

hieroglyph nef, and forms part of the hieroglyph chont, which

represents a boat : so the unnecessary lower-yard had been in

use from very early times. But now it was discarded finally.

In the vase-paintings of about 600 B.C. in fgs. 12 and 13,

which come from Etruria and Attica respectively, the ships

certainly look as though they had this yard. But in the

former the painter has simply reproduced the hieroglyphchont

;as was perhaps to be expected, for the vase was made

by some Greek settler in the Delta of the Nile, and thence

exported to Etruria. And in the latter the absurdly straight

sides to the sail shew that its straight base is solely due to

the painter's methods.

The Phoenician ships of about 700 B.C., as in fg. 10, had

one mast with one yard, and carried a square-sail. They are

sometimes represented with two fore-stays and a back-stay,

sometimes with two back-stays and a fore-stay ;and always

with four other ropes, which seem to be sheets and braces :

but no further details can be traced. These ships, then, were

rigged like the ships that fought in the Mediterranean three

centuries before: so this scheme of rigging had probably been

long in use among the Phoenicians; and thus came to be

adopted by the Greeks, when they began seafaring.

175 This explains why the Greeks and Romans usually spoke of the yard in the

plural as Kepeucu or antenna. The Greeks should strictly have used the dual : but

the plural does not imply that there were more than two spars. Corp. Inscr.

Attic, vol. ii, no. 802, col. a, 11. 4, 5, Kfpaiai fj.eyd\a.i' TJ ertpa d56/ci/*os.

80 THE STYLE OF RIGGING IN VOGUE

The Homeric poems shew clearly enough how the earliest

Greeks rigged their ships. There was the histos or mast,

supported at its foot by a prop termed histopede, and held bytwo protonoi or fore-stays and an epitonos or back-stay.When the mast was not in use, it lay aft in a rest termedhistodoke

; being raised thence and lowered thither again bymeans of the fore-stays

176. Upon the mast was the epikrion or

yard ;and upon this was the sail. The sail is styled indif-

ferently speiron and histion and histia\ the plural perhaps

denoting that it was formed of many pieces, as in the

Athenian ship of about 600 B.C. in fg. 13 : and its whiteness

is emphasized. Ropes termed hyperai and kaloi and podesare mentioned, but without any indication of their nature :

and the presence of halyards and brailing-ropes is implied177

.

The hyperai and podes, that is to say, the upper ropes and the

176Odyssey, xii. 178, 179, 01 5' h vr/l tf td-rjo-av oyttou xetpds re ?r65as re

| 6pdbv ev

iffToirtdrj, e/c 5' ai)roO ireipar avrrtrrov, where atfroO must refer to i<rroO. cf. Alcseos,

Fr. 1 8, apud Heracleitum, allegorise, 5, irep^v yap oWXos iffroiredav %et. Odyssey,xii. 409 412, IffTov 5e irporbvovs tppij!;' avt/moio fltfeXXo,

| dyU00T^povs io-ros 5' OTTUTW

ireffev, oVXa re iravra\

ets &VT\OV Karfyvvd''

6 5' apa irp6p.vri ivl vrjl\ ir\r)^e Kvfiep-

vf)Teu Ke<pa\r)v. These verses are imitated by Apollonios Rhodios, i. 1203, 1204,

v\j/66ei> fj.ir\7)^affa GOT] avtfj,oio Kcmu\

ai/rotai <r<t>'f)V<T<nv vireic irporbvuv ep^a-rjrai.

The <r(f>TJves are probably the irapaaTaran. which replaced the icrToirtdr) : see note

181. Odyssey, xii. 422, 423, e/c 8 ol larbv apa^e TTOTI Tpbinv avrap eir' ai>Tq> \

eirl-

TOI/OS j3tp\r)To, /3o6s pivoTo rerenxcis. There is no direct proof that CTT/TOVOS means

back-stay ; but as irpdrovos means fore-stay, there is not much room for doubt. Iliad,

i. 434, iarbv 5' iffToddicr) TT^Xaaav, irporbvoLcriv {/(pfrres. Odyssey, ii. 424, 425, iarbv 5'

ei'XdrtJ'Oi' Koi\ti$ ^vroa'de /JL<r6d/J.r]s\ ffTTJaav aeipavres, /card 5e TrpOTOVotaiv Zdytfav.

These verses are imitated by Apollonios Rhodios, i. 563, 564, 5^ pa rore ^yaviffrbv ii>e(TTr](ravTO fj.eff6dfj.ri,

\ dijeav 8t irpOTbvoL<n Tavva-a-dfj-evoi eifdrepdev. In his

opinion, then, the fore-stays were made fast on either side of the bow, not right

forward. See also Lucian, amores, 6, rbv larbv K T&V ^ea'OKoLXwv apavres, where

peaoKolXw seems intended to convey the sense of KoiXrjs /Ji.e<r65fj,ris, and clearly is

equivalent to Koi\r/s t<rro56/c7?s in Apollonios Rhodios, ii. 1262 1264, atrri/ca 5' tcm'a

(j.tv Kai tirLKpLov tvdodi, KoiXr/s\ t<rro56/C77S a-re^Xavres e/c6<r

/ueoJ'

' tv 5 Kal avrbv\

ivrbv

&(j)ap xaXdcrai'To irapaK\id6v. Apparently Zvroffde means from within and goeswith delpaisres in the Odyssey, though Apollonios thinks it means within and goes

with ffrrjarav : so the fj.eff6dfj.ij was probably the i0To56/c?7 under another name, or else

the hold containing the iffTo86Krj. Thus the fj.eff65fji.ai are contrasted with the decks

at stem and stern by Lycophron, 751, 752, aurcus /jLea68fj.a^ Kal <riV iicpiois /3aXet|

7r/)6s Kvfj-a diJTTTriv. The iffTodoKt] is mentioned by Ptolemy, Almagest, viii. i,'

Apyovs affrepLff/jios : but the measurements are too corrupt for fixing its position

accurately, though they indicate a place towards the stern.

ON GREEK SHIPS OF EARLY DATE. 8 1

foot ropes, are presumably braces and sheets;while the

kaloi are certainly the brailing-ropes, for Herodotos employsthis name for them in noting the perversity of the Egyptiansin putting the brailing-rings on the after side of the sail

178.

The Greek ships represented in vase-paintings invariablyhave one mast with one yard, and carry a square-sail ;

and

probably they are all intended to have the same sorts of

ropes, though these are always sketched carelessly. TheAthenian ships of about 500 B.C. in fgs. 17 to 19 have

numerous brailing-ropes ;and in the merchant-ship, which

presumably was rigged on a larger scale than the war-ships,each brailing-rope makes several loops round the sail. In

these ships, and also in the earlier Athenian ship in fg. 13,

the halyards are carried down to the waist, and thus take

the place of shrouds in supporting the mast.

177Odyssey, v. 254, ev 5' i<rrbv irolet /cat eirlKpiov ap/j.evov aury, 260, ev 5' virepas

re /cdXous re 7r65as r evedycrev ev afirrj. 316 318, fj.e<rov 8t ol iarbv ae| deivrj

/j,L<ryofj.evwv dve/j.uv e\dovffa 0i5eXXa,\rr/XoD 8e a-rreipov Kai ciriKpiov Zfjiirecre irbvr^.

Iliad, i. 480, 481, oi 5' ia-rbv <sr-r](so.vr\ dvd 6' icm'a Xeu/ca TreTa<r<rav\

ev 5' aVe,uos

Trprjcrev fj.eaov iffriov. Odyssey, ii. 426, 427, 2\KOV 6" iffrla Xeu/ca ev(TTpeTrToi<ri

fioevviv'

| e/JLirpriaev 5' dvefj.o$ fj.e<rov iffrlov. iii. 10, u, oi 5' tdtis KardyovTO, t'5' icrrta

^7765 Mays |areiXaj> deipavres, ryv 5' wpfjucrav , K 5' ^/3av avroL xii. 170, 171,

es 5' trapoi t>ebs Icrria iJ.riptiffa.vTO, \

/cat ra p.tv tv vrjl y\a<pvprj Otcrav, oi 5' eir

/c.r.X. These last verses shew that there were halyards for hoisting sail ;

and also brailing-ropes of some sort, as the crew took in the sail by pulling it up,ffretXav dcipavres, wpfaavTo. For the latter term, see Sophocles, Fr. 699, apud

Athenaeum, iii. 55, VO.VTCU de /jujpijcravTo vrjos tVxaSa, and Oppian, de venatione,

i. 50, ixObv dfftralpovTa fivd&v aTro/ji.r)pij<ra.(T6ai. The meaning was apparently to

coil up cords or cables, and so haul up things attached to them.178

Herodotos, ii. 36, r&v io-rluv TOI>$ Kptnovs /cat /cdXous ot fdv aXXot QuOev

Trpo<r5eov<ri, AiyijTrrtoi 5^ frwdev. The brailing-ropes, and the rings to keep them

in their place, may be seen upon the fore side of the sail on the Roman ship in

fg. 29 : and these clearly are the ropes and rings intended by Herodotos. More-

over, the word /cdXos or /cdXws occurs in various phrases where it can hardly refer

to any ropes but these. Plato, Protagoras, p. 338, AUJT' aZ Hpa)Tay6pav (av^ov-

Xei/w) TrdvTa KO.\WV fKrelvavra, ovptg, tyevra, <f>evyeiv etj rb ircXayos r&v \6yuv, cf.

Sisyphos, p. 389, rb \ey6fj,ev6v ye, Trdvra KaXov tyevres. Aristophanes, equites, 756,

vvv 577 tre Trdvra Set /cdXcoi/ eievai ffeavrov. Euripides, Medea, 278, e"x0/>oJ ya.p

ej-iacn iravra 5r) KdXiov, Troades, 94, orav ffrpdrev^ 'Apyetov e^ty /cdXws. To let out

the brailing-ropes was to let out the sail;and to let these ropes out altogether was

to let the sail out to the full, and hence by metaphor, to make every effort.

Oppian, de piscatione, ii. 223, yatrrpi 8e iravTas einTpwirCoffi. /cdXwas, where he

alludes to gluttons; while now-a-days a sail is said to belly.

T. /

82 THE VARIOUS STYLES OF RIGGING

The inventories of the Athenian dockyards shew that in

330 B.C. the rigging for the war-ships of three and four banks

consisted of the histos or mast, the keraiai or yard, the histion

or sail, and the topeia or ropes ;and that in four-banked ships

the topeia consisted of eighteen loops of kalodia, two himantes,

a double agkoina, two podes, two hyperai, and a ckalinos.

The distinction between these six sorts of ropes is not indi-

cated by the inscriptions ;nor can it safely be inferred from

the language of ancient authors, since technical terms were

often used very loosely : the term topeia, for example, which

here denotes the ropes collectively, being popularly employed

to denote the halyards alone. But probably there were

179Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, 11. 66102, no. 808, col. d, 11.

119 151, no. 809, col. e, 11. 75 no, no. 8n, col. c, 11. n 32. These are the

lists of the entire gear (ei/reX?? <jKeut]) supplied to ships of three and four banks in

330/329 B.C. and following years; and the only items of rigging included therein

are i<rr6s, /ce/xucu, Jcrr/ov, roTreta. In no. 809 the word roTreta is missing: but line

1 06 of col. e may be restored as /card/SX-^a, ro7re?]a to match line 30 of col. c in

no. 8n. The suggested restoration /cara/SXi^arJa seems too short. For roTreta

see no. 807, col. a, 11. 141 146, 153, 159 163, 178 183, no. 808, col. b, 11.

189 193 no. 809, col. b, 11. 222 227, roTreta rerp^pwj', or ro7re?a eirl rerpT^eis,

eKdffrrjS Ka\ij)diuv /i^/xara A PI 1 1, ifJ-d-vres ||? dyKoiva StTrX??, ?r65ej \\

} virtpai. ||,

Xa\ivbs |. See also no. 807, col. a, 11. 62 64, 73 75, no. 808, col. b, 11. no, in,

115 118, no. 809, col. b, 11. 145 147, 150 152, roTreta eirl vavs HHPAAI,TrXV fjL-rjpvfjLaTuv KaXydiwv |||,

which shews that there were fit)ptpara KdXydiwv

among the roTma for three-banked ships, but unfortunately gives no further

information. The KctXot or /cdXws had probably been replaced by these ccaXySta of

smaller size, when the brailing-ropes began to be looped round the sail instead of

merely passing down the front ; and the loops might well be termed /^pifyiara. If

so, there were not eighteen separate brailing-ropes, but six with three loops each,

or nine with two loops.80

Strattis, Macedones, Fr. i, rbv TTTT\OV 8 TOVTOV\

2\Kov<riv dvetovTes rondois

avSpes dvapidfJt-rjTot \

els aKpov, wffirep i<rTiov, rov Iffrbv. Archippos, asini umbra,Fr. I, rpoxi\La.L<n raura Kal roiretots

|ivraaiv O$K dvev irbvov. Both quoted by

Harpocration, s.v. roireiov. The plays were produced at Athens about 400 B.C.:

so this popular usage of the term roirela was concurrent with the technical usage.

Assuming that the /caX^Sia and 7r65es and virtpai were brailing-ropes and sheets

and braces, the i/^d^res and &yKoiva and %aXi'6s would naturally be halyards and

fore-stay and back-stay. The halyards are termed i/xd^res by Apollonios Rhodios,iv. 889, 890, v\f/i d Xcu</>os | e'ipVffGav ro.vu<jo.vr^ cv IpavTeatn Kepalrjs, this ravvaavTcs

v representing evTav^aavTes. cf. Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, v. 27, rd ia-ria avi^wvrwv.

The &-yKoiva or anquina is mentioned by Cinna, apud Isidorum, xix. 4. 7, atque

ADOPTED IN THE ATHENIAN NAVY. 83

eighteen loops of brailing-ropes six ropes with three loops

:h, two halyards, a double fore-stay, two sheets, two braces,

ind a back-stay180

. The inventories also shew that the

iree-banked ships were rigged differently some years before.

'here were then the histos megas and the keraiai megalai or

large-mast and large-yard, and the histos akateios and the

keraiai akateioi or boat-mast and boat-yard : there were also

two timber parastatai, which probably were a pair of posts ar-

ranged as bitt-heads to support the foot of a mast that could

easily be raised and lowered : and although four of the six

sorts of ropes were the same, there were then kaloi instead of

loops of kalodia and the agkoina was not double 181. But whilst

anquina regat stabilem fortissimo, cursum, and by Lucilius, apud Nonium, p. 536,

funis enim pracistf cito ctdque anquina soluta. But here anquina should be read

ancyra, the line meaning that the shore-cable was cut, and the anchor weighed : see

note 166 on p. 73 for similar passages. Cinna's expression anquinafortissima mightwell denote the fore-stay, as that came to be the principal rope in the rigging :

see note 202 on p. 94. The term yv^^^ would thus remain for the back-stay,

and seems suitable enough.181

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 795, col. d, 11. 3142, K(f>d\aiov TrapavTaT&v

eirl vavs Pllll, /ce^dXaiov ivr&v fj.eyd\ui> AA [...]> Kc<j>d\aiov Kepai&v /j,eyd\wi> firl

vaCs AA PI, /ce^dXcuov Iffrwv [d/cajretaj' Pll> K(f>d\aiov [^ep]ai[cD]i' d/care/wi' eirl

vavs [...]. This forms part of a list of the gear for the three-banked ships in one

division of the fleet in or about 352 B.C. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 794, col.

b, 11. i io= no. 793, col. a, 11. 3852, TrapaffrarCov dpttf/uos HHHHPIIII' OVTOI

ylyvovrai eirl vavs HHAAIIII, [IffT&v fj.ey]d\wj> dpt0/*[ds twi va]vs [..] AAAP,[Kep]cuwl>] fuyd(\uv) dp^bs HHHHP[Al]l

*

\lffrC)\v dKarduv dp(0ju&s [C'TTI yaus...] AAAAII, [Kfpaiu]i> d/c

APII* aSrat ylyvov\rai\M vavs PAAAIII [fa-l pia] Ktpala. no. 794, col. b, 11.

15 2i=no. 793, col. a, 11. 6165, [l\ffrl<av dpiOpte [tir]l vavs PAAAAPII,[roireq&w dpid}j.te eirl vavs [lvr]e\rj PAAAPIIII [/coi] IfulvTe* II,

7r65ej||, inr^pat

III, ayKoiva I, [x]a\ij>ds I,xdXws Pill- This forms part of a list of the gear for all

the three-banked ships in the fleet in or about 356 B.C. Such lists, however, can

only shew that masts of two kinds and yards of two kinds were in use concurrently

not that there was a mast and yard of each kind on every three-banked ship ;

for obviously these ships might not all be rigged alike, but some with a large mast

and yard, and some with an akatian. But various entries in the inventories shew

incidentally that the ships carried a mast and yard of each kind. Corp. Inscr.

Attic, vol. ii, no. 791, 1. 92, IVT /j-ey and lar O.K wanted for the AeXQivia, no. 794,

84 THE VARIOUS STYLES OF RIGGING

there were two kinds of masts and yards, there certainly was

only one kind of rope of each sort and only one kind of sail :

and the inscriptions give no hint that there was ever more

than one set of ropes and one sail for a ship. Xenophon,

however, mentions the two kinds of sails, megala and akateia,

in speaking of Athenian three-banked ships in 373 B.C.: and

both kinds might have continued in use for about sixteen

years longer without appearing in the extant fragments of

the inventories182

. Still, the fact remains that the second

mast and yard and the parastatai were retained in the

Athenian navy for some years after the second sail and the

second set of ropes had been discarded: and this is a curious

col. a, 11. 18 20, 27 29, Kep fj.ey and lar d/c ready for the Eu7rpe7r?5$, col. d, 11.

66 68, lar pey, icep pey, lar d/c, Kep d/c, all lost by the Taxe?a, no. 798, col. b, 11.

16, 17, 26, lar pey, Kep pey and lar d/c now on board the Meylffrr), 11. 31, 32, lar

pey and lar d/c now on board the ~2<pevd6vr), no. 800, col. b, 11. 57, 58, lar pey and

lar d/c now on board the 'Ryepovla, no. 801, col. b, 11. 19, 20, Kep pey and Kep d/c

now on board the Ma/captct, no. 803, col. b, 11. 53 55, lar pey, Kep pey and tar d/c

lost by the Tpi^cDcra, col. c, 11. 62 64, lar pey, tar d/c and Kep d/c lost by the Awp/s,

11. 87 90, la~r pey, Kep pey, lar d/c, Kep d/c all lost by the'Tyt'eia: and so forth. There is

clearly an error in the second of the lists above, where 454 irapaararai are allotted

to 224 ships : the mason has put I III for PI I by repetition, the ships really number-

ing 227, each with two irapaararai. By some chance the Nt/o; and the "EXevdepta

once had three irapaararai on board, according to the entries in the inventories,

no. 789, col. b, 1. 3, no. 793, col. c, 1. 22. But no other ships are credited with

more than two; and the entries here may possibly be wrong. The irapa.ara.Tai

were certainly of timber, for in the inventories they are reckoned among the axe^y

$-v\iva: and as they were discarded simultaneously with the masts and yardsdescribed as peyaXot and d/ca'reiot, they probably had some connexion with one or

other of those masts or yards. Their name indicates that they were a pair of

supports for something standing between them;and such supports could not well

be attached to a yard, or to any part of a mast except its foot. Most likely theywere a pair of posts, to serve as bitt-heads, with the foot of a mast fixed on a pivot

between them in such a way that this mast could easily be raised or lowered ; for

the Athenian three-banked ships then had masts of that description. Xenophon,Hellenica, vi. 2. 29, 0uXa/cds ye p-qv, rds pev ev rfj y?, (uairep Trpocr^/cet) KaOtarr], ev oe

TCUS vavalv alpbpevos ai5 roi>s i<rroi)s dirb ro^ruf eaKOiretro. It is clear that there was

only one iarlov and one set of Toireta for each ship, since the phrase is eirl vavs in

the second of the lists above, where the phrase would have been ravra ylyverai eirl

vaus, had there been more than one. Unless there was more than one ayKoiva in a

set of TOTreta, there must haye been more than eight /cctXws, for otherwise the

roirela would have sufficed for ninety ships with one virepa to spare. But possiblj

there were two ayKolvai in place of the dyKotva, 8iir\Tj of later date.

ADOPTED IN THE ATHENIAN NAVY. 85

fact. The extant fragments of the inventories do not mention

thirty-oared war-ships until 330 B.C.: and then mention them

so seldom that there are no parallel passages for correcting

errors and omissions. But apparently these ships had a mast

that could be raised and lowered;a pair of parastatai to

support its foot;a yard formed of two spars ;

a sail;and

the same six sorts of ropes, except that there were kalodia

and not kaloi, and that the agkoina was not double 183. The

inventories shew clearly that all ships of the same rate in

the Athenian navy were rigged in exactly the same way ;

and that their masts, yards, sails, etc., were interchangeable.

182Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 27, 6 5 'I^tKpdr^ eird rjpZaro roO TreptTrXou,

d/j,a JJL^V ^TrXei, d'/xct 5 irdvra 6Va els vav^a^Lav Trapeovceudfero*

tv6i>s ILV yap TO.

fj,eyd\a Iffria avrov KartXiirev, u>s eiri vavfj.a^(iav irXtiav' Kal rois d/caretois 5^, Kal et

v<popov TTJ'eOyaa etr), 6\tya ^XP^TO' rV ^ KUTTT] rbv TT\OVV TroiovjuLfvos a/j.fiv6v re rd

(rw/xara x et" ro^s di>8pas Kal a/j.eivov rds vavs w\iv ewoiei. This was in the spring

of 373 B.C. The earliest fragments of the inventories in the Corp. Inscr. Attic.

are no. 789, assigned to 373/2, and no. 789. b (appendix), assigned to 374/3 :

but there are no entries about sails until nos. 793 and 794, which are quoted in the

last note. The large sails are mentioned again by Xenophon, Hellenica, i. i. 13,'

A\Kij3t,d5r]s 5^, eiir&v Kal roirrots 5tw/ce' avrbv e^eXo^j'ois rd /te-ydAa Icrria, avrbs

Zir\ev<rei> els Ildpiov, cf. 12, dvdyevdai -t]8f} avrou ^XXoj/ros ws eirl vav^a-xlo-v. ii. i.

29, K6i>wv 5^, KarcurxwJ' eirl ri)v 'AfiapvLda TT}V Aa^d/cov axpav, ZXafiev avrddev rd

yueydXa TUV Avirdvdpov ve&v iffrLa.. These events were in 410 and 405 B.C.

See also Epicrates, apud Athenaeum, xi. 23, KardjBaXXe rd/cdreia, /cat /cuXi/aa| atpov

rd /j.dfa. This dates from about 375 B.C. There is an allusion here to hoisting

and lowering the large sails and the akatians, and also an allusion to taking up and

putting down the drinking-cups known as KvXlKia and d/cdreia. The KvXiKta were

shaped like saucers, and could therefore be compared to a sail swelling out before

wind.183

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 812, col. a, 11. 6 Ii, rpianovrbpov Se^o/cX^s

/ceX(eei)s) <7/cetf?7 ^xet Si'Xii'a' Tapp6/j. t Trr)8d\ia, /cXiyLta/ct5as, Kovrots, torous, Kepalas,

rdras d6o' drrb rijs NtKrjs, Xaipeo-rpdrou tpyov. This thirty-oared Nk?7 is

t to be confounded with the three-banked NIKTJ mentioned in note 181 on p. 84.

e mason has probably put to-rotfs for iarbv by mistake : he would easily be misled

by the neighbouring plurals, and especially by KOVTOIJS just before. A little thirty-

oared ship was not very likely to be carrying two masts at a time when large ships

of three and four banks were carrying only one ; nor was any ship likely to carry

two masts of the same kind the masts would naturally differ in size and bear

different names. The 5tfo after Trapao-rdraj appears to be redundant. Corp.Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 809, col. a, 11. 115, 116, /cat iariov rpt[aKovT]6pov

^iroTjffdfj.[dd], no. 807, col. c, 11. 42 45, KalrptaKOVT^pov, KoXydia d56/ct/iaAAAA,T65es II, virtpa

86 THE MAST NAMED AKATEION.

At the time when akatian masts and sails were carried

on the three-banked war-ships, the large sails used to be

sent ashore whenever the ships were cleared for action184

.

Battles being fought without regard to wind, no ship could

ever hoist a sail until she had abandoned all attempts at

fighting and was trying to get away ;and as the large sail

had been sent ashore beforehand, she had then to hoist the

akatian : so that *

hoisting the akatian'

became a proverbial

expression for running away. This expression occurs in a

play by Aristophanes that was produced in 411 B.C. : and a

century afterwards it was adopted by Epicures in a saying

that is quoted by Plutarch and parodied by Lucian 185. The

classic name akateion is also applied by Lucian to one of the

sails on the merchant-ships.of his own times : but" apparently

the name does not occur again in ancient literature186

. Most

probably, therefore, these masts and sails went out of use

soon after they were discarded in the Athenian navy.

184Xenophon, Hellenica, i. i. 13, ii. i. 29, vi. 2. 27, already quoted in note 182.

Thucydides also alludes to this practice of sending the large sails ashore before

going into action, though he does not give these sails their name : vii. 24, /cat

Xp^ip-ara TroXXd rd ty/JLiravra e'dXw are yap rapueiip xPwfJ-^V(lOV r&v 'Adrjvaiwv rots

ret^ecrt TroXXd fikv i^irbpwv xptf/Aara Kal OTTOS CVTJV, TroXXd 5 /cat rpiTjpdpxw, fael Kal

iffria reffffapaKovra rpiripuv Kal rdXXa ffKe^fj eyKareX-rj^Br], viii. 43, ot 5e'

'Adrjvdioi

rats K TTJS 2d/xov vavei 7rdVats, cos rjffQovro rd TTJS vav/uaxias, Tr\ev<ravres 4s rr\v

^ti/Lnjv . . .\a86vres 5 rd ev TTJ 2i5/x7/ ffKe^t] ruv vewv, dTr7r\VO'av e

These events were in 413 and 411 B.C.

185Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 61 64, A. oi)3' as ?rpo(re6/cwj/

y<j) | Trpwras Trap&reo"0at devpo rds 'Ax^pv^wv | yvva^Kas, ovx JIKOVCTIV. K.

Qeoytvovs, ]

ws devp' tovcra, rdKareiov ijpero. Plutarch, de audiendis poetis, i,

irbrepov ovv r&v vewv, <!}<nrep TOJV ^WaKTjaiuv, KTjpf rivt rd c3ra Kal dreyKrig Kypy

Karair\da(Torres dvayKa^w^ev ai/roi/s, rb "Ej-jriKOijpei.ov aKareiov dpa^vovs, TTOLTJTLK^V

<f)6yeiv Kal Trapee\avveu> ; non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum, 12,

eirapa^evovs rd d/cdreta (petiyew dir abruv Ke\tiov<ri, sc. ot 'ETrt/cot5peioi. Lucian,

quomodo historia conscribenda sit, 45, defoei yap rbre iroifjTiKov TIVOS dve/j-ov

eTTOVpiaffovros rd d/cdreta Kal avvdioiffovTOS vtyifkriv Kal eir cx/cptoj/ rciJi' KVfj.dra}v rr\v

vavv.

