An investigation of women participation in fish value chains and value chain governance in

Malawi: A case of Msaka on Lake Malawi and Kachulu on Lake Chilwa

1Chikondi L. Manyungwa-Pasani, 2Mafaniso Hara and 3Sloans K. Chimatiro

1Department of Fisheries, Lilongwe Malawi 2University of the Western Cape, South Africa

3World Fish Centre, Lusaka, Zambia Abstract

This paper fills an important gap towards ensuring gender responsive fish value chains by

analyzing the factors that influence women’s participation in fish value chains and value chain

governance in Malawi. The study was based on the hypothesis that gendered differences are

prevalent in the fish value chains and their governance. In testing the hypothesis, Focus Group

Interviews, Key Informant Interviews and Gender Transformative Approaches were used to

analyse (a) market access by men and women; (b) Institutional arrangements in the value chain;

(c) perceptions and experiences of men and women in the value chain processes. In addition

relevant documents were reviewed to determine to which extent gender is considered in fish

value chains and their governance. From the preliminary findings, the results show that indeed

disparities exist in the value chain and their governance. The study will also contribute to

deepening understanding of women issues in the fisheries sector in Malawi hence providing

further opportunities for gaining support for women empowerment in the fisheries sector.

Keywords: Fish value chain, Value chain governance, Small-scale fisheries, Malawi

Introduction

Fish value chains and their governance require a solid understating of women’s relationship to

environmental resources and their roles in the value chain (Lwenya et al, 2006). It also requires

acknowledging and incorporating women’s knowledge of environmental matters (Torri, 2010).

The invisibility of women’s work and the social space they occupy in governance has been

enhanced by the national policy agenda which focuses on the production sector that is male

dominated. With this it is extremely difficult to isolate pertinent information to the fisheries

sector in general and to gender in particular as the data is not disaggregated by sex (Lwenya et al,

2006). The discussion of value chain governance has been focusing mainly on economic aspects

(Nugraha, 2010). Nugraha further contends that there are particular socio-cultural factors which

exert strong influence on the governance arrangements and actions of individuals in a value

chain. These socio-cultural factors may hinder or support the processes of value chain

governance. It is acknowledged worldwide that the business of fisheries value chain governance

is dominated by men (Karlsdottir, 2011). This is underpinned in a wider geographical

perspective as country information for global fisheries statistics consolidated by FAO contains

no information on gender participation. However, considering the fishing communities and the

whole fish value chain, it is evident that women and sometimes children do make enormous and

often unpaid contributions to fish supply (Williams, 2010). The degree of visibility of women’s

participation in decision making processes in fishing communities and fish value chains vary

from country to country depending on prevailing social and cultural values (Rahman, 1998).

Numerous examples exist from almost all corners of the world that support the argument that in-

spite of the crucial contribution to the fishery, women have been virtually absent from decision

making processes at all levels of the value chain (Sloan et al, 2000; Neis, 2000; Power, 2009).

As has already been observed, women play a number of specialized roles in fishing related

populations all across the globe and an active role in household adaptive strategies and their

contribution should not be underestimated (Pascal-Fernandez, Frangoudes and Williams,

2005:167).

Considering that policy makers have interest in the value chain approach in relation to poverty

alleviation (Nugraha, 2010, WFC, 2013); this research therefore sought to investigate and

document the factors that influence women’s participation in fish value chain and in addition

whether or how they are involved in governance of the value chains. It examined the perceptions

of men and women on the involvement of women in value chain governance. Scot et al (2010)

contends that the concept of gender alone is not sufficient for analysing inequalities however for

the sake of this research my focus will be on gender with a special inclination to understanding

women participation in value chains and their governance.

The main purpose of the research was to assess the role and participation of women in fish value

chains and whether or not they participate in fish value chain governance (and if they do not,

why, and the consequences of such low participation or non participation).

This research contributes to debates in the gender discourse by exploring contextual factors that

influence women’s participation in value chains and their governance in Malawi fisheries. It has

also contributed to the WorldFish Centre’s Fish Trade Programme objectives of providing

evidence base for coherent policy development for promoting intra-regional fish trade and

strengthening capacity of private sector, in particular women fish traders in order to enhance the

competitiveness of small and medium-scale enterprises engaged in fish trade (WorldFish Centre,

2013).

