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AN ASSESSMENT OF THE SOCIALCONDITIONS OF THE FULANI AND THE
INFLUENCES ON TERRORISM IN NIGERIA.
BY
ADU KAKRA POKU-DANKWA(10386033).
THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED TO THELEGON CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND
DIPLOMACY (LECIAD), UNIVERSITYOF GHANA, IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF
THE MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE ININTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS.
LEGON DECEMBER, 2020.
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DECLARATION
I, ADU KAKRA POKU-DANKWA, do hereby declare that this dissertation is the end product
of my own research under the supervision of Dr. Emmanuel Ken Ahorsu of the Legon Center of
International Affairs and Diplomacy (LECIAD), at the University of Ghana towards the award of
an Master of Arts (MA) in International Affairs, and that, to the best of my knowledge, it neither
contains materials previously published by another person nor materials which have been
accepted for the award of any other degree by this or any other university except where due
acknowledgement has been made in the text.
…………………………………………. ……………………………………ADU KAKRA POKU-DANKWA DR. EMMANUEL KEN AHORSU
(STUDENT) (SUPERVISOR)
DATE: ……1
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DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to the Almighty God for his grace and his mercies and to my family, for
their support and prayers throughout this entire process. Finally, to my friends and colleagues
whose support and efforts made this work a success, this is for all of us.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to express my sincere gratitude to the Almighty God whose grace and mercies protected
me throughout my entire studies.
My supervisor Dr. Emmanuel Ken Ahorsu deserves a huge place in this for his continuous
patience, diligence, critical scrutiny and purposeful guidance from start to finish. I could not have
done this without you, Doc.
I also appreciate the efforts, encouragement and support of the following people in contributing
to the success of this study: Maame Boatema, Safoa and my twin Panyin.
To all my colleagues and friends of the 2019/2020 badge, I am very happy to have been part of
this great family, God’s favour, blessings and grace to you all.
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ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
USA United States of America
AQLIM or AQIM Al-Qa-ida in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb
NGOs Non-governmental organizations
PFLP Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
GAFCSC Ghana Armed Forces Command and Staff College
KAIPTC Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center
COVID-19 CoronaVirus Disease 2019
MNLA National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad
ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States
AU African Union
GDP Gross Domestic Product
ISIS Islamic State of Iraq and Syria
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION i
DEDICATION ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS v
ABSTRACT ix
CHAPTER ONE 10
INTRODUCTION 10
1.1 Background to the Study 10
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem 13
1.3 Research Questions 15
1.4 Research Objectives 15
1.5 Scope of the Study 16
1.6 Rationale of Study 16
1.7 Hypothesis 17
1.8 Theoretical Framework 17
1.9 Literature Review 22
1.9.1 Brief History of terrorism 22
1.9.2 Major Causes of Boko Haram Terrorist Activities in Nigeria in West Africa 24
1.9.3 The Fulani tribes in West Africa, with much focus on Nigeria 26
1.10 Sources of Data and Methodology 28
1.10.1 Sources of Data 28
1.10.2 Research Methodology 29
1.11 Limitations of the Study 33
1.12 Arrangement of Chapters 34
REFERENCES 35
CHAPTER TWO 39
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OVERVIEW OF TERRORISM AND THE FULANI TRIBES IN WEST AFRICA, WITH FOCUS ONNIGERIA. 39
2.1 Introduction 39
2.2 Terrorism in Africa 39
2.2 Terrorism in West Africa 40
2.3 Terrorism in Nigeria 45
2.4 Major Causes of Boko Haram Terrorist Activities in Nigeria in West Africa 46
2.5 Pastoralism and Terrorism in Africa 47
2.6 Fulani Tribes in West Africa 50
2.7 Fulani Tribes in Nigeria 52
2.8 Conclusion 53
REFERENCES 54
CHAPTER THREE 57
ANALYSIS OF THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF THE FULANI HERDSMEN IN THE PROMOTIONOF TERRORISM IN NIGERIA. 57