186Lucian, Lexiphanes, 15, dXXd <rf> TO O/AOLOV elpyaffto /me ucrirep et ris 6X/cd5a

ev ovplfg Tr\ov<rav, efjiTreirvevfJiarw^evov rod d/caretou, ev<popovffdv re Kal

/, eKTopds rivas d/i0to"T6/ioi;s Kal tVxdSas ffidTjpds d<f>els Kal vavffiiredas,

TOV 6po/j.ov TO pbdiov (pdovq TTJS vr}vulas. cf. Jupiter tragoedus,

ficv v/j.ds rare avefJios efj-TriTTTUv rrj odbvrj Kal ^TrtTrXas rd d/cdreta,

tptrrovres, eitvfiepva 5e els ris ^eo'rajs Kal effwfc rrjv vavv;

THE MAST NAMED DOLON. 8/

A mast termed dolon, with a sail of the same name,

ibsequently served for manceuvering before an action and

for escaping after a defeat. According to Polybios, the

Rhodian war-ships used dolons in an action in 201 B.C.:

and he had read the admiral's despatch at Rhodes. And

according to Livy, the Syrian and Roman war-ships also

used them in actions in 191 and 190 B.C.: and he is here

following the lost narrative by Polybios, who probably gothis information about these actions from the Rhodian

despatches187

. Diodoros says that the Carthaginian war-shipsused them in an action in 307 B.C. : but perhaps he is mis-

quoting his authorities, for at that date the ships might have

used akatians 188. The dolons are mentioned again by Proco-

pios in speaking of Byzantine war-ships in 533 A.D.; and he

describes them as the little sails and distinguishes them

from the large sails. The name must have been obsolete

for centuries, and then resuscitated as a classic term for the

smaller sort of mast or sail189

.

187Polybios, xvi. 15, tv Trj Trepl AdSrjv va.vfj.axtg- Mo pet* avTavSpovs irevT^pas

TWV 'Podiuv L>7ro%eipous yevtffdai rots TroXe/ufois' K de TOV Kivdvvov jtuas VTJOS eVa/xx-

/*eV?7S rbv 56\wva dia TO TTpw/j.^vrjv avT^v 0aXarroO<r0cu '

TTO\\OVS Kal TWV tyyvs rb

irapa.7r\ri<nov TroioOvras airox^p^v irpbs rb Trt\ayos' rAos 5e ywer 6\iywv KaraXei^fleVra

Tbv vavapxov avayxao'dfivou. ra^rb rots irpoeipijfJLfrois irpaTreiv T?}? etriaTO\ris TI

/j.ei>ofays ev TQ TrpvTavely, TTJs vir' avTotis TOI)S /caipoi)s virb TOV vavdpxov TT/j.(f>0la">is

wepl TOVTWV r-rj re /3owX^ Kal rots Trpuravea-tv. Livy, xxxvi. 44, quod ubi vidit

Romamis, vela contrahit malosqtie inclinat, et, simul armamenta contponens,

opperitur inseqnentes naves, iamferme triginta infroute erant ; quibus zit tzquaret

lavum cornu, dolonibus erectis alttirn petere intendit. 45, neque ita multo post

pritnum ab Iccvo cornu fuga ccepit. Polyxenidas enim ut virtute militum haud

dubie se superari vidit) sublatis dolonibus effuse fugere intendit. xxxvii. 30, ceterum

postquam alias circumventas, prcetoriam navem Polyxenida relictis sociis vela dantem

videre, sublatis raptim dolonibus, Ephesum petuntfuga.188

Diodoros, xx. 61, 6 5e T&V K.apxno'oi'twv crrpar^^s, aXicrKo^vrjs tffir] rijs

vavapxi-oos, air<r<pa!;v eavrdv, irpOKptvas rbv ddvarov r^j TrpoffdoKydeLffys at'xMaXw(rias.

ou (J.TJV ecpavij 76 eu pefiovXev/jitvos'

i] yap vavs <f>opov 7rveu/*aros tTri\apofdvr], TOV

86\wvos apdtvTos, et<pvy Tbv KivSvvov.

189Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. 17, rots 5 vavTais tir-/iyy6\\e Tra.pa.Ko-

\o\)6eiv re del Kal TOV arparet/^taros fJ.7) TTO\V 5ifo~Tavac}dXX' tin<f>6pov fj.v yivo^vov

TOV TrvevfJi.aTos xaXacrai'ras roi fieyaXa tcrr/a ro?s fJ-iKpols, a STJ 56Xa>j'as Ka\ov<nv,

$Tre(rdat' Xaj0-?7(ra^ros 5e Trai/reXcDs roO avfj.ov /3tdfe<r^at o<rov oloL re wriv cpo~o~ovTas.

This is clearly an adaptation of the passage in Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. i. 27,

already quoted in note 182 on p. 85.

88 THE MAST NAMED ARTEMON.

A mast and sail termed artemon are mentioned by Lucilius

a little before 100 B.C., and then by Labeo and the elder

Seneca, who treat them as subordinate to the ordinary mast

and sail190

. In later times the artemon is mentioned by namein the Acts of the Apostles and also by Paulinus of Nola

about 400 A.D.;

while a subordinate sail is noticed by

Juvenal and afterwards by Synesios, a contemporary of

Paulinus191

. These statements may all refer to merchant-

ships : but a small sail is mentioned by Appian in narrating

how some Roman war-ships got away after a defeat off Mylsein 36 B.C., though unfortunately he does not give the sail a

name 192.

Thus a second mast of some sort, artemon or dolon or

akatian, was generally in use from 411 B.C. to 533 A.D. and

perhaps before and after : but there is not anything to shew

what difference there was between the akatian and the dolon,

or the dolon and the artemon.

190Lucilius, apud Charisium, p. 99, Arabus artemo. Lucilius died about 100

B.C. The Pandects, 1. 16. 242, malunt navis esse partcni, artemonem autem non

esse, Labeo ait : quid plerceque naves sine malo inutiles essent, ideoque pars navis

habetur ; artemo autem magis adiectamento quam pars navis est. Seneca, contro-

versise, vii. i. 2, ubi spes? in gubernaculo? nulla est. in remlgio? ne in hoc

quidem est. in comite ? nemo repertus est naufragi comes, in velo ? in artemone ?

omnia pane instrumenta circumscisa sunt : adminiculum spei nullum est. There

is an emendation here, artemone for arte ; and if that is right, Seneca distinguishes

the ordinary sail (velum) from a sail termed artemo, just as Labeo distinguishes the

ordinary mast (mahts) from a mast termed artemo. Labeo and Seneca were both

living at Rome in the reign of Augustus.191

Acts, xxvii. 40, tirdpavTes rbv apre^wva rfi Trveoija-y, Kareixov els rbv aiyiakbv.

Paulinus Nolanus, epistolse, 49. 2, mains ita prosilivit a vulncre, ut longe extra

navem in undas expulsus tuto ceciderit. deinde, cum aut artemone armari oporte-

bat, aut sentinam depleri, etc. Juvenal, xii. 67 69, inopi miserabilis arte cucurrit\

vestibtis extentis, et, quod superaverat unum, \

velo prora suo. cf. 53 55, tune,

adversis urguentibus, illuc\ recidit^ ut malum ferro submitteret, ac se

\ explicat

angustum. Synesios, epistolse, p. 163 D, viraXXdrTeiv ftev otiv 'urrtov erepov vbdov

ou/c etxo/j.ev, Tjvexvpiaa'TO ydp' dve\a/J.[3dvoiAev 5e aurb Kaddirep T&V \i.T&vwv TOI)S

KbXirovs. This can only mean that they reduced the size of the ordinary sail until

it would fit a smaller mast and yard. For XITCUJ/WJ/ /c6\7rous, cf. Herodotos, vi.

125- 2 > 3> Polybios, iii. 33. 2; ^Eschylos, septem adversus Thebas, 1039. Pauli-

nus died in 431 A.U., and Synesios a year or two before.

192Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. in, aXiffKo^evwv Se /ccti

Kataapos vedv, at fj.v dpdfjt,evat TCI fipax^a rcDv Iffrluv dwtirXeov els TTJV'

irapayye\jji.dTuv KaTa<ppovov<rai K.T.\.

SHIPS WITH THREE MASTS. 89

The artemon must have been something between a fore-

mast and a bowsprit with a spritsail on a spritsail-yard ;for

that is what is represented on the coins of 67 and 186 and

305 A.D. in fgs. 27 and 28 and 34, and in the reliefs and

paintings of corresponding date in fgs. 26, 29, 31, 33, 35, 37and 40. On the Roman war-ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 35there is not any mast beside the artemon

;but the ship is

here in action, and obviously the ordinary mast and sail have

been taken down or sent ashore beforehand. The rule wasstill to send the ordinary sail ashore when a ship was cleared

for action;and the ordinary mast must always have been

lowered in a battle, for otherwise it would have snappedunder the shock of ramming

193.

A third mast had come into use by about 50 A.D.;and

this was presumably a mizen 194. Perhaps a few of the largest

merchant-ships were fitted with this mast;

but normallythere were only two.

193Plutarch, Antonius, 64, Kal TOVS KvfiepvriTas TO, Iffrla. /SovXo/^j'ous diro\nreiv

ev ('Avr&vtos) ^u/3aX&r#cu Kal KOfAtfeiv. 66, aKpirov d Kal KOIVTJS TI TTJS

vav/j.axias (Tvve<rTtb<nis, at(j>i>ldioi> al KXeoTrdrpas ^KOVTO. vyes utpdTjffav alp6/j,cvaL

irpbs d,7r67rXow rd tcm'a Kal dia ^t^crou (fievyovcrai. T&V [taxofj.fr wv. Dion Cassius,

1. 33, TOVS yap (pevyovTas, are Kal avev Icrriwv ovres Kal -rrpos ryv vavpaxlav p.6vr)v

irape<?Kvacrfji.frot, OVK ^-rrediu^av. These passages refer to the battle of Actium in

31 B.C.; and certainly imply that it then was customary to send the ordinarysail ashore on clearing for action. See also Livy, xxvi. 39, veils turn forte, impro-vidus futuri certaminis, Romanus veniebat, and Vegetius, iv. 43, navalis pugna

tranquillo committitur mart, liburnarumque moles non ventorum flatibus sed

remorum pulsu adversaries percutit rostris. For the lowering of the masts, see

Polybios, i. 61, oi 5e Kapx7)56viot, /cariS6fres rbv didirXovv avrCiv Trpo/car^xovras TOVS

'Pwfjiatovs, Ka6e\6/Jivoi TOI)S I&TOVS, K.T.\., and Livy, xxxvi. 44, quod ubi vidit

Romanus, vela contrahit malosque inclinat.

194Athenseos, v. 43, rptuv re Iffrwv inrapx6i>Twv,...T&v 5t 'HTTUV 6 fj.tv detirepos

Kal rpiros evptdrjo'av' 5uo"xe/jws 5e 6 TrpcDros tv rots ope<rt TTJS Bperrtas evptdr) VTTO

ffvfiurov avdpds. Pliny, xix. i, iam vero nee vela satis esse maiora navigiis. scd

cum vix amplitudini antennarum singulce arbores sufficiant, super eas tamen addi

velorum alia vela, prczterque alia in proris et alia in puppibus pandi. Pliny speaksas though a three-masted ship were a thing of recent date ; and Athenseos mayreally be describing a ship of Caligula's time or afterwards, though professing to

describe a ship belonging to Hieron : see pp. 27 29. There is possibly an

allusion to the three masts of a ship in the Corinthian jest recorded by Strabo, viii.

6. 20. As many as fifty masts and sails were carried on the biggest timber-

rafts : see Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 8. 2, quoted in the note on rates

on p. 122.

90 THE SUPPARUM, OR TOPSAIL.

A topsail had also come into use by about 50 A.D. as part

of the ordinary rig195

. The ancients always knew that they

improved the pace of a ship by carrying sail as high as

possible, though apparently they did not understand the

cause of this; but hitherto they had gained their object by

hoisting up the yard196

. Now they introduced a sail that was

triangular in form, and spread it with its base along the yardand its apex at the top of the mast, as depicted on the

Roman ship of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29, and less distinctly on

those in fgs. 27, 32, and 39. The topsail being of this shape,

no topsail-yard was needed;nor can such a yard be detected

in the manuscript of about 500 A.D. in fg. 38, for obviouslythe scribe has combined the masts and yards belonging to

both lines of ships in a convenient group above the upper

line, simply to avoid confusion.

195 Seneca, epistolae, 77, subito nobis hodie Alexandrine naves apparuerunt,

quce prcemitti solent et nuntiare s'ecutura classis adventum: tabellarias vacant.

grains illarum Campania aspectus est. omnis in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit

et ex ipso genere velorum Alexandrinas quamvis in magna turba navium intellegit.

solis enim licet supparum intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves, (nulla enim

res ceque adiuvat cursum quam summa pars veli: illinc maxime navis urgetiir.

itaque quotiens ventus increbruit maiorque est quam expedit, antenna submittitiir :

minus habet virium flatus ex humili.) cum intravere Capreas et promontorium ex

quo "alta procelloso speculatur vertice Pallas" cetera velo iubentur esse contents :

supparum Alexandrinarum insigne est. cf. Seneca, Medea, 323 328, nunc

antennas medio tufas\ ponere malo ; nunc in summo

\ religare loco, cum iam totos\

avidus nimium navita jlatus \ optat, et alto rubicunda tremunt\ suppara velo.

Lucan, v. 428, 429, summaque pandens \ suppara velorum perituras colligit auras.

Statius, silvse, iii. i. 27, summis annectite suppara velis. The top-sail is noticed

by Pliny in the passage quoted in the last note, but he omits the name. Ap-

parently supparum becomes at<papos in Greek. Epictetos, dissertationes, iii. 2. 18,

ftvdio/j.frov 5 TOU Tr\oiov, o"i5 /ioi ira.pe\Quv eiraipeis robs crupdpovs. But possibly

ffi(pdpovs is here a corruption of <reipa(p6povs, the regular equivalent of supparum

being irapdo-eipov. Lucian, navigium, 5, 6 jj.tv yap AXXos /c607<cos, al ypa(pal Kal TOV

laTiov r6 Trapacreipov irvpavyts, K.T.\. Athenaeos, v. 39, 6 d Icrrbs yv avTrjs e/SSo/iiy-

KOVTO. irrjx&i', pt<r<nt>ov ^(av itrriov, aXovpyel Trapao-elpy KeKOff^^vov. This last

passage refers to a vessel built by Ptolemy Philopator for his voyages on the Nile:

but Athenaeos is quoting from Callixenos, and he must be committing the ana-

chronism of giving this vessel a type of sail that was not introduced until about two

hundred years afterwards. The term Trapaafipov can only denote a top-sail or a

studding-sail ; and there is not any trace of the use of studding-sails in ancient

times. By their description of these Trapda-etpa as irvpavyh and aXovpyts, Lucian

and Athenseos confirm Seneca's description of the suppara as rubicunda.

FULL-RIGGED SAILING-SHIPS. 91

Thus a full-rigged ship must now have had a main mast

with a yard that carried a square sail below and a triangular

sail above, a fore-mast or bowsprit with a yard and square

sail only, and also a mizen with perhaps a similar yard

and sail. The rigging had been developed to this point byabout 50 A.D. at latest; but after that there was not anyfurther progress, and the additional masts and sails were

gradually discarded. Thus, while two masts and sails were

carried on the Byzantine war-ships that made the attack on

Carthage in 533 A.D., only one was carried on those that

were equipped for the attack on Crete in 949 A.D. So the

arrangement of the rigging as well as the arrangement of the

oars had now reverted to the style in vogue among the Greeks

some sixteen centuries before197

.

196Aristotle, mechanica, 7, dia ri, 6'<ry av i] Kepala dvwTtpa 77, darrov TrXe? TO,

TrXoia Tip O.VT< larl(f Kal T< ai/ry 7T^ei//u.ari ; ?} Si6ri ylverai 6 fj,ev i<rr6s /xoxX6y, VTrofj.6-

)(\iov be rb edibXtov ev $ 4/J.Tr^Tnjyev, 5 de dei Kivetv f3dpos rb ir\o?ov, TO 5 KWOVV TO ev

T lariat Trvevfjt.a ;el 5' oVy av iropp&Tepov 77

rb virofj.6xXt.ov, P^-ov Kivel Kal OOLTTOV

T/ avTTj dijva/j.t.5 TO avrb /Scipos, i] oftv Kepala av&Tepov ayo/Aerr) Kal Tb IGT'IOV iroppuTepov

TToiet TOV e5ut\iov VTTO/J,OX^[OV 6t>Tos. This is copied by Vitruvius, x. 3. 5, eiusquevela

cum sunt per altitudinem mediant mail pendentia, non potest habere navis celerem

cursum : cum autem in summo cacumine antenna subductcz sunt, tune vehementiori

progreditur impetu, quod non proxime calcem mali quod est loco centri sed in

summo et longius ab eo progressa recipiunt in se vela ventum. Asclepiades says

that the calx or Trr^pra was the bottom of the mast, and fitted into the XTJ^J see

note 199 on p. 92 so \yv6s and eSwXtov seem to mean the same thing here. In

its action as a lever, the mast could only drive the fore part of the ship deeper into

the water as the leverage was increased. The fact is simply that the friction of the

wind against the waves retards the lower currents of air more than it retards the

currents above ; so that, as Seneca says, minus habet virium flatus ex humili,

epistolse, 77, quoted in the last note.

197Porphyrogenitos, de caerimoniis, ii. 45, p. 389, ^60?; virep ayopas T&V iraviuv

TU>V paffiaK&v \6ycp TrotTjcrews ap^vwv Q' dva irrfx&v X' TU>V 6' Kapa^iuv rwv'PaJs, Kal

CT^puv dp^vwv /3' ava Tr.rjx&v Krf TU>Vfi' fj-oveptuv T&V a^XyuaXciraji', avv r&v SodevTuv

iravtuv pa.cria.KC3V Kara irepicrcreiav TOI)S auroi)j 'Pws' VTrep Travlwv 5ia T&V d/u00T^pw^

apvd' ...8661) virep ayopas <T)(Qi.vl(av \byi$ KpviTT&v ^TTI/C^/JWV Kal Trooi.obp6p.wv TUV

auT&v ia apptvwv ty. p. 388, eis tt-6w\i(riv T&V K dpofji.ovl<i)v,...apfji.va K,...ava.yo-

KaTayovTa criV T&V If^avTapiuv ai>T&v K' . These were the largest dromons then in

use: see note 47 on p. 19. The appeva are here the sails; and apparently the

luavTapta and dvayoKaTayovTa are the halyards and their blocks. The sheets and

braces may be included in the phrase Kpwruv tiriKrip&v Kal iroSiodpb/jiwv under

names akin to ?r65es and eirLKpia. See pp. 18, 19 as to the oars in use at this

period ; and p. 87 with note 189 as to the masts and sails in use in 533 A.D.

92 MASTS WITH MILITARY-TOPS AND YARDS

The mast was fitted with a military-top on the largest

of these Byzantine war-ships, so that the men could shoot

down missiles upon an enemy's deck 198. And military-tops

are represented on the masts of the Egyptian and Asiatic

war-ships two thousand years before, as in fgs. 6 to 8. But

on the Greek and Roman war-ships the masts were lowered

during an engagement ;and military-tops were consequently

left to merchant-ships, the larger vessels of that class

carrying them as part of their defence against the pirates.

In these times the top was somewhat like a tub or cask,

with space enough for two or three men to stand inside;

and this was fastened round the mast a little way above

198Leo, tactica, xix. 7, dXXcii Kal TO. \ey6fj(.eva vX6/ca(rrpa irepl r6 /j.e<rov TTOU rou

KCLTaprtov v rots fjieyicrTOis dpb/JLbxnv ^TricrT-rjcrovai 7repiTeret%t(r/x^va o~avlffiv, e WP

avdpes Ttves TO /j.eo~ov rrjs Tro\e/J,tas VTJOS dKOVTiaovcriv r) \idovs /ii;Xt/coi)s rj crldrjpa ftapea,

olov ftdfas t0oeiets, oY wv 77 rty vavv 8t,a9pv\f/ov<riv r) rot)s VTTOKeifjievovs ffvvd\dffov<ji.v

(T0o5ptDs Karatep6fj.eva, 17 ri 'frepov tirixvaovcrLV 77 efjurprjffai 8vvd/j,evov TT\V vavv TUV

evavTiuv 17 robs v atirrj 7ro\e/j.[ovs OavaTuxrai.

199 Athenaeos, xi. 49, Kapx'no'iov. KaXX^evos 6'P65tos h rots Ilept 'A.\e%avdpdas

(prfffiv OTI iroTTipibv tffTtv eTri/x^Kej, <TvvT)yptvov eis /mfoov eTrteiicws, wra %xov

TOV irvd/Jitvos Ka,TriKOVTa...'A<TK\-iTirid5r}s 5' 6 M.vp\eav6$ KK\TJff6ai (f>r)ffLV avrb

TWOS T&V ev rr) V7]l KaTa.aKeva.fffJLa.TWv. TOV yap IOTOU TO fj^v /carajrarw

KaXemu, T) /J,TrlirTei els T&V \rjv6v' r6 5' olov eis /meffov, rpax^Xos

'

TO d irpbs ry

Kapx~f}(Ti.ov. %ei 8e TOUTO Kepaias avu <rvvvevovcras e(f>' eK&Tepa Ta ^pfj, Kal

b \ey6/j.evov aurcp dupdiaov, TeTpdycwov irdvTi) TrXrjv TT)S /Sdcrews Kal TTJS

' avTat 5e Trpofixovcrtv fuKpbv eir' evOeias tt-wrepu. eirl oe TOV dupaKlov ei's

avriKovffa Kal 6eia yiyvopevr) eartv rj Xeyo/j-evrj ^Xa/cdrT;. There is clearly

a misreading here, eTri/carcu for ejKeiTat. Callixenos says that the wine-cup

Kapxytriov contracted a little in the middle and had handles reaching down to

the bottom, so Asclepiades must have said that the mast-head Kapxriffiov consisted

of a dupaKiov bulging a little at the top and bottom, with a pair of /ce/xucu curving

up on either side. These Kepatai were presumably the hooks that carried the

halyards : they could not be the yards, as those were straight. For the phrase

reTpdywvov Trdi>Tr), cf. Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 835, 1. 70, KvXivdpos TCTpdyuvos

iravTaxei' Thus its meaning is simply that there were not any projections or

depressions in the sides of the dupduov between the two projections at the top and

bottom. Athenaeos, v. 43, TpiCiv re io-rcDv vTrapxovTuv,...^a-av 5 Kara rows IGTOVS ev

rots Kapx^fiois, ovffi xaX>cots, eirl (J.ev TOV wp&TOV rpe?s avdpes, eld' efjs Kad' eva,

\etir6fj.evoi' TOVTOIS 5' ev 7rXe/cro?s yvpyddois 5ta TpoxiXLuv els TO, QupaKia \idoi irape-

/3dXXojTO Kal fie\Tf Sia T&V waLdiov. cf. 44, affTpuv yap \pavei KapXTjcrta, Kal rpteXf/c-

TOUS ^cipa/cas peyaKuv e^ros ^x i ve<j>euv. In the inventories of the Athenian dock-

yards an eTridrj/jia dupaKelov is mentioned as something belonging to a war-ship : see

Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 791, 1. 31. But there is nothing to shew that this

6wpaKetov was part of a military-top.

FOR DROPPING MISSILES ON AN ENEMY. 93

the yard, the halyards working through a pair of hooksor rings which projected from its sides and served as blocks 199

.

In the absence of a military-top these hooks or rings

projected from the mast itself, as in fg. 13, where they crownthe mast, or again in fg. 30, where the mast extends beyond,and forms a kind of topmast for carrying the triangular sail

above the yard200

. On merchant-ships the yards were strong

enough for heavy weights to be hoisted to the ends andthence let fall on an assailant. And channels could therefore

be defended by mooring merchant-ships at intervals across,

and thus sending masses of lead and lumps of rock throughthe bottoms of any vessels that tried to run through

201.

)0Pindar, Nemea, v. 51, dva 5* larlo. relvov Trpds vybv Kapxwlov. The term

vybv must here denote the pair of hooks for the halyards ; and so also iugain Latin. Lucan, ii. 695, dum iiiga curvantur mali, cf. v. 418, hie utinam summicurvet carchesia malt, sc. Aquilo. The hooks being known as horns, /cepcucu see

last note the Kapx^fftov could be described as the thing with the horns, Kcpovxosor ceruchus. Ennodius, carmina, i. 7. 43, lintea nam summis dum crispant nexa

ceruchis. Valerius Flaccus, i. 469, temperet ut tremulos Zetes fraterque ceruchos.

Lucan, viii. 177* instabit siimmis minor Ursa ceruchis^ x. 494, 495* ft temporeeodem

\ transtraque nautarum, summique arsere ceruchi. But while ceruchus wasthus in use in Latin, /cepoDxos gave place to Kepoia in classical Greek see note 203on p. 94 and afterwards to Kdpoiov, as in Leo, tactica, xix. 5. The terms ceruchus

and Kepoiat- are always in the plural, but carchesium and Kapx'ncnov vary between

the plural and the singular. Plutarch, Themistocles, 12, y\avKa 8' dQdijvai rots

Kapxyviois tirtKadlfovffav. Lucian, de mercede conductis, i, ij TIV' &\\ov K /^xay^sQebv tirl r< Kapxyvl-v Kade^i^evov, cf. navigium, 9, amores, 6. Apuleius, metamor-

phoses, xi. 16, insigni carchesio conspicua, sc. malus. Catullus, 64. 235, 236,

candidaque intorti sustollant vela rudentes, \

lucida qua splendent summi carchesia

mali. See also Apollonios Rhodios, i. 565, Kad 5' aurou \lva x ^av ^7r'

'n'^o-Kdrrjv

eptiaavTes, where avrov denotes Ja-rou. According to Asclepiades, the 17X01*0x77 was

the portion of the mast above the dupaKiov see last note so Apollonios can onlymean that the yard was hoisted up to the Kapxnviov at the foot of the ^Xa/carr/.

Apparently, the ^Xa/ca'rTj was also termed the <mAs, for three of the stars in the

constellation of the Argo are placed M crrvXldos &Kpas by Eratosthenes, catas-

terismi, 35, and ad malum by Hyginus, astronomia, ii. 36. Hyginus, however,

may be confusing the stars that Ptolemy places irpbs r <J/c/>y rou IGTOV and h ry

d-po(TToX^, Almagest, viii. i, 'Apyovs ctaTe/>io7i6s. The dKpoa-r6\tov is suggested bythe phrase in Plutarch, Pompeius, 24. 2, oruXtat xPvffa^'

201Thucydides, vii. 38, StaXetTro&ras 5 rds oX/cdSas oaov 5i5o ir\tdpa OTT' aXX^Xajv

,OTTWS et rts (3idoiTO I'aOs, ef?; /Kara0evis dcr<f>d\r)3 Kal vrdXtv Ka0' ijavxio-v

41, ai 5^ rdv 'ZvpaKOffLuv vrjes /ue%pt pv TUV oXxaSuv tiredluKov' i-veir*

at Kepaiai virep r&v ZcnrXuv at dirb r&v 6\KdSwv 8e\<t>ivo<p6poi ijpfj^vai. ^/cwXuov.

Aristophanes, equites, 761, 762, dXXd 0uXdrrou, Kal irplv eK&vov TrpoffLK&Qai (rou,

94 THE ROPES FOR HOLDING THE MASTS

All the ropes in the rigging of a Roman merchant-shipseem to be represented in the reliefs of about 50 A.D. and

200 A.D. in fgs. 26 and 29 to 31. The mast is fitted with a

set of shrouds, which slope a little aft and thus support it

from behind as well as from the sides;while in front it is

supported by a single fore-stay. This is a larger rope than

any of the others 203;and seems to be intended for lowering

the mast towards the stern and hauling it up again, though on

a merchant-ship the mast might well have been a fixture.