Fish Marketing in Malawi

Fishing and fish trade is the mainstay of many African economies and represent a significant

source of foreign exchange earnings in addition to the sectors’ important role in income

generation, employment and food security (FAO, 2005). Trade in fish and fishery products is

guided by international agreements and conventions such as that of the World Trade

Organisation (WTO) a body that controls global trade; the Trade Blocks (such as COMESA,

EAC, SADC); the regional fisheries bodies (such as LTA, LVFO) and the bilateral arrangements

between neighbouring countries. The contribution of fish trade to countries and national

economies is often described in national statistics in terms of overall volume and value normally

based on nominal first value supported by customs and catch data (FAO, n.d).

According to FAO (2005) fish processing and trading is a major occupation among many fishing

communities including women in Malawi since most of the fish sold to distant markets is in dry

form for easy transportation and storage. In most fishing communities in Malawi, the traditional

fish marketing system is characterized by fishermen landing their catches on scattered beaches,

normally in small quantities. The practice has been that fishers have little bargaining power in

the sales of their catch, with most marketing activities being dominated by fish traders who also

to some extent function as a source of informal credit, providing necessary cash for the fisher's

family needs, especially during the extended seasonal periods of limited catch and income. This

situation creates a strong inter-dependence between traders and fishermen which influences

market decisions over the latter.

Most of the landing sites in Malawi are basically used as market sites, mostly with few chilling

facilities. FAO identified two methods used in selling fish on a beach. First, fish can be sold

either by auction whereby bidding is done by the traders or by selling fish in dozens by charging

a predetermined price by the fisher. Auctioning is common in some places on Lakes Malawi,

Malombe and Lake Chilwa for fresh fish especially of those most valuable species and where

demand is quite high. A study carried out by Phiri et al (2015) identified three fish marketing

strategies used in Fish marketing for the Chambo value chain namely; direct selling whereby

wholesaler or retailer negotiates directly with fishers or crew members; fish auctioning whereby

sell of fish is done through auctioning and selling through middlemen whereby middlemen are

responsible for conducting transactions with retailers on behalf of wholesalers.

Fish trade in Malawi is constrained by inadequate market and trade infrastructure and poor

policy implementation (Kapute, 2008). Presently there are few quality considerations affecting

Malawian fish trade (Kapute, 2008) despite the fact that some of such transactions need to pass

across national borders a convenient point for the imposition of more stringent quality

requirements (Kooiman, 2008:129). How fish trade contributes to the livelihoods of specific

groups within society is less known due to limited localised information (ibid). A study carried

out by Mtunda et al in Malawi in 1998 revealed that 60% of women are involved in fish

processing and trading activities.

Some of the small-scale commercial fishing companies have their own fish handling, processing

and marketing facilities at their landing bases (FAO, 2005). An example of this is MALDECO

fishing company, which has its own ice plants, cold rooms, freezing plants, smoking kilns,

within its premises very close to Lake Malawi and insulated fish distribution lorries. These

insulated lorries are used to distribute fish to their fish market outlets in urban centres.

Conceptual framework

The study adapted the global value chain analysis framework. Through the value chain analysis

each node was mapped and analysed. The term value chain describes the full range of activities

that firms, farms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use (Risgaard

et al, 2010). Value Chain is operationally defined according to Bellu (2013) as “a set of

interdependent economic activities and a group of vertically linked economic agents”. Kaplinsy

and Morris further contend that a Value Chain comprises a full range of activities which are

required to bring a product or service from conception through the different phases of

production, delivery to final consumers. Hence Value Chains can be seen as a vehicle by which

organizational relations and networks are introduced. Coles and Mitchell (2011) asserts that is

properly applied, value chain analysis can be a powerful tool for addressing gender inequalities

in markets. A Value Chain is characterized by its network structure, its governance form and the

way value is added (Ruben et al, 2007). In the context of the fisheries sector in Malawi,

production networks have been established whereby men dominate the production phase and

both men and women are involved in the distribution. In the context of this study the focused on

the network structure and governance forms. In order to establish the factors that hamper

women’s participation in the value chains the study adopted both vertical analysis to focus on

inter node dynamics and specific actors and a horizontal analysis to take account of constraints in

the specific contexts of the study sites.

Figure 1 below presents a schematic diagram of the value chain framework which was used in

the study.

Figure Value chain analysis framework adapted from Bolwig et al (2008)

In this study the adopted point of entry for analysis is Gender Transformative Approaches (GTA)

where an analysis of women participation in fish value chains and Value Chain governance was

conducted in line with a recent United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment

of women (UN Women) recommendation which unequivocally argues for a stronger

commitment in post 2015 development framework and Sustainable Development goals to

realizing gender equality, women’s rights and women empowerment (UN Women, 2013). GTA

is a framework that helps addressing the structural impediments to gender equality and

achievements of women’s rights. A GTA perspective proposes an integrated approach tackling

the structural factors that shape gender inequalities and calls for transformed gender relations.