3.1 Introduction 57
3.2 The contemporary Status-quo of Terrorism in Nigeria 57
3.3 The Socio-Economic Factors which make the Fulani Herdsmen Easily Susceptible toRecruitment by Terrorist Groups Such as Boko Haram60
3.3.1 Social Stereotypes, Marginalization, Stigmatization and Discrimination 61
3.3.2 Harsh Environmental Conditions Coupled with Drought 62
3.3.3 Increasing Population Growth with its Attendant Struggle for Scarce Land and Water Resources................................................................................................................................................................63
3.3.4 Unfavourable Land Tenure Systems 64
3.3.5 The implementation of the ECOWAS Protocol of Free Movement of People and threats ofTransnational Organized Crimes65
3.3.6 Unfavourable Political Terrain 66
3.3.7 Extreme Poverty and Economic Hardships 67
3.4 The Security Implications of the Terrorist Activities by the Fulani Herdsmen on the NationalDevelopment of Nigeria69
3.4.1 Proliferation of small arms and other light weapons 69
3.4.2 High Tendency for Extremism and Escalation of Violence in various parts of Nigeria 70
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3.4.3 Worsening Already Existing Terrorist Situation by Boko Haram 71
3.4.4 Increase in Crime rates and other social vices in various parts of Nigeria 72
3.4.5 Poor Global Image in dealing with Fulani terrorist situation in Nigeria 73
3.4.6 High Government Security Expenditure in Tackling the Fulani Terrorist Situation in Nigeria 74
3.5 The Socio-economic Implications of the Terrorist Activities by the Fulani Herdsmen on theNational Development of Nigeria75
3.5.1 Disruption in Agricultural, Health Care Delivery and Educational Activities 75
3.5.2 Increasing Political Tension and Threat to Social Cohesion 76
3.5.3 Disruptions in Major Economic and Major Business Activities 77
3.5.4 Disruptions in Religious and other Cultural Activities 78
3.5.5 Perpetual Fear and Panic 79
3.6 The Challenges Confronting the Effective Tackling of Terrorism by the Fulani Herdsmen inNigeria80
3.6.1 Financial Challenges 80
3.6.2 Personnel Constraints 81
3.6.3 Misunderstanding and Poor Cooperation between Fulani Herdsmen and Farmers 82
3.6.4 High Incidence of Bribery and Corruption 83
3.6.5 Difficulty in obtaining reliable Intelligence 83
3.6.6 Insufficient Job Opportunities, coupled with Economic Hardship in Nigeria 84
3.6.7 Institutional Deficiencies and Inefficiencies 85
3.7 Conclusion 86
REFERENCES 89
CHAPTER FOUR 93
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS 93
4.1 Introduction 93
4.2 Summary of Major Research Findings 94
4.2.1 Findings on the contemporary status quo of terrorism in Nigeria 94
4.2.2 Findings on the socio economic factors which make the Fulani herdsmen easily susceptible torecruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram96
4.2.3 Findings on the security and socio-economic implications of the terrorist activities by theFulani herdsmen on the national development of Nigeria96
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4.2.4 Findings on the challenges confronting the effective tackling of terrorism by the Fulaniherdsmen in Nigeria97
4.3 Contribution of the Study to Theory/Academia, Policy Making and Practice 98
4.3.1 Contribution to Theory/Academia 98
4.3.2 Implications for Research, Practice and Policy 99
4.4 Conclusions 100
4.5 Recommendations 102
REFERENCES 105
BIBLIOGRAPHY 106
APPENDIX I 118
INTERVIEW GUIDE 118
APPENDIX II 119
KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS 119
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ABSTRACT
The last decade has witnessed increasing recruitment of some Fulani herdsmen into the BokoHaram terrorist group, which has dire implications for Nigeria’s security and development.Towards this end, this particularly study was primarily concerned with exploring the socialconditions of the Fulani’s in the promotion of terrorism in Nigeria. The study employedexploratory and descriptive qualitative research approaches which relied on primary data sources(i.e. unstructured interviews) and secondary data sources (through literature review from books,journals articles, working papers, and online internet sites) for data analyses. Major findings ofthe study reveals that, the contemporary status quo of terrorism in Nigeria (i.e. in the last decade)has been characterized by the proliferation of terrorist or radical attacks (particularly in northernNigeria), by the Boko Haram terrorist group. With reference to the dynamics of contemporaryterrorism in Nigeria, the study reveals that there has been increasing recruitment of Fulaniherdsmen and school girls as members of the Boko Haram terrorist organization, particularly inthe north eastern part of Nigeria in contemporary times. Consequently, the study reveals thatthere are several socio-economic factors which have made the Fulani easily susceptible torecruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria. These factors includestereotypes, marginalization, stigmatization and discrimination. Subsequently, the study showsthe main security implications of terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria. These acts includethe proliferation of small arms and other light weapons, high tendency for extremism andescalation of violence in Nigeria (worsening the already existing terrorist situation by BokoHaram) and the increase in crime rates and other social vices. The socio-economic implicationsinclude disruption in agricultural, health care delivery and educational activities, increasingpolitical tension and threat to social cohesion, disruptions in major economic and other businessactivities, disruptions in religious and other cultural activities and perpetual fear and panic whichhave direct bearing on citizens or individuals rather than the state. The study also shows thatthere are some major challenges which confronts the Nigerian Government in effectivelytackling of terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria. These challenges include financialchallenges, personnel constraints, misunderstanding and poor cooperation between Fulaniherdsmen and farmers, high incidence of bribery and corruption, difficulty in obtaining reliableintelligence, insufficient job opportunities, coupled with economic hardship in Nigeria andinstitutional inefficiencies and deficiencies. Towards this end, the study concludes that thesocial-economic challenges of the Fulani herdsmen contribute significantly to the promotion ofterrorism in Nigeria, and the entire West African sub- region. The study finally recommends thatthe Nigerian Government should ensure that its state security institutions and personnel forengaging in counter terrorist operations (particularly towards Boko Haram and some violentFulani herdsmen), across the country should be adequately financed, well-resourced andequipped since it is a major challenge faced by the institutions in providing quality servicedelivery.
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTIO
N
1.1 Background to the Study
Terrorism has become a daunting security threat for states to address in the international system.
Fortna (2015) defines terrorism in its broadest sense as the purposeful utilization of unpredictable
means of violence to instigate fear or terror towards achieving a religious, ideological and
political aim. Terrorism is not a new phenomenon; earlier cases of terrorism predate the World
War years. However, it received much global attention after the September 11 attacks in the US.
The September 11 attacks were a series of four coordinated terrorist attacks by Islamic terrorist
group al- Qaeda in the United States of America (USA) on Tuesday morning, September 11,
2001 (Bruckner, et al., 2010). The attacks wiped-out 2,996 individuals, harmed more than 6,000
others and destroyed approximately $10 billion in property and costs totaling $3 trillion
(Bruckner, et al., 2010).
Subsequently, there have been increasing worries in the contemporary international system
among researchers in academia, governments, diplomats, policy makers, security experts and
international organizations such as the UN concerning the National Security and Human Security
threats and issues posed by terrorist activities. This is because of the expanding marvels of
terrorism being seen across the globe, with much of the damage being felt in the Middle East
(especially Egypt, Libya, Syria and Morocco) and Africa (especially Kenya, Mali, Burkina Faso
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and Nigeria). These
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worries additionally emerge because of the obligations of Governments and global Governance
systems and structures to guarantee global peace and security of nations just as the citizens are
guaranteed safety; which is a definitive objective and goal of Human security.
