AN OLD SPANISH TALE FROM ADD. MS. 14040, flf.

113r-114v: 'EXENPLO aUE ACAESgiO EN TIERRA

DE DAMASCO A LA BUENA DUENNA CLIME^IA

CON SU FIJA CLIMESTA QUE AVIA VEYNTE

ANNOS E LA MEgiA EN CUNA'

BARRY TAYLOR

T H E main body of Add. MS. 14040 contains three translations into Castihan: RamonLull's 'Libre del gentil e los tres savis' (ff. 1-85V) in a version by Gon^alo Sanches deUseda^ and his 'Coment del dictat' (ff. 86r-i i ir) from the Catalan, and an extract fromthe Flores Sancti Bernardi, probably from the Latin (ff. i i iv- i i2v). The first text iscopied in one hand, the second and third in another. The text published here for the firsttime (see figs. 2-5) was added to the manuscript between 1406 (the date of compositionor copying ofthe Flores version) and its acquisition by Hernando Colon (d. 1539), whoadded his mark of ownership at the bottom off. ii4v.^ The copyist of our text doubtlessthought the story suitable for inclusion because it cites the Flores at 11. 90-3.^

A label reading 'Del S.̂ "̂ Conde de Miranda' pasted to the recto ofthe last flyleafbefore f. i indicates that the manuscript once formed part of the hbrary of Juan deChaves Chacon, eleventh Conde de Miranda (1643-96). Gregorio de Andres hasidentified Add. MS 14040 with item 35 in an inventory of books belonging to thethirteenth Count compiled in 1755.'* The collection was bought by the Spanish RoyalLibrary (now National Library) in March 1757. In a bibliography pubhshed in 1836,Felix Torres Amat described this volume as being in the Royal Library with theshelfmark X. 145: it is not known when he saw the manuscript.^ On 11 March 1843 itwas purchased by the British Museum Library for £1 5s. in a miscellaneous lot (nowAdd. MSS. 13962-14052) sold by the dealer Thomas Rodd. In the Accessions minutesthe provenance of the manuscript is given as the 'Yriarte Collection'.^ The referencemust be to Juan de Iriarte (1702-71), Spanish Royal Librarian and author of thecatalogue ofthe Greek manuscripts at Madrid.^ Although I have not been able preciselyto trace the movements of Add. 14040, it is likely that some ofthe major figures in theAnglo-Spanish book market ofthe first half of the nineteenth century were involved inits coming to the British Museum Library. According to Glendinning,^ the entire Iriartelibrary was bought between 1823 and 1829 by the United States diplomat Obadiah Rich

172

(1783-1850) from 'a French officer married to the last surviving heir ofthe family';Thomas Thorpe was often his agent. Both Thorpe's and Rich's Spanish books wereauctioned by Evans on 2 March and 4 July 1826 respectively. The connection betweenThorpe, Rodd and the Iriarte collection is documented on 5 June 1826 when Thorpesold Rodd 117 volumes from Iriarte's library which eventually passed via Richard Heberto the Bodleian. Thus, although the history ofthe ownership of Add. 14040 is far fromcomplete, it seems unlikely that the manuscript was in the Biblioteca Real as late as 1836,the date of publication of Torres Amat's catalogue.

Our text is called exenplo in the rubric which heads it, and indeed it displays themixture of the didactic and the grotesquely sensational which characterizes one currentwithin the exempluni genre. The plot may be summarized as follows. In Damascus duringthe reign of the fictional Emperor Sixtus, a noble lady Climegia and her daughterClimesta fall on hard times through the profligacy of their husband and father. Thedaughter, aged twenty (her age is given only in the rubric), is a worldling, proud ofherbeauty. The women initially heed the exhortations of the hermit Patri^io against losingtheir souls for the sake of worldly gains. The hermit reinforces his admonitions with abrkfexemplum: Falsehood asked Truth where she might find her. Truth replied that ifFalsehood found her, she should keep hold of her, as if she let her go she would neverhave her back.

Mother, however, is advised by evil persons that the world will bring them all theyneed if she 'rocks' herself and her daughter. She accordingly buys two cradles, to noavail. A woman neighbour (the Devil in disguise) disabuses them: this 'rocking' is aeuphemism for prostitution. They persevere in a life of vice despite Patri^io's warnings.Eventually Climesta is caught inflagrante and sentenced to be burned. On her way to thestake she asks to speak to her mother: when she draws near, the daughter bites off hertongue and puts her eyes out. Asked why, she says it is because she has been ruined byher mother's ill advice and failure to give her good counsel.