The yard has two halyards in the middle and several pairs of

lifts towards the end;and these lifts carry the topsail. There

are braces to the yard ;and there are sheets to the sail, and

also a number of brailing-ropes. The bowsprit has two

Trpbrepov <rb\

robs 5eX0ZVas ytterewp^ou Kal TTJV &KO.TOV Trapa(3d\\ov : scholia in locum,

SriXovrai d Kal inrb QepeKparovs ev rots 'Ayptots, orav \tyrj, 6 8t STJ 8e\(f>is ten

juoXtjSSoOs, 8e\(pit>o<f>6pos re K^pSos, 8iaK6\f/ei rov5a<pos avrdov tfj-iriirTuv Kal KaraStibiv.

These verses are corrupt ; but some word like K^pas must be involved in K^pSos.

Diodoros, xiii. 78, 01 5' 4irl T(JOV fueydXcw irXoLtov (f>eo~TWTes trpbi.TrTov rats rQiv

vaval robs dirb T&V tcepcu&v \t9ovs. 79, irXe'io'TOt. 5' virb T&V \ido(f>6puv

l-TTiTTTOV, ws av e virepde^iwv rhirwv fiaXhbvTWv \i6ovs VTreppeytdeis r&v

v. Athenseos, v. 43, rpi&v re IGT&V U7ra/>x6j/rcoj', e eKacrrov Kepcuai \i6o-

dtio, t% ui> apTrayts re Kal ir\lvdoi /moXlfiov irpbs roi)s

202Lucian, navigium, 5, ^Xf/cos [Jiv 6 t<rros, o<st]v de av^xet rr^v Kepaiav, o'iy Kal

K^P'rlra- i fa ' <rw^%er<u. cf. ^Eschylos, Agamemnon, 897, crwr^pa vads

irpbrovov. Synesios, epistolse, p. 164 C, TO Ktpas eirerplyei, Kal ^/xets <6fj.e6a irporovl-

eiv rty vavv. etra Kareaybs ^ffov 771)5 fj.tv 7)\6ei> aTroX^at Trdvras -^/xas, K.T.\.

Antipater, in the Anthology, x. 2. 7, Xcu'0ea 5' evv<pa irporovi^Te. Synesios uses

irpoTovLfav for tightening the fore-stay to secure the mast, etc.;whereas Antipater

uses it for letting the sail out far enough to touch the fore-stay, cf. Oppian,

de piscatione, i. 227, \Lva iravra -rrepl TrporbvouTi /j.{/j.vKe : Euripides, Hecuba, 113,

114, ras TTovroTrdpovs 8' <:<rxe o"X^as, | Xa^07; irporbvoi.^ eTrepetSo^vas, Iphigeneia in

Tauris, 1134 1136, atpi. 5' ia-rla -rrporbvois Kara| irp$pai> inrtp ar6\ov e/c7rerd<r overt,

ir65a\

vabs uKVTr6/j,Trov, reading irporbvois in place of irpdrovot or 7rp6rovos. For

Trots, see note 206 on p. 96.203

Aristotle, ethica Eudemia, iii. i. 28, otfre yap Sia TO elStvat ra 0oj8epA

dappovffiv oi 7rl TOUS i<rroi)s dvafialveiv eTriffrd/j-evoi., dXX' 6'rt fcratri ras fioydelas T&V

Seiv&v. Cicero, de senectute, 6, alii malos scandant. Euripides, Hecuba, 1259

1263, II. dXX' ou rax', ^vLK1

&v o~e irovrla ports E. /zcD? t>av<TTo\r)0"ri yijs opovs

*~Ei\\T)vl8os\ II. Kpfyri nv ovv ireffovaav IK Kapxy<riuv. E. irpbs rov (3ia[wt> rvyxdv-

ovo-av dX/idrw^; II. airrrj irpbs lerbv vabs d/^a-et rroSL. Lucian, navigium, 4,

6avfJ.dfovTs av(.bvTO. rbv vaforjv Std r&v KaXwv, elra tirl rrjs Kepalas avu da<pa\C)S

Siadtovra T&V KepotdKW eirei.\r}fji.[ji.{t>ov, cf. Jupiter tragoedus, 48, Kal tiri TT\V Kepatav

&vain)8r)a'ai pq.Siov. Ovid, metamorphoses, iii. 615, 616, quo non alius conscendere

AND WORKING THE YARDS AND SAILS. 95

halyards for the spritsail-yard ;and the spritsail and its yard

would require sheets and brailing-ropes, braces and lifts.

There are not any ratlines to the shrouds : and men had

always to go aloft as best they could by climbing up the

mast or any rope available203

.

The brailing-ropes were passed through rings upon the

fore-side of the sail, and then through separate pulleys on the

yard204

,as may be seen in fgs. 29 and 30; and from the yard

they seem to have been carried to the stern and made fast to

pins there, so that the steerer could manage them himself,

whereas the larger ropes were attached to various windlasses

about the ship and worked by his subordinates205

. Curiously,

the practice was always to brail up half the sail when the

summas\odor antennas, prensoque rudente relabi. Galen, de usu partium, viii. 5,

dXX& Kal 8<roi rcus Kepaiais T&V ir\oiwv 4iravlao~i, irpdrepoi. -ri\v yrji> Kadop&<ri TWV Iv

TTJ v-rjl ir\<j)T-fipuv. In the passages just quoted from Euripides and Lucian the

terms Kapx^l^v and Kepoidituv appear to be synonymous : see note 200 on p. 93.

The terms KO\OI and rudentes could be applied to ropes of any kind, but generally

were reserved for brailing-ropes. Virgil, ^neid, x. 229, veils immitte rudentes,

cf. iii. 267,682. Lucan, v. 426, 427, totosque rtidentes\laxavere sinus. Lucian,

amores, 6, efr' a6p6as Kara TUV KO.\WV rds odbvas &c;^cu>Tes. Satyrios Thyillos, in

the Anthology, x. 5. 6, irav Xcu0os )0e<r0e /tdXois. See also the passages quoted in

lote 178 on p. 81.

204Synesios, epistolse, p. 163 C, 6 5 en-olei irapd ir65as rov KlvSvvov, oi>x 'trepov

d\\' 6Vi TroLtnv l<TTlois i) vavs (ppero, U7rore/x&r0cu 5e OVK rjv, dXXd 7roXXa/as eiri-

ravres TO?S /caXyStois aTrrjyopeiJKeifAe]', rCjv rpoyJAv evftaKbvTwv, K.r.X. p. 163 D,

il ij fy)60"os tGTafj.viti irapeL^v T)IMV Kexp^jffdai TCHS /caXy5/ots Kal rb icrrlov juera-

p. 164 D, TrdXiv 5^ dvffireidts T\V rb iffrlov Kal OVK etfrpoxov ci's Ko.6a.l-

Synesios employs the phrase 6'Xots tor^ots, p. 160 c, as well as Travw IcrrLois,

p. 163 c. For the converse, see Aristophanes, ranse, 999, 1000, aKpouri \ xp^fosTO?S tcrr^ots, and Euripides, Medea, 524, aKpoiffi \al<j>ovs Kpa<nrt5oi$.

205Plutarch, prsecepta gerendse rei publicse, 15. 16, ws ol Kvfiepvijrai ra ptv ra?s

%epcrt 81' avruiv TrpdrTovcri, ra 5' dpydvois ertpots 5t' erepuv airudev KaBr/^evoi irepid-

yovai Kal ffTptfiovffi. Lucian, navigium, 5, al ayKvpat Kal (rrpo^ela Kal irepiayuyetf

Kal al Kara TTJV irptiuvav otK^o-eis, 0avfj,d<ria iravra /ioi ^5o^e. Lucretius, iv. 905, 906,

multaque per trochleas et tympana pondere magno \

comrnovet atque levi sustollit

machina nisu. These trochlece and tympana are probably the arpo^eta and

TrepLaywyets, for the context is about a ship. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 566, 567, tV

iKpi6(pu> 3 /cdXwas| %ea'TTJ<ru' Trep6vr](ri StaKpidbv d/i0t^3aX6i'Tes. The phrase ^TT'

tKpt6(pii> must here denote the stern, as in Odyssey, xiii. 74, already quoted in

note 130 on p. 57. See also Oppian, de piscatione, i. 229, 230, irptuvri 5' TTI

Trdi/ra xa^ lj;ciI IQvvrrjp dvir}<ri, and Valerius Flaccus, iv. 679, 680, sed neque

permissis iam fundere rector habenis\vela, nee eniti remis pote. These habena or

are probably the brailing-robes ; and so also the /cdXwes.

96 MATERIAL FOR SAILS AND ROPES:

ship was put on either tack, the other half being therebytransformed into a triangle with base extending from the

middle of the yard to the leeward end of it and apex termi-

nating in the sheet below 206.

The sail used generally to be made of linen207

;but the

fibre of the papyrus and various other rushes was employedas well as flax in the manufacture of sail-cloth

208. This cloth

was probably of many different qualities; and two were

206Aristotle, mechanica, 8, Sia rl, OTO.V tg otplas /SotfXwpTcu dia.8pa.fj.eiv ^ ovplov

TOV Tri>Vfjt.a.Tos oVros, rb fitv Trpbs rbv Kvpepv/jryv TOV ivrlov ptpos <rrAXoiTCU, rb 8e

Trpbs TT\V Trpypav Trodiaiov Troirjadfji.evot 4<f>iSiffiv ; 77 5t6rt avTiairav TO injSdXiov TroXXy

/j.fv OVTI T<f TrvevfJiaTi ov dtvarai, dXlyy 8t, 8tb viro<rTt\\ovTai ; Trpodyei /j.ev ovv rb

TrveOjua, et's otfpiov 8 Ka6i(rrr]<n rb 7rr)8d\tov, dvTKnr&v /cat /xoxXeCo> TTJV OdXarrav.

For ?ro5ia?oj' read TroSumh', cf. Lycophron, 1015, TroSwroZs t[Ji<f)opoTj/j.evai X/j/ois, sc.

irvoaL. The passage shews that, when the yard was braced round, the sail was

furled upon the arm that came aft, and left unfurled upon the arm that went

forward. And clearly it was the arm to windward that was braced aft ; for if this

arm had been braced forward and carried the outstanding portion of the sail, the

wind would have twisted the ship round until this portion of the sail had got

to leeward of her. The manoeuvre is described by Virgil, ^neid, v. 830832,una omnes fecere pedem ; pariterque sinistros, \

nunc dextros, solvere sinus; unaardua torquent |

cornua, detorquentque. The Trotfs or pes is mentioned frequently.

Odyssey, x. 32; Pindar, Nemea, vi. 55 57; Sophocles, Antigone, 715 717;

Euripides, Orestes, 706, 707; Lucian, Charon, 3; etc. Lucan, v. 427, 428;

Catullus, 4. 1921; Seneca, Medea, 320 322; Pliny, ii. 48; etc. This Trotfy,

the corner of the sail, is not to be confounded with the Trotfs, the rope that held the

corner : for which see notes 177 and 179 on pp. 81, 82.

207^Eschylos, Prometheus, 468, Xu^Trrep' eCpe vavrLXuv ^x^ara, sc. Upowdevs.

Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 410, vdiov 6'xwa > \ivoir6powLv atfpeus, Hecuba,

1080, 1 08 1, \iv6KpoKov | (ftapos orAXw*'. Oppian, de venatione, i. 121, \ivoTTTepij-

yuv 6'?rXa vrjCiv. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 565, Ka.8 8' aurou Xtfa xe^ai/> sc. Icrrov.

Lucian, amores, 6, elr' ddpdas /card T&V /cdXwv rds 666vas e/cx^a^res, r)pt/j.a

TOV \ivov, K.T.X. Meleager, in the Anthology, xii. 53. 8, otipios

ets 666vas. Leonidas, ibid., x. 1.6, iracrav e^>eis 6d6vT]v. Lucilius, ibid.,

xi. 404. 4, StaTrXe? <nv8bv ^Trapd/xej/os. Euripides, Phaethon, Fr. 2. 42, vivduv Sc

irpbrovov M fifoov TreXoo-cret. Athenseos, v. 39, fitffffivov ?xwi/ wrlov. cf.

Herodotos, ii. 86, vii. 181, aiv8bvos fivcalvris. Livy, xxviii. 45, Tarquinienses

lintea (dederunt} in vela. Virgil, ^Eneid, iii. 357, tumidoque infiatur carbasus

austro, iv. 417, vocat iam carbasus auras. Ovid, heroides, 3. 58, te dare nublferis

linea vela notis, 7. 171, prcebebis carbasa ventis, amores, ii. ii. 41, zephyri veniant

in lintea pleni, metamorphoses, xi. 476, 477, totaque malo|

carbasa deducit.

Catullus, 64. 225, suspendam lintea malo, cf. 227, carbasus. Lucan, v. 428,

obliquat Icevo pede carbasa, cf. 430, lintea. All these terms, \Lvov, linum, 6d6vrj,

carbasus, vivSuv and /3tf<r(ros, appear to be used promiscuously in reference to

linen.

FLAX, HEMP, PAPYRUS, HIDE, ETC. 97

certainly in use in the Athenian navy about 330 B.C., the

common sail being superseded by one of finer texture and

higher price'209

. The edges of the sail used to be bound with

hide; and the skins of the hyaena and the seal were especially

in request for this, as there was a superstition among sailors

that these would keep off lightning210

. The ropes were some-

times made from strips of hide, but oftener from the fibre of

the papyrus or from flax or hemp'211

.

8Theophrastos, historia plantarum, iv. 8. 4, avrbs 5t 6 -rrairvpos irpbs ir\et<rra

XpTjo-t/ios. Kal yap TrXota iroiovffiv t avrov, Kal K Trjs fivpXov iffrla re tr\tKOvai.v Kal

i]/iddovs, K.T.\. = Pliny, xiii. 22, ex ipso quidem papyro navigia texunt, et e libra

vela tegetesque, etc. Herodotos, ii. 96, iffrf 5 aKavdlvy x/^ "TC" Iffrioiffi 3

pufiXlvoio-i. Pliny, xvi. 70, namque us (scirpis} velificant, non in Pado tantum

nautici, verum et in mari piscator Africus, prcepostero more vela infra malos

suspendens. In this passage Pliny uses intra as Herodotos uses foudev in the

passage quoted in note 178 on p. 81, and thus gives prczpostero its literal meaning,the sail being set abaft of the mast.

209Corp Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 807, col. a, 11. 55 58, \t\v vfuplois Traptdo/j.fi'

[l](TTla, ffvv TV TraXcuc?, [<]iri vavs HHPAAAPIII . [T\otruv XeTTTa PAAIIII.

no. 811, col. c, 11. 169 172, IffrLa XCTTTCI ||. avrl TOVTUV iraptoovav irax^a. 5i5o.

7rpocro(pei\ov(ri.fji. 7rpb[s] rb 5idypafj.fJ.a HHH.

Plutarch, quaestiones convivales, iv. 2. i, Kal yap 6 ye^dbfjievos ovroal Kal

fir), /3oX^36j 01) /j.tKp6Tr]Ti 8ia(peuyei rbv Kepavvbv, dXX' ?xwj/ 8foa/J.iv

}, Ka.da.irtp r/ ffVKr/ Kal rb 8^pfj.a rrjs 0w/c7/s, uis 0a<ri, /cat rb rrjs vaivrjs, oh TO.

aKpa T&V iarlwv ol vatiK\r)poi KaraoKpOepovcri.. Lucian, navigium, 4, irapd rbv iffrbv

rl TroXi) o~Tr)fji.ev avafi\irovTe$, api0fjt.ovvTes T&V fivpcrGsv Taj ^Tri/SoXds, /c.T.X. Theiii itself was made of hide on the vessels in the Bay of Biscay. Caesar, de bello

Gallico, iii. 13, pelles pro velis alutaque tenuiter confecta, sive propter lini inopiam

atque eius ^isus inscientiam, sive eo (quod est magis verisimile) quod tantas tem-

pestates oceani tantosqtie impetus ventorum sustineri ac tanta onera navium regi

velis non satis commode posse arbitrabantur . cf. Dion Cassius, xxxix. 41, Kal yap

strabo, iv. 4. I, rjv yap ffKvriva (ra ia-rio) 8ia TTJV filav rdov

211Odyssey, ii. 426, \KOV 5' tor/a \CVKO. twrptirTOHri fioevviv. xii. 422, 423,

rap ^TT* avTtp |

eirlrovos /3^X?/To, /3o6s ptvoio Terevx&s- xxi. 390, 39 1, Ketro 5' LITT*

vebs a/j.<pie\t<r<rr)s | ptfiXtvov, y p tirt8r]<Te dtipas. Hermippos, apud

ithenaeum, i. 49, TaOTa /xev evrfudev /cd AI^^TTTOI' Td Kpefjiaffrd, |

Iffrla Kal

l\ov$. Herodotos, vii. 25, Trap0~KevdeTO 5e Kal orrXa s Taj yecpvpas {3vp\u>d re

\fVKO\lvov, ^TriTafaj <J>oiVt^ Te Kal AlyviTTloi<ri. cf. 34, Trjv p.h \evKO\lvov

5' ertprjv TT}V fivfi\lvriv AtyvTmoi. ^Ischylos, Persoe, 69, \(.vo8^ap.(f

(^eSla Tropdfj.bv d/j.ei\f/as. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1043, ^ va-w xa^ll/0 's

t atdev. Ovid, fasti, iii. 587, dttmqm parant torto subducere carbasa

Persius, v. 146, 147, tibi torta cannabefulto |

ccena sif in transtro?

g

98 SAILS OF DIVERS COLOURS.

The sails used often to be coloured 212

,a black sail being

everywhere a sign of mourning, while a purple or vermilion

sail was generally the badge of an admiral or a monarch; and

on vessels employed as scouts in time of war the sails and

ropes were dyed the colour of sea-water, so as to keep them

out of sight. In some cases the topsail seems to have been

coloured, while the sail below was plain ;and frequently a

patchwork of colours was produced by using different stuffs

in different sections of the ordinary sail, as shewn in the

Egyptian ship of about 600 B.C. in fg. 12. Various inscriptions

and devices used also to be woven on the sails, the titles and

emblems of a Roman emperor being thus displayed upon his

sail in characters of gold213

. This practice is illustrated bythe Roman relief of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29.

212Plutarch, Theseus, 17, irpbrepov /uv o$v ovSepia awT-rjptas eXiris

dib KO.I }d\aj> iarlov xovffavi&s CTTI avufyopq. TrpodrjXa), rrfv vavv ^ire^irov r6re 5

(Alyevs) ZduKev trepov larlov \cvit6v, K.T.\. 6 5e St/ujj>/5??s ou \evi(6i> ^aiv emu TO

do6v inrb TOV Alytws, dXXa "(fxn.vlK.eov iarlov vypLtj Tre<f>vpiJ.vov irplvov tivdei pi-

0dXXou." cf. ./Eschylos, septem adversus Thebas, 857, 858, /j.e\dyi<poKov |

vav-

aro\ov deupida, Philostratos, heroica, 9. 3, iffrLois /mt\a.cri, 20. 25, ^\avaAthenseos, xii. 49, ^ 5^ Tpnjpr]? e^>' i?s ('AX/a/3ic5?7s) /car^TrXet, ^XP1 ^v r

TOV Heipai<j)s irpoff^Tpe-^ev aXovpyoTs icrn'ois, /c.r.X. cf. Plutarch, Alcibiacles, 32,

IffTltf} 5' a\ovpy<$ rr\v vava.pxLo'a irpoafapecrdai rots \i/j,<riv, Antonius, 26, Iffrtuv

a\ovpy&v ^KirwTacrfji,fv<dv. See also the passages quoted from Vegetius in note 89on p. 35, from Suetonius in note 133 on p. 59, from Lucian, Athenaeos and Seneca

in note 195 on p. 90, and from Procopios and Pliny in note 214 on p. 99.

Philostratos, imagines, i. 18, 6vp<ros 8' ovro<rl e/c ^CTT;? j/etbs eKTrt<pvKe ra TOV 'HTTOV

Trpdcrcrajc, /cat icrTla. /we^Trrcu a\ovpyij, u^eTavya^ovTa iv ry /c6X7ry, %pf<ra? 5' vv-

(f>ai>Tai /3d/f%at h T/u-coXy /cal Atovvcrov Tav AvSly. But here Philostratos is describing

a picture of a ship, and may be thinking of the Peplos that was carried like a sail

in the procession at the Panathensea. Apparently the colours a\ovpyts and (powlKeov

differed only in their origin, one being obtained from the purple-fish, while the

other (as Simonides remarks) was obtained from the ilex-berry. Lucian's irvpavyts

is probably the same as Seneca's rubicundum ; and this would be the colour of the

rubrica or /x^Xros mentioned by Procopios. The versicoloria of Pliny and Suetonius

must be parti-coloured sails.

213Arrian, Fr. 19, apud Suidam, s. v. vavs: KCU CTT ti.Kpi$ T< 'KTTIVTO paffiXiKov

6Vo/Aa, Kal oVois <$XXots /3ao-tXei>s yepalpeTCU, xpv<r dyKexapay/m^va. This refers to

Trajan's ship on the Tigris. Apuleius, metamorphoses, xi. 16, hunts felicis alvei

nitens carbasus litteras voti intextas progerebat. ecce littcric votum instaurabant de

novi commeatus prospera navigatione. For the inscription v-L in fg. 29, see Corp.Inscr. Latin, vol. xiv, no. 2033 ; and also no. 456 for an inscription QQ c F . NAV

upon a similar relief.

ADMIRAL'S FLAG AND LIGHT. 99

An admiral's ship was distinguished by some sort of flag

in addition to any purple or vermilion sail that she might

carry ;and after dark a light was exhibited in lieu of the

flag214

. This light was simply for the guidance of the fleet,

the admiral's ship leading the way, and the others requiringsome indication of her course throughout the night. But in

many fleets every ship was provided with a light ;and here

the admiral's ship must have carried her light in somedistinctive place, or carried more than one, as was certainly

the case in a Roman fleet in 204 B.C., where three lights were

allotted to the admiral's ship and two to every transport, the

ordinary war-ships carrying the single light215

. An astute

admiral would manage to mislead the enemy by screening

or extinguishing the lights or setting them adrift on buoys216

.

214Herodotos, viii. 92, u>s 8 &m5e TTJJ> vta (Qefjuo-TOK\tos) 6 IIoXi//cptros, tyvu

TO <rriu.i]iov I8wv TT/S (rTpaTtjyldos. Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 55, ir\-t)<rloi> re Tjaav

a\\ri\<ji}v rfdrj, Kal al vavapxtdes e/c T&V ffrjfieiuv tyalvovTO, Kal a\\r)\ais

ii. 89, ovSei'l re eKcpfyas OTTTJ rbv ir\ovv Troi^crercu, irepl evirtpav avr/yero

roTs XoiTrors KvfiepvrjTais 7iy>ds rbv Xa/UTrrTj/oo, TT)S eavTOv ve&$ Kal ped' ijfj^pav irpbs

a-rj/j.e'iov evdvveiv. cf. Diodoros, xx. 75, axoKovdeiv TTJ a-rpaTTfjyLdi

^/)t. Xenophon, Hellenica, v. i. 8, pwrdy 5' tirLyevofJit

r?re/3 vo/ud^erai, afiyye'iTO, OTTWS pr) ir\a.vG)VTai ai eirb/uLevai. Procopios, de bello

randalico, i. 13, rpiuv ve&v, ev ats ai)r6s re Kal i] depairfia tir\ei, rd IffrLa K yuvlas

s TpiryubpLov ywdXto-ra txpiffe At^Xry, KOVTOVS re 6p8ofa avaaT-rja-as ev

direKp/j.a<Tf air' O.VT&V \vxva, OTTWS v re y/J-tpa Kal vvurl al TOV

es 2*577X01 elev ah 5r) %ire<r0ai TOI>$ KvfiepvriTas tic&eve -irdvras. Apparently the

via is here the mast-head, as in Herodotos, viii. 122. 2. Pliny, xix. ^tentatitm

tigni linum quoque, et vtitium insaniani accipere, in Alexandri Magni prinnimissibus, Indo amne navigantis^ cum duces eius ac prccfecti in certarnine quodamiriassent insignia navium : stiipueruntque litora, flatu versicoloria implenie. velo

irpureo ad Actium cum M. Antonio Cleopatra venit, eodemquc effugit. hoc fnit

nperatoria: navis insigne. An admiral might display a coloured sail;but that

could hardly be his ff'rjfj.fiof or insigne, for no sail was carried in action. Most

likely he used a flag. Tacitus, historise, v. 22, pmtoriam navem, vexillo insigncni,

abripiunt. A lantern is represented on the three-banked ship on Trajan's column,

hanging from the ornament above the stern.

15Livy, xxix. 25, lumina in navibns singula rostratce, bina oneraria haberent :

in Pretoria nave insigne nocturnum trium luminum fore. These were the orders

to Scipio's fleet on its voyage to Africa.16

Polyoenos, v. 10. 2, \a^irTripa.s 5' ripe TO irpbffdev fdpos ire^pay^vovs, OTTWS

fir) yvupi^oiev dro TOV ^wr6s ol TroX^ioi rbv tirl-rrXovv. cf. Philistos, Fr. 15, apud

Pollucem, x. 116, tiratpeffOat Xa/i7rr?]pas avTure(j>payiJ.tvQvs. Polytenos, vi. ri, Kal

VVKTOS yevofj.tt>r)s ic\V<rfV apai roi)s Xa/iTrr^pas, ofs ai TOV Atovvcriov vijes

100 FLAGS FOR SIGNALLING, ETC.

A national flag, or something of the sort, used to be

carried in battle by all the ships of a fleet, to distinguish them

from ships belonging to the enemy217

;and besides the flag

that was distinctive of the admiral, a set of flags was carried

on his ship for signalling. A purple flag was generally the

signal for going into action, and there probably were flags of

other colours;but attempts were made at semaphoring with

a single flag218

,and occasionally the signal was given by

flashing the sunlight from a shield215

'. In addition to the

signal for going into action, there certainly were signals for

getting under way, for altering the formation of the fleet byvarious manoeuvres, for bringing to, for disembarking troops,

and possibly for many other purposes220

. Some flags are

represented at the sterns of the Athenian ships of about

500 B.C. in fg. 19, and on the masts of the Roman ships of

about 50 A.D. in fgs. 26 and 27.

fjierd fjLLKpbv de rotirovs Kade\6vres ertpovs KadrjKav & rr\v 0d\arrav (pe\\ois /m,eyd\ois

e<pr)p/j.o<r/Jier>ovs, KO.K rov 0wrds ts rb irXdyiov eiriarptyavres etpdaaav, K.r.X. Dion

Cassius, xlix. 17, irpoelire pev ff<picriv ws 8101 ireXdyovs rbv ir\ovi> Troir]cr6/j.evos, diro-

afitffa.'i de rb 0<2s 5 ev ro?s vvKrepivois TrXois al <TTparrjyIdes vr}es (STTOJS Kal al XoiTraJ

Kara ir6das avr&v efpeirwvrai) irpodeiKvtiov(ri, irapd re TT)v 'J.Ta\tav Trap^Tr\ev(T, AT.r.X.

cf. Florus, iv. 8. ,fugiebat extincto pratoricz navis lumine.217

Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 106, Kal rot (ryu-eta Kara i/aus ypro. Polyoenos,

viii. 53. 3, et ptv tSluKev avrr) vavv'E\\rjvida, rb ^ap^aptKbv dvtreive fffj^eiov, el de

vrrb 'EXXryi'tSos t>ews e5tc6/cero, avereive rb "Sk\ipfuc6 tcf. I, ra O"r)fj.ela TCL HepfftKd.