The negative effects of terrorism are beginning to be felt across the globe in contemporary
international systems, especially in war or conflict stricken countries, particularly in the Middle
East and Africa (Duffield, 2014). Scholarly study indicates that terrorism has become one of the
major cause of the high mortalities across the globe, particularly in the Middle East and Africa
(Lankford & Hakim, 2011). Terrorism in most parts of Africa and for that matter, West Africa is
becoming very challenging to the human security on the continent. This is evident in the
continuous human security crises that have arisen as a result of constant or regular attacks which
disrupt all aspects of human relations, including social gatherings, economic, as well as
agricultural activities (Bolaji, 2010).
In Nigeria, the Boko Haram insurgency has become the main focus of terrorist activities in the
country. The insurgent group has been named a terrorist group and has carried out several attacks
in north-eastern Nigeria since 2009. This has posed an extraordinary test to the National Security
and the national development of Nigeria, especially in the north-eastern part of the nation, and to
a large extent the whole West African sub-region. More so, the Human security of the occupants
in the region has likewise experienced grave dangers because of the activities of these terrorist
groups, since most of their attacks are unpredictable. Boko Haram is considered the seventh
richest terrorist group on the American terrorist list (American Foreign Policy Council, 2013). It
gets its funding through ransoms from kidnappings, thefts, gifts, blackmail and financing through
its system of partnerships with other terrorist groups or associations, for example, the Islamic
State (ISIS) (American Foreign Policy Council, 2013). Apparently Boko Haram gets financing
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and
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backing from Al-Qa-ida in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb (AQLIM or AQIM), (American
Foreign Policy Council, 2013).
Boko Haram was established in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf and was based around Maiduguri,
the north-eastern province of Borno which is largely populated by Muslims (Oniwide, 2014).
Boko Haram was initially named as the Nigerian Taliban on account of its philosophy and
techniques (Oniwide, 2014). Boko Haram as deciphered in the Hausa language signifies
“Prohibition to Western Culture.” In established truth, Boko signifies “counterfeit” yet it
currently connotes “western training and culture” while Haram signifies “illegal”(Okemi, 2013).
The group therefore hopes to abrogate and abolish Western democracy and adhere to the
principles of “Sharia Law” (Okemi, 2013). This move by the Boko Haram group has generated
tension between the group and the Nigerian state security apparatuses which has led to loss of
lives and properties since 2009 to date.
The Fulani tribes, considered as one of the most populous ethnic groups in West Africa, are
found in more than twenty nations in Africa extending from Senegal to Chad in the east of the
continent (Shinkafi et al, 2015). Most Jihadist terrorists in West Africa are believed to be
recruited from the Fulani clans in the northern sections of sates in the region (Aduloju et al,
2014). The historical background of the Fulani tribes is grounded in the wave of radicalization to
gain access to territories through their religious philosophies (Aduloju et al, 2014). The Fulani
groups featured significantly in the assumed Holy War or Revolution under Usman dan Fodio
(1804-1815), who vanquished portions of the Middle Belt and unified them into another Muslim
state, the Sokoto caliphate, that went on until 1903 (Umaru, 2013). In recent times, the Fulani
have again become progressively radical because of the flood of fanatic Islamic promulgation
particularly, from the
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Middle East (LeVan, 2019). Their assaults in West Africa can be viewed as a continuation of the
Jihad agenda for an Islamic state, particularly, in Nigeria (LeVan, 2019).
The Fulani tribes frequently utilize aggression or violence to gain access to new territories, all in
the name of the expansionist guideline of Dar al Islam (Place of Islam), which discloses that
everything legitimately belongs to Allah and his Fellowers, including the land where the Fulani
need to allow their dairy cattle to munch (Nnorom, 2018). They trust it is directly for them to
take those assets forcibly from unbelievers or people who do not subscribe to the tenets of Islam
(Nnorom, 2018).