Value chain constraints -Market information -Resources and infrastructure -Institutions

Value chain analysis -Value added -Network structure -Governance forms

Value chain upgrading -Upgrading options (value added, network position, governance) Partnerships

The use of a GTA in the value chain analysis for the study will provide a context for

understanding how participation of women in fish value chain and value chain governance is

affected by the local institutions and how it can be enhanced. The approach focuses on three

main areas of gender equality, women’s rights and empowerment namely: freedom from

violence against women and girls; gender equality in the distribution of capabilities (such as

knowledge, good health and access to resources) and gender equality in decision making power

across all public and private spheres including families and communities (Coles et al, 2014).

The key characteristics of GTA (Kantor, 2013) as compared with other gender integrating

approaches are as follows:

GTA seeks to develop a deep understanding of people within their context and the way

social inequities intersect to affect their choices and outcomes

GTA provide space for women and men for iterative process of critical learning,

reflection, questioning and action.

Engages with different actors across scales to redress the underlying gender norms and

power relations that enables social inequalities

Commitment to address unequal power relations and challenging oppressive norms,

behaviours and structures

Methodology

The value chain analysis constituted two main components. Firstly the analysis comprised a

literature review of fish marketing in Malawi for all fisheries. The second component was an

interview based analysis of matemba and usipa fisheries. The interviews were conducted to build

up a detailed value chain map as far as possible including cross border. The value chain mapping

focused on upstream components of the chain for both fisheries. The upstream players include

fishers, intermediaries, processors traders (both wholesalers and retailers). These were

purposively sampled at both sites. An assessment of downstream players was not conducted

during this preliminary study. Fishers were interviewed using semi structured interviews in

Focus Group Discussions to generate information on quantities caught, technologies used and

their major buyers. Traders, processors and intermediaries were also interviewed to understand

procurement, processing and distribution related activities and costs as well as prices and

margins. The interview techniques ranged from individual interviews, Focus Group Discussion

and Key informant interviews. The mapping exercise deployed both qualitative and quantitative

approaches. The qualitative involved identifying the players and processing activities along the

chain whereas the quantitative part involved the construction of costs and earning schedule

covering upstream component of the chain. Interviews were held with 20 women (age 20–45)

and 20 men (age 20–58) at the two sites. The sites were selected based on the local knowledge.

The targeted respondents were fishers (including the crew members and gear owners),

intermediaries/local brokers (locally called macheucheu for Kachulu and Jolova for Msaka), fish

processors/traders who regularly processed and traded fish at the beaches. Respondents were

selected in consultation with the frontline staff at each beach and according to availability and

willingness to participate in the study. Researchers spent about 4 to 7 days at each beach, which

helped to establish a better understanding about the activity through observations and

conversations with other fish processors/traders and other local people of the areas. The main

sites of data collection were Kachulu harbor on Lake Chilwa and Msaka beach on Lake Malawi.

Data analysis

The respondents’ answers were organized, transcribed, and categorized by using the pre-

determined components. The data were then analyzed according to the categories to provide a

comprehensive picture of the gender dimensions of fish value chain governance. The process of

analyzing qualitative data included the following steps which are advanced by Dey (1993)

including: Reading the text to prepare ground for analysis; developing codes; organizing data

into codes; Categorizing data; Making Connections and Corroborating evidence.

Description of the study areas

Kachulu site on Lake Chilwa

Kachulu beach is located about 60 km from Zomba main town on the western side of Lake

Chilwa in Likapa Village, Group Village Headman Mbalu Traditional Authority Mwambo.

Historically fishing activities have provided some of the most important livelihoods and assets

thus contributing to the formal and informal economic sectors. Fish is also a relatively cheap and

accessible source of protein for Kachulu’s low income households (Njaya, 2002).The importance

of fisheries based livelihoods has increased with more people engaged in fishing and fish

processing and trade-related activities (Njaya, 2002). Figure 1 below show the map of Lake

Chilwa depicting Kachulu beach.