These can hardly be the same as the <rtj/m.eia mentioned in note 150 on p. 67.218 Leo, tactica, xix. 41, rb 8e ffri^elov vTroa-rj/jiaLV^TU, $ dpdbv larafievov, -rj

eirl

r) eirl dpitrrepa K\Lv6pi(vov Kal tirl deia irAXiv rj eirl apiffrepd fj.era(j)ep6nj>ov, 17

, r) v\j/ov/j,evov, rj TaweivoijfJievov, rj SXcos a(j)ai.poi>/j,evov, rj iMerande^evov, r)

8ia T^S ev ai>T$ Ke(pa\7)s aXXore AXXws (paivo^vris d\\a<ra6/n.ei>oi', ffdid ffxypdruv, T)

did xpoj/idrwi', 0161* irore rots TraXcuots etrpdrreTo. iv ydp iro\^fj.ov /catpy crrj/j.e'iov

elxov T^S (TiiyUjSoXvys aipovres rrjv \eyo/j.evrii> (fioiviKida. Diodoros, xiii. 46, Kal ro?s

[lev AaKedaifjLoviois ovdev etyalvero aticro'ri/j.ovi TO?S 5''

Adyvaiois'

eTTolrfffev ewiffrnmov <POIVIKOVI> dirb TT;S i'5ias veibs, oirep fy ffvffff-rf^ov avroT

xiii. 77, a STJ avvibuv 6 K6vwv ypev dirb T^J t'Staj j'ews (poiviKlda' TOVTO ydp r\v TO

atifforri/jioi> TO?S rpirjpdpxois. cf. Polyoenos, i. 48. 2, eirripe rrjv (poiviKlda- rjv de &pa

/id%77s (njvdr)fj.a rots KvBepvifjTais.219

Diodoros, xx. 51, A^^rptos [lev oui>, T&V tvavrluv diroff^v <is at> rpeu

ffradlovs, ripe rb avyKelfievov irpbs t^d^v a^xrcrrnjiov, dffirlda Ke^pwufJievriv, (pavepdv

irdffLv eK diadoxTJs- Herodotos, vi. 115, roi<ri Hepcrrjo'i dvade^ai dcririda eovcri rjdrj ev

rrjvi vrjvffl. Plutarch, Lysander, n, Kard ^eaov rbv rrbpov dffirida \a\injv eird-

pacrffai rrpqpaOev dirtw\ov o-i'^oXoi'^Xenophon, Hellenica, ii. i. 27, dpai d

Kara fj.effov rbv ir\ovv.

THE LEAD AND THE LOG. 101

On board a ship there was generally a lead for sounding ;

ind this seems to have been armed with grease to bring upimples of the bottom 2 '

21. And it is said that ships were fitted

ath a pair of paddle-wheels for reckoning the distances theytraversed

;the notion being that these wheels would be kept

steadily in motion by the impact of the water on the paddlesthe ship went on her course, and that her progress could

icrefore be computed from the number of revolutions theyjcorded

2*2. But obviously this would be impracticable, unless

the water were preternaturally smooth.

Ships generally were provided with a ladder or a gangwayfor people to come on board when the vessel was made fast to

:he shore. The ladder may be noticed at the stern of the

Lthenian ships of about 500 B.C. in fgs. 17 to 19; and this

fas probably its usual place, for it would be wanted here-

ibouts, as vessels usually were made fast by the stern. The

20Herodotos, vii. 128, ^<r/3ds e"s 'Li5wvL-rjv vta avtSe^e o-rj^rjiov Kal roiffi &\\oi(ri

ywOai. Thucydides, i. 49, ffv^i^avTes 5^, ciretdi] TO. <rrj/J.ta ocarfyois tfp6r),

v/j,dxow. ii- 9, diro a-r)/Ji.eiov ev6s a0j>w tiriffTptyavTes ras vavs fj.eTuirrj56v

rXeoj/. Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 30, fr 5 rots ned' Tjntpav 7r\o?s diro <rr)/jiei<ji>

tiri Kfyws 1776, rore 5' eVi <}>d\ayyos, cf. 28. Dion Cassius, 1. 31, Kal /xera

K^para ai<t>vijs diu06re/ua dirb o"rj/j.tov tire^aya.'y&i' 7r^Ka/j.\f/eu, Polytenos,

i. 9. 63, u>s 5^ -fjdf] ffVfji/j.Tpov virtXafiev eft/at rb TTJS ^a\d<r(T7js fidOos, (Wreij/e rb

TTJS e/c/3cio-ews. Plutarch, Antonius, 67, (Kelv-r) 5^, yvuplaava <rr)/j.eioi> dirb rijs

trxe. Livy, xxxvii. 24, signo stiblato ex pratoria nave, quo dispersam dassem

unum colligi mos erat. Aulus Hirtius, de bello Alexandrine, 45, vexillo sublafo,

* pugnandi dabat signurn.21

Herodotos, ii. 5, TI Kal rj^prjs dpbfj.ov dir^div a.irb yijs, /carets Karairtipr}-

Trrj\6i> re dvolffeis Kal v eV5e/ca 6pyvirj<ri ^<reai, cf. 28. Acts, xxvii. 28, Kal

eftpov dpyvLas eiKoai, /Spaxi) 5^ Stcurr fjcravres Kal Trd\ti> fioKlffavres evpov

ids 5e/ca7T^re. Lucilius, apud Isidorum, origines, xix. 4. 10, hiinc catapiratctn

eodem deferat unctum,\ plumbi pauxillum rodus. Unique melaxani. Statius,

silvoe, iii. 2. 30, exploret rupes gravis arte molybdis.222

Vitruvius, x. 9. 5, traiicitur per latera parietuni axis habens extra navetn

nnentia capita, in qua includuntur rotic diametro pedum quaterniitn, habcntcs

'irca /routes affixas pinnas aquam tangentes. 7, ita navis cum habuerit impetum aut

emorum aut ventorumflatu, pinna qua erunt in rods tangentes aquam adversam,

ehementi retrorsus impulsu coacta versabunt rotas : ece autem involvendo se agent

tern, etc. Then, by means of cogged wheels, etc., a stone was dropped into a

)nze pan at every four-hundredth revolution of the wheels outside, ita et sonitu

numero indicabit milliaria spatia navigationis. In thus reckoning that the

lip would make 5000 ft. of headway during 400 revolutions of a wheel that was

ft. in diameter, Vitruvius is forgetting that water is not so firm as land

102 GANGWAYS FOR LANDING.

gangway was presumably a heavier structure than the ladder,

if there was really any difference between the two;but the

names seem to be used indiscriminately223

. In the Athenian

navy the war-ships carried two ladders apiece ;and they also

carried three poles of different sizes2*4

. Such poles were

needed whenever a ship had to be pushed off from the shore

or kept at a distance from another ship : so they generallyformed part of the outfit

225.

223Thucydides, iv. 12, /eai 6 ph (B/racn'Sas) TOVS re &\\ovs rotavra

/eai rbv cavrov Kv^epvrjrTfjv dvayKdaas 6/eetXai rty vavv ^x^Pei ^i rV/eai Treipu/j.evos dTrofiaiveiv dveKbirti iiirb T&V Adyvalw, /eai Tpav/^anaOels iroXXd

e'XetTro^XTjcre' re, /eai Treo^vros avrov e"s rrjv Trape^ecpfffiav 17 dcrTris Trepiepptir) e's TTJV

OdXacrffav. Diodoros, xii.Y>2, 77 /xev Tpirjprjs eVw/eetXej', 6 5e Bpacrtdas eTrifids wi rr?i/

TW j/ecbs tirtpdOpav, /e.r.X. Plutarch, de gloria Atheniensium, 3, /eai 6 rcV Kvfiep-

vi\rt]v tirKTirtpxuv Bpa<r/5as e^o/cAXeip, /eai xtopwi/ tirl rr]v fiddpav, Kat Tpavfj.a.Tifofj.fi'os

/eai \iiro\{/vx&v xal diroK\lvuv els rty -jrape^eipeatav. As a war-ship must have been

beached stern forward on account of her ram, the term irap^eipeaia must here

denote the space abaft the oars, as in the passages quoted from Polysenos in note

170 on p. 75, not the space forward, as in those quoted from Thucydides in note

141 on p. 62. Herodotos, ix. 98, 7ra/>a<r/eeva<rd /uej'oi uv ts vav^axif)v /eai dirofidQpas

/eai ret ctXXa ocrwv e?5ee, ZirXwov CTTL rijs My/eciXT/s. 99, irpoffa^bvres rets vtas

s rbv ai-ytaKbv. Lucian, dialogi mortuorum, 10. 10, e5 ^%er wVre XOe rd d7

TT)v aTrofiddpav dveXw/Aeda, rb dyxvpiov dvecnrda'db), /e.r.X. Polycenos, iv.

ctXXcu yuej/ dvtairuv ret Trpv/Avrjcria, aXXot 5^ dvei\Kov rds d7ro[3d6pas, AXXot 5e

Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1350 1352, oi 5' firuTidwv\

oi 5e /eX/^ta/eas |

...|

ffiretidovres rjyov did x P^v irpv/jLvrjaia. In this

passage there is obviously a lacuna. Theocritos, xxii. 30, 31, eV0a /was TroXXoi

Kara /e\(/*a/eos diuportpwv e| | rolx^" &v8pes tpcuvov 'I^croft?;? dirb vybs. Arrian,

anabasis, i. 19, /eXt/wa/cas (ptpew tiri rccs Trpypas rdv Tpirjp&i' /eeXe^tras, ws /eara ra

dw6ro/jia r^s vqcrov, Kaddirep wpbs re?%os, IK r&v ve&v TTJV dirbfia.<nv 7rot7/cr6yuej'os.

The /eXi/Aa/ees and d-rrofiddpa seem to be distinguished in Latin as scales and pans

respectively. Virgil, yEneid, x. 653, 6$\, forte ratis celsi coniuncta crepidine saxi\

expositis stabat scalis et ponte parato, cf. 288. Statius, silvse, iii. 2. 54, 55, ianique

ratetn terris divisitfune soluto\navita, et angiistum deiecit in <equora pontem.

224Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 793, col. a, 11. 2837, [/eXi]/ia/e^wi' dpi0jji,6s

6. 8,

[H]HHHPAP- [c HHAAAII

\Kovr\dv Api[$iAs r'HPAAPlI- [o5r]<" ytyvovTOt eirl [i/]au$ HHAAP /eai

KOVTOI 5i5o, cf. no. 789, col. a, 1. 21, KovTbv ptfyor, no. 791, 1. 29, KOVTOU fjUKpov.--5

Odyssey, ix. 487, 488, avrdp eyu %e^pe<7cri Xa/3wv jrepi/jirjKea KOVTOV

\c3cra

vrap^f. Thucydides, ii. 84, /eai vavs re vrfl irpoatirnrTe /eai rots KOVTOLS diwdovvro.

cf. Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. 13, rots KOVTOIS diuffotifjuvot. Euripides,

Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1350, KOVTOIS 5t irpypav tlxov. Virgil, ^Eneid, v. 208, 209,

ferratasque trades et acuta cuspids contos\ expediunt. See also Tacitus, annales,

xiv. 5, and Suetonius, Tiberius, 62, Caligula, 32.

THE SHIP'S BOAT. 103

A small boat used to be towed astern by every merchant-

ship of any size, and also by the war-ships in the Romannavy ;

and occasionally a merchant-ship took two or three.

The boat was intended for the safety of the crew in case the

ship were wrecked or had to be abandoned;and ordinarily

was used for communicating with the shore when the ship was

lying some way out2'

. Apparently, the Roman and Byzantine

merchant-ships had some means of hoisting up the boat 227

26 Demosthenes, in Phormionem, 10, 6 5 Act/xTris dvax^w ^avdyrj<rev ov

naKpdv dirb TOV efjitroplov. Kai avTos pey diretrwdit) ev ry \eu*$($, K.T.X., in Zciio-

themin, 6, plTrrei eavTbv (HytffTpaTos) els TT\V ddXarrav, diapapTuv 5e TOV Xeppov 8id

TO VVKT elvai, direirvLyri, 7, eireide (Yjrjvbdejjus) rbv irpypea Kai row vavras els rbv

Xeufiov enfiaivew Kai e'KXeiireii' TTJV vavv TTJV rax^rr/i', us dveXiriffTOV TTJS auTijpias

ofays Kai KaTadvo-0/j.evrjS TTJS veus avrlKO. /idXa. Anaxandrides, apud Athena-urn,

vi. 41, y/xets yap dXXrjXovs del xXeuct^er', oI5' aKpifius' \

oiriffdev aKO\ou6ei x6Xa^ T^,

X^jSos TTiK^K\T}Tai. cf. Pliny, epistolae, viii. 20. 7, stcpe minores inaioribiis vclut

cyinbuhc onerariis adharescunt. Plutarch, Demetrius, 17, irpoff^x lv t*-tv OVK efatre

T?7 7?? T0 irXoiov, dyKvpas 5' d^eivai K\e^<ras Kai Kara vavv ^et*' dr/^/xa irdvras,

avrbs ^3ds els TO e<j)b\K(.ov e^rjKde fjt,6vos. Heliodoros, /lithiopica, v. 24, tiri.Tpe-

iro/J.ei> els TO e(pb\KLOv eiafirfvaL Kai cn)eiv avTovs, el fiov\eade...TC)v 6' ets rb o-

/cd0o$ TO

vTrr}pTiKoi> a\\e(r6ai Kai o<.aopavai ^ovKevop.evwv. In the Acts of the Apostles,

xxvii. 16, 30, 32 see next note the term ffKa^-rj is applied to the ship's boat in

imitation of the Latin usage of scapha. Plautus, rudens, prologus, 75, de navi

timidic desuluerunt in scapham. The Pandects, xxxiii. 7. 29, Labeo : si navem

cum instrumento emisti, pr^stari tibi debet scapha navis. Paulus : imo contra ;

ctenim scapha navis non est instrumentum navis ; etenim mediocritate, non genere

ab ca dijfert ; instrumentum autem cniusqtie rei necesse est alterius generis esse att/ue

ea quceque sit ; quod Pomponio placuit, cf. xxi. 2. 44 and vi. i. 3* Thus, as a rule,

every ship had one boat and no more : but there were exceptions to this rule.

Strabo, ii. 3. 4, KaTao~K.evdo~ao~dai ir\olov fj.eya Kai <p6\Kia 5vo \e/j.j3ois \TjffTpiKois

Sfj.oia. Athenasos, v. 43, ^6\Kia 5' rivav avTy TO ^ev TTO&TQV K^pKovpos, K.T.\. The

Roman war-ships had boats as well as the merchant-ships : see Csesar, de bello

(J.-illico, iv. 26, de bello civili, ii. 43, iii. 24, 62, 101, and Aulus Hirtius, de bello

Alexandrino, 46."7

Acts, xxvii. 16, vrjffiov 5t TI vTro5pafJ.6i>Tes, KaXov/J-evov KaOSa, lffx^o-/j.ev

/*6Xis irepiKpaTeis yeveo-dat TTJS o-Kd<j>T)s' f)v dpavTfs K.T.\. 30, TWV oe vavrCiv I\TOVVTWV

Qvyclv eK TOV irXolov Kai xaXaa'dj'TWJ' Tr,v o-KaQyv ets TT,V edXavvav irpo^do-fi wj eV

Trpi^fnjs dyKVpas /j.eXX6i>TW tKTeiveiv,...^, TOTe direKO\l/av ol trrpaTiwrai TO. (rxoivLa

Trjs <TKd(f>ris, Kai eiaaav av-rijv eKire<reit>. cf. Paulinus Nolanus, epistoke, 49. i,

ntmpentibus (anchorarum) vinctilis nauta exterriti scaphitlam demiserunt ; vel ut

navi forlius continenda renovatis et altius slabilitis anchoris subvenirent, vel ut

seipsos, si possent, a discrimine navis eriperent. Agathias, iii. 2 1, v^es 5e <f>opTl5es

/neTewpovs efyov rds d/fdrous, Kai dp.<f) avrd Srjirov TO. Kapx^o. TUV 'UTTUV

Kai /3e/3cu6Tara alupovntvaf avw oe (rrpaTttDrat eiffT-^Keffov, cf. 25, rwv 5^

rats d/cdTots <pe<rTT)KQTUi'.

104 THE SHIP'S BOAT.

instead of always towing it astern : and on the Roman

merchant-ships of about 200 A.D. in fgs. 29 and 3 1 the

halyards of the artemon, or bowsprit, seem to be attached to

something like a boat. It was now the custom to have one of

the crew constantly on duty in the boat, when towing astern,

in order to keep her under control and free from water 228.

228Petronius, satirae, 102, quin potius, inquam ego, ad temeritatem confugimus

et per funcm lapsi descendimus in scapham pr&cisoque vinculo reliqua fortunecotnmittimus?...nunc per puppim, per ipsa gubernacula delabendum est, a quorum

regione funis descendit qui scapha custodiam tenet, praterea illud miror, Encolpi,

tibi non succurrisse, unum nautam stationis perpetua interdiu noctuque iacere in

scapha, nee posse inde custodem nisi aut cade expelli aut prcecipitari viribus. quodan fieri possit, interrogate audaciam vestram. Gregory the Great, dialogi, iv. 57,

6 vavT'rjs 5e cti/roO, Bdpa/cos 6v6/JiaTi ) tuvfitpva. TOV Kapaftov OTTKrOev TOV jrXoiov TOV 8

ffXowlov KOTrfrros, a/wa ry Kapafiiptiv Kvfipva v\j/wdeis, ev TOIS KijfjiaaLv atpav^ ty&ero.

The Rhodian Law, in the Basilics, liii. 8. 46, eav /cd/>a/3os, airb ioiov irXolov TO.

vxpivlo. 5ta/5p?jas, aTriX^rat a/ma rot's i*.ir\ov(rw v avrif, av ot ^yttTrX^ovres d,7r6-

\WVTOH. T) airoddvuffi, TOV fjucrdbv rbv tviavfficuoi' aTrodidbrw 6 vavKKypos els irXrjpes TOV

rots r&v VOLVT&V K\Tjpov6fji.ots.

APPENDIX.

Actuaries, "AKCITOI.

These were small craft of all sorts. They were classed together in this fashion

in compliance with a notion that ships might roughly be divided into three classes,

men-of-war or long ships, merchant-men or round ships, and these boats or little

ships.

Thucydides, vii. 59, ^K\-TJOV ovv rbv re \ipdva eu0>5 rbv fj^yav rpiripeai

v\aylais /ecu TrXofois Kal d/cdrots, eir dyKvp&v bpplovTts, K.T.\.= Diodoros, xiii. 14,

dKdrovs re yap Kal rpirjpeis, ZTI de ffrpoyytiXas i>avs tir' dyKvpuv opplaoLvrts.

Plutarch, de tranquillitate animi, 3, dXX' uairep oi deiXol Kal vavnuvrfs tv T$irXetr, elra pq.ov olb^evoi 5tde>, edv el's yavXov e' d/cdrou, Kal irdXtv ia.v e/s rpi-rjp-r]

/j.crapuo-u', otidev irepaivovcri. Pindar, Nemea, v. 5, ctXX' enl irdaas 6X/cd5o$ tv T'

d/cdry, yXuKci' doidd. Thus the aKarot were distinguished from merchant-ships of

every sort, and also from the three-banked ships, which were the typical war-

ships. And this distinction was based upon their size ; for at the time whenthe Athenian three-banked ships carried two masts see note 181 on p. 83 these

masts were styled ico-6s /t^yas and icrrbs cucdreios respectively, as though d/cdreioj

merely denoted inferiority in size. cf. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 2,

T7]i> de Tpb-jnv (TTOIOUCTI) rpiTjpei [tev dpvivrjv, rdis de 6\Kdcri TrevKivyv, TCUS 5^ eXdrroaiv

o^vivrjv, where d/cdrois is replaced by tXarroffiv.

Aulus Hirtius, de bello Alexandrino, 44, nam cum ipse ( Vatinius) paucasin portu naves longas haberet, navibus actuariis, quaruni numerus erat satis

magnus, magnitudine quamquarn non satis iusta adprccliandum, rostra imposuit.

Sisenna, apud Nonium, p. 535, quibus occisis, actuarias ad viginti navis, item

conplures onerarias incendunt. Marcellus, in the Pandects, xlix. 15. 2, navibtts

longis atque onerariis propter belli usurn postliminium est : non piscatoriis> aut si

quas actuarias -voluptatis causa paraverunt. Thus the actuarial, like the dKorot,

were distinguished from the merchant-ships and from the war-ships ; and Aulus

Hirtius implies that the distinction was based upon their size.

There is plainly an error in the current reading of Livy, xxxviii. 38, tradito

et naves longas armamentaque earum : neve plures quam decem naves actuarias,

quaruni nulla plus quam triginta remis agatur, habeto : neve monerem ex belli

causa, quod ipse illaturus erit=- Polybios, xxii. 26, d-jroddru 5e Kal rds vaCs raj

Kal ra ^/c Totrwv dp^eva Kal ra ffK&jrj' Kal (JUJKC'TI ^ ""XV deKa *cora-

, oi5

106 APPENDIX.

Karapxti, where both authors are quoting from the treaty of 189 B.C. In quotingfrom the treaty of 197 B.C. Livy says naves tectas, xxxiii. 30, while Polybios says

Kara^paKTovs yaOs, xviii. 27 ;so that in quoting from this treaty of 189 B.C. he

must have said decent naves tectas habcto : neve actuarias. Consequently, the

passage will not identify the actuarial with the KardfppaKroi but will only shew

that these vessels often carried more than thirty oars. The term actuarius had a

diminutive actuariolus ; and this is applied to some ten-oared vessels by Cicero, ad

Atticum, xvi. 3. 6, conscendens e Pompeiano tribus actuariolis decemscalmis.

The term a/caros could be applied to vessels that were small enough for the

oars to be sculled in pairs, or to vessels that were large enough to require fifty

rowers. Leonidas of Tarentum, in the Anthology, vi. 4. 6, Kal rovs e anaruv

8ix&a5tovs ^ras. cf. vii. 464. i, ix. 242. 8, 279. i, where Charon's boat is

styled an a/caros. Lucian, verae historiae, i. 5, ir^vT^Kovra 5 T&V rjXiKiwT&v irpoa-

avrrjv tuol yvuuTjv xoI/Tas>*<" Kv(3pvr}Tr)i> rbi> dpiffrov [uvd$ peydXy

Tra/^Xa.jSoj', Kal rrjv vavv a/caros 5 rjv ws Trpbs utyav Kal filaiov ir\ovv

Apparently, the diminutive term &KO.TI.OV could not be applied to

such large vessels as those of fifty oars. Polybios, i. 73, Trapeo-Ketiafrv dt Kal rd

TrepiXnrrj r&v irXoiwv, rpirjpets, Kal irevTyKui'Tdpovs, Kal rd u^yiffra r&v d/car/wj/.

This term was used in speaking of vessels that were carried about in carts or on

men's shoulders. Thucydides, iv. 67, d/cdrtoj' d/j.<pr)piK6v us Xrjffral eldde<rav tnl

d/M^ji Sid rrjs raQpov KaraKoaifetv T^S VVKT^S tirl TT\V 6d\aa<rav Kal

Plutarch, Lucullus, 9, TTJS 5^ Aa<TKV\lTt5os \l/j.i>r]S TrXeo/x^s aKartois

ev/j.eytde<n, rb ^yiffrov avr&v 6 AOVKOV\\OS dve\Kij<ras Kal Siayuyuv dfM^rj irpfc rr)j>

6a\aTTai> offovs ^x^P i o-Tpariuras evefilfiafffv. See also Strabo, xi. 2. 12, quotedin the note on camarte on p. 107. But the diminutive was not indispensable.

Agathias, iii. 20, rds d/cdrous, birbaas efi dua&v eTr^-yero, ^s rbv iroraubv epfiaXuv.

In common parlance the term d/caros was used as vaguely as boat is used in

English. Theognis, 457 459, otfroi ff^a<pop6v tcrri yvvi) via. dvSpi ytpovrf |

ou

yap Tnr)ba\lq> irdderai ws dxaros, |

ovd' dyKvpai %xovfft-v ' Critias, apud Athenaeum,i. 50, O^jS?; 5' dpnarbtvra 5l<ppov crvveir^aro TrpuTrj- | (popTijyovs d' aKarovs Kapes,

d\6$ raalai. Herodotos, vii. 186, TOVS cv Tai<ri <riTayuyoi<ri aKdrouri t6i>ras =

vii. 184, rCiv ffiTaywy&v TrXot&v Kal ocroi ^^TrXwov To6rotfft. Diodoros, xvii. 116,

Kal TrX^ofros yu,erd r&v (pL\uv v TKTIV d/cdrots, ^<f> rjutpas fJ^v rivas diroffx<-ff&^^

TTJS vews dnb T&V dXXwv a/ca^wv, tir\avri6ir) ubvos, K.r.X. The diminutive term

d/carioy was used in the same vague way. Dion Chrysostom, oratio 72, p. 628,

wore Kal <p' yaw urcos pt]driva(. eiK^rws, 6ri TrXet iravra Quotas d/cdria Kal irdaa

|8oDs dporptq.. And so also acatium in Latin. Pliny, ix. 49, navigeram similitu-

dinent et aliam in Propontide visam sibi prodidit Mutianus: concham esse acatii

modo carinatam, inflexa puppe^ prora rostrata : in hac condi naupliutn, where

the phrase acatii modo carinatam merely expresses the fact that there was a ridge

along the shell like the keel of a boat. It was clearly for a joke that the name

Acatus was given to the great ship that brought the Flaminian obelisk to Italy :

see note 71 on p. 27.

Barides,

This term could be applied to ships or boats of any sort, provided that th

hailed from Egypt or some other foreign country.

yEschylos, Persae, 552, 553, Sfy?;s $ iravr' CTT^TTC SvaQpbvw \ papldec

TYPES OF SHIPS. IO?

1074? 1075? Tpi(TKd\fjLoifft I pdpiffw 6\6/j.evoi, i.e. rpiripfaiv. Euripides,

Iphigeneia in Aulide, 297, pappdpovs pdpidas. yEschylos, supplices, 874, Myvtrrlav

yap pdpiv O i>x virepdopei, cf. 836, 882. Propertius, iii. ir. 44, baridos et contis

rostra Liburna sequi. The allusion is to Cleopatra's ships at the battle of

Actium. Herodotos, ii. 96, TOVTO yap 5i) o^o/xd tan rotei irXoloiat TOVTOHTI, sc.

pdpis. He is speaking here of trading-vessels on the Nile: see also ii. 41, 179.

DiodotOS, i. 96, ffv^uvelv 5 Kal rd\\a rd wapd rots "EXXyin Kad' "AiSov /J,v6o\o-

yovfj-eva rots ri vvv yivoftfroLS /car' AiyvTrrov rd [j.kv yap biaKOfil^ov rd <ru>ttara

TT\OIOI> pdpiv /caXeio-0at, /t.r.X. cf. Leonidas of Tarentum, in the Anthology, vii.

67, 'A5eo> \VTTrjpt dn)K6ve, TOVT''

A^povrtn | vdwp 5s TrXcieis irop9fj.tdi Kvavty, |

5aijj.',

e/ KO.L ffoi fj.ya pplQerai 6i<pv6e(r<ra. | /3a/>is, diro^dL^vov, rbv KVVO. &.ioytvr]v.

The word was bantt bari, or baair in Egyptian.

Camarce, Ka/xa/aat.

These were boats of very light build, holding twenty-five to thirty men apiece.

The stern was like the stem, and the oars were arranged for rowing either way.

The bottom was rather flat, and the sides were so low that temporary bulwarks

were needed in rough weather. These vessels were in use on the Black Sea

in the First Century A.D.