The principal occupation of the Fulani tribes is cattle rearing which induces them to travel
several distances to enable their herd graze on greener pastures. Known to be migrating from one
place to the other, it is extremely difficult to monitor them and it is hard for states to account for
their exact or precise population and activities (Nnorom, 2018). Therefore, most of the Fulani
tribe resort to radicalism and violence to gain access to territories for grazing, since they feel they
are not part of the priority or concerns of state governments. These developments necessitate a
critical examination of social conditions of the Fulani’s in Nigeria, especially with reference to
their entrenchment and intransigence, which have the propensity of fanning the embers of
terrorism in the country.
1.2 `Statement of the Research Problem
The Nigerian government has tried to discover or explore lasting strategies of terrorist risks
prevention and management, and peace and security promotion amidst myriad of other crises.
However, the discourse or scholarly debates, as well as intervention efforts on addressing
terrorism in Nigeria is mostly centered on the susceptibility of marginalized groups in
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Nigeria (particularly in the north) being easily recruited to join the Boko Haram terrorist group.
However, over the years, security experts and scholars have paid little attention to the socio-
economic problems that cause members of the Fulani tribes to be more prone to Jihadist and
terrorist groups recruitment.
The above reasons call for this particular study to explore the social problems of the Fulani tribes
in Nigeria and give better understanding as to why they easily succumb to radicalism and
recruitment by Jihads or terrorist groups. The study also seeks to explain how social engagement
can be key in tackling terrorism in Nigeria. This study, hence, seeks to probe how best policies or
social programmes can be setup to best suit the Fulani and help instill the spirit of belonging into
them, seeking to tackle terrorism from its core root.
The Fulanis are major stakeholders who significantly contribute to the terrorist situation in West
Africa. They are known to be nomads and hence migrate from one region to another, this makes
it extremely difficult for states to account for them and even monitor their activities. The source
of the Fulani tribes fueling conflict crises in West Africa, including Nigeria, arises due to
different reasons with the severest being ideological/religious conflict (Clash of Civilization, i.e.
the desire for Caliphate system against democracy) and climate change coupled with land use,
with reference to competing for scarce vegetation resource use, which induces them to forcefully
possess greener territories for grazing (Furini, 2019). The major challenge arises due to the
inability of the Fulani
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tribes to effectively adapt or adjust to the effects of climate change to be able to accommodate
the age-old Fulani transhumance practices, amidst growing populations and social change in
modern societies.
1.3 Research Questions
1. What is the contemporary status quo of terrorism in Nigeria?
2. What are the socio economic factors which make the Fulani herdsmen easily susceptible
to recruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram?
3. What are the security and socio-economic implications of the terrorist activities by the
Fulani herdsmen on the national development of Nigeria?
4. What are the challenges confronting the effective tackling of terrorism involving Fulani
in Nigeria?
1.4 Research Objectives
1. To investigate the contemporary status quo of terrorism in Nigeria.
2. To explore the socio economic factors which make the Fulani herdsmen easily
susceptible to recruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram.
3. To explore the security and socio-economic implications of terrorism by the Fulani
herdsmen on the national development of Nigeria.
4. To investigate the challenges confronting the effective tackling of terrorism by the Fulani
in Nigeria.
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1.5 Scope of the Study
Notwithstanding the array of terrorist phenomena observed on the African continent and in West
Africa in particular, this particular study focuses entirely on the social conditions which has led
to the prominent rise of the Fulani in terrorist activities in Nigeria (especially northern Nigeria)
within the last decade and the implications for security and socio-economic development of
Nigeria. The study would also seek to provide a clear understanding of the activities of the Fulani
and how the Nigerian government can regulate these activities. The entry date of this study
would be from 2010 and the terminal date for this would be in 2020.
1.6 Rationale of Study
The current challenges of terrorism in Nigeria due to Jihadist recruitment are beginning to have a
rippling effect on the entire West African sub-region as it affects security, safety, economic
activities and other macro-economic variables. It is therefore necessary for all stakeholders
including the Government of Nigeria, public and private organizations, non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) and other international bodies to pay special attention to policies that
regulate and effectively address the terrorist situation in Nigeria and the entire West African
region. These policies can only work effectively when there is adequate information and
knowledge to streamline the activities of policy makers.