Climesta's grotesque punishment ofher mother is an example of a tale found in manydidactic texts.^ Probably the oldest version known is in the Greek Aesop :̂ ^ a boy stealsa book from a schoolmate as a joke. His mother laughs at his prank, which encourageshim to go on to worse crimes. Eventually he is sentenced to be hanged; on the way tothe scaffold, under pretence of whispering to his mother, he bites off her ear (see fig. i).He explains his action by saying that her indulgence was the cause of all his crimes: hadshe punished him at his first offence, he says, he would never have come to such a pass.

The Aesopic text seems not to have entered Latin circles until Rinuccio d'Arezzo's1448 translation. The version in Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scolarium, dated circa1240, was known earher, and more widely, to the Latins: several manuscripts haveEnglish and French glosses, suggesting that they were used for teaching grammar.^^There Lucretius, son of Zeno,^^ wastes the advantages of good birth, talent andpatrimony on prostitutes. His father stands by ('patre poenam deferente'). The youthturns to crime to pay his debts, and is saved from crucifixion because his father bribesthe authorities. Finally father can pay no more. On the way to execution the son bites

173

Fig. I. The errant son bites his mother's ear. Libro delsabio £5" clarissimo fabuladorysopo hystoriado£5' annotado (Seville: Cromberger, 1526). C.59.i.i6, f. clvi""

TABLE L VARIANTS

Text

Aesop (see fig. i)Odo of Cheriton'^Ps-BoethiusJacques de Vitry^*Etienne de Bourbon'^Libra del caballeroSpanish woodcut*'Climefia

Dale

c. 1220

c. 1240d. 1240d. 1261

^- 13031488

Parent

MotherFatherFatherFatherFatherMotherMother

OF THE CLIMEgiA STORY

Child Crime Punishment Bitten

Stealing

copied post 1406 Mother

SonSonSonSonSonSonSon —Daughter Fornication

HangingStealing, immorality HangingFornicationStealingStealingStealing, etc.

CrucifixionHangingHanging

Burning

Eai'Flesh of faceNoseLipsNoseLipsNoseTongue, eyes

off his father's nose. His last words blame first his father's indulgence and then his owndisobedience: 'Why did I escape unpunished from my first errors.? Why did I not obeymy first teacher and despise my fellows.^' In subsequent derivatives of this story, theprotagonists, crime, punishment and mutilation differ, as is shown in Table i.

It will be seen from the Table that the story in Add. MS. 14040 does not correspond

174

in all particulars with any other known version. One feature of our texts is the feminineelement: the child is a daughter who engages in prostitution rather than a son whoconsorts with prostitutes. The inclusion of a daughter enables the author to descant onthe theme of women's vanity (11. 17-22): Chmesta from the start is guilty of excessivecare for her appearance - a theme beloved of medieval preachers - and although theconnection between female luxury and prostitution is not made explicit, they arecertainly referred to in similar terms: see 11. 13-15.

Patrigio's tale ofthe exchange between Truth and Falsehood is not unique to this text,although it has fewer parallels than the main story. The only close analogue is in the Libradel caballero Zifar of circa 1303.̂ ^ When Wind, Water and Truth part company, they askeach other where he is to be found. Water says he will be in the fountains. Wind in themountain passes. Truth replies: 'Keep me while you have me, as once you let me goyou'll never catch me again.' The version in Zifar is superior to that in our manuscript,as it integrates Truth's answer into a tripartite structure in which Truth is declared evenharder to keep hold of than the ungraspable Wind and Water. It is interesting that theonly work to include both the stories in our text appears also to be an Old Spanish one.

The immediate source of our text is unknown, but it seems likely that it is atranslation, partly because one episode is built around a pun on mefer, 'to rock in acradle/be a prostitute.' The pun is unique to this version. The second meaning of meferis not to my knowledge attested in Old Spanish, although it does exist in modernPortuguese mexer}^ In Latin however the sexual meaning of miscere (the supposedetymon of mefer) is well established.^*' The text shows some signs that it is a fragment.The first three sentences refer not only to Climegia and her daughter Climesta but alsoto Clime^ia's sister Gloriana and her son Picleco. Parents are exhorted to learn from'these two sisters,' which suggests that an earher witness preserved a parallel story,perhaps a tale of virtue rewarded. However, in the extant text no more is heard ofGloriana and Picleco.

EDITION OF THE TEXT IN ADD. MS. 14040

[f. ii3r] Exenplo que acaes^io en tierra de Damasco a la buena duenna Climefia con sufija Climesta que avia veynte annos e la megia en cuna.