Fig. 1. Map of Lake Chilwa showing minor stratum 9.5 Kachulu beach

Msaka site on Lake Malawi

Msaka beach lies to the western part of Nankumba Peninsula in Chimphamba Village group

Village head Chembe Traditional Authority (TA) Nankumba in Mangochi district (Njaya and

Kachilonda, 2005). It is situated in the Lake Malawi National Park. Chimphamba village has an

estimated population of majority of who derive their livelihood from fishing. The village has a

diversity of ethinic groups including the Chewa, Tumbuka, Tonga, Yao and Sena. The beach

stretches on a narrow strip of land for approximately 2 kilometres along the shores (Ganter, 2001

cited in Njaya and Kachilonda, 2005). The microeconomy is largely dependent on fishing,

processing and trading of usipa. Figure 2 showing map of Msaka beach on Lake Malawi.

Figure 2: Map showing minor strata in Lake Malombe, the Upper Shire River and Lake Malawi

Findings from the study

Value chain structure: How does fish get to consumers from fishers, what stages (nodes)

are involved in this process and who are the actors involved?

A value chain mapping exercise which only included upstream component of the value chain

was conducted. An assessment of downstream players including trading firms among others

restaurant operators was not conducted. Seven major roles for the value chain were identified as

fishers, processors, traders, processor/traders, wholesalers and retailers. The fishers,

processors/traders constituted the upstream part of the chain. An intermediary actor which is

being referred to as local broker locally known as ‘Macheucheu’ for Kachulu was also identified.

This actor facilitates trade between fishers and processors at the beach and at the market between

processors and retailers. The gender issue with the auxiliary actor is that most of them are

women estimated at 70-90 percent participants they are outside the normative and hegemonic

power structures “marriage” in particular. Often they are divorced or widowed and do not have

financial muscle to run a proper business. The macheucheu get their power from being local

within the community. We learnt that no one from outside the community can be allowed to

participate in the role.

The fish value chain in the two case study communities is rather simple. The value chain map for

the Engraulycypiris surdella (locally known as usipa) fishery and Matemba fishery from Msaka

and Kachulu beaches on Lakes Malawi and Chilwa respectively is more or less similar and is

depicted in figure 1.

VALUE CHAIN MAP FOR MATEMBA AND USIPA

Sup

po

rt Services

Fisheries

Extension

Research

Unit

Academia

Micro

Finance

Institutions

The

Value

Chain

Fishers

Customs

Research Border

Permits

Fisheries

Extension

Certification

Local

Brokers

cheucheu

Local

Processors

& traders

Transporters Traders in

urban markets Local

Exporters

Foreign

buyers

Governance

Structures

BVC Informal

Brokers

Committee

Processors’

Association

Academia

MoH

Environmental

Health

District

Council

National

Border

FA VSL

Women

Integration 1 – 5 % 60 % 2 % 0 % 90 % 70 %

Functions Production Collection Local

Processing

Trading

Wholesale &

retail

Exporting Wholesale

Figure 3. Value chain map for Usipa and Matemba fish from Msaka and Kachulu beaches

The sector is artisanal and characterized by non-selective fishing and the use of traditional gears

and equipment. Fishers at both study sites sell most of the catch but keep some for the family and

give some to the crew members for free. The fishers sell most of the fish to the local brokers

(macheucheu and jolova) who collect the fish and sell to the processors and traders they also sell

directly to processors and traders at the landing sites. The caught fish is graded by species and

not by size. Sales of fish are done using 5 litre paint buckets on wholesale. Once usipa is sold to

processors and traders they process the usipa using a variety of methods including sun drying,

para-boiling and sometimes smoking. Macheucheu at Kachulu sell the fresh fish direct tot the

processors while jolova at Msaka sell already processed fish to the traders. The local brokers are

predominantly women constituting 70% at both sites on average. Generally fresh matemba and

usipa are consumed locally while sun dried, smoked and parboiled (for usipa only) products are

transported to inland and urban as well as foreign markets. For the domestic market the unit of

measure when transacting is a 5 litre bucket locally called ‘chigoba’. As for the domestic market

the unit of measure is a 2 litre tin. It was reported that the chigoba measure1 produces two and a

half of the tins used for the export market. The traders then distribute to the other buyers within

the chain to the final destinations. The geographical spread of the value chain goes beyond the

borders of Malawi to neighboring countries.

In terms transporting the fish to various markets the processors and traders use local transport

including pickups, local buses and sometimes bicycles. In an effort to cope up with current

market changes, some of the men and women joined Village Savings and Loans (VSL) where

they have the opportunity to borrow money to increase the capital for their businesses. However

the intermediaries indicated that it is difficult for them to join the VSL since their money is small

and the groupings have stringent regulations regarding borrowing and repayments of loans.