Conducting studies of this kind therefore helps to inform and draw the attention of policy makers
on the need to address all challenges of marginalized groups in Nigeria, especially as they pertain
to the Fulani tribes, as well as to give recommendations on how such cases could be handled. In
addition, the current study will lay a path to other researchers who wish to develop the topic
further. It will also serve as a source of knowledge and reference material to students and anyone
who
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wants to know more about addressing terrorism in Nigeria, with specific focus on the socio-
economic challenges of the Fulani tribes, who have also significantly contributed to the menace
in the sub-region. This can guide the government or policy makers in future decisions to
maintain or amend the implementation of strategies that effectively tackle terrorism in Nigeria
and the entire West African region.
The benefit of this study is also to contribute to knowledge in the field of International Relations
by analyzing the social conditions of the Fulani tribes in the promotion of terrorism in Nigeria. In
this vein, it seeks to make recommendations which students, policy makers, integration blocs,
international organizations and states could rely on for future researches on the topic to make
interventions in case of future challenges of terrorism in Nigeria and elsewhere in West Africa
sub-region or the African continent as a whole.
1.7 Hypothesis
The social-economic challenges of the Fulani herdsmen contribute significantly to the promotion
of terrorism in Nigeria, and the entire West African sub-region.
1.8 Theoretical Framework
Several theories and concepts can be used to describe, explain and understand the phenomenon
of terrorism in West Africa, with specific reference to Nigeria. However, this particular study
utilizes the Social Constructivism theory for its analysis. The idea of Constructivism was
pioneered by Thomas Luckmann and Peter L. Berger in their book, The Social Construction of
Reality (Berger, & Luckmann, 1991). Social Constructivism initially developed as a theory in
Sociology but has now gained widespread usage in the study of International Relations. The
theory explains how broad social philosophical constructions are related to everyday life
activities. Thus, the theory
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emphasizes how the subjective interpretations or meanings attached to thoughts, words, symbols
and actions influences human behavior and social lives in different social contexts.
In the field of international relations, Constructivism is the assertion that important aspects of
international relations are socially and historically constructed, instead of unavoidable
consequences of human nature or other significant aspects of world politics (Adler, 2013).
Nevertheless, reference is usually ascribed to Alexander Wendt’s famous study on Anarchy Is
What States Make of It when considering Social Constructivism as a theory in International
Relations (Wendt, 1992). As a theory in International Relations, Social Constructivism stresses
on how different cultures may engender subjective interpretations or meanings of states or
stakeholders’ behaviour in a region due to the social orientation of the states or stakeholders.
This is often utilized when analyzing anarchy in the international system.
Social Constructivism contradicts Materialism by opining that the structures of human
interactions and association are largely cultural instead of material. The theory likewise
challenges Rationalism by positing that, the structures of human associations and interactions do
not only exist to manage or control human behaviour but also leads to identity formation among
people or groups which sometimes induces opposing or conflicting interests; and subsequently
result in tensions and conflict situations (Wendt, 1999).
As indicated by Wendt, Constructivism is a structural theory of the international system that
makes the following core claims (Wendt, 1994):
a) States are the central actors of analysis for international political theory;
b) The key social structures in the state system are inter-subjective rather than material; and
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c) State interests and identities are significantly constructed by social structures instead of
exogenously ascribing them to human nature (as perceived by scholars of Neo-realism)
The theory of Social Constructivism places emphasis on the role of identity in influencing
interpersonal and international relations. Wendt clarifies how identity formation brings about
motivations for people’s actions and decisions based on the subjective understanding of how they
feel others perceive them (Wendt, 1994). According to Wendt’s comprehension of the concept of
identity, he recognizes three main types of identities, which instigate and generate different social
interests among groups and people. These include; Personal Identity, Role Identity and Collective
Identity (Wendt, 1994).