En la ^ibdat de Damasco en tienpo del enperador Systo, andando en aquellas partesmucha justi^ia, acaes^io a una buena duenna que avia por nonbre Climefia que ovo unafija de su marido; que ovo por nonbre Climesta Tuburgia porque a su padre llamaronpor nonbre Gofrido Tiburgio. E era esta duenna hermana de otra duenna a que llamavanGloriana, que tenia un fijo que avia nonbre Picleco. Aqui vengan los padres e las niadresque an de castigar fijos e fijas e ayan enxenplo en estas dos hermanas e veredes que les

Asy que fue que seyendo Climesta bien criada de los saberes e costunbres del mundoe muy poco mostrada en sabiduria de las virtudes, del temor de Dios muy menguada,

175

acaes^io que la fija seyendo toda de voluntad mundanal, deseadora de los bienesfalle9ederos mundanos, deseo bien apostarse por dar pares^er de su fermossura terrenalmortal a los omes desventurados que la avian de mirar; con la qual rred y ansuelo el

15 Diablo posia mas almas que con otra cosa de pecado.jA! jGuay de las mesquinas mugeres! iQue cuenta daran a Dios de todas las cobdigias

que fasen venir a los omes de pecado mortal? Que por tomar forma annadida de afeytespierden ssu alma. Et al dia santo del domingo o fiesta sse paran a las puertas non conenten^ion de sservir a Dios mas al Diablo, que es su sennor, dexando la forma que Dios

20 les dio liana et buena, y tomando forma del Diablo a quien sirven, pelando los cabellosdel rrostro e blanqueando las carnes con colores diversos, todo a fyn de luxuriar y darfartura a ssu carne e induzir los cora9ones a pecado. Qiertamente mas les valdria lamuerte que non el tal acre^entamiento de pecados, ca de todas aquellas ocasiones darancuenta a Dios. E sy aqui non sso creydo, el dia de los tenblores de aquel juysio espantoso,

25 que seran manifiestos todos los pecados de cada pecador a Dios y a los angeles e santosy Santas & a los diablos e a todos, me creeran.

Asy fue que eran mugeres fijasdalgo e, por causa que los maridos que ovieron fuerondesgastadores y de malos rrecaudos, vinieron en pobredat. E pasando por algund tienpoestrechamente, vinieron a sse encomendar a un ome eclesiastico del qual rrescebieron

30 buenos desires e alguna consolacion. E commo la cobdi^ia non siente fartura, entraronpenssamientos en la madre e en la fija que via ternian desta vida presente e acordaron delo desir a aquel ome bueno que las consolava e dixieron [f. / / ju] que estavan en grandtribulation por mester e non poder conplir lo que querian.

Et el buen ome dixoles, 'Fijas, muy muchas cosas vos tengo de rresponder en esto.35 Avedes de ssaber que Dios todos los omes e mugeres del mundo egualo en salir de la

tierra desnudos & yr a la tierra desnudos. & esto por que connosca ser todas las cosasdesta vida mierda & cosa cayda. & demas quiso el ser mas pobre, & su madre & susapostoles, de tal pobredat que ninguna cosa non toviese & esta pobredat que fuese en elalma & dixo "Bienaventurados los pobres de spiritu, que dellos es el rreyno de los 9ielos"

40 & dixo ma[s] " iQue aprovecha a ninguno ser sennor de todo el mundo sy su anima ayade perder?" Mas valdria non ser nasgido. Esta pobredat loo & amo ca la sennal deperdition esta es: non recontentar nin aver pa9ien9ia con lo que tiene. Ca saber devedesque ninguna criatura non ha aqui syno Io que Dios le quiere dar & commo non ssecontente luego torna contra Dios: quanto mas quel Nuestro Salvador nos dixo en exenplo

45 que Dios a los que ama sigue aqui con persecu^iones por dalles la su gloria syperseveraren.'

& despues que les dixo estas cosas y otras muchas & vido que non [se] davan a lo quese devian dar, dixoles, 'Amigas, la Verdat & la Mentira fisieron conpannia muy grandtienpo. & quando se partieron dixo la Mentira a la Verdat que donde la fallaria. Dixole

50 la Verdat que quando la toviese que fisiese en guisa que nol saliese de mano, que sy unaves la perdia que nunca la cobraria.' & que entendiesen este dicho: que sy nonguardava[n] lo que les era dado de honestidat de bien dellas ^ del que non curasen del,porque el pecado de sobervia y descono^imiento de bienfecho sienpre fue vengado por

176

Dios. & espidiose dellas prometiendoles su consolacion sy guardasen lo que devianguardar.