Markets for usipa and matemba are widespread and highly informal. The channels for markets

are characterized by long distances and high transport costs. Traders do not limit themselves to

specific markets but they go to markets based on prices being offered. Women participate in fish

exports. The number of links for the products varies and the final destinations for the different

processed fish for both local and foreign markets are listed in the table below.

Table 1 Markets for different fish products

Product type Destinations for matemba Destinations for usipa

Fresh Zomba (Chinamwali, Mpondabwino,

Mpunga, Songani)

Not Applicable

Sundried Zomba (Songani), Mangochi turnoff,

Balaka, Lilongwe

Mangochi turnoff, Lilongwe (Chimwaza,

Nsumdwe), Mbulubuzi, Mkando, Limbe,

Zambia, Mozambique (Thete using

1 The fresh weight of the 5 litre chigoba is 5kgs while the dry weight is 1.5 kgs

chiponde border), Tanzania, South

Africa

Smoked Mbulumbuzi, Mulanje (Limbuli,

Lauderdale, Chiringa) Bvumbe,

Thondwe, Limbe, Mozambique

(Ncuamba, Ncuba)

Ntcheu (Pengapenga, kasinje, Tsangano,

Kampepuza), Lirangwi, Songani, Limbe,

Thondwe, Mkando

Fried Bembeke, Thyolo, Lilongwe, Limbe Lilongwe, Lizulu, Blantyre, (Limbe)

Parboiled NA as matemba is not parboiled Lilongwe, Limbe, Mangochi turnoff

Gender differentiated value chain roles: Who influences the value chain activities the most

among the various actors?

The study found that men and women often fulfill different roles in the value chain and have

differential access to assets and have separate levels of influence in decision making processes.

In both case study communities, men tend to dominate fishing while women contribute labour to

the fishing activities. At Msaka, the fishers’ wives are the ones who are prioritized to buy the

fish for processing and trading. Once the catch is less, and there are other traders who can buy at

a high cost they are given a priority just to sell at a higher cost in this case it is the fishers

influencing the decisions as to who to buy the fish from them. Widowed and or divorced women

are less privileged to access the catch for further processing and trading even though some

operate as brokers. It was learnt that men and women processors/traders spent an equal amount

of time (approximately 8 hours per day) on fish processing and trading. However women’s

responsibility for household duties and childcare has often resulted in much longer workdays for

them. Women instead require support in order to obtain time to continue with their reproductive

work in addition to productive work and hence engage casual labourers and sometimes their

children Apart from fish processing and trading, 56 % of the women and 22 % of the men were

engaged in other economic activities such as selling firewood, food agriculture commodities and

other small groceries to make ends meet.

In terms of women engagement in the fish value chain the figure below depicts where and how

women are involved in the fish value chain for both case study communities.

From the time line of women involvement illustrated in the figure, women play active roles in all

the nodes of the value chain.

Table 5 illustrates the different roles played by men and women in both case study communities

and the power relations between the actors.

Resource

Conservation

-Members in

BVCs and FAs

Production

Gear owner

Fish collecting -Processing and -Trading

Other fishery

related

activities

-Tourism (For

Msaka)

Table 2: Gender roles played by men and women and power relations in fish value chains for both case study

communities

Value chain process Gender roles for both case study communities Power relations

Production: Fishing Both men and women as some women gear owner go

fishing because of the challenges they face with the

crew members

Women use limited number of fishing methods and

fish in shore at Msaka

Women play a role of preparing food for the

husbands who go fishing long distances

Crew members have influence on where to

fish. Sometimes the crew operating women

owned gear decide to go fishing for five

days or for a week without reporting back

to the gear owner and when they come they

give no money a scenario which they call

‘chisabwana’ (without the boss. This they

frequently do to the women owned gear

and not to the men owned gear.

Collection:

Intermediaries/local

brokers

Both men and women are involved as intermediaries

but women are predominant (over 70%) than men

They have a strong position surpassing

some processors and traders. Their power

lies in that they are local and hence are

allowed to broker the trade. In addition

they have bargaining power with fishers to

obtain the fish at relatively reasonable

prices and then sell to processors and

traders with a small mark up. Without them

some processors may not access fish

especially at Kachulu.

Processing: sun drying,

paraboiling, smoking and

brining

Women dominate in all methods of fish processing

sundrying and paraboiling, smoking and brining) of

usipa as well as matemba and usually sell off to male

traders who go to sell to other markets outside the

communities. They also are involved in trading in

upland markets themselves

An increasing number of women receiving

technical support from different projects to

improve processing especially sun drying

using solar dryers and smoking using the

Ivory Coast smoking kiln. They have

power to control who has access to the

solar drying and smoking facilities.