Strabo, xi. i. 12, ftDcri 5e dwb TWV Kara ddXarrav XrjffTTjpiwv, dfcdria !x'/TeJ

(rrevd Kal Kov<pa, oaov dvOpurrovs Trtvre Kal et/coai 5e%6yu.ej'o, ffirdviov 8

dtj-affdat TOI)S Trd^raj dwdfteva'

KaXovffi 5' aura ot "EXX^ves xaftdpas

5 et's rd olKela x^/na, vavXoxctv OUK I^OJTW, dva6fj.i>ot rots w/nois rds

/ca/xdpas dva^povffiv tiri roi)s 5pf/xoi/s, ev olffirep Kal olKovvi, \virpdv dpovvTes

yijv Karatptpovcri 5 ird\i.v, OTO.V rj Kaipbs rod TrXett'. r6 5' avrb Troiov<Tt Kal

ei> rrj d\\orpla. Tacitus, historian, iii. 47, camaras vacant artis latcribus latam

alvurn sine vinculo ceris aut ferri conexatn : et tumido man, prout fluctus

attollitur^ summa navium tabulis augent, donee in modum tecti claudantur.

sic inter undas volvuntur, part utrimque prora et mutabili retnigio, quando/line vel illinc appellere indiscretum et innoxium est. By thus contrasting the

latam alvum with the artis lateribns Tacitus implies that the bottom was broad

considering the height of the sides, not jhat it was broad considering the size

of the boat : so he hardly contradicts Strabo's statement that these boats were

narrow.

Kctv$ttpoi, KvKVOKavOapoi, KVKVOL.

These were merchant-ships of types that were in vogue among the Greeks in

the Fourth and Fifth Centuries B.C. The KuwoKavQapot were presumably of a

type between the Kdvdapoi and the KVKVOI.

Nicostratos, apud Athenaeum, xi. 48, A. ij vavs 5 worep ek6<rop6s co-rip, rj

KVKVOS,|

TJ Kavdapos ;rourt yap edv irvdiij/j.' & n,

|

aur6s wepavw rd 7rcu>r'. B. d/x^Xet

KVKvoKavdapos. This indicates that these vessels all resembled an elKtoopos, and

an etV6(ro/)oj was usually a large merchant-ship with twenty oars for auxiliary

work: see note 51 on p. 20. Ships termed Kavdapoi are also mentioned by

Sosicrates, ibid., XeTrr?? 5e KvproTs eyyeX&ira Kv/j.a<rtv | aiJpa, Kdprj ZKdpwos, rjcnjxv

wodl| Trpocrijye Trpacos /cat /caXws rbv KavOapov. Again by Menander, ibid., A.

ws Is KO\OI>|

rbv vibv fVTVxovvTa Kal creawa/x^oj' | TrpcDros \yb) trot, rbv re

108 APPENDIX.

Xpvffovv KavQapov. \

B. irotov;

A. TO irXoiov' ov5v olffdas, a6\ie.

\

B. rr)v vavv

<Te<ruxrdai pot X^yeis ;A. Zyuye /J.TJV \ TTJV vavv tKetvyv, rp> ^Trofycre KaXXi/cXf/s

|

6

Ka\v/j.vios, Ev(f>pavwp 5' txvfitpva 0oi;/)ios. And by Aristophanes, pax, 143,

TO 5 7rXotoj> &TTCU Naioup7r7s Kavdapos. But there is not any further mention of

ships termed K^KVOI or KVKvoKa.v6apoi.

Caudicarice or Codicarice.

This name was given to vessels plying on the Tiber, and hence to those on

other rivers. It was reputed to be an early Latin name for boats or ships.

Seneca, de brevitate vitae, 13, hoc quoque qucerentibus remittamus, quis Romanis

primus persuaserit navem conscendere. ? Claudius is fuit, Caudex ob hoc ipsum

appellatus, quia plurium tabidarum contextus caudex apud antiques vocatur, unde

publics tabuliz codices dicuntur et naves nunc quoque, qua ex anliqua consuetudine

commeatus per Tiberim subvehunt, codicarice vocantur. Varro, apud Nonium,

p. 535, quod antiqui pluris tabulas coniunctas codices dicebant ; a quo in Tiberi

navis codicarias appellamus. The boatmen on the Tiber are mentioned frequently :

e.g. Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. xiv, no. 131, 1. 7, codicari nabiculari, no. 170, 1. 10,

codicarii navicularii, no. 4234, 1. 5, codicarius, vol. vi, no. 1759, 1. 15, caudicariis.

Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 535, quam rnaximis itineribus per regnum Ariobarzanis

contendit ad flumen Euphratcn qua in parte Cappadocia ab Armenia diiungitur ;

ttaves codicarice, occulte per hiemem fabricatce, aderant. Ausonius, idyllia, 10. 197?

navita caudiceo fluitans super cequora lembo. This refers to the Moselle.

At Ostia, near the mouth of the Tiber, there was a guild of these boatmen

with the title of corpus splendedissimum codicariorum : see Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol.

xiv, no. 4144, 1. 12.

Ce/OCes, Ke'A^res, KcXryria.

These were small vessels built especially for speed, and hence styled race-

horses. They served for carrying reports and orders and despatches, and taking

officers of rank from place to place ; and generally discharged the duties that are

now allotted to a despatch-boat or admiral's-yacht. They were in use in most

navies in the first five centuries B.C.

Thucydides, iv. 120, dTro<rTa(ri. 5' ai/rots 6 Bpacridas Si^TrXewre vvurbs es rty

2,KubvT]i>, rpirjpei ^v <pi\La TrpOTrXeovar}, avrbs 5e iv K.\~r}Tl($ dirodev 6(pen6(j.evos, OTTWS

e^ fj.tv TLVL TOV Kt\v)TOS fjitlfrvi irXoLif) Tre/Hriryxdj/ot, 77 rpir/pris d^ivoi avTy, avTiiraXov

5^ &\\T)S rpiripous t-jnyevontv-ris ov irpbs TO tXa<r<rov vofjufav rptyeadai dXX' tiri Ti)v

vavv, Kal iv TOIJT^ avrov diaffweiv. There is clearly an error here, KtXrjros for

Ke\T]Tlov, or else KeXrrrly for KtXrjn. The scholiast's paraphrase makes the vessel

a Ke\r)Tiov in both instances ; so his reading was KeXijrlov. Polybios, v. 94,

5' viroffrptya.*, &rXeu(re ?rp6$ XaX/cetav TUI> 5' eK^OTjdrjadvTdJv, eKvpitvee 5

irXoluv avravdpuv ?Xa/Se 5^ Kal /cA^Ta irepl TO 'PLov AlrwXiKbv 6/J.ov T$ Tr\r)pwfj,aTi.

Livy, xxi. 1 7, naves longce centum sexaginta, celoces duodecim. So the KAT/TCS were

reckoned among the 'small craft in a fleet. Polybios elsewhere speaks of them as

vessels of a single bank, v. 62, Kal ir\oia TCTrapaKovra' TOVTUV KaraQpaKra ^vctKO&i diafapovTa rats /caTao"/ceuats, ev ots ovSfr ZXarrov yv Terprjpovs' ra 8k XotTra,

rprfpeis Kal diKpora Kal /cAijTes, cf. Fr. 132, apud Suidam, s.v. vTrepi.(rd/ji.L<ras : Taxi)

5^, TOI>$ KtXijTas Kal ras i)iuo\las virepi<rd(ji,iffas, dv^x^- Nor is he really contra-

TYPES OF SHIPS. 109

dieted herein by Ephippos, apud Athenaeum, viii. 38, irhre vA^ras irevTe<TKd\-

jwovj. At this time the compounds formed from <miX/x6j were used in reckoningthe tholes vertically, and thus marked the number of banks of oars in a ship ; so

that irevr^cfKoXfj-os denoted a ship of five banks, just as rpl<rKa\fj.os denoted a shipof three banks : vEschylos, Persce, 679, 680, ti-t<pdiv6' ai rpiffKa\jj.oi \

vaes dvaes,

1074, 1075, TpicrKaXfjiOLcri \ ftdpicriv 6\6fjt,vot, cf. Polybios, xvi. 3, rainy Sovaa TrXrfyrjv

fitalav Kara peffov rb /euros virb rbv dpavlryv ffKa\fj.6v^ where dpavlrrj? <r/ca\/i6s must

refer to the upper bank. But the verse occurs in a passage where Ephippos is

mercilessly ridiculing the ostentation of Alexander the Great ; and his statement

that the king's K^\-rjres had five banks of oars the largest number then in use

must not be taken a whit more seriously than the rest of his exaggerations.

Thucydides, iv. 9, ov ydp yv o-rr\a ev xwplqi ep~fimf troplcraffOai, d\\d Kal ravra

K \-rjffTpLKrjs Mewrjvlwv rptaKovropov Kal tfAijros ZXafiov, ot trvxov irapayei>6/j.evoi'

bwXiral re TtDj/ Me<r 0-771'tuv rotjruv cos recraapaKovra iyevovro. Fully thirty of these

men would be needed for the rpiaK6vropos, leaving barely ten for the Kf"\-t)s.

A four-oared Ke\-^riov is mentioned by Appian, de bellis civilibus, ii. 56,

Kf\r)Tiov 6"i) Kal KV/SepvriTTjv rbv dpivrov /j,f\\ov eroiuaffeiv, for the number of

oars is fixed by Velleius, ii. 43, quattuor scalmorum navem nna cum duobtis

amicis decemque servis ingressus= Plutarch, Csesar, 38, els ir\oioi> e/j.^as TO /dyedos

d<i)5eKd<rKa\fji.ov, where the assertion that the boat was large enough for twelve oars

seems to be based upon the story that Coesar had twelve companions on this

voyage. A two-oared KeXtfriov is mentioned by Synesios, epistolse, p. 165, rjKev eirl

K\rjrtov Sto-KaX/Aou. At this time the compounds formed from <rKa\fj,6s were used

in reckoning the tholes horizontally, and thus marked the number of oars in a

ship of a single bank. They are used in this sense by Cicero, ad Atticum, xvi. 3. 6,

tribus actuariolis decemscalmis, de oratore, i. 38, duorum scalmorum naviculam.

And apparently also by Diodoros, xl. i, Soypa typa\f/av oirws ol Kprjres wavra. ra

TrXoia &os TTpa.<rKa.\(Jiov avairt^wcnv et's 'PcfyiTji/, and by Plutarch, ^Emilius Paulus,

6, raj 5^ vavs airdffas cupeiXero Kal Tr\o?of ovdtv avrois TpiffKoX/J-ov p.iov dirtXiire,

cf. Theseus, 19, doy/j,a Koivbv r\v 'EXX-^vuv /j.i)8e[ji.iav tKTrXe'iv rpi^pt] fj.r]da/j.odev dvopGiv

TT^VTC Tr\elovas 5f%o//^7jj', where Tpiif]pris refers to fighting-ships of any sort.

Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 6. 36, r 5' 'Ereovky 6 virrjpeTiKbs K{\TJS irdvra

eriyyei\ ra irepl rty vav/maxlav. cf. Herodotos, viii. 94, for the story of a KtX-rjs

bringing a message deiy TTO/ZTT??. Thucydides, i. 53, fdo^ev ovv avrois avdpas ts

K\r)TLov t/j.(3i/3d<TavTs dvev KrjpvKehv irpoairtfjL^ai ro?s 'Adrjvalots. viii. 38, Qijpi/j.^vr)s

IJL{I>, irapaoovs 'AoTi^xy ras vavs, diroirX^v tv /cA^n d(f>avl^Tai. Appian, de

bello Mithridatico, 33, ^s /ceX^Ttov evtprj, Kal vavv e/c I'ecis, Iva. Xd^oi, dia/j-flfiajv, fir'

'A\eavdpelas tytpero, sc. Aoi/KouXXos. The /fAT/res and /feX'/Jrta, or other vessels

doing the same work, were often described simply as v-n-rjpeTiKd. Polysenos, i.

38. 4, Bpa(r/5as viwrbs eiriirXtuv ^Ki&vrj, rpi^pr) (piXlav Trpoir\eTv (ra^ef, avrbs

de ev virrjpeTiK$ KaTOirw e'lirero= Thucydides, iv. 120, airrbs Se ev KeXrjTly diroOev

^0e7ro//.cj'os. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 29, StaTrXe^tras virypeTiKois Kal dirofids /xerd

Qpan&v opv(f>6p<j}v, Lysander, 10, TT^/ATTWV 5 fanfperucit irapa rds irpwras TU>V vc&v

drpeiJ,elv e/cAewe Kal [teveiv iv rdfei. Demosthenes, in Polyclem, 46,

U7rr;pert/c6j/, dyov dvdpa Kal ^TrtcrroXcis. Polysenos, iii. 9. 36, virrjperiKbv

('I<^t/cpa7-77s) Ko/J.lov eiriffTo\T]v treirXaffiJievyv. yEschines, de falsa legatione, 73,

oifrw 5' 3)v ff<pa\epa Kal tTriKlvSwa ra TTpdyaara, iScrre fjvayKaffd'r) ypd\f>ai \f/ri<pi(TfJ.a

KTt1<picro<pu>v b Flaiaj'ie^s eKir\eiv rr]i> rayiarriv 'Avrloxov rbv tirl rwv VTryperiKW Kal

I IO APPENDIX.

frTfTv rbv o-TpaTtjyov rbv eirl ry dvvd/j.ei Terayfj.e'vov. This last passage shews

that in the Athenian navy these viryperiKd formed a distinct class under one

command. They are presumably the same as the OLKCLTOL dtj/j.6o-iai of the inven-

tories : Corp. Inscr. Attic, vol. ii, no. 808, col. d, 11. 74, 75, tirl ras d/cdrous ras

S-rj/jioa-las, TTTjSdXta. And these are termed celoces publics by Plautus, captivi,

iv. 2. 92 94, nam filium \

tuom modo in portu Philopolemum vivom salvom

et sospitem \

vidi in publica celoce, cf. miles gloriosus,. iv. r. 39, hcec celox illhist

qua hinc cgrcditttr internuntia.

The celoces are mentioned also by Ennius, apud Isidorum, origines, xix. r. 22,

labitur uncta carina per aquora cana celocis, by Turpilius, apud Nonium, p. 533,

remulis scnsim celox ab oppidoprocesserat, by Varro, ibid., nautce rcmivagam movent

celocent, and proccllafrigida ne obruat celocem, by Livy, xxxvii. i^^piraticas celoces

el lembos, and perhaps by Velleius, ii. 73, piraticis celetibiis or sceleribus. And

there are puns on the name : Plautus, Pseudolus, v. 2. 12, unde ormstam celocem

agere te pr&diccm, asinaria, ii. i. 10, quo hanc celocem conferam, Poenulus, iii. i. 40,

obsecro, hercle, operam celocem hanc mihi, ne corbitam, date.

Pliny, vii. 57, celetem (invcnernnt) Rhodii. Possibly these Rhodian 'race-

horses' were evolved from the Phoenician 'horses' mentioned on p. 113. As to

the live race-horses of this name, see Pausanias, v. 8. 8, vi. 12. i, and Pliny,

xxxiv. 10.

Cercuri,

These were vessels of a type that was equally suitable for warfare and for

commerce. They were in use throughout the Mediterranean from the beginningof the Fifth Century to the middle of the First Century B.C. The war-ships of this

type were small, but the merchant-ships were occasionally of considerable size.

Herodotos, vii. 89, r&v d rpi-ripeuv dpid/J.bs fJ.ev eyevero eirrd Kal diijKbo-tai Kal

X/Xtat, 97. rpirjKbvTepoi 8 KCLL irwTriKbvTepoi Kal KtpKovpoi /cat 'nrirayuyd, TrXota

<T/j.LKpd o~vve\d6i>Ta s rbv dpid^bv t<j>dvr) r/3t(rx/Xta. That refers to the Persian fleet

in 480 B.C. Arrian, anabasis, vi. 2, %v d TO ty/j.Trai> ir\T)0os T&V veuv, rpiaKdvTepot

litv ts dydoriKovra, ra 5^ Trdvra 7rXo?a ffvv TO?S iirirayiayois Kal KepKotipois /ecu o<ra

ctXXa Trordfjua ov TTO\V dirod^ovra r&v 5t<r%iX/a'. That refers to Alexander's fleet

on the Hydaspes in 327 B.C. Diodoros, xxiv. i, 'Pwyucuot 5^ vaval

8ia.KOffta.is Tffo~a.pdKoi>Ta Kal KepKotipoLS e^KOvra Kal ir\ol(j0v TrXvj^

Kar^Tr\v<rav e/j rty Hdvop^ov. This was in 250 B.C. Appian, de rebus Punicis,

75, vaval de <ppovTO (ol 'Pw/jiaioi) Trevr^KOVTa /y.ev irevT'^peo'iv, Karbv 5' -tytuoX/cus,

d(ppdKTOis de Kal KepKotipois Kal <rTpoyyv\ois TroXXots. 121, /cat vavvl irevT-qKovra

(JLev Tpi-rjpeTiKais, KepKotipois de Kal fj.voirdpwff(. Kal ctXXots fipaxvrepois TroXXots e^eir\eov,

sc. ol Kapxydovioi. This was in 149 B.C. and 146 B.C. Memnon, Fr. 37, apud

Photium, p. 232, Mt0pt5dT7;s 5^ dXXov re ffrparbv avxybv Trapecr/ceudfero, Kal rpt^pets

/j.ev TeTpa/c6<rtot, ruv de [JUKporepuv vt]C)v TrevTyKovrepuv re Kal KepKotipwv dpid/u,bs

rfv oi/K 6\lyos. This was in 74 B.C. Livy, xxxiii. 19, ipse (Antiochits) cunt

classe centum tectarum navium, ad hoc levioribus navigiis cercurisque ac

lembis ducentis, froficiscitur. This was in 197 B.C. In all these instances the

cercuri are reckoned among the small craft in a fleet. Apparently, they were

faster than ships of the line. Livy, xxiii. 34, cercttros ad perseqnendam retrahen-

damquc navem quum (Flaccus) misisset, primo fugere regii conati ; deinde, ttbi

celeritate victi cesserunt, tradunt se Romanis, etc. That was in 215 B.C.

TYPES OF SHIPS. Ill

Plautus, mercator, i. r. 87, 88, ccdificat navem cercurum et merces emit :\

parala navi inponit, etc., Stichus, ii. 2. 42 45, dum percenter portitores, ecqiut

navis venerit\

ex Asia, ac negant venisse, conspicatus sum interim\cercurum, quo

ego me maiorem non vidisse censeo,\

in portnm vento secundo, veto passo pervenit,

and then follows an account of the cargo. Athenreos, v. 43, ^06\*ia 5' r\aa.v aurrj,

rb /J-tv irpCjrov K^pKovpos, rpto'x/Xia rdXaira 5^xe<r#cu 8vi>d(j.evos' 7raj 5' r\v OUTOS

^TrkajTros. A merchant-ship that carried 3000 talents, or 75 tons, was larger than

most war-ships: see note 78 on p. 30. The ?ras seems to mean that the oars

were not merely auxiliary. The oars of a cercurus are noticed again by Lucilius,

apud Nonium, p. 533, iligneis pcdibus cercurum conferet crquis. There is probably

a misreading, cercurum for cerycem, in another passage of Lucilius, ibid., ad regem

legati? Rhodum, Ecbatanam ac Babylonem \ibo ; cercurum surnam.

The name K^pKovpos is perhaps an adaptation of the Phoenician word which

appears in Hebrew as kirk&rAh : and the name of these ships would certainly be

Semitic in origin, if they really were invented in Cyprus, as Pliny asserts, vii. 57,

cercunim (invenerunf) Cyprii. The word kirkdrdh is found in Isaiah, Ixvi. 20,

and is translated into English as swift beast : but the Septuagint gives

which must denote a hood over a chariot, or else an umbrella.

Corbitce.

These were merchant-ships of great size. They were in use among the

Romans in the First and Second Centuries B.C.

Lucilius, apud Nonium, p. 533, multa homines portenta in Homeri versibu"1

ficta |

monstra pntant ; quorum in primis Polyphemu' ducentos\ Cyclops longii

1

pedes, et porro huic maiu'1

bacillum\ quam mahis navis in corbita maximus ulla,

where the allusion is to the Odyssey, ix. 319, 322 324, Ktf/fXwTros yap &cem> /i^ya

pbiraXov Trapa ffrjKf &<T<TOV 0' larrbi' vijbs iKo<r6poio /j.\atvr]s ,\ <f>opri5os, eupeh/s, ij

T tKirepdq. /mtya Xatr/xa' |

rtxrvov <kt)v fjifJKOs, rboffov TT^XOS ciffopaaffdat, so that

Lucilius means the largest merchant-ship imaginable. Cicero also speaks of a

corbita as a merchant-ship : ad Atticum, xvi. 6. i, sed putabam, quum Rhegium

vcnissem, fore tit illic do\ix&v ir\6oi> bp/j-cdvovre^ cogitaremus, corbitane Patras an

actuariolis ad Leucopetram Tarentinorum, ast inde Corcyram ; ft, si oneraria,

statimnefreto an Syracusis. Being merchant-ships, these vessels had only auxiliary

oars, and could therefore make little progress in a calm. Plautus, Pcenulus, iii. i.

3, 4, slcut ego hos duco advocatos, homines spissigradissumos, \

tardiores quamcorbita sttnt in tranquillo mart, cf. 40, obsecro, hercle, operam celocem hanc mihi, ne

corbitam, date. For the celoces see p. 108. There is a pun on corbis and corbita in

Plautus, Casina, iv. i. 20, 21, gnovi ego illas ambas estrices ; corbitam cibi\

comesse

possunt, unless corbitam cibi should be read corbitant ubi.

Cybcece.

These also were merchant -ships of great size. They were in use in Sicily in

First Century B.C.

Cicero, in Verrem, ii. iv. 8, tamctsi, rogatus de cybcea, 'tenetis memoria quid

respondent : tedificatam publicis operis, publice coactis, eique atdificandie publice

Mamertinum senatorem prcefuisse. 9, negent isti onerariam navem maximam

112 APPENDIX.

ecdificatam esse Messanee ? negent, si possint. negent ei navi faciundce senatorem

Mamertimtm publice prafuisse? utinam negent. 67, heec sum rogaturus. navem

populo Romano debeantm ? fatebuntur. prcebuerintne pratore C. Verre ? negabunt.

cedijicaverintne navem onerariam maximam publice, quam Verri dedenmt ? negare

non potcrunt. cf. ii. v. 23, non populo Romano reddita biremis, xedprcctori donata

cybeea. These passages prove that a cybeea was a merchant-ship : nor is the

contrary implied in ii. v. 17, navem vero cybceam maximam, triremis instar,

pulcherrimam atque ornalissimam, palam cedificatam sumptu pztblico, sciente Sicilia,

per magistratumque Mamertinum tibi datam donatamq-ue esse dico. Cicero is

arguing here that Verres had not only procured a merchant-ship from the Mamer-

tines in place of a war-ship, but had made them build him a merchant-ship that

was as big as a war-ship of three banks, when they were not bound to provide a

war-ship of more than two banks.

The term cybeea may be equivalent to Kvfiala or to /CUTTCU'GI, the /3 and TT inter-

changing easily, cf. Hesychios, s. v. Ktiirai : e!56s TI vecos, where nt-irai is

probably a corruption of Kinraia..

CymbcR) Kv/u/fat.

These were vessels of a type invented in Phoenicia : but Latin authors applied

the name to any boat.

Pliny, vii. 57, cymbam (invenertint) Pheenices. Sophocles, Andromeda, Fr. 2,

apud Athenaeum, xi. 64, Virirouriv 77 KV^O.L<TL vava-To\eis "xQbva. ;The scene of the

play was laid in Phoenicia, so Sophocles was likely to select Phoenician types of

ships, and the 'LTTTTOL certainly were Phoenician: see pp. 113, 114.

The name is common in Latin. Cicero, de officiis, iii. 14; Pliny, ix. 10, 12 ;

Seneca, epistolae, 51. 12; Lucan, iv. 136; Ovid, tristia, ii. 330, amores, iii. 6. 4,

metamorphoses, i. 293, fasti, vi. 777; Virgil, georgics, iv. 195, 506, ^Eneid, vi. 303;

Horace, odes, ii. 3. 28; Propertius, iii. 18. 24; Juvenal, ii. 151; etc.

These were small vessels of a type that probably was meant for fishing, but

suitable also for some purposes in warfare.

Xenophon, Hellenica, i. i. 1 1, frravda 8 Kal'

A\Ktpia5r)s TJKCV K

vbv irtvre rpnfjpeo-i Kal tiratfrpldi. Agathias, iii. 21, eiraKTpidas TLVO.S

Stua ir\rip&(ravTes. Nicander, theriaca, 823, 824, tird noyepobs dXt^as

fypptit-affa. KaTTrp-f)VL^v e-rrdKTp(t)i>, sc. ^paiva. The name seems to be connected

with tiraKT-/)p, a fisherman.

Aulus Gellius, x. 25, actuaries, quas Greed i<TTioKu)Trovs vacant vel tiraKTpiSas.

See p. 1 14 for the um6/cw7rot and p. 105 for the actuarice. No doubt, all e-rraxTpiSes

were actuaria : but Aulus Gellius cannot be right in asserting that all actuaries

were eiraxTplScs. The actuarice formed a large class which included the ^A^res,

and if the t-rraxTplSes had been the same as the actuarice, there could hardly have

been such vessels as

These were vessels of a type between the cVa/cTpfSes and the ittXirres. Theywere in use among the Greeks in the Fourth Century B.C., especially for piracy.

TYPES OF SHIPS. 113

Aristotle, de interpretatione, 2, gives eiraKTpoKc\r)s as an example of a

compound name. The ships themselves are mentioned by ^Ischines, in Timarchum,

191, TOLVTO. TrXrjpoi rd \r)ffTr)pta, ravra eis rbv eiraKTpoKe\fira e7ij3tj3dfet, and also byDeinarchos : see Harpocration, s. v. eVa/c-rpo/rA^s : AtVx^s & r(p /caret Ti/j.dpxov.

efSos 5' earl Tr\otov ff&vOcTOV %x,ov Tfy KO-TOffKevfa eVc re tiranTplSos Kal K\I)TOS. T\V

5e u>9 eirlirav XT/OTpiKbv, cos /cat Ae^ap^os ev rrj Kara IIoXvetf/cTou doKifJ.a<ria.

TavXoi.

These were the great merchant-ships in which the Phoenicians made their

trading-voyages in the Mediterranean and Atlantic between the Third and the

Sixth Centuries B.C., and perhaps before and afterwards. The shape of the ships

is indicated by their name, for that was given to any tub.

Antiphanes, apud Athenaeum, xi. 102, A. ya6\ovs oXoxpti&ovs. B. 7rXo?a ;

A. Tot)s Kadovs /j.ev ovv\

/caXoOcrt 7ai5Xous TraVras ot TrpoydcrTOpes. Aristophanes,

aves, 598, 700X0? /cravat /cai vavK\r)p&, scholion, KaXX^/xaxos : Ku7rp60e 2156^165

fj.e Karfiyayev ev6a.Se yav\os. Epicharmos, apud Athenaeum, vii. 114, airros 6

ayojv yati\oi<riv ev 3>oiviKiKo'is| rJKe /caXX/crras <ray/iva$. Herodotos, iii. 136,

res 5' OVTOI es 3>oivtK'rjv Kal QoiviKys es StScoi'a irbKiv avrlKa fj.ev Tptripeas Svo

, a/ta 8e avrriai Kal yavXov fj^eyav iravToiuv dyaOuv. vi. IJ, 6 8 Weus a>s

es QoiviKrjv, yati\ovs de evravOa Karadvcras Kal xp^l/J-aTa Xa/Scbv TroXXa

iKeXlyv. viii. 97, es TTJV 2a\a(juva (S^p^s) %wyua eireipaTO dtaxovv,

yatiXovs re <f>oivtKijlov$ (rvvtSee, tva dvrl re ffXfSirjs ewai Kal re^fos, /c.r.X. Scylax,

periplus, 112, ol de ^/JiiropoL elan /mev 3>olviKes' eirav de atyiKwvrai e^s TT)V vrjtrov rrjv

l&.epv~r}v, TOI)S /iev yav\ovs xafiop/Jiifrovtnv, ev rrj Kfyvr} cr/c^j'as iroir)(rdfJLevoi avrois' rbv

de <p6prov ee\bfj.evoi avrol dt.aKOulfova'Lv ev lUKpols TrXo/ois e/s rrjv -rjireipov. These

massages all date from before 250 B.C., and the ships mentioned therein are all

icenician. The name 7auXos occurs again in Plutarch, de tranquillitate animi, 3,

\! wffirep ol deiXol Kal vavriuvres ev rep TrXeti', elra pq.ov oi6/Jt.evoL dideiv, eav et's

")\ov e% d/carou, Kal irdXtv eav et's Tp^prj /j.eTa[3&criv, ovdev irepalvovffi. But this

not prove conclusively that these vessels were still in use ;for Plutarch may

ire be quoting some old saying. The expression yavXiKd xP^)lJ-aTa r TauXm/coL

stands for cargo in Xenophon, anabasis, v. 8. r, cf. v. i. 11, 12, 15, 16;

id this indicates that the name 7aOXos might roughly be applied to any merchant-

lip.