El Diablo, que nunca dexa de perseguir a los que bien quieren bevir, ca aquel es suofi^io, pusoles en cora9on que tomasen abito honesto por que de diuso de aquel abitocupiese toda disolu9ion y pecado. E acaes9io qut fiandose a personas non buenas fue dadoconsejo a la madre que sienpre se me9iese; que despues, que meciese a su fija; e que asyme9iendose quel mundo traheria lo suyo. La buena muger conpro dos cunas & echoseen la una & a su fija en la otra, continuando el meger. & duro esto 9iertos meses & veyendola madre que non venia nada, torno a fablar do la buena consejera que fiso lo que le dixoe que non venia cosa de provecho. E ella dixo, 'Yo yre a vuestra casa y lo vere commolo fasedes.'

& quando la buena muger vido las cunas & vido que non la avian entendido, dixo,'Amiga, non [es] este tal me9er commo yo te dixe, ca el otro me9er es de otra manera,segund que te agora dire. Sabe que tu te as de vestir G dt[f. 114] afeytar en tal guisa quelos que te vieren a ti adere9ada & so abito honesto que non pongan culpa a tu fija quefaga mas que tu pues es mas mo9a. & ternas esta manera: todos los dias que pudieres,anda todos los lugares sennalados ca asy andando apregonas tu vino, que quien delloquisiere que trayga jarro e dinero, que non se da de balde. & ternas estas condi9ionesque son caudal de conplir todos tus deseos: despues de comer guardaras en todos losdias que pudieres la puerta de la caWe fixa mucho bien adere9ada; lo segundo, miraras bienen fito a todas las personas que por y passaren; lo tercero busca ocasiones por que fablescon los que tu ovieres voluntad que te conosca[n]; lo quarto, quando les fablares faslesgesto amoroso, que entiendan que non les denegaras cosa ninguna de lo que te fuere bienpagado; lo quinto, fierelos de tus saetas, que les pases el cora9on [con] palabras tales queaduro dexes habito honesto los declares que presta estas; et con mucho sosiego verna todagente a tu casa. & non guardes lealtad en desir que Dios al ssennor de casa se quiereservir. & segund te fallares dimelo.' & fuese el Diablo que tomava figura de mugerveyendo que se le queria dar.

Et siguiendo este camino vino esto a noti9ia del su amigo padre espiritual. Et fue versy esto sy era verdat & desque vido el fecho dispidiose dellas dissiendo quel Diablo lasavia engannado ca grand peligro avian de aver. Et por ver sy las podria tornar a buencamino dixoles asy,' La vuestra via es de ydolo & de mal que ya vos lo ove dicho: ay bien,mejor & mas mejor & ay mal e peor & mas peor. & en esto estades vosotras que nonsolamente pecades mas millares de pecados a otros fasedes faser. Ca aunque mal &pecado quisiesedes faser fuese en un grado menor & non por tal via nin manera de Io quala mi pues aqui vengo & tales estades no se puede escusar que por vuestro malestar nonse siga mal. Ca commo la batalla de todos los buenos, segund dise Sant Bernaldo, es quevea el que bive sus pensamientos. E que commo el linage de los spiritus sea de muchasmaneras Etl alma, que es spiritu, connos9e las tenta9iones del spiritu que son tres spiritusque tientan de buena manera: de la carne en bever & comer & fablar y oyr y oler y tocary andar a luxuria & yra & enbidia y vanagloria y sobervia & peresa y gula & tristesa &pesar y otras cosas de carne; y el es[piritu] del mundo trahia de mugeres & bien

177

aconpannado y bien honrrado y bien vestido & bien adere9ado de casas & tierras y otrascosas tales; & el ter9er es el serpiente amigo nin enemigo que de enbidia se muere.

'Et \f. iJ4v] Climesta fija ique eres? La sennal a que todos diran que de [. .] muertaquel tienpo que tovieres otorg^do de la naturalesa te durare que te ayan de dar algo los

100 omes que llamares de cada dia. E llamertas fasta que te dexen por baldia & desaventuradaque non sera mas de quanto sseas conos9ida que vendes fruta: ca luego la fruta de la9iruela quando entra vale una un maravedi y despues valen 9iento por un maravedi, asyes de ty commo fue de las otras tales commo tu, que quando comien9an el ofi9io nuevopor la novedat an algo & despues vienen al segundo ofi9io de los tres ofi9ios de la buena