Trading Traders from other markets are predominantly men

Relatively large numbers of women would travel

long distances to trade on the fish.

Men play the intermediary roles of agents buying and

selling fish to national/urban traders

Women are involved in trading including export

Women from male headed households are

allowed by the husbands to travel to inland

markets and even foreign markets to trade

the fish. They are not necessarily

constrained by the reproductive roles of

caring for the home.

They withhold the money as men and

women have different spending patterns.

However they have no direct control on the

proceeds that accrue from the sale. Usage

of the finances is done jointly with the

husbands making the most of the decisions

on how to use the money. Women

economize the money and spend within the

interests of the family while men spend

outside the family unit.

Women in MHH do control decision

making over household spending within a

limited structure of the household

Women from female headed households

have full control on the use of the money

accruing from the sale of fish

Marketing In inland local markets selling is dome by men, Joint decisions in Male Headed Households

women and children and in FHH it is the women who have the

power to make decisions for the family

Perceptions on women participation in value chain activities

Marital status has a bearing on the choice of enterprise and how women participate in the value

chain activities. In Kachulu, there is a widespread belief that divorced, widowed and single

women dominate the intermediary and processing nodes of the VC called macheucheu. This is

attributed to the limited options that they have to support their livelihoods. In addition they have

more liberty compared to married women. Unlike in Msaka where married women dominate the

processing and trading nodes as they get the priority to buy fish from the husbands who are

fishers. The women in Msaka are allowed to trade the fish in upland markets and beyond with

permission from their husbands. The women decide which markets to go to depending on which

markets are offering better prices. The women are allowed to retain the money as household

managers. They have a great responsibility on how to manage the money even though they do

not have the right to personal spending. There is a tendency for sex for fish among the women

processors and traders who are single and even some who are married.

Gender and governance: To what extent are the women involved in the governance of the

value chain?

Analysis of governance involved identification of institutions and actors (including any

groups/associations) which influence actors’ roles through rules, regulations, and traditional

practices.

Membership in associations

This study found that at the production node of the VC there are formal associations called

Beach Village Committees (BVC) and Fisheries Associations (FA). The structures are

formulated with guidance from the Department of Fisheries with the idea of promoting

participatory Fisheries Management. Women representation was rated at 5% overall in such

structures. Women are involved in these committees but mostly as committee members where

they do not have any influence on the decisions made by the BVCs. This is in tandem with

Agrawal (1997) who acknowledged that women’s lower positions often make it difficult for

them to influence key decisions affecting their livelihoods.

At the intermediary node there are self organized groups (informal structures) to coordinate the

activities of the actors. Considering that this node is dominated by women representation in the

groups for women is higher rated at 90%.

Whereas there are limited fish processing associations and no trading associations in both case

study communities. Where they are available, the fish processing associations are facilitated by

the different projects being implemented by different partners. However unequal gender norms

and roles inform the different levels of influence that men and women have in decision making

processes within the structures. The study in both case study communities found that men and

women are responsible for different decisions at both household and communities and within the

value chain activities. The study revealed that it is rare to find women making decisions publicly

especially in the BVCs and FAs. In case of structures such as the BVCs and FAs men often hold

most of the leadership positions due to customary power relations which often favour males.

Regulations and standards

The value chains for usipa and matemba extend beyond the national boundaries. In this regard

several factors are likely to have influence on the export chain with respect to regulatory

environment of the target countries. In assessing governance aspects in relation to standards it

was learnt that fish products from both Kachulu and Msaka beaches are not subjected to quality

control. As processing and drying is done without proper handling facilities. Processors and

traders were of the view that if government had put in place the necessary infrastructure and

standards were enforced they would get more for the fish they process and trade.

Relationships between producers (fishers) and processors as well as traders

Even though there have been attempts to organize the processors in processing cooperatives at

Kachulu beach, marketing of matemba as well as usipa from Msaka is done individually. Women

are allowed to sell in upland/urban markets including cross border markets in both case study

sites. At the upland/urban markets their products are intercepted by upland brokers who sell on

behalf of the traders to upland traders. These brokers are mostly men.

Relationship between producers and other actors

The study identified several actors that are involved in the value chain. Their interventions range

from offering training, research and support in various activities in the value chain. Some of the

actors such as the USAID funded FISH project; University of Malawi through the CultiAf

Project; World Fish Centre through the Lake Chilwa basin project and the Fisheries Research

Division.

What are the factors that hamper women’s participation in decision making processes

regarding fisheries value chain?