The name was probably of Phoenician origin, and was perhaps derived

>m gawal ; the island of Gozo, near Malta, being termed PaOXos in Greek and

'in Phoenician: see Corp. Inscr. Semit. part i, no. 132, 11. i, 8,lam G(a)w(a)l,

GauHtana.

Hippi, "ITTTTOI.

These were Phoenician merchant- ships with figure-heads of horses. Theyic into use in Phoenicia in very early times ;

but afterwards were only to be

found at Cadiz, where they were employed upon the fisheries along the African

coast outside the straits. Some of them were of considerable size ; and apparently

these could manage to double the Cape, for about 112 B.C. one of the typical

figure-heads was brought to Egypt from a wreck on the east coast of Africa, and

was attributed by experts to a ship from Cadiz.

T. //

1 14 APPENDIX.

Strabo, ii. 3. 4, TrdXti' ovv ((pijffl Tloaetdwvios) Kal VTTO TavTys (KXeoTrdrpas)

Trefj.<pd7Jvai rbv 1&voo%ov [ACTO. /j-clfyvos TrapaffKevrjs. fTra.vt.bvTa. 5' avt/J-ois irapevey^dfyai

virtp TTJV AidioTriav'

irpoafapbpevov 5^ rttri T^TTOIS eoiKetou<r0cu TOVS dvdpwirovs /uera-

56<ret ffiriuv re /ecu olVou /cai 7raXa0i5wp, aw ^KetVois 01) /JLTTJV, dj/ri 5 roi/rwi' vSpeias

TC Tvyxdvew Kal KaOooyyias, aTroypdtpecrdal re TWJ' p7]/j.dTwv 2via. evpbvra. 5'

aupbirpippov tyXivov CK va.va.yiov 'iinrov fyov lyyy\vfJ.fJi.h'ov, irv66(j.evov ws airt>

T^S e<T7r^pas TT\bvrii}v TivCjv fti) rb va.vayt.ov TOUTO, KOftlfetv avro avaarptyavTa. Trpos

TOV olKetov ir\ovv. awdtvra. 5' ets Myvirrov, OVK^TI T^S KXcoTrctrpas ^yovyU&ijJ, dXXc\

TOU 7rat56s, d^aipfdrjvat ird\iv TrAvra' (pwpaOTjvai yap vfvoa^iff^vov TroXXd. r6 8'

aKpOTrpypov irpo(f>tpovTa. ^s r6 efATrbpiov, oetKvfoat rots vavK\-fipois, yvuvai S TaSeiptruiv

ov 'Toirrctw

*yc\./)TOI)S /A^ /j.Tr6pov$ /we^dXa <rrAXeti' 7rXo?a, TOI;S 5 Trfr)Tas fJUKpd, a

/faXety I'TTTTOUS, d?r6 TWJ/ ev ra?s Trpypcus eTn<j"fj^(>)V TOVTOVS 51 ir\tiv /J.txPl T v A/^ou

Trora/iou Trepl TTJ?' Mapouaiai' dXteiio/i^voys' dXXa TWV Si] vavKK^puv TIVO.S yvupiffat rb

aKpoirp^pov ivbs TWV diro TOV Ai^ov Trora/ioO iropp&Tepov Tr\VffdvT(n}v Kal /J.T] aud^VTUv

virdp^av. CK 5 TOVTOV (rv/jLf3a\6vTa Tbv Ei/'So^oi', (is dvvaTbs ettj 6 TrepiTrXous 6 AiftvKos,

K.T.X. cf. Pliny, ii. 67, m ^?/o (jz'ww Arabico) signa navium ex Hispaniensibus

naufragiisferuntur agnita, where he seems to be referring to the story of Eudoxos,

though he mentions a later date.

Pliny, vii. 57, onerariam Hippus Tyrius invenit, hmbum Cyrenenses, cymbam

Phcenices, celetem Rhodii, cercurum Cyprii. This can only mean that the Tyrians

introduced the merchant-ships called Horses. Sophocles, Andromeda, Fr. 2,

apud Athenaeum, xi. 64, iTnroi<ru> 77 Ki}/x/3cu(ri vavffTO\eis -xQbva.; Sophocles was

likely to select Phoenician types of ships, as the scene of the play was laid in

Phoenicia ;and these 'iiriroi and Kvupai are the very ships that Pliny associates

with the Phoenicians. Moreover, some vessels with figure-heads of horses are

represented in Assyrian sculpture of about 700 B.C., as in fg. 9, and this indicates

that the type was indigenous in that part of the world.

But ships of any sort could be described in metaphor as horses. Odyssey, iv.

708, 709, vrj&v uKWirbpwv eiri(3aivt/j,ei>, aW dX6s I'TTTTOI| dvSpdffi ytyvovTai. Plautus,

rudens, i. 5. 10, n, nempe equo ligneo per vias ccerulas|

estis vecta? Thus, in the

legend of the taking of Troy through the stratagem of the Wooden Horse, there is

perhaps a reminiscence of the capture of some seaport town by men concealed on

board a ship, which had unwarily been admitted within the harbour : cf. Lydos,

de mensibus, iv. 88, irepl TOV dovpelov iinrov 6 Eixpopluv (p-rjcrl irKolov yevfoQai rots

'"E\\r)<rit> 'lirirov \ey6/mevov. And the winged horse Pegasos may represent a ship

with oars. Juvenal, iii. 117, 118, ripa nutritus in ilia,|

ad quam Gorgonei delapsa

est pinna caballi, speaking of the river which flows through Tarsus, cf. Stephanos,

s. v. Tapaos : 'AX^avSpos 5 6 IToXuf(rrwp (Tapvbv KaXeiffdal (prjcri) 8ia r6 Tbv

n-f/yaffov 'tirirov <?/cet rbv rapvbv K\dffavTa Kal E\\po<p6vTT)v h T$ 'AX^iy Tr&ly

irXavrjdijvai. For the term rap<r6s and the metaphor of the oars and wings see

pp. -2, 3, 20 and note 52. The legend that Bellerophon tamed Pegasos at Corinth

may refer to the initiative of the Corinthians in building ships with oars : as to

which see p. 4.

'lOTlOKWTTOl.

These were small vessels with a full complement of oars as well as sails. They

were known by this name in the Second Century A.D.

TYPES OF SHIPS. 115

Aulus Gellius, x. 25, actuaries, quas Grccci IffnoKuirovs vacant

cf. Pollux, i. 103, 6 ti; ovplas TT\OVS forty, dpeala ir\eit>, dvtutf) irXfw' ftptjrai 5 xal

IffTioKdjirrj, dXXd fitXriov elptala Kal irveijuart. Merchant -ships trusted mainly to

their sails and war-ships to their oars, and were thus distinguished from these

vessels which trusted equally to both. See p. 105 for the actuaries and p. 1 12 for

This name was given to the small craft in a fleet, or to any vessels in attendance

on others of larger size.

Diodoros, xx. 82, e^e 3 (Arju-firpios) VCLVS uaKpas utv iravrolas peytdei StaKoa-faj,

virrjperiKa d irXeiw rwv eKarbv e^dou^KOvra, xiii. 14, Tpfrjpeis 5 avveTr\-f)p(*)aav (ol

Sypa/f6trioi) efi$op.'f)Kovra r^rrapas'

ffv^irapelirovrb re rds virrjperiKas Ixovres i/aDs

7Tcu5es e\eijdepoi= Plutarch, Nicias, 24, OVK avrol pbvov rats rpi-qpww, dXXd Kal ra

irai8dpta travTaxbdev eTTifiatvovra r<2v aXidSwv Kal ra?s (T/cci0ais irpoffirXtovra. See

also ^schines, de falsa legatione, 73, and other passages quoted in the note on

celoces on p. 109, especially Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 6. 36, vTrrjpcriK&s KATJS. WhereDiodoros says ?aOs viryptriKas, xviii. 72, Polyaenos says virypeffiav vavriK-qv, iv. 6.

8. The term vTrrjpfriKbv tr/cd0oj is applied to a ship's-boat by Heliodoros in the

passage quoted in note 226 on p. 103, and is applied to a lighter by Strabo, v. 3.

5, Kal yap r) r&v vinjperiK&v ffKa<pG)v evwopla r&v ^Kdexoutvuv ra (poprla Kal di>ri<pop-

raxvv Trote? r&v dir6'rr\ovv.

Lembi, Ae/u,j3oi.

These were small vessels of a type that was invented or perfected by the

lyrians in the Third Century B.C. They served for desultory warfare and for

iracy; and differed from the regular war-ships in being relatively of larger beam,

carrying no ram.

Polybios, v. 109, <i>/Xi7r7ros 5 Kara rty irapaxeiuaa-iav dva\oyif6uevos on Trpbs

is ^7ri/3oXds aurou xP ^a TrXotav tvrl Kal TTJS Kara ddXarrav virypefflas, Kal ratirys

vavuaxtav rovro p-tv yap oi'S' av yXTrure ftvvarbs elvat, 'Pw/zai'oij

dXXd uaXXov ^cus rov irapaKO/j.leiv (TTpantbras, Kal Oarrov Siaipeiv o5

Tp68otro, Kal Trapad6us eirKpaivecrdaL rois TroXe/i^ots* didirep, UTroXa^Swj' dpiffrrjv elvat

is ravra TTJV r&v 'IXXvpi&v vavirrjyiav ,enarbv iirffid\ero X^w/Jous Karaa'Kevdfeii',

no. This was in 216 B.C. See also Polybios, ii. 3, 6, 812, iv. 16, 19, 29,

4, 95, 101, Livy, xxxi. 45, xxxii. 21, xxxviii. 7, xlii. 48, xliv. 30, xlv. 43, and

ippian, de rebus Illyricis, 7, for A<?/x/3ot in Illyrian fleets; and Polybios, xvi. 2,

-7, xvii. i, and Livy, xxxii. 32, xliv. 28, xlv. ro, 31, for X^u/Sot in Macedonian

These instances all fall between 231 and 168 B.C. Also see Livy, xxxiii.

xxxiv. 35, xxxv. 26, for X^jSot in Syrian and Spartan fleets at that period;

jlybios, i. 20, 53, for X<?/AOI in Roman fleets a little before; and Diodoros xx. 85,

oi at the siege of Rhodes in 304 B.C. Polybios also speaks of some vessels

the Rhone as \tupoi, iii. 42, 43, 46; but Livy abstains from rendering this by

lembi, xxi. 26 28, and calls them simply naves or naves actuaries.

The Xfyi/3oi were always reckoned among the small craft in a fleet. Polybios,

i. 20, o$x <fi v Kard(ppaKros auro?s virypxe ^aus, dXX' o3 Ka66\ov naKpbv ir\oiov,

ov8 XfyijSos ov8 e?s, xvi. 2, Kard<ppaKroi rpe?s Kal irevr^Kovra t<rtiv dt TOI/TOIS

a<ppaKra, X^/xj3ot 5^ abv TCUS irpl<rre<Ttv eKarbv Kal irev/iKovra, cf. 7. Livy, xxxii. 21,

1 16 APPENDIX.

centum tecta> naves, et quinquaginta leviores aperta, et triginta Issaici lembi,

xxxiii. 19, ctim classe centum tectanim navium, ad hoc levioribus navigiis cerciiris-

que ac lembis ducentis, xxxv. 26, tres tectas naves, et lembos pristesque, xxxvii. 27,

piraticas celoces et lembos. They had not any rams. Livy, xxxii. 32, cum

quinque lembis et una nave rostrata. The number of oars was variable. Livy,

xxxiv. 35, quoting from the treaty between Rome and Sparta in 195 B.C., neve

ipse (Nabis) navem ullam prater duos lembos, qui non plus quam sexdecim remis

agerentur, haberet. Vessels of this class sometimes carried fifty men. Polybios

ii. 3, Trpoffir\ova'i rijs vvKrbs CKCLTOV Xe*/u.j3ot irpos r^v MeSiwp/cu', <p' wv r/uav

'IXXiyuoi TrepTaKttr^Xiot, cf. Strabo, ii. 3. 4, X^tijSov o~vfj.Trr)djj.fvos irevTi)KovT()p(p

tr&piffov. But there was space on board for many men besides the rowers.

Livy, xliv. 28, octingenti ferme Gallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti; equi, etc....

viginti eximice equos forma; ctim captivis eosdem decent lembos, quos ante miserat,

Antenor devehere Thessalonicam iitssit. Thus, upon the average, these vessels

each took twenty men and two horses in addition to the crew; so they clearly

were more roomy than the regular war-ships. Yet some were narrow enough for

the oars to be sculled in pairs. Livy, xxiv. 40, legati venerunt nuntiantes

Philippum primum Apolloniam tentasse, lembis biremibus centum viginti flumineadverse subvectum, deinde, etc. cf. Virgil, georgics, i. 20 r, 202, qui adverso vix

flumine lembum\ remigiis subigit.

At an earlier date the term had been applied to ship's-boats : see the passages

quoted from Demosthenes and Anaxandrides in note 226 on p. 103. These

authors were contemporary with Aristotle, so his 7rXo?oi' Xe/*/3cD5es, with its sharp

prow, was presumably a boat of that sort : de animalium incessu, 10, ffrijdos 5

(T&V yafjf\l/<i)viL!Xuv) iffxvpbv Kal 66, 6i> ph irpos TO etiiropov eTvai, Kddairep &v ei

ir\otov -rrpypa Xe//,j8ci5oi;s, laxvP^v ^ K.T.\. The small boats used for embarking on

a ship are styled lembi by Plautus, mercator, i. 2. 81, 82, dum hcec aguntur,

lembo advehitur tuus pater pauxillulo ;\ neque quisquam hominem conspicatust,

donee in navim subit, ii. i. 35, inscendo in lembum atque ad illam navim devehor.

And as Plautus adapted his Mercator from Philemon's "E/tTropos, this usage maydate from the time of Aristotle. The term is applied to a fisherman's boat by

Theocritos, xxi. 12, fj.-r)piv6oi Kibira re yepuv r eV tpdanaai Xe"//./3os, and also by

Accius, apud Nonium, p. 534, eo ante noctem extremam, retia ut perveherem et

statuerem, | forte aliquando solito lembo sum progresses longius. Vessels of this

name are mentioned again by Sisenna, ibid., Otacilium legatum cum scaphis ac

lembis, and by Turpilius, ibid., hortari nostros ilico cojpi, ut celerarent lembum,

and lembi redeimtes domum duo ad nostram adcelerarunt ratem.

Pliny, vii. 57, lembum (invenerunf) Cyrenenses. That probably refers to the

earlier vessels of this name, that were used as ship's-boats, etc.

Lenunculi.

This term was apparently a corruption of lembunculi, a diminutive of lembi,

and hence applied to any small boats.

Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 534, incidit forte per noctem in lemmculo piscantis.

Ammianus, xiv. 2. 10, piscatorios quatrunt lenunculos, vel innare temere contextis

ratibus parant, xvi. 10. 3, anhelante rabido flatu venlorum lenunculo se commisisse

piscantis, where the allusion is to Caesar's attempt to cross the Adriatic in an open

TYPES OF SHIPS. 117

boat. Tacitus, annales, xiv. 5, nando (Agrippina) delude occursu leiiunculoruni

Lucrinum in lacum vecta villa: suce infertur. The term is applied to ship's-boats

by Cresar, cle bello civili, ii. 43, magistrisque imperat navium, nt primo vespere

omnes scaphas ad Iitus adpulsas habeant qui in classe erant, proficisci propera-

bant: horum fuga navium onerariarum magistros incitabat. pauci lenunculi ad

ojficium imperiumque conveniebant.

There were guilds of lenuncularii at Ostia near the mouth of the Tiber.

Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. xiv, nos. 250, 251, ordo corporatorum lenunculariorum

tabulariorum auxiliariorum Ostiensium, no. 252, o, c. I. pleromariorum a. O.

Lintres.

These were small boats, chiefly for use on rivers.

Caesar, de bello Gallico, i. 12, ratibus ac lintribus iunctis transibant. This refers

;o the Saone. cf. Ausonius, idyllia, 12, grammaticomastix, 10, lintribus in geminis

'tratus, Ponto sit, an Pons? Caesar, de bello Gallico, vii. 60, conquirit etiam

lintres: has magno sonitu remorum incitatas mittit, etc. That refers to the

Seine. Livy, xxi. 26, itaque ingens coacta vis navium est, lintriumque teniere ad

vicinalcm tisum paratarum; novasque alias cavabant ex singulis arboribus. That

refers to the Rhone. The naves and lintres of Livy are the X^u/3oi and /j.oi>6^v\a

of Polybios, iii. 42. Pliny, vi. 26, regio autem, ex qua piper monoxylis lintribus

Baracen convehunt, vocatur Cottonara. These places were in India. Ovid,

fasti, vi. 779, ferte coronates iuvenum convivia lintres. That refers to the Tiber.

Cicero, pro Milone, 27, lintribus in earn insulam (in lacu Prelio) materiem,

calcem, cizmenta atque arma convexit. See also Cicero, Brutus, 60, mottis erat is,

et C. lulius in perpetuum notavit, quum ex eo in iitramque partem toto

re vacillante quasivit,'

quis loqueretur e lintre,'1 ad Atticum, x. 10. 5, ego vero vtl

trictilo, si navis non erit, eripiam me ex istorum parricidio. And also Ulpian,

the Pandects, iv. 9. i. 4, de extrcitoribus ratium, item lintrariis nihil cavetur:

idem constitui oportere, Labeo scribit, sc. quod de exercitoribus navium.

LUSOTUK.

These were the war-ships constructed for the frontier rivers of the Roman

Empire, as distinguished from those constructed for the high seas.

Vegetius, ii. r, classis item duo genera sunt, unum liburnarum, aliud lusoriarum.

ribus (servantur) maria vel Jlumina. iv. 46, in Danubio agrarias cotidianis

intur excubiis, sc. lusorice. In the Theodosian Code, vii. 17, there is a law de

iriis Danubii dated in 412 A.D. It fixes the strength of that fleet at 225 ships ;

id provides for the construction of thirty-one every year, so as to renew the

whole fleet in about seven years. By Novel 24, dated in 443 A.D., the Emperordirects the Magister Offidorum to furnish an annual report from certain frontiers

qucmadmodum se militum numerus habeat, castrorumque ac lusoriarum cura

procedat ; and this order is repeated by Justinian in his Code, i. 31. 4. But

while Justinian says vaguely super omni limite sub tua iurisdidione constituto,

Theodosios says explicitly tarn Tkraci, quam Illyrici, nee non etiam Orientalis

ac Pontici limitis, JEgyptiaci insuper, Thebaici, Lybici : and this suggests that

lusoria: were then in use upon the Euphrates and the Nile as well as the Danube.

Ammianus, xvii. 2. 3, xviii. 2. 12, speaks of lusorice on the Meuse in 357 A.D.,

Il8 APPENDIX.

and on the Rhine in 359 A.D. Vopiscus, Bonosus, 15, speaks of them on the

Rhine in 280 A.D.

For an earlier use of the term, see note on thalamegi on p. 123.

Monoxyla, MovouAa.

These were vessels of a single piece of timber, formed by simply hollowing out

the trunk of a tree. They were in common use in many regions at many periods.

Xenophon, anabasis, v. 4. n, Tpiaxbcria TrXota /Aov<5iAa, /cat iv cKaVry rpels

avdpas. These were on the Black Sea. Polyaenos, v. 23, <rKa<f>as rpeis /novo^i/Xovs,

fKda-TTjv avdpa Zva. 6ta<rdai dwafjitvrjv. These were also on the Black Sea.

Heliodoros, ^Ethiopica, i. 31, iirifialvei d rou 07cd</>ous avrbs Kal 6 Qp/j,ovOis

Kal rplros 6 ^^7775*

ov ydp -rrXelovas old re (ptpeiv rd Xi/Avaia ffKa^rj dtrb fibvov

tfXou Kal wptfjusov Trax^os evbs dypoiKbrepov KOL\aivbp,va. These were in the

Delta of the Nile. Pliny, vii. 2, arundines vero tantce proceritatis ut singula

internodia alveo navigabili ternos interdum homines ferant, cf. xvi. 65. These

bamboos were said to grow in India. Pliny, xvi. 76, Germanics pr&dones singulis

arboribus cavatis navigant, quarum qucedam et triginta homines ferunt. The

inevitable parody is supplied by Lucian, verge historian, ii. 26, OVTU dy 6^/3tjSdaaj 6

'

Padd/j.ai>6vs irevrr^Kovra, T&V ijpibwv els vavv p,ov6^v\ov dfftpodeXivrjv iraprjyyeiXe

diuKew. For further allusions to the /toj^iAa, see Aristotle, historia animalium,

iv. 8. 6, for the Mediterranean. Arrian, anabasis, i. 3, and Theophylactos,

historia, vi. 9, for the Danube. Porphyrogenitos, de administrando imperio, 9,

for the Dnieper and the Black Sea. Pliny, vi. 26, for the west coast of India,

monoxylis lintribus. Polybios, iii. 42, for the Rhone : also Livy, xxi. 26, cavabant

(lintres) ex singulis arboribus. Velleius, ii. 107, for the Elbe, cavatum ex materia

alveum. Strabo, iii. 2. 3, for the Guadalquivir ;and iii. 3. 7, for the north coast

of Spain.

Vessels of this sort were carried by the armies of the Roman Empire for the

construction of floating-bridges. Vegetius, iii. 7, sed commodius repertum est

ut monoxylos, hoc est, paulo latiores scaphiilas ex singulis trabibus excavatas, pro

genere ligni et siibtilitate levissimas, carpentis secum portet exercitus, tabulatis

pariter et clavisferreis prceparatis. ita absque mora constructus pons, etc. cf. ii. 25.

Leo, tactica, xvii. 13, avpir-riyvtiovffi. (oi Kaj3a\\dpioi) yttyvpav TJ did v\uv

fj did IUKP&V TrXcuapldJv, T&V Xeyoptvuv

MyoparoneS)

These were fighting-ships of no great size. They were in use throughout the

Mediterranean in the First Century B.C. for warfare and for piracy. Apparently

they were broader than the regular war-ships in proportion to their length, and

therefore better able to keep the sea.

Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 95, eSw/^cra-ro 5 Kal '0/craou/a rbv

aiT-fjo'affa Trap' Aytwiov, d^Ka (pacrrjXois TpirjpeTiKois, eTri/itVrois K re

Kal (j.aKpCiv' Kal TT\V '0/craoinai' 6 Kdicrap %i

= Plutarch, Antonius, 35, '0/crctow'a

dde\<p$ irapd TOV dvdpbs el'/cocrt pvoirdpuvas, r<$ 5' dvdpl irapd rov dde\<j)ou

x<-Movs. This was in 37 B.C. Appian and Plutarch are certainly

referring to the same squadron, though they differ about its strength : so these

TYPES OF SHIPS. IIQ

I;ments of theirs would naturally define 'the nvo-rrdpuves as vessels of a hybridies between the long ships and the round ships. But the difficulty is

Appian has no obvious motive for employing a periphrasis here to describe

me uvoirdpuves, seeing that he elsewhere mentions them by name : de bello

Mithridatico, 92, /JLVoirdptjcri irpurov Kal y/JLioXtais, elra diKpdrois Kal rpiripeffi,

de rebus Punicis, isr, vavcrl TrevTr/KovTa jj.tv Tpt.rjpeTi.Kais, KepKotipois 5e Kal tJ.voira.p-

uffi Kal dXXotj (ipaxvTtpois TroXXots. Moreover, in these passages he treats the

fjivo-rrdpuves as ships of a single bank, and distinguishes them from vav<rl TpirjpeTtKats,

whereas he describes the vessels in question as <j>a<rri\ots rptT/peTiKots. But amongthose vaval r^pen/ccus he must include some five-banked ships that he has

mentioned just before, irevT-ripe^ re Kal T/>n)/>eis, and in another passage he uses the

phrase <TKf<j-rj TpiypeTiKa for the gear belonging to ships of any number of banks

from two to five, pnefatio, 10, r/HTjpeis 5 diro i^uioXias fJ.^xPl irevrrjpovs, Treira/cocnai

Kal %tXicu* Kal aKevrj TpirjpeTiKa SiTrXorepa TOIJTWV : so that he could not mean by

TpirjpeTiKbs that a ship had three banks of oars, or necessarily more banks than

one. Apparently, he employs the term 0cun)Xots, like its equivalent in Latin,

to denote a certain type of vessel that was not meant for warfare see p. 120

and then adds Tpi-rjpeTiKois to show that the type was so far modified that the

vessels here were capable of fighting, though not entitled to rank with the regular

war-ships, vavai Tpi-rjpeTtKais that they were, in fact, iirifjiiKTois eV re <f>opTi5wv veuv

Kal fiaKpuv. See note 60 on p. 23 for other examples of an intermediate type.

Vessels termed TrctpoH/es are mentioned by Polybios, Fr. 65, apud Suidam,

s. v. Trapeses : 6 5e eVXet, TrapaTrXovs TroiT/trayitej'os TOI)S ZidTjTwv irdpwvas' TJKOV yap'Podiois e/s <rvfjL/j.axlai>' And vessels termed parones and parunculi are mentioned

in verses that are ascribed to Cicero by Isidore, origines, xix. i. 20, tune se

fiuctigero tradit mandatque paroni, and parunculis ad littus ludet celcribus. The

/u.i/oTrapou'es therefore bore a compound name : and a compound name would

naturally be given to ships of an intermediate type.

The /xi/oTrotjOWJ'es are mentioned also by Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 534, duobus

prtzdonum myoparonibus, and by Sisenna, ibid., navisque triginta biremis, totidem

myoparonas. Again by Plutarch, Lucullus, 2, Tpialv'

EXXyviKois ftvoirdpuffi, Kal

8iKp6Tois focus 'Po5ta/cats, 13, \rjcrTpiK6i> pvoirapuva. Also by Cicero, in Verrem,

ii. v. 34, si tn pradonum pugna (quadriremis} versaretur, urbis instar habere inter

illos piraticos myoparones videretur. 37, hie, teprcetore, Heradeo archipirata cum

quattuor myoparonibus parvis ad arbitrium suum navigavit. hie, te prcetore,

prcedomtm naviculce pervagata sunt. cf. ii. i. 34, iii. 80, v. 28. And by Aulus

Hirtius, de bello Alexandrine, 46, depressa scapha vulneratus tamen adnatat

(Octavius) ad suum myoparonetn. eo receptus, cum prcelium nox dirimeret,

mpestate magna velis profugit.

Oraria, Oricz, Oriolce, Prosumice.

These were small craft employed on rivers and along the coast for traffic

fishing.