105 muger y despues al tercero: los quales son puta en mancebia y puta y alcahueta & en rafesalcahueta. Fija, por me dessa dia de oy. Pues tu camino es tal qual tu te lo quieres y tumadre te lo conseja. Sabe quel que vien quiere vivir a de perder su alma y el mundo porDios y fallar lo ha & a se de perder a lo menos aunque biva mal en esta manera: que andemuy honestamente en este mundo en bevir y traher [honestas] rropas y muy llano rrostro

no & muy baxos los ojos; quando algo le dixeren muy honesto rresponder; y syn destosningunos & que de ty aver quieras algo faser non des lugar a pecado que diga que tumadre te lo trahe todo y tu que te lo quieres aunque trabajo por vosotras que sso p[..]que vos agora a Dios vos tncomtendo, quel mundo que servis vos dara galardon,'

Fuese Patri9io que era v[...]s hermitanno de Clime9ia [&] Climesta su fija las quales115 seguiendo ssus vanos pensamientos dando su fermos[ur]a a muchos cucubitos, fasiendose

conos9er con muchos. Lo que con mal se gana con mal se acaba: viniendo poco tienpoque usavan non devidamente, fue tomada Climesta con un onbre contra l[e]y y fue dadasentencia que fuese quemada y coidando ya entre si y veiendo quel davan la muerte porculpa de su madre, Uevandola a matar y yendo Patri9io tras ella por ver que 9ima y

120 acabamiento avria del fecho de las que tanto amo, yendo la madre en pos ella dixo & pidioli^en^ia que la dexasen fablar a su madre Climesta. Et llegarongela & por juysio divinalcomiole las narises et quebrole los ojos. & pescudaronle por que lo fisiera. Bixo queporque ella le consejo lo que fiso por mucha ganan9ia, et que ge lo pudiera estorvar sybien la castigo. & despues Climesta y el c[. .]je fueron quemados. Et asy acabaron: Dios

125 les aya mer9ed & amen.

Edttorial criteria: editorial additions are in brackets [ ]. Points within brackets [..] indicateillegible passages, the number of points approximating the number of unreadable letters. Italicsindicate a doubtful reading.

Textual notes: numbered line references are to this edition and not to the manuscript.13 deseo] MS deseando 20 les] lo 27 causa que] causa de 32 dixieron] dixo33 mester corrected from menester 37 vida] v. que son 42 devedes] deve 59 madreque] m q q 71 quisiere] qsiere 74 passaren] passaron 78 aduro dexes] duso defe?81 queria] querian queria 88 quisiesedes] qsieseds 89 malestar] malestan(?) 94andar a] andar y 96 de] y 97 el ter9er] ost9er(?) 105 puta] puta \en mocedat puta/107 vivir] vender(?), 115 seguiendo] seguiendos 118 coidando ya entre si] co[. .] yae[.]t[.]s[.]