An analysis of factors indentified issues that limit and have a negative effect on the participation of

women in the value chain in which there may be scope for improvement. The identified factors include

the following.

Table 3: Factors affecting women participation in value chains and their governance

Factor Description

Environmental Dwindling stocks has negatively affected most of the women gear

owners. Most of those who were interviewed used to operate a minimum

of two to 7 gears but due to the decline in catches some resorted to

selling their gear and only remained with one. This has affected their

livelihood heavily as they only rely on one gear.

One woman Kachulu lamented that “I used to have four zilimira but now

I only have one. I had to sell the other due to inadequate catch. When I

had the four zilimira I once bought a pickup with finances from fishing

which was used to transporting fish to inland markets. With the decline

in catches I sold my gear including the pickup and now I am struggling

with the single gear which I have.”

Social cultural Exploitative trading practices both at the beach and the markets. Women

are sometimes forced to engage in sexual affairs with the fishers to

access the fish. At the markets the local brokers would steal from the

women.

Economic High transport costs characterizing the different market channels

coupled with long distances to markets. Processors/Traders lamented of

high transport costs. They indicated that they would take the most risky

means of transport such as trucks because they only charge the cargo

and not the individual unlike buses which charge the cargo double the

fare of a person

Legal Lack of institutional arrangements in the market places in providing

support to improve markets in terms of storage facilities, hygienic

environment for trading the fish. As such sometimes the local traders

return back to their homes with the fish if they fail to sell.

“we sometimes go back home with the fish after we fail to sell because

of the low prices offered by inland/urban traders coupled with that the

market places do not have proper storage facilities where we can store

our fish for sale next time. This is common when we go to Lilongwe

market since the market for wholesale starts at 4 am and closes at 9 am

(only offers us 5 hours to sell off our fish)” in other markets we sell the

whole day.

Technological Lack of fishing skills due to the perception that the lake is not a safe

place for women; the inability of women to go fishing has rendered

women gear owners lose a lot of income from fish catches from the

crew members. This was the case with women at Kachulu who

expressed dissatisfaction over how the crew treats them sometimes.

“We experience a lot of theft of our finances from the crew who go

fishing and dock in other beaches and by the time they come back say

after 5 days or so they come with no money. They term this

“chisabwana” meaning “without the boss”.

Lack of knowledge and skills in post harvest management: It was

reported that the traders/processors lose much of the catch which the

buy especially during rainy season when it is difficult to process using

almost all methods of processing. As a result their livelihood is affected

negatively.

Discussion

While the preliminary study findings shows a limited number of women involved in leadership

and decision making in various governance structures, it can be acknowledged from the results

that women tend to be relatively integrated in most of the nodes of the studied value chains of

usipa and matemba because participation in such value chains require limited resources like

finances and business skills as acknowledged by Coles and Mitchell (2010). The few women

with financial muscle have integrated in the production node as gear owners and they tend not

have full control of where to catch fish since they engage men as crew to operate their fishing

units. Marketing of the fish extends from nearby markets to local and national markets and

beyond the borders to neighbouring countries.

In the context of governance of the chain, the study findings established that the governance

patterns and interactions are characterized based on spacial proximity, family and ethnic ties as

denoted by Sturgeon et al (2008) whereby the identified auxiliary actor ‘macheucheu’ are

allowed to transact between fishers and processors but also that the fishermen in Msaka would

prioritise their wives for sale of fish in case of shortage of catches. In addition, in line with the

UNCEDAW GR34 on the Rights of Rural women, the intermediary actors play a crucial role to

the local economy by facilitating trade between fishers, processors and traders as well as to the

well being of their families through the marks ups which they make.

The results also indicated that in male headed households, men dominate decision making on the

finances that accrue from the sale of fish. Women decide where to sale the fish of course in

consultation with the men but the men have a final say on what to do with the finances that

accrue from the sales. Women go to upland and urban markets including exporting the fish to

neighbouring countries such as Tanzania, Mozambique and Zambia. Likewise, joint decision

making on how to use proceeds from fish appears to be common in households headed by men,

and fewer women than men control proceeds in such households.

Women are dominant in the processing nodes of the value chain largely because this node

involves preparing the fish for processing including washing, sun drying, smoking and para-

boiling. This is a reflection of cultural stereotypes on gender roles and abilities as the processing

exercise requires keenness and patience to ensure the end product is good enough. The

processing activity also requires less physical energy compared to actual fishing yet it is time

consuming and at the same time low paying. For example in Kachulu those women who are

involved in smoking get K50 per chigoba while those in Msaka get K30/chigoba for processing

the fish. The findings corroborate with Dolan (2001) in which the majority of the women were

found to be concentrated in the lower end of the value chain and performed unskilled manual

labour in high agricultural value chains.