Pliny, epistolse, x. 26, nunc destino partim orariis navibus partim vehiculis

vinciam petere : nam sicut itineri graves cestus ita continue navigations etesicc

reluctantur, cf. 28, orarias naviculas. Isidore, origines, xix. i. 27, makes the

>rd littoraria, but probably without authority. Plautus, rudens, iv. 2. 5, 6,

I2O APPENDIX.

salute ori(p, qiuc in marl fluctuoso \ piscatu novo me uberi conpotivit, iv. 3. 81, mea

opera et labore et rete et oria, trinummus, iv. 2. 100, 101, immo oriola advecti

sumus| usque aqua advorsa per amnem. The oriola are identified with the

prosumitE by Aulus Gellius, x. 25, prosumia vel geseorette vel orioles. Nothingis known of the geseoretce : but the prosumia are mentioned by Coecilius, apud

Nonium, p. 536, cum ultra gubernator propere vertit prosumiam, and again,

de node ad portum sum provectus prosumia.

Phaseli, ^ao-r/Aoi.

These were vessels of a type that was especially suitable for carrying people

from place to place. They were in use throughout the Mediterranean in the First

Centuries B.C. and A.D.

Catullus, 4. i 5, phaselus ille, quern videtis, hospites, \

ait fuisse navium celcr-

rimus,\ neque tillius natantis irnpetum trabis

\ nequisse prceterire, sive palinulis

opusforet volare, sive linteo. This vessel had brought Catullus from Bithynia to

Italy. Cicero, ad Atticum, i. 13. i, accept ttias tres tarn epistolas : unam a M.

Cornelia, quam Tribus Tabernis, ut opinor, ei dedisti ; alterant, quam mihi Canu-

sinus tuus hospes reddidit ; tertiam, quam, ut scribis^ anchoris stiblatis, de phaselo

dedisti. xiv. 16. i , quinto Non. conscendens ab hortis Cluvianis in phasehim epicoptim

has dedi litteras. Atticus was crossing the Adriatic from Brindisi, and Cicero was

cruising in the Bay of Naples. Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 534, et forte in navi-

gando cohors una, grandi phaselo vecta, a ceteris deerravit ; marique placido a

duobus prcedonum myoparonibus circumventa. This great ship clearly was

dependent on her sails, since she was helpless when becalmed ; and Cicero's

phrase phaselus epicopus implies that some phaseli were not epicopi, and had not

any oars to help them along. Juvenal, xv. 127, 128, parvula Jictilibus solitum

dare vela phaselis, \

et brevibus pictce remis incumbere testa;, cf. Virgil, georgics,

iv. 289, et circum pictis vehitur sua rura phaselis. These were the earthenware

tubs that served as boats in Egypt, the ovrpaKiva iropB/j-ela of Strabo, xvii. i. 4.

So a phaselus might be of any size.

These vessels are mentioned frequently in Latin. Ovid, epistolse ex Ponto,

i. 10. ?>$, fragili tellus non dura phaselo. Horace, odes, iii. 2. 28, i<),fragilenive

mecum\solvat phaselon. Seneca, Hercules CEtseus, 695, 696, nee magna meas

aura phaselos \

iubeat medium scindere pontum. Martial, x. 30. 12, 13, nee

languel cequor ; viva sed quies ponti \ pictam phaselon adiuvante fert aura.

Lucan, v. 518, et latus inversa nudum munita phaselo, sc. domus.

And they are mentioned occasionally in Greek. Appian, de bellis civilibus,

v. 95, c5co/>?jcraTo 5 Kal 'O/craou/a rbv afieXtybv, alrrjeacra. irap'

A-vruvlov, 5^/ca

0ao-^\ois TpirjpeTLKOis, eTrt/zkrois ^/c re (fropTidw ve&v /cat n,aKpuv. This passage has

already been discussed in the note on the fivoirdpuves on p. 118. Appian follows

the Latin usage in treating the <f>do-rj\oi as 0oprt5es v^es, and adds r/oi^/jen/co/ here

to show that the vessels in question had something of the character of the naxpai.

Strabo, however, reckons the <f>&<rrj\oi among the fj.a.Kpa 7r\o?a, and distinguishes

them from the ovceucrya^a, in his account of the expedition of ^Elius Callus down

the Red Sea in 25 B.C. Strabo, xvi. 4. 23, irp&rov pev 5rj rovd' a/j-dpTrj/Jia ffwtfir)

TO fj.a.Kpa KCLTaaKevdo-acrdai TrXoia, /j.rjdei>bs OVTOS fJ,T)d' effoptvov Kara 6a\arrav TTO\^OV.

6 5' OVK \O.TTOV 6y07)KOVTa evavTrriyri<raTo 5i'/c/3oro /cai rpirjpeis /cai 0ao"^\oi;s. 7^01)5

TYPES OF SHIPS. 121

Sie^eiKr^os evavTn)yr)<raTo (TKevaywya enarbv Kal rptd/coi/ra, ols (ir\evffev

irepl fji-vplovs Trefbus. By thus including these <pd<Tri\oi among the /xa/cpd TrXota,

>trabo may perhaps imply that they were (pdarjXoi rpiypeTiKol, as Appian says,

in fact were fAvoirdpuves.

Pontones.

These were merchant-ships of a type that was in use on the south coast

France in the First Century B.C.

Caesar, de bello civili, iii. 29, pontones, quod est genus navium Gallicarum,

,issi relinquit, sc. Antonius. 40, Lissum profectus (Cn. Pompeius] naves onerarias

iginta a M. Antonio relictas intra portum aggressus omnes incendit. The cir-

nnstances of the campaign suggest that these ships came from Marseilles.

At a later date the term denoted a pontoon. Paulus, in the Pandects, viii. 3.

flumine interveniente, via constitui potest, si aiit vado transiri potest, aut

intern habeat : diversum ^ si pontonibus traiiciatur. cf. Ausonius, idyllia, 12,

rammaticomastix, 10, lintribus in geminis constratus, Ponto sit, an Pons ?

Pristes, rLpiorreis.

These were war-ships of no great size; yet large enough to carry rams. They

were employed in Greek fleets in the Second Century B.C. The name denotes a

shark.

Polybios, xvii. i, iraprji' 6 (Aev 4>tXi7T7ros ^/c A^^rptdSoj dvaxQels ei's rov M 77X1^1

KbKirov, trevTe X^u/3ois xwv Kai- tJ-Lav irplffTiv, <j> 175 auros eTT^TrXei Livy, xxxii. 32,

eo rex ab Demetriade cum quinque lembis et ttna nave rostrata venit. Livy else-

where mentions them by name, xxxv. 26, ires tectas naves, et Icmbos pristesque, xliv.

28, cum q^ladrag^nta lembis, adiecta ad hunc numerum quinque pristes erant. Theyare again classed with the lembi by Polybios, xvi. 2, /card^pa/crot rpets /cat TrtvT-i]-

KovTa, ffvv d TOUTOIS d0pa/cTa, \fj.{3oi 5 ffvv Tats Trptcrreo'ti' eKaTbv Kal irevTTiKovTa.

These instances fall between 201 and 168 B.C. Virgil, yneid, v. 116, velocem

Mnestheus agit acri remige Pristin : but Prtstt's is here the name of the ship.

The fish known as pristis was certainly a shark. Leonidas of Tarentum, in

the Anthology, vii. 506, 3 10, rj yap eir' dyKtipas froxov fidpos els ctXa bvvuv, \

vypbv Kv/J,a /carepx^f'os, | rr]v fj.kv effwv'

auros 5e ^cerdrpoTros e/c fivdov

|^S?; /cat vatirais xe'Pas bpeyvvjj.evo^, | efip(adt)v' roibv /J.OL eir &ypiov e5 (jt-eya

| rjKdev, aTre[3p(t)i;v 5' #XPts ^7r'

6/J-<p&Mov. \ x^fj-tffv ^v vavrai, \f/vxpbv /Sdpos,

e dXos r//xc5j' | ripavd', ij^iav 5^ Trp^rts aTre/cXda-aro. Thus, the sailor had been

diving to recover an anchor, and was just being hauled into the ship again, when

the lower half of his body was bitten off and swallowed by a. pristis. That was the

act of a shark, and of no other fish. Aristotle, historia animalium, vi. n. 10, oi

/*' oSv -yaXeot /cat oi "yaXeoetoVs, 010? dXu>7n7 /cat KVUV, /cat oi irXar

/cat iSdros /cat Xeto/Saros /cat rpvywv, rbv elp-rjfjt-evov rpbirov fooroKovatv

12. i, 5eX0ts 5^ Kal <pd\atva Kal rd dXXa Krtrrj, 6Va /XTJ ?xfl Pp&yX

faOTO \ovffiv, TI Se Trptcrrts /cat /Sous' ovdev yap TOVTWV (patverai ex v yd, dXX'

i, e ou diapdpovfj^evov ylverai TO faov, Kadd-rrep avdpwtros Kal TUV TerpaTrbSwv rd

Here the Trpums and /Sous are distinguished from those K-^TTJ which had

<pv<rr)Trjpa in place of ]8pd7xta * the marine mammals, or Cetacea. And they are

also distinguished from some species of sharks, in that they were viviparous in the

122 APPENDIX.

strictest sense, while these were ovo-viviparous : but this distinction seems dubious.

The passage, however, refutes the opinion that the pristis was a whale. Linnaeus

was clearly in error in describing the saw-fish as pristis antiquorum. He probablytook irpieiv in the sense of sawing, whereas it also refers to biting; and the shark

is pre-eminently the biter.

Rates,

These terms were applied to rafts of various kinds ; also to floating-bridges ;

and occasionally to ships.

Rafts were used for moving timber from place to place : and sometimes were of

immense size, requiring many masts and sails. Theophrastos, historia plantarum,

v. 8. 2, M^ytcrra 5 (tf\a) /cat irapa TTO\I> TO, tv r-fj K^y 0ct(Tii> elj'cu...dtci/3di'Tas 5^

r>as diroTe/j.^ffdat 7rd/u,7ro\u ir\rjdos e'/c TOTTOV /3/rax^os aJ<rre TrjhtKo.iJTrji' iroiijffai. (r%e5taj/

77 exp^a-aro TT^VT^KOVTO. to-rtoij' ov /*V dXXd StaTreo-eiv avr^v tv T< TreXdyei. Vitru-

vius, ii. 9. n, propterque pondus (larix) ab aqua non sustinetur ; sed cum portatur,

aut in navibus aut supra abiegnas rates collocatur. Such rafts would consist

entirely of timber ; but others were floated on skins or jars or casks. Xenophon,

anabasis, ii. 4. 28, oi (Sdpftapot. Sirjyov ^TTC trxeStcus 5i<f>deptisats Aprovs, rvpovs, olvov.

This was on the Tigris. Pliny, viii. 6, centum quadraginta duo (elephantt) fueretransvecti ratibus, quas doliorum consertis ordinibus imposuerat, sc. Metellus. The

passage was from Sicily to Italy, and the date was 251 B.C. See also Diodoros,

xix. 54. 3, for transport of elephants from Megara to Epidauros on <rxe8iai in 315B.C. ; and Polybios, iii. 46, and Livy, xxi. 28, for transport of elephants across the

Rhone on trxerUcu or rates in 218 B.C. Lucan, iv. 420 422, namque ratem vacua

stistentant undique cuppce, \ quarum porrectis series constricta catenis\

ordinibus

gemints obliquas excipit alnos. This raft was built for fighting ; so a large spacewas left open in the middle, for the rowers to work their oars there out of reach of

missiles: 423 426, nee gerit expositum telis in frontepatenti \ remigium : sed, quodtrabibus circiundedit (equor, \

hocferit ; et taciti prcebet miracula cursus, \ quod nee

velaferat, nee apertas verberat undas.

The floating-bridges which the Persians threw across the Dardanelles and

Bosporos are termed o-xeSi'at by yEschylos, Persee, 69, and by Mandrocles in the

epigram quoted by Herodotos, iv. 88, and also by Herodotos himself, iv. 88, 89,

vii. 36 ; and he applies the term to other floating-bridges, iv. 97, viii. 97. Livy,

xxi. 47, biduo vix locum rate iimgendo (Pado)flumini inventum tradunt. Strabo,

xvii. i. 1 6, Kal cr^eSta eu/crai eirl ry TTOTO.^, a<(> TJS /cai Tofivojj,a T<$ T67ry, sc.

SxeSm. This refers to the toll-bar across the Canopic arm of the Nile.

Sea-going ships are described as irovToirbpovs (rx^as by Euripides, Hecuba, 113.

In the Odyssey, v. 251, Ulysses' boat is described as eupeTav ffx^i-rjv, and Theocritos

uses the phrase tvpelav ff^^lav for Charon's boat, xvi. 41. Among the Roman

poets ratis bore this meaning: Catullus, 63. i, 64. 121; Virgil, georgics, ii. 445,

^neid, i. 43, iii. 192, iv. 53, v. 8, vi. 302 ; etc.

Speculatorice, KaracrKOTrot, Tabellaricz.

These were small vessels for reconnoitring and for carrying despatches.

Apparently, they became a distinct class in the First Century B.C. In the Fifth

TYPES OF SHIPS. 123

Century A.D. the hulls of these vessels and their sails and ropes used all to be

tinted the colour of sea-water, to keep them out of sight.

Livy, xxxvi. 42, una et octoginla constratis navibus, multis praterea minori-

r, qua ant aperta rostrata aut sine rostris speculatoria erant, Delum traiecit.

lutarch, Cato Minor, 54, r)<rav 3 irtvTaKoaiuv ph OVK Adr-rovs al fjux^oi,

IvpvtKa 8 Kal KaraffKoiriKd Kal a0pa/cra Tra/ji.TrXrjdTJ, Pompeius, 64, rjffav yap at

t/AOt iri>TaK6<ricu, \ifivpvlduv 5 Kal KaraaKb-jrwv virepfiaXKuv dpt0/x6s. For this

of jttdxiMot in place of Kard<ppaKToi, cf. Pseudo-Callisthenes, i. 28, vawn-rjyrio-as

tpvovs Kal T/3i?7pei$ Kal vavs /*axfytous Troikas. Livy and Plutarch both treat

scouts as a distinct class of vessels ; but Polybios speaks as though the scouting

done by any vessels that were available. Livy, xxii. 19, inde duo: Massilien-

ium speculators missa retulerunt classern Punicam stare in ostio, etc. = Polybios,

ii. 95, TrpoairtffTeiXe KaTao~K\l/o/j.evas 8tio vavs raxuTrXoouaaj MatrcraXium/cds...

5^ TWV Trl TT]V /caracr/coTTTji' eKirefji.(pd^i>TUV on irepl rb <rr6fj.a, K,T.\.

/ivy, xxx. 10, intervalla fecit, qua procttrrere speculators naves in hostem ac tuto

cipipossent.= Polybios, (xiv. 10), apud Suidam, s. v. vir-rjpeTi.Ko'LS : fipa-xy dicwTrjfjLa

wore uTrr/pert/cots t/CTrXetv 5iW(T0ai Kal StaTrXeti'. And Livy doubtless used

speculators in transcribing from Polybios, i. 53, 6/ioiwy 3 Kal TOIJ CK TUV

"LvpaKovcrCiv irpoaTreffTaX/nfroLS ra/itats avrryyeiXav, ol irpoirXelv eldiff^voi Xtfj-fioi rbv

irlir\ovv TUV virevavriuv. The inference is that the scouts did not become a

distinct class until after the time of Polybios ; and that Livy is guilty of some

anachronisms. They usually were small vessels. Livy, xxxv. 26, ipse Philopcemen

in levi speculatoria naveJugit, xxx. 10, speculator^ naves ac levia navigia. Caesar,

de Bello Gallico, iv. 26, speculatoria navigia. The inscription mentioning specu-

latores classis Misenensis is a forgery : see Corp. Inscr. Latin, vol. x, no. 247*.

Seneca, epistolae, 77, subito nobis hodie Alexandrine naves apparuerunt, qua

pr&mitti solent et nuntiare secuturce classis adventuni : tabellarias vacant. These

vessels qua; prccmitti solent answer to the TrpoirXetv ddicr^voi of Polybios, i. 53.

And the regular scouts also served as tabellaria. Aulus Hirtius, de bello Africano,

26, per catascopum (litteras) mittit.

The term exploratoria is employed by Vegetius, iv. 37, scaphcc tamen maioribus

liburnis exploratorice sociantur, qua vicenos prope remiges in singulis partibus

habeant...ne tamen exploratorice naves candore prodanttir, colore veneto, qui marinis

estflucttbus similis, vela tinguntur et funes ; cera etiam, qua ungere solent naves,

injidtur : nauttcque vel milites venetam vestem induunt.

Thalamegi, aXa/xr/yot.

These were house-boats of extraordinary size and splendour, constructed by the

Ptolemies for their voyages upon the Nile.

Strabo, xvii. i. 16, 5i^xet ^ Terpda-xoivov T^S'

AXet-avSpeias rj SxeS^a, KaroiKia

7r6\ews, ev 77 r6 vavffTadfAov TUIV daXafiTjyCjv irXoluv, ^0' ofs ot ^/

ye/i6ves e^5 TTJV avu

\upav ai>air\tov<ru>, cf. 15, eiy^xowrai 5' ev ffKa<pats Qa\afj.r)yois. Suetonius,

Julius Coesar, 52, nave thalamego pane ^Ethiopia tenus sEgyptum penetravit.

Appian, praefatio, 10, daXawyd re xP v<J'b'jrpv/J.va Kal xpuo^/x/SoXa, es Tro\tjJ.ov TTO/ATTT?*',

ots avrol SiairXtovres tirtfia<.vov ol /3a(TiXets, OKTaKtxna. This refers to the Ptolemies.

Athenseos, v. 38, Karccr/cei/aa-e 5' 6 4>iXorciTwp /cat irordfuov irXotoi/, rrjv 6a\a/J.r}ybv

,rb HTJKOS tx v v iHUffTadlov, K. T.\. Athenaeos is quoting from Calli-

124 APPENDIX.

xenos, and his account of the vessel seems untrustworthy throughout. Diodoros,

i. 85, ^TreiTct (rbv /j.6<rx0i')ei

'

s da\a/j.t]ybv VQ.UV Ottawa Kexpuffw/Atvov ^xovffav ^"/3t/3<x-

ffavres, u>s Oebv dvdyovaiv ets WLtfjufriv. This bull was the Apis.

The term thalamegus used sometimes to be replaced by cubiculata or lusoria.

Seneca, de beneficiis, vii. -20, cut triremes et ceratas non mitterem, lusorias et cnbicu-

latas et alia ludibria regum in mart lascivientium mittam. Epiphanios, ancoratus,

106, ws 6 'Avrlvoos, 6 tv 'Avrtvoov KeKtjdev^vos, Kai abv Xovvopiy irXoly /ce^ej/os U7r6

'Adpiavou oOrws KaTerdyrj.

Tragi, Tpayot.

These were vessels of a type invented by the Lycians.

Sisenna, apud Nonium, p. 534, prores actuaries tragi grandes ac phaseli primo.cf. Pollux, i. 83, fort 5^ nva TrXoia AVKIO. \ey6fjieva Kpioi Kai rpdyoi. Plutarch, de

mulierum virtutibus, 9, ^TrXet 5^ (Xi>/3pos) irXoly Xtovra ptv ZXOVTI irpypaQtv

tTrlGTjfjLOV , K dt irpv/Avrjs dpaKovra, Kai TroXXa xa/ca roi)s Avxtovs eirolei. As the

Chimoera was a goat with a lion's head and a snake's tail, this vessel must have

been a rpdyos.

Vectorice, 'ETri/JuTrjyou

These were vessels for carrying passengers. They were not used for cargo.

These names were applied to them in the Second Century A.D.

Ulpian, in the Pandects, xiv. r. i. 12, qucedatn enim naves oneraria, quadam(ut ipsi dicunt) Tn.f3aTT]yol, id est vectorum ductrices^ sunt ttf, ecce, sunt naves

qu( Brundusium a Cassiopa vel a Dyrrhachio vectores traiiciunt, ad onera inha-

biles. Suetonius, Julius Csesar, 63, cum per angustias Hellesponti vectoria navicitla

traiiceret. This was presumably a passenger-boat ; but Caesar, de bello Gallico,

v. 8, uses the phrase vectoriis gravibusque navigiis for vessels carrying troops and

stores. See note on phaseli on p. 120 for other vessels of this class.

The boats from Brindisi to Durazzo connected the Appian Way from Romewith the Egnatian Way to Salonica and the East. Cassiopa lay at the northern

end of Corfu, and was on the route from Italy to Greece.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Ldmiral's flag and light, 99, yacht,

108.

Anchors, 69 74.

rk, Noah's, 24, 25, 55.

iwnings, 52, 53, 58.

ick-stay, 78 80,83^.

ialing, 61.

Ballast, 60, 61.

Banks of oars, see Oars.

Bath-room, 58.

Beams, 40, 4547. 55. 5^-

Bilge, 61.

Bitt-heads, 83, 84.

Boat, ship's, 103, 104.

Bowsprit, 89, 91, 94, 95, 104.

Braces, 7883, 94, 95.

Brails, 7983, 94, 95.

Breadth of war-ships, 22, 23, of mer-

chant-ships, 23 25.

Bridges of boats, 70, 118, 122.

Bulwarks, 52, 53, 56, 57, 107.

Buoys, 72, 73, 99.

Byzantine ships, 16 19, 30, 87, 91,92,

103-

Cabins, 54, 55, 57, 58.

Cables for anchoring, etc, 73, 74, for

strengthening the hull, 41 43.

Calking, 34.

Cargo, 2530.Carvings, 65 67.

Catheads, 62, 63, 69.

Cavalry-transports, 14, 15, 43.

Classification of ships, 23, 105.

Coloured sails, 98.

Cushions on thwarts, 47.

Deck-houses, 58.

Decks, 4957.Despatch-boats, 108, 122.

Dimensions of war-ships, 20 23, 43, of

merchant-ships, 23 25.

Drinking-water, 61.

Dug-outs, 118.

Egyptian ships, 2, 4, 9, 41, 51, 56, 65,

68, 75, 78, 79, 92, 106, 107.

Eight-banked ship, 13, 14.

Elephants on rafts, 122.

Eleven-banked ship, 6, 7.

Encaustic, 35, 36.

Eyes, 69.

False-keel, 32.

Fifteen-banked ships, 6, 7.

Fifty-oared ships, 3,21,22,42, 106, 116.

Figure-head, etc, 65 67, 113, 114.

Five-banked ships, 5, 6, 12, 13, 16, 44,

109.

Flags, 99, 100.

Floats, 72.

Forecastle, 56, 57.

Fore-mast, 89, 91.

Fore-stay, 7883, 94.

Forty-banked ship, alleged, 8 10, 14,

23-

Four-banked ships, 5, 12, 44, 47, 82.

126 INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Galleries, 67, 69.

Galleys, 19.

Gangways on ship, 4953, for landing,

101, 102.

Gardens on ships, 29, 58.

Goose's-head, 67.

Halyards, 7883, 9395-Hawse-holes, 69.

Height of war-ships, 20, 2 1,of merchant-

ships, 24.

Hieroglyphs, 2, 79.

Horses on ships, 14, 15, 116: ships

named horses, 108, 110, 113, 114.

House-boats, 123, 124.

Hull, 39, 40.

Hurricane-deck, 49 53.

Keel, 31,32, 39, 40.

Ladders, 101, 102.

Lead for sounding, 101.

Leathers for port-holes, 43, for oars, 44.

Length of war-ships, 21 23, 43, of

merchant-ships, 24, 25.

Liburnians, 16, 17.

Life-buoys, 73.

Lifts, 78, 94, 95.

Lights, 99.

Log, automatic, 101.

Masts, generally, 78 96, fore-mast or

bowsprit, 83 89, 91, 94, 95, 104,

mizen, 89, 91, material for, 33, tops,

92 >93-

Materials for shipbuilding, 31 37, for

sails and ropes, 96, 97, for awnings,

53-

Military-tops, 92, 93.

Mizen, 89, 91.

Names of ships, 65, 66.

Nine-banked ships, 6.

Noah's Ark, 24, 25, 55.

Nose of ship, 65.

Oars, generally, i 20, number, 2, 3,

10 14, 17 20, arranged in banks,

3 9> r 5 44. 45. supplementary, 10,

' 2> i5 50. 5i. auxiliary, 20, 29, size

and weight, 10, 48, 50, 51, material,

33, fastenings, 44.

Obelisks, ships for carrying, 26 30.

Ornaments at stem and stern, 6569.

Paddle-wheels, 101.

Painting, 3537, 60, 65, 66.

Passenger-ships, 120, 124.

Phoenician ships, 3, 4, 44, 49, 52, 64,

79, 111114.Poles, 102.

Pontoons, 121.

Poop, 56, 57.

Port-holes, 4345.Pump, 61.

Rafts, 122.

Ram, 62 65.

Ratlines, 95.

Reliefs, 65, 66.

Ribs, 39, 40.

Rigging, generally, 7898, with one

mast, 78 83, 85, 91, with two masts,

83 89, 91, 94, 95, with three masts,

89, 91.

Rings on sails, 81, 95.

Ropes in rigging, 7885, 94, 95,

material for, 97.

Rowers, arrangement of, 44 48, 55,

56.

Sacred barges, 9, 10.

Sails, generally, 78 91, 9498, fore-

sail or spritsail, 83 89, 91, 95, top-

sail, 90, 93, 94, mizen, 89, 91, material

for, 96, 97, colour of, 98.

Scouts, 122, 123.

Screens, 5153.Sculling, 10.

Sections, ships in, 38.

Seven-banked ships, 5, 6, 13.

Sharks, 121, 122.

Sheathing, 37.

Sheets, 79, 8183, 94. 95-

Ship's boat, 103, 104.

Shrouds, 78, 81, 94, 95.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS. 127

kJVJt

Spi

t

Sides, thickness of, 40.

Signalling, 100.

Six-banked ships, 5, 6.

Sixteen-banked ships, 7, 21.

Sounding, 101.

ritsail, 89, 95.

tues, 66, 67.

teering-gear, 74 78.

Stem and stern, 36, 39, 40, 56, 57,

6269, 74-

Superstructure, 49, 50.

Swan's-head, 67.

Tacking, 78, 95, 96.

Tar, 34, 37.

Tarsis, ships of, i.

Ten-banked ships, 5, 6, 20, 21, 30, 31.

Thirteen-banked ships, 7, 8.

Thirty-banked ships, 8, 9, 22.

Thirty-oared ships, 2, 3, 21, 22, 38, 43,

47> 85.

Tholes, 21, 22, 44, 45, 109.

Three-banked ships, 4, 10, n, 14 17,

*> 3 f . 4347, 50, 5456, 63, 82

84.

Three-decked ships, 54, 55.

Three-masted ships, 89, 91.

Thwarts, 4547.Timber, 31 34.

Tonnage of merchant-ships, 25 30, of

war-ships, 30, 31.

Tops, military, 92, 93.

Topsail, 90, 91, 93, 94, 98.

Tow, 34.

Turrets, 59, 60.

Twelve-banked ships, 6.

Twenty-banked ship, 8.

Twenty-oared ships, 2, 3, 20, 107.

Two-banked ships, 3, 4, n, 15 19, 44,

46, 53-

Two-masted ships, 83 88, 94, 95.

Undergirding, 41 43.

Waling-pieces, 40, 41, 45, 62, 63, 78.

Water for drinking, 61.

Wax, 34, 35, 37.

Yards, generally, 7885, 8996, for

dropping missiles, 93, braced round,

78, 96, structure of, 78, material for,

33-

INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

GREEK.

, 82 85.

, 69 74.

dyictpeiov, 73.

d-yuid, 58-

5/caros, aKdriov, 105, 106, dufdreios

47.

&cura, 54, 55.

, 5t/fW7rta, 10.

21.

75.

fiddpa, 1 02.