178

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179

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Exegetical notes: 28 de malos rrecaudos: spendthrift: cf. 'costosas o de malos recabdos', Castigosy doctrinas que vn sabio daiia a sus hijas, in Hermann Knust (ed.), Dos obras diddcticasy dos leyendassacadas de manuscritos de la Biblioteca del Escorial (Madrid, 1878), pp. 249-93, at p. 285 39Mt. 5.3 40-1 Mt. 16.26; Mk. 8.36 41 loo £5* amo. The reading is difficult, but may bea synonymous pair: cf. 'honrats e loats e amats': Ramon Llull, Llibre de Porde de cavalleria, ed.Albert Soler i Llopart (Barcelona, 1988), p. 237, line 145. 45-6 Cf. Mk. 10.30; Mt. 5.1070 vino. Prostitutes often plied their trade under the cover of wine-selling. The branch, symbolofthe wine trade, came to denote prostitution; hence Spanish ramera: see Diego Hurtado deMendoza, Poesi'a completa^ ed. Jose Ignacio Di'ez Fernandez (Barcelona, 1989), p. 509, note topoem clxxi 73 la puerta de la calle: contrast ' para ser honestas, que no vos asentedes a lasventanas ni.. .a las puertas' {Castigos, p. 282). Prostitutes in nineteenth-century Madrid referredto their trade as 'hacer puerta': see Javier Rioyo, Madrid: casas de lenocinio, holganzay malvivir(Madrid, 1991), p. 326 73-4 fniraras bien en fito: in contrast with the modestly downcast gazeof 1. n o 85 ydolo. The connection between cosmetics and idols is made in other didactictexts: cf. ' Asi lo dize Sant Pablo en la primera canonica a los 9inco capitulos, en que dize que lasmugeres non trayan... vestiduras desonestas, nin pintar las caras como ydolos de diablo', FrankAnthony Ramirez (ed.), Tratado de la comunidad (London, 1988), p. 126; and * Estas que asi sevisten y se precian del traer, dice el santo profeta e rey David, que son semejantes a los ldolos eimagenes de los templos', Hernando de Talavera, De vestir y de calzar, in Miguel Mir (ed.),Escritores mi'sticos espafioles, vol. i, Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Espaiioles, xvi (Madrid, 1911),p. 68. (I have not been able to identify the Biblical references) 90 Sant Bernaldo. Cf. 'ellinaje de los spiritus son diversos e departidos' 'del spiritu humano, que es el alma del omne','An Old Spanish Translation from the Flores Sancti Bernard^ cited in n. 2, sentences 1-2. Muchof this chapter of St Bernard is concerned with the spirits of the flesh, of the world and of theDevil (especially §9), which are discussed by the present text at lines 93 (carne), 95 (mundo)and 97 (serpiente) 104-5 ^os tres offios de la buena muger. The text originally gave three stagesin the career ofthe loose woman: 'whore in youth', ' whore-cum-procuress' and 'vile procuress'.The interlinear addition precedes these with an earlier stage 'whore in girlhood'. Mancebia hadtwo meanings: the age of sexual maturity (say 14-40), preceded by mocedat (childhood up toabout 14). The precise distribution of years differs from author to author, but the order is alwaysthe same: see John K. Walsh (ed.). El libro de los doze sabios (Madrid, 1976), p. 27. Mancebia byextension could also mean prostitution: the Diccionario de autoridades of 1726 translates mancebiaas 'prostibulum.' It is likely that the original intention in our text was to denote youth in general;the glossator felt the need to split the concept into earlier and later periods 107 a de perdersu alma: cf. Mt. 10.39, *̂̂ -̂ ^^^ -̂ ^ ?"^ "̂ ^̂ "̂ ^̂ ^̂ gana con mal se acaba: probably aproverb: cf. 'Quien en mal anda, mal acaba', Felipe C. R. Maldonado (ed.), Refranero cldsicoespanol (Madrid, 1982), p. 61, no. 211, and Eleanor S. O'Kane, Refranes y frases proverbialesespanolas de la edad media (Madrid, 1959), p. 150 118 que fuese quemada. The final scene ofthis story takes place at the stake. Burning as punishment for prostitution is both a historicalreality and a favourite motif of didactic fiction: see the fourteenth-century Fuero de Albarracin,cited by D. J. Gifford and F. W. Hodcroft, Textos lingtitsticos del medioevo espafiol (Oxford, 1959),p. 191 124 castigo: the slightly irregular syntax is paralleled in Manrique's 'este mundobueno fue/si bien usasemos del ' : Coplaspor la muerte de su padre, 61-62, in his Poesi'a, ed. Jesiis-Manuel Alda Tesan (Madrid, 1977), p. 147.

183

I am grateful to Professors Dwayne E. Carpenterand David Hook for procuring three bibliographicalitems.

1 On the translator, see Manuel Nieto Cumplido,'Aportacion historica al Cancionero de Baena\Historia, Instituciones, Docunientos, vi (1979), pp-197-218, at pp. 199-201.

2 I have corrected some assertions which I made in'An Old Spanish Translation from the FloresSancti Bernardi in British Library Add. MS.14040, fF. i i i v - r i 2 v ' , British Library Journal,xvi (1990), pp. 58-65, in the light of FernandoDominguez Reboiras, 'El Content del dictat deRamon Llull: una traduccidn castellana deprincipios del siglo XV', in Studia in honoremprof. M. de Riquer, vol. i (Barcelona, 1991), pp.169-232. The manuscript has also been de-scribed in Brian Dutton (ed.). El cancionerodel siglo XV, vol. i (Salamanca, 1990), p. 372and in Ramon Llull, Llibre del gentil e delstres savis, ed. Anthony Bonner, Nova edicio deles obres de Ramon Llull, ii (Palma, 1993),pp. xxix-xxx. I have not seen Herbert R. Stone,' A Critical Edition of the Libro del gentil e de lostres sabios [Castilian Text ] \ Ph.D., Universityof North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1965. (I amgrateful to Prof. Bonner for the latter tworeferences.)

3 A parallel case of such a criterion for inclusion isthe liturgical play the Auto de los Reyes Magos,added to a manuscript of commentaries onJeremiah because it makes a passing reference tothe prophet: see Julian Weiss, 'The Auto de losReyes Magos and the Book of Jeremiah', LaCoro'mca, ix: 2 (Spring 1981), pp. 128-31.