On the other hand the study has revealed that women play a crucial role as local brokers in the

fish value chain at the production level. This activity is an important source of income for

women who are divorced, single or widowed; they earn their living from broking the sale of fish

to traders and processors. Their role is not recognized by the other chain actors as there are no

support services targeted to such actors.

Consequently, the results suggest that interventions geared towards enhancing the participation

of women in the different stages of the usipa and matemba value chains at the household level

will differ for the different categories of women. For instance, women in female headed

households, who are in most cases widowed, automatically assume the role of the household

head and hence have access to and control of productive resources. This particular group of

women can make decisions regarding production, marketing and use of the proceeds on their

own.

At household level women in male headed households as is the case with Msaka, participate in

fish processing and trading. Once the women sell off the fish they report to the husbands and the

husbands have control on how to use the finances. The women may use some of the money for

subsistence related things. The husbands are predominantly fishers and often prioritise their

wives to buy the catch for further processing and trading. This finding is in tandem with the

finding by Dey (1992) who denoted that such women generally have the right to dispose of the

product but in practice are constrained to suing the income that accrues to meet their

responsibilities for certain expenditures.

Implications for Policy Interventions

This study raises some important issues and should act as a stepping stone towards policy

interventions. The proposed way forward is as follows: There is need to collect statistical

information about the number of processors/traders by sex based on each beach and establish

which species they process and trade. There is need to establish fish processing/trading

organizations as an entry point for capacity building but also as a forum to gather information on

fish processors/traders’ needs, problems, and interests. These types of organizations could be

facilitated and promoted by the Government through the Department of Fisheries and work as a

platform for men and women to discuss common or different issues related to fish processing

and trade, and share knowledge and ideas while empowering women. In line with the CEDAW

GR 34 there is need to create an enabling environment to ensure the economic and social

independence of the intermediaries through programmes aimed at improving the conditions of

the local brokers who are currently not targeted with any interventions.

Conclusion

The primary goal of this paper was to provide a synopsis of how women are involved in the

various fish value chain activities for usipa and matemba and the governance of the chains in the

fisheries sector in Malawi. An examination of the value chain characteristics from Lakes Chilwa

and Malawi was conducted. The study has brought out insights on the roles of men and women

and other stakeholders of the value chain. The study results indicate that the value chain is highly

gendered with formal and informal rules and institutions affecting people’s positions within the

value chain, supplemented by distinctive structural and individual constraints and opportunities

for men and women. There are gender differentiated patterns of decision making. There are

significant differences in the participation of men and women in the value chain activities and

the governance of the chains. Other decisions are made by men others by women while others

are done jointly. It should also be acknowledged that participation in the chain activities is not

purely based on individual choice but also the socio-cultural context plays a significant role. For

example at Msaka most women participate as processors because they are wives to fishers and

the fishers prioritise their wives. In addition there is gender differentiated access to assets

especially fishing gear as more men have the capabilities to own gear compared to women

because these assets are capital intense. This has implications on the distribution of benefits and

ultimately the competitiveness of the value chain.

Areas for further research

Research is required to fully understand the underlying incentives influencing the intermediaries

as key value chain actors/participants. Research is also required to establish the roles played by

women in various positions of the structures especially key decision making positions.

Acknowledgments

This research was made possible through the financial support provided by the World Fish

Centre Lusaka Zambia through the Fish Trade Programme. The authors also extend thanks to all

respondents for participating in this study, as well as all the frontline staff for field work

logistical assistance.

Biographies

Chikondi Lydia Manyungwa is a doctoral candidate at the Department of Poverty Land and

Agrarian Studies at the University of the Western Cape, South Africa. Her research focuses on

gender dimensions in fish value chain governance. The research is centered on Malawi, and

mainly deals with small-scale fisheries.

Mafaniso Hara (PhD) is a Deputy Director and Professor at the Department of Poverty Land and

Agrarian Studies (PLAAS) at the University of the Western Cape, South Africa, and collaborates

with the Fish Trade Programme Lusaka Zambia. His research focuses on governance of fisheries

resources. His main interests are to understand institutional bricolage.

Contributor Information

Chikondi Manyungwa, Email: cpasani@gmail.com.

Mafaniso Hara, Email: mhara@plaasorg.za .

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