/Sapis, 1 06, 107.

, 101.

7aXafa, 701X61, 19.

7aOXos, 113.

73.

ywvla, 99.

5eo>i6s, 37, 38, 71.

Sia/3a<ns, 50, 51.

3739.

/cepa?at, 93, 94.

dp6/u,<i)v, 17 19, 91.

6>i5oxos, 39, 40.

to-r6s, d/cdretot Kcpaiai, aKareLov iarlov, So/cos, 40.

8386.i/, dxpUT-ripiov, 68, 69, 93.

s, 62.

?, d^rXfa, dvT\T)T'f)p(.ov, 61.

73, 102.

^67610?, 73.

apfJLOvia, a/)yU.O(TyU.a, 37, 38.

/, 88.

9-

43-

75-

/, 68.

&(ppa.KTos, 51, 52.

, 39.

57, 91.

?/i/3oXos, 63, 64.

ti>Tep6veia, 32, 39.

eTTdKTpls, ^TraKrpov,

"3-

twrjyKevls, 39.

emfiddpa, 102.

124.

73.

,81.

, 65, 66.

S, 8O.

s, 62, 69.

,60.

97.

, evvaia, 70.

103.

112,

^7X77, frvKT-ripla, 75.

, ^765, 1 8, 40, 46, 47, 57, 58, 93,

JCciTTT/, n, 56, tvylrys, 46.

75.

40, 41.

INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS. I29

(dry, 92, 93.

*, 37, 38.

io\la, 15, 51.

X7?j>6s, 91, 92.

Xf0os, \i0o<J>6poi KepaTcu, 70, 71, 94.

* 55> 0aXa/ia K^TTT;, n, 44, 56,

0aXd/ta, 56, 0aXa/*i776s, 123, 124.

s, 46, QpaviTis /cti>7r7, ii, 15, 56,

46.

92.

, 39, 57.

is, 82, 83, 85.

14, 15.

ros, 113, 114.

rt6/cw?ros, 114, 115.

rlov, 8 1 99.

, 80.

j, So.

5s, 8085, 8995.

s, Ka\<pStot>, 8 1 85, 94, 95.

77.

Ka.fj.dpa, 107.

Kdvdapos, 107, 108.

K&poiov, 93.

9295., 53.

101.

122, 123.

4952, 55, 57.

, 51, 52, 57, 123.

, 108 no.

79, 8285, 9'2 95-

IIO, III.

pofyos, 9395-S, 2, 46.

fcXi/ta/cs, /cXtywa^, 102.

102.

, 68.

29, 61.

KptKOS, Si.

K1JKVOS, KVKVOK&vdapOS,

/ciJ/tjST;, 112.

/cc6?T77, KWTreiJs, n, 12.

47.

99.

, 115, 1 1 6.

T.

IO8.

j/as, 22, 23.

/j,dxi/J.o$ ^aus, 123.

8385, 87.

7, 80.

fj.e<T6Koi\ov, So.

wpfaffdcu, 81, 82.

39.

ju.ov6v\os, 1 1 8.

fj.voTrdp<t)v, 1 1 8, 119.

pvpiayuyds, fj.vpto<f>6pos,

26.

39.

60.

70.

0^, o/7)ioj/, 7577.of/o^a, otKij<ris, 55.

wul, 70.

69.

53.

irapdp'pvtJ.a,, 53.

Trapdffeipov, go.

Trapdo"rjfji.ov, 66.

s, 83 85.

62, 75, 102.

37.

s, 50, 54, 55, 58.

1 19.

7ret<r/xa, 73, 74.

Trepta/ywyetf?, 95.

ireptveus, 10 12, 15, 50, 51.

74 77.

, 76.

s, 8183, 85, 96.

121, 122.

, 63.

u)i>, 47.

s, So, 94.

, 39, 40, 57, 68.

jrpvfj.v^ffiov, 73, 74.

Trpvpa, 39, 40, 57, 62, 69.

irrtpva, 91, 92.

77.

s, 77-v/yyoOxos, 60.

25,

130 INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

65. rpidpfjicvot, 54, 55.

(rav/s, 40. rpnjfJUoXla, Tpfrjpt]fuo\la, 15, 51.

41. Tprfpris, 16, 17, 54, 55, 109, 119.

', 66, 67, 99 101. rpiirdpodos, 54, 55.

i, 65. T/>ic6po0os, 55.

90. rpbins, 31, 39, 4o, 75.

o-/caX/x6$, 44, 109. T/>o7r6s, rpOTrwr^/), 44, 47.

58. rpoxtX/a, Tpox6s, 82, 95.

,81.

39. tfaXos, 71.

52, 55. vdpod'/jKij, 61.

40. vTrtpa, 8 1 85.

62. vTT-qptffiov, 47.

, 14. VTnr)pTiK{)S, 115.

69. u7r6/9Xi7/ia, 53.

irXoioi', 23. &ir6uij,a, 41 43.

<TTpo<j>eiov, 95.

93. 0un;Xos, 120, 12 1.

80. 0eXX6s, 73, loo.

, 122. (pOiVlKls, IOO.

73-

XaXtj/6s, xaXw^, 77, 82, 83, 95.

rap>$s, Ta/xr6s, 2, 12, 15, 20, 114. xd\KWfM, xaX/c^s vaOs, 63.

TOTretor, 82, 83. X^uo"/*a 3 1 -

ropvela, 32. X^^fos, 67.

124.

INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

LATIN.

i acaftum, 106.

irius, actuariolus , 105, 106.

iminiculum, 77.

y, czrata navis, 63, 65.

58.

cora, 70, 73, 74.

82, 83.

tenna, 79, 8991, 95.

rtus, 52.

ractus, 52.

?, 68.

, 88.

y, 106, 107.

corbita, in.

corymba, 68.

39.

in, 112.

cymba, cymbula, 112, 103.

70.

, 55.

dolon^ 87.

dromo, 17.

exploratorius, 123.

forus,f0rt, 57, 58.

gubemaculunt, 75 77.a/*, 91.

132 INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

malus, 87 91, 93, 94, 96, 97.

moderamen, 77.

molybdis, 101.

monoxylus, 1 18.

myoparo, 118, 119.'

numen, 67.

om, 73.

oraria, oria, oriola, 119, 120.

parada, 58.

^ar0, parunculus, 119.

AJ, 96.

phaselus, 120.

plectrum, 76.

/0#.r, panto, 102, 121.

praposiero more, 97.

pristis, 121, 122.

propugnaculum, 59.

prosutnia, 119, 120.

122.

regimen, 77.

retinaculum, 74.

rostrum, 63 66.

rudetu, 95.

saburra, 60.

102.

scalmus, 44, 109.

scapha, scaphula, 103, 104, 123.

j#&, 57.

sentina, 61.

signum, 101.

speculatorius, 122, 123.

statumen, 39.

j/^a, 55.

struppus, 44.

supparum, 90.

tabellarius, 122, 123.

/*:/.?, 52, 53, 57.

thalamegus, 123, 124.

tragus, 124.

transtrum, 40, 47.

triremis, triresmus, 54.

trochlea, 95.

z'j, 59, 60.

67.

tympanum, 95.

70.

instar, opus, 21.

124.

, 8791, 9597, 99.

vexillum, 99, 101.

mnculum, 74.

INDEX TO AUTHORITIES.

ANCIENT WRITERS.

Lccius, 1 1 6.

/Elian, 5.

/Eschines, 109, 113, 115.

/Eschylos, 20, 36, 38, 44, 57, 61, 63,

69, 77, 88, 94, 96, 97, 98, 106, 107,

109, 122.

Agathias, 103, 106, 112.

Alcaeos, 70, 80.

Alexander Polyhistor, quoted by Ste-

phanos, 114.

Alexis Samios, 65.

Ammianus, 29, 58, 116, 117.

Anaxandrides, 103.

Antipater, 94.

Antiphanes, 113.

Antiphilos, 33.

Antiphon, 52.

Apollodoros, 55, 65.

Apollonios, 55.

Apollonios Rhodios, 37, 40, 42, 46, 68,

70, 74, 77 80, 82, 93, 95, 96.

Appian, 15, 16, 23, 42, 52, 56, 60, 65,

68, 74, 88, 99, 100, 109, 110, 115,

118, 119, 120, 123.

Apuleius, 33, 67, 74, 77, 93, 98.

Archimedes, 28.

Archimelos, quoted by Athenaeos, 27,

28, 40, 92.

Archippos, 82.

Aristeides, /Elius, 14, 16, 55.

Aristobulos, 6.

Aristophanes, 10, 32, 36, 43, 44, 56, 60,

63, 66, 67, 69, 73, 81, 86, 93, 95, 108,

Aristotle, 9, 20, 44, 48, 60, 65, 75, 76,

78, 91, 94, 96, 113, 116, 118, 121.

Arrian, 6, 15, 23, 34, 38, 44, 46, 51,

58, 60, 70, 73, 98, 102, no, 118.

Artemidoros, 61.

Asclepiades, quoted by Athenaeos, 91,

92, 93-

Athenaeos, the engineer, 41.

Athenseos, the scholar, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15,

20, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 36, 37, 38,

39, 40, 41, 49, 50, 54, 55 58, 59 60,

61, 63, 65, 68, 71, 74, 75, 76, 81, 85,

89, 90, 92, 94, 96, 97, 98, 103, 106,

107, 109, in, 112, 113, 114, 123.

Ausonius, 58, 108, 117, 121.

Automedon, 26.

Berosos, 24.

Bianor, 40.

Cascilius, 120.

Caesar, 16, 23, 32, 33, 38, 39, 40, 52,

53, 60, 63, 64, 73, 97, 103, 117, 121,

123, 124.

Callimachos, quoted in scholia, 113.

Callisthenes, 123.

Callixenos, quoted by Athenaeos, 8, 9,

10, 14, i5 22, 23, 36, 41, 50, 54, 63,

68, 75, 90, 92, 96, 98, 123.

Cassiodorus, 17.

Catullus, 93, 96, 1 20, 122.

Cedren, 27.

Charisius, 88.

Chariton, 58.

Cicero, 10, 21, 25, 37, 47, 51, 52, 56,

58, 61, 77, 94, 106, 109, in, 112,

117, 119, I2O.

Cinna, 82.

134 INDEX TO AUTHORITIES.

Claudian, 32, 33.

Clemens Alexandrinus, 4, 5.

Comnena, Anna, 41.

Cratinos, 47.

Critias, 106.

Ctesias, 25, 38.

Curtius, Quintus, 6, 38.

Deinarchos, quoted by Pollux, 25, and

Harpocration, 113.

Demosthenes, 20, 49, 72, 103, 109.

Diodoros, 4, 5, 6, 9, 15, 22, 38, 47, 62,

65, 66, 68, 71, 87, 94, 99, 100, 102,

105, 106, 107, 109, no, 115, 122,

124.

Diogenes Laertios, 40.

Dion Cassius, n, 20, 21, 33, 60, 61,

62, 64, 7;, 75, 89, 97, 100, 101.

Dion Chrysostom, 40, 106.

Dionysios of Halicarnassos, 30.

Ennius, 58, no.

Ennodius, 93.

Ephippos, 109.

Ephoros, quoted by Strabo, 70.

Epicharmos, 113.

Epicrates, 85.

Epictetos, 90.

Epiphanies, 124.

Eratosthenes, 93.

Euphorion, quoted by Lydos, 1 14.

Euripides, 20, 38, 41, 47, 57, 61, 63,

67. 69, 71, 72, 75, 76, 77, 81, 94, 95,

96, 97, 102, 107, 122.

Eusebios, 24.

Eutropius, 8.

Florus, 100.

Galen, 48, 95.

Gellius, Aulus, 34, 57, 58, 112, 115,

120.

Gregory the Great, 104.

Harpocration, 34, 73, 82, 113.

Heliodoros, 25, 40, 57, 74, 82, 103,

115, 118.

Heracleitos, 70, 80.

Hermippos, 47, 97.

Herodotos, 2, 4, 15, 23, 25, 32, 33, 34,

37> 39' 44> 49 57. 5, 64, 65, 66, 67,

68, 70, 73, 75, 7<5, 81, 88, 96, 97, 99,

100, 101, 102, 106, 107, 109, no,

113, 122.

Hesychios, 47, 65, 112.

Himerios, 26.

Hippocrates, 51, 65.

Hipponax, 34, 36.

Hirtius, Aulus, 52, 64, roi, 103, 105,

119, 123.

Homer, 2, 3, 11, 20, 32, 33, 34, 37, 38,

39, 40, 44, 46, 47, 52, 57, 60, 61, 68,

70. 73. 74. 76, 80, 8r, 95, 96, 97,

IO2, III, 114, 122.

Horace, 16, 36, 42, 59, 63, 112, 120.

Hyginus, 93.

Isidore, 58, 71, 82, tor, no, 119.

Josephus, 55.

Juvenal, 40, 68, 88, 112, 114, 120.

Labeo, in the Pandects, 88, 103, 117.

Leo, 17, 18, 19, 39, 75, 92, 93, 100, 118.

Leonidas of Tarentum, 10, 73, 96, 106,

107, 121.

Livy, 7, 10, 14, 22, 25, 32, 52, 60, 70,

73. 87, 89, 96, 99, 101, 105, 106,

108, no, 115, 116, 117, 118, 121,

122, 123.

Lucan, 16, 32, 33, 55, 58, 59, 68, 70,

9. 93> 95> 96, 112, 120, 122.

Lucian, 10, 20, 24, 35, 36, 40, 49, 54,

55, 61, 66, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 77, 80,

86, 90, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 102,

106, 118.

Lucilius, 44, 83, 88, 96, 101, in.

Lucretius, 68, 95.

Lycophron, 60, 70, 71, 80, 96.

Lydos, 114.

Manasses, 26, 40.

Marcellus, 105.

Martial, 120.

Maximus Tyrius, 59.

Meleager, 96.

INDEX TO AUTHORITIES. 135

Memnon, 14, 50, 65, no.

Menander, 107.

Moschion, quoted by Athenaeos, 20, 25,

K-,

28, 29, 36, 37, 38, 39, 49, 54,

, 59, 60, 61, 71, 89, 92, 94, 103,

'

:hos, 20.

nder, 112.

Nicostratos, 107.

Nonius, 58, 83, 105, 108, 110, in, 116,

119, 120, 124.

Oppian, 70, 77, 81, 94, 95, 96.

Orosius, 20.

Orpheus, 75, 76.

Ovid, 35, 36, 39, 40, 67, 74, 77, 94, 96,

97, 112, 117, 120.

Paulinus Nolanus, 17, 61, 88, 103.

Paulus, in the Pandects, 103, 121.

Pausanias, 50, 69, 70, 72, no.

Persius, 36, 97.

Petronius, 55, 57,63, 71, 104.

Pherecrates, quoted in scholia, 94.

Philemon, 116.

Philippos, 63.

Philistos, 99.

Philo Judseus, 24, 25, 55.

Philostephanos, quoted by Pliny, 4, 9.

Philostratos, 35, 54, 69, 74, 98.

Photios, 14, 25, no.

Pindar, 69, 77, 93, 96, 105.

Plato, 22, 31, 32, 39, 41, 60, 76, 77, 81.

Plautus, 55, 103, 1 10, in, 114, 116,

119, 1 20.

Pliny, the elder, 4, 5, 7, 9, 13, 17, 25,

26, 31, 33> 34, 35. 36, 39. 57. 59- 6o

63, 7, 7i 72 , 74. 77, 89, 9> 96 > 97,

98, 99, 106, 1 10, in, 112, 114, 116,

117, 118, 122.

Pliny, the younger, 103, 119.

Plutarch, 6, 7, 8, 14, 20, 21, 28, 31, 34,

35, 37, 38, 47, 49, So, 54, 59, 6> 62

63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 70, 72, 76, 77, 86,

89, 93, 95, 97, 98 100, 101, 102, 103,

105, 106, 109, 113, 115, 118, 119,

123, 124.

Pollux, 7, 14, 25, 31, 47, 54, 76, 99,

115, 124.

Polysenos, 35, 56, 60, 62, 68, 74, 75,

76, 99, 100, 101, 102, 109, 115,

118.

Polybios, 7, 8, 12, 15, 20, 22, 39, 42,

52, 60, 62, 64, 73, 87, 88, 89, 105,

106, 108, 109, 115, 116, 117, 118,

119, 121, 122, 123.

Porphyrogenitos, 18, 19, 35, 91, 118.

Proclos, 29, 54.

Procopios, ii, 17, 21, 30, 38, 39, 40,

87, 98, 99, 102.

Propertius, 20, 36, 66, 107, 112.

Ptolemy, 57, 67, 68, 80, 93.

Quintilian, 20, 73, 77.

Sallust, 58, 61, 108, 116, 119, 120.

Satyrios Thyillos, 95.

Scylax, 113.

Seneca, the elder, 88.

Seneca, the younger, 61, 67, 90, 91, 96,

98, 108, 112, 120, 123, 124.

Sidonius, 58.

Silius Italicus, 13, 32, 56, 66, 67, 76.

Simonides, quoted by Plutarch, 98.

Sisenna, 105, 116, 119, 124.

Sophocles, 47, 61, 76, 81, 96, 112, 114.

Sosicrates, 107.

Statius, 63, 77, 90, 101, 102.

Stephanos, 65, 114.

Stobseos, 72.

Strabo, 6, 21, 25, 32, 33, 34, 38, 39,

65, 68, 70, 89, 97, 103, 106, 107, 114,

115, 116, 118, 120, 122, 123.

Strattis, 82.

Suetonius, 16, 29, 38, 58, 59, 61, 98,

102, 123, 124.

Suidas, 23, 98, 1 08, 119, 123.

Syncellos, 24.

Synesios, 10, 49, 54, 57, 7^, 88, 94, 95,

109.

Tacitus, 17, 38, 58, 66, 75, 99, 102,

107, 117.

Themistios, 26.

Theocritos, 40, 47, 102, 116, 122.

136 INDEX TO AUTHORITIES.

Theodores Prodromes, 41.

Theognis, 46, 70, 106.

Theophrastos, 7, 15, 23, 31, 32, 33, 34,

39, 62, 72, 89, 97, 105, 122.

Theophylactos, 118.

Thucydides, 4, 10, n, 14, 15, 25, 30,

47, 49, 50, 56, 57, 60, 62, 65, 66, 86,

93, 101, 102, 105, 106, 108, 109.

Tibullus, 63.

Timaeos, 55.

Turpilius, no, 116.

Tzetzes, 29, 36.

Ulpian, 117, 124.

Valerius Flaccus, 32, 35, 36, 65, 67, 68,

7o 93, 95-

Varro, 34, 108, no.

Vegetius, 16, 31, 34, 35, 38, 59, 75, 89,

98, 117, 118, 123.

Velleius, 109, no, 118.

Virgil, 10, 20, 21, 32, 34, 47, 57, 58,

59, 60, 63, 65, 66, 67, 70, 74, 77, 95,

96, IO2, 112, Il6, I2O, 121, 122.

Vitruvius, 21, 28, 35, 41, 44, 61, 63,

76, 91, IOI, 122.

Vopiscus, 118.

Xenophon, 11, 23, 53, 56, 68, 76, 84,

85, 86, 87, 99, 100, 101, 109, 112,

113, 115, 118, 122.

Zonaras, 35, 41.

Zosimos, 1 6, 33.

the Anthology, 10, 26, 28, 33, 40, 44,

63* 73' 94. 95. 96, 106, 107, 121.

the Basilics, 104.

the Bible, 24, 34, 42, 55, 66, 72, 74,

75, 88, 101, 103, in.

COMPILATIONS.

the Codes, 117.

the Novels, 117.

the Pandects, 88, 103, 105, 117, 121,

124.

INSCRIPTIONS.

Greek, 5, 9, n, 12, 15, 35, 42, 43, 47,

5 1 . 53, 63. 64, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77,

79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 92, 97, 102, 1 10.

Latin, 13, 16, 34, 54, 60, 66, 98, 108,

117, 123.

others, 9, 24, 113.

INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS.

PLATE 1.

Fgs. 1 and 2, boats on the Nile: about 2500 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 2, 78.

From reliefs in the tomb of Merab, a son of king Chufu of the Fourth Dynasty :

now in the Berlin Museum. Copied from Lepsius, Denkmaler aus Aegypten,

part ii, plate 22.

Fg. 3, boat on the Nile, and fgs. 4 and 5, Egyptian ships on the Red Sea :

about 1250 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 2, 9, 10, 41, 56, 68, 75, 77, 78. From reliefs in

the temple at Der el-Bahari built by queen Matkara of the Eighteenth Dynasty :

still in position. Copied from Mariette, Deir-el-Bahari, plates 6 and 12.

Fg. 6, Egyptian war-ship in action in the Mediterranean, and fgs. 7 and 8,

Asiatic war-ships disabled and sinking: about 1000 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 2, 51,

56, 65, 79, 92. From a large relief on the temple at Medinet Habu built by king

Rameses III of the Twentieth Dynasty : still in position. Copied from Cham-

pollion, Monuments de 1'Egypte, vol. iii, plate 222.

PLATE 2.

Fg. 9, vessel on the Tigris : about 700 B.C. Mentioned on p. 114. From a

relief in the palace at Khorsabad built by king Sargon : now in the Louvre.

Copied from Botta, Monument de Ninive, vol. i, plate 33.

Fgs. 1O and 11, Phoenician war-ship and merchant-ship: about 700 B.C.

Mentioned on pp. 4, 44, 49, 52, 64, 79. From a relief in the palace at Kouyunjik

built by king Sennacherib : perhaps destroyed. Copied from Layard, Monuments

of Nineveh, first series, plate 71. In reply to an enquiry, Sir A. H. Layard has

kindly sent me a note to say that he found the relief in too rickety a state to be

removed, and covered it up again to keep it out of harm's way.

PLATE 3.

Fg. 12, symbol for a ship: about 600 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 69, 79, 98.

From a painted vase found in the Polledrara tomb near Vulci in Etruria : now in

the British Museum. Drawn from the original.

Fg. 13, war-ship : about 600 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 64, 68, 69, 79, 80, 93.

From fragments of a painted vase found near the Dipylon at Athens : one

fragment now in the Louvre, the other missing. Copied from the Monument!

dell' Institute, vol. ix, plate 40.

T. *

138 INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS.

Fg. 14, part of a war-ship: about 600 B.C. Mentioned on p. 51. From a

fragment of a painted vase found near the Dipylon at Athens : now in the Louvre.

Copied from the Monuments Grecs, nos. n 13, plate 4.

Fgs. 1 5 and 1 6, two war-ships in action : about 550 B.C. Mentioned on

PP- 49 57 64, 69. From a painted vase by Aristonophos found at Caere in

Etruria: now in the New Capitoline Museum at Rome. Copied from the

Monument! dell' Institute, vol. ix, plate 4.

PLATE 4.

Fgs. 17 and 18, war-ship and merchant-ship : about 500 B.C. Mentioned on

pp. 44, 56, 57, 65, 68, 75, 81, 101. From a painted vase found at Vulci in

Etruria : now in the British Museum. Drawn from the original.

Fg. 19, two war-ships : about 500 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 56, 65, 68, 69, 78,

81, 100, 101. From a painted vase by Nicosthenes found at Vulci in Etruria:

now in the Louvre. Copied from the Journal of Hellenic Studies, first series,

plate 49.

PLATE 5.

Fg. 2O, stern of a war-ship : about 500 B.C. Mentioned on p. 40. From a

coin of Phaselis in Lycia. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 21, waist of a war-ship: about 400 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 40, 44, 45,

49' 5> 5 2 - From a fragment of a relief found on the/?Acropolis at Athen : nowin the Acropolis Museum. Drawn from a cast. t\A U^iyrw wJfc*H A&U^K '

Fg. 22, prow of a war-ship : about 300 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 40, 62, 69.

From the remains of the pedestal of the great statue of Victory found at

Samothrace : now in the Louvre. Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 23, prow of a war-ship : about 300 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 40, 57, 62,

64, 68, 69. From a coin of Cios in Bithynia. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 24, sterns of three war-ships : about 200 B.C. Mentioned on pp. 36, 68.

From a relief probably found in Rome : now in the Doges' Palace at Venice.

Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 25, prow of a war-ship : about 50 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 16, 44, 53, 60,

66, 68, 69. From a relief found in the temple of Fortune at Praeneste : now in

the Vatican. Copied from a photograph.

PLATE 6.

Fg. 26, merchant-ship : about 50 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 40, 66, 67, 69, 78,

89, 94, 100. From a relief on the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche at Pompei : still in

position. Copied from Niccolini, Case di Pompei, Sepolcro di Nevoleia Tyche.

Fg. 27, merchant-ship : in 67 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 89, 90, 100. From a

dated coin of Alexandria. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 28, merchant-ship : in 186 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 78, 89. From a

dated coin of the emperor Commodus. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 29, merchant-ship, and fgs. 3O and 31, parts of another : about 200 A.D.

Mentioned on pp. 36, 40, 58, 66, 67, 78, 81, 89, 90, 93, 94, 95, 98, 104. From a

relief found at Porto near the mouth of the Tiber : now in the private collection

of Prince Torlonia at Rome. Copied from Guglielmotti, Delle due navi Roman e,

frontispiece.

INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS. 139

Fg. 32, merchant-ship : about 200 A.D. Mentioned on p. 90. From a relief

on a sarcophagus found in the precincts of the Vatican : now in the Lateran

Museum. Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 33, merchant-ship : about 200 A.D. Mentioned on p. 89. From a relief

found at Utica : now in the British Museum. Drawn from the original.

Fg. 34, merchant-ship : in 305 A.D. Mentioned on p. 89. From a dated

coin of the emperor Maximian. Drawn from a cast.

PLATE 7.

Fgs. 35 and 36, two war-ships in a sham-fight : about 50 A.D. Mentioned

on pp. 58, 68, 78, 89. From a fresco in the temple of Isis at Pompei: nowin the Naples Museum. Copied from Niccolini, Case di Pompei, Tempio d'Iside,

plate 4.

Fg. 37, merchant-ship : about 250 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 69, 89. From a

fresco in the Callistine Catacombs at Rome : still in position. Copied from G-B.

de Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, vol. ii, plate 14.

Fg. 38, war-ships: about 500 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 78, 90. From a

manuscript of the Iliad in the Ambrosian Library at Milan. Copied from Mai,Homeri Iliados picturae antiquae, plate 32, with some corrections from a photo-

graph.

Fg. 39, ships in harbour at Classis : about 600 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 17,

90. From a mosaic in the church of S. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna : still in

position. Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 4O, merchant-ship : date uncertain. Mentioned on pp. 69, 75, 89. Froma fresco in one of the caves at Ajunta in India : still in position. Copied from a

reproduction in the South Kensington Museum.

PLATE 8.

Fg. 41, figure-head in bronze : about 50 B.C. Mentioned on p. 66. Found

off Actium : now in the British Museum. Drawn from the original. One sixth of

actual size.

Fg. 42, prow of a war-ship : about 150 B.C. Mentioned on p. 65. From a

coin of Leucas in Acarnania. Drawn from a cast.

Fig. 43, auxiliary ram in bronze : about 50 B.C. Mentioned on p. 65. Found

in Genoa harbour : now in the Armoury at Turin. Copied from the Archaolo-

gisches Jahrbuch, vol. iv, p. 12. One twelfth of actual size.

Fg. 44, anchor : about 350 B.C. Mentioned on p. 71. From a coin, probably

of Apollonia in Mysia. Drawn from a cast.

Fgs. 45 to 47, portions of an anchor in lead : about 50 B.C. Mentioned on

pp. 71, 72. Found off the coast of Cyrene : now in the British Museum. Drawn

from the original. One sixteenth of actual size.

Camfcrttrge :

PRINTED BY J. & C. F. CLAY,

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

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