4 Gregorio de Andres, 'Los codices del Conde deMiranda en la Biblioteca Nacional', Revista deArchivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, lxxxii (1979), pp.611-27.

5 Torres Amat, Memorias para ayudar aformar undiccionario critico de los escritores catalanes(Barcelona, 1836), p. 706.

6 I am grateful to Julian Conway for consultingthe Accessions minutes for me.

7 Regiae bibliothecae matritensis codices manuscripti(Madrid, 1769). On Iriarte, see his Obras sueltas{Madrid, 1774), edited with an introductorystudy by Bartolome de Iriarte; J. M. FernandezPomar, 'Don Juan de Iriarte bibliotecario de laReal Biblioteca', Bibliothek und Wissenschaft, iii(1966), pp. 113-44; ^""^ Gregorio de Andres, 'Elbibliotecario D. Juan de Iriarte', in Homenaje a

Luis Morales Oliver (Madrid, 1986), pp.587-606.

8 Nigel Glendinning, 'Spanish Books in England,1800-1850', Transactions of the Cambridge Bib-liographical Society, iii (1959-63), pp. 70-92, atpp. 79-80, 86.

9 They are listed in Paul Meyer, 'L'Enfant gatedevenu criminel', Romania, xiv (1885), pp.581-3; Stith Thompson, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature (Copenhagen, 1955-7), no. Q586;Frederic Tubach, Index exemplorum (Helsinki,1969), no. 3488; Rameline E. Marsan, Itineraireespagnol du conte medieval, VIIF-XV^ siecles(Paris, 1974), pp. 400-4; Jose Fradejas Lebrero,'El mas copioso ejemplario del s. XVI' [TheFructus sanctorum of Alonso de Villegas], Home-naje a Pedro Sdinz Rodriguez (Madrid, 1986),vol. ii, pp. 229-49 ^t p. 245; Maxime Chevalier,'El Libro de los exenplos y la tradicion oral',Dicenda, vi (1987), pp. 83-92, at p. 17; EdBrown, 'The Motif of the Cut-Off Nose inMedieval Spanish Literature', ^n>/(Lexington,Ky), vi (1989), pp. 12-18; and Victoria A.Burrus and Harriet Goldberg (eds.), Esopeteystoriado {Toulouse 1488) (Madison, 1990), pp.112, 117, n. 14; Juan Manuel Cacho Blecua,'Lacrueldad del castigo: el ajusticiamiento deltraidor y la "pertiga" educadora en el Libro delcavallero Zifar\ in Violenciay conflictividaden lasociedad de la Espana bajomedieval {Aragon en laEdad Media : sesiones de trabajo, IV Seminario deHistoria Medieval) (Saragossa, 1995), pp. 59^89,at pp. 74-83.

10 The story is no. 200 in the Augustana recension,compiled in the ist or 2nd century A.D. : see BenEdwin Perry (ed.), Babrius and Phaedrus(London, 1965), p. 459. Rinuccio's translationcirculated widely as part ofthe expanded Aesopedited by Heinrich Steinhdwel (Ulm: JohannZainer, 1476 or 1477): see the Old Spanishversion, Esopete ystoriado (as in n. 9) and R. T.Lenaghan, 'Steinhowel's Esopus and Early Hu-manism', Monatshefte fur Deutschen Unterricht,Deutsche Sprache und Literatur, Ix (1968), pp.1-8. The Aesopic version is used by J. L. Vives,De iiistitutione feminae christianae (1523), Book ii,chapter xxix: see Libro llamado Instrucion delamuger christiana, tr. Juan Justiniano (Valencia,1528), f. lxxxii^^

11 Pseudo-Boece, De disciplina scolarium, ed. OlgaWeijers (Leiden, 1976), ii, §8-10, pp. ioi~2. Forthe glosses, see Tony Hunt, Teaching and

Learning Latin in Thirteenth-Century England, i(Cambridge, 1991), pp. 74, 86, i6of. AlthoughWeijers does not cite any Hispanic witnesses, theDisciplina was known in Spain: see SaragossaCathedral MS. 15-58 and Barcelona, Bibliotecade Catalunya, MS. 559 (book i only). There arealso references in inventories: see GabrielLlompart,' El lhbre catala a la casa mallorquina',Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia, xlviii {1975), pp.193-240; xlix-1 (1976-77), pp. 57-114, at p. 72(citing a Majorcan inventory of the fifteenthcentury) and Manuel Jose Pedraza Garcia,Documentos para el estudio de la historia del libroen Zaragoza entre 1501 y 1521 (Saragossa, 1993),p. 65 (a Saragossa inventory of 1503). Further onthe Spanish reception of Ps-Boethius, see Fran-cisco Marquez Villanueva, 'La Celestina y elpseudo Boecio De Disciplina scolarium', in E. M.Gerli and H. L. Sharrer (eds.), Hispanic Medi-eval Studies in Honor of Samuel G. Armistead(Madison, 1992), pp. 221-42. The Disciplina isquoted very closely by John of Wales, Com-muniloquium (Strassburg, 1489; British Library,IB.2012), sig. f2'-f3'': for example, he includesthe names ofthe protagonists. Other texts whichcite the Disciplina as their source do not follow itin such detail and it is possible that they use theDisciplina via the Commumloquium: see theSpeculum laicorum, ed. J.-Th. Welter (Paris,1914), no. 296, p. 61, ch. 38; its Spanishderivative the Especulo de los legos, ed. J. M.Mohedano {Madrid, 1951), no. 287, ch. 42, pp.196-7; and the first redaction of Castigos edocumentos del rey don Sancho, in P. de Gayangos(ed.), Escritores en prosa anteriores al siglo XV,Biblioteca de autores espanoles, Ii {Madrid,i860), p. 90.

12 Curiously, Zeno himself was the protagonist of astory in which, on the cross, he bit off the noseof his persecutor: see John of Wales, Brevilo-quium, part iv, ch. iii, in Summa JohannisValensis de regimine vite humane... {Lyons, 1511),f. ccxiiij'".

13 Odo of Cheriton, Parabolae, in L. Hervieux(ed.), Les Fabulistes latins, vol. iv (Paris, 1896),no. 133, p. 316.

14 T. F. Crane (ed.). The Exempla or IllustrativeStories from the ^ Sermones vulgares^ of Jacques deVitry (London, 1890), p. 121, no. 287, p. 259.

15 Etienne de Bourbon (d. 1261), Tractatus dediversis materiis predicabilibus. Book i, De donotimoris, in A. Lecoy de la Marche (ed.). Anecdoteshistoriques legendes et apologues tire's du recueiline'dit d^Etienne de Bourbon (Paris, 1877), no. 43,pp. 51-2. Etienne is the source for Humbert ofRomans (d. 1277), De dono timoris: see J.-Th.Welter, VExemplum dans la litterature religieuseer didactique du Moyen Age (Paris, 1927), pp.215, 224—8. The De dono timoris is a source forthe Alphabetum narrationum of Arnold of Liege(d. 1345), according to Welter, p. 312. The Latintext of the Alphabetum is still unpubhshed, butsee the Catalan and English translations: Recullde eximplis e miracles, ed. M. Aguilo y Fuster{Barcelona, 1881), vol. i, no. 185, p. 169; AnAlphabet of Tales, ed. M. M. Banks {London,1904), no. 217, p. 152. The same configuration ofmotifs occurs in the versions of the story givenby Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum morale. III, iii,7 {Douai, 1624), p. 1015; Clemente Sanchez deVercial, Libro de los exemplos por a.b.c; inGayangos (ed.), Escritores en prosa (as in n. 10),p. 513, no. 273; and Philippe of Novare, LesQuatre temps d'dge de thomme, ed. M. de Freville(Paris, 1888), pp. 161-4.

16 J. Gonzalez Muela (ed.), Libro del caballero Zifar(Madrid, 1982), pp. 252-56; for the illustrationof this story in Paris, Bibhotheque nationale,MS. Esp. 36, see John E. Keller and RichardP. Kinkade, Iconography in Medieval SpanishLiterature (Lexington, Ky, 1984), pp. 68-70.

17 The editors of the Spanish text (cited in n. 9)note that while a woodcut in the Spanish editionsof 1489 and 1496 shows the son biting hismother's ear, as in the text, the illustration in theSpanish edition of 1488 shows him biting hernose: this represents a combination of motifs notfound to my knowledge in the written witnesses.

18 As in n. 16, pp. 394-5. Charles Philip Wagner,'The Sources of El Cavallero Cifar\ RevueHispanique, x (1903), pp. 5-104, at p. 77, givessome parallels. The closest is in Straparola, whodoes not however have the same punch-line.

19 Sergio Augusto, Este mundo e um pandeiro (SaoPaulo, 1989), p. 57.

20 J. N. Adams, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary(London, 1982), pp. 180-1.

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