According to Wendt, Personal connotes a sense of “I”, “We” or “Ourselves” against “Them.”
Wendt explains that this type of identity formation leads to a self-recognition which distinguishes
a group or person from others in the society (Ibid). Role Identity as explained by Wendt arises
due to the positions people occupy in the social structure which demands certain behavioral
norms to be observed when relating to such people in their discharge of their duties or roles
(Ibid). In other words, such identity formation emerges when people have shared norms and
values which are depicted through repetitive practices. Wendt also explained Collective Identity
as the blend of Personal and Role Identities whereby people or a group considers the wellbeing
of others as part of their Selves, and thus act benevolently or selflessly (Ibid). Wendt recognizes
the relationship between interests and identities of a group of people or a person. Whilst identity
refers to “who actors are”, interest connotes “what actors want”. Wendt therefore asserts that an
actor will recognize their identity better based on their interests. Wendt also reveals two main
types of interests based on identity formation. These are Objective and Subjective interests.
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Wendt alludes to Objective interests as functional imperatives or needs which, when satisfied by
actors, significantly instigate the formation of the three main identities explained; i.e. Personal,
Role and Collective identities. Subjective interests are convictions that actors really have about
how to actualize their identity needs, which largely influences motivation for behavior, and this
what Rationalists allude to as tastes or preferences.
Wendt, therefore, infers that individual and State behaviour are largely influenced and motivated
by varying interests, based on various identities. He established that subjective interests are
sought after to accomplish certain objective interests, and therefore, the tenacious hesitance to
meet subjective interests could result in the demise or destruction of the actor. Actors are,
therefore, usually aggressive in pursuing their subjective interests just to fulfil their objective
interests. This occasionally leads to tensions and conflicts between different identities of people
or groups based on varying interests.
Social Constructivism like any other theory in International Relations is without criticisms. The
major Pundit to the theory is Kenneth Waltz, who is a Neo-Realist.
In his study, Man, the State, and War, Waltz contends that the structure of the international
system induces states to behave the way they do and not according to identity formations and
varying interests (Waltz, 2001). According to Waltz, the international system is anarchical. This
is due to the fact that the international system has no central authority to govern or regulate
states’ behavior, which critically makes states to become reliant on their own capabilities.
Consequently, the international system can be described as a self-help system (Waltz, 2001). In
view of this, Waltz explains that anarchy in the international system is a material phenomenon
and state and
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individuals’ interests emerge from security concerns and material capabilities. Therefore, States,
groups or individuals behave the way they do not because desire to pursue national interests due
to the recognition of their identities, rather due to the anarchical structure of the international
system which induces states, individuals and groups to become self-helped in the absence of a
global central government (Waltz, 2001).
However, Wendt debunks or refutes the above assertion by explaining that,
Self-help and power politics do not follow either logically or causally from anarchy and thatif today we find ourselves in a self-help world, this is due to process, not structure. There isno ‘logic’ of anarchy apart from the practices that create and instantiate one structure ofidentities and interests rather than another; structure has no existence or causal powers apartfrom process. Self-help and power politics are institutions, not essential features of anarchy.Anarchy is what states make of it (Wendt, 1992).
Notwithstanding the criticisms leveled by Waltz against Social Constructivism as a theory in
International Relations, I still consider the theory an ideal framework for this study. This is
because it helps to better explain how the socially constructed relations between the Fulani
herdsmen and other citizens (such as local farmers, Nigerian security forces and the Nigerian
Government), rather than the structure of the international system, have contributed largely to the
Fulani recruitment into terrorist groups such as Boko Haram with its dire security and
socio-economic implication on the national development of Nigeria. In other words, the theory
helps to explain how the identities created by the Fulani’s in Nigeria have greatly influenced their
interests to gain much recognition and forcibly possess and control some greener pastures in the
country. This situation has resulted in tensions between the Fulanis and other civilians, as well as
the Fulani’s and the Nigerian state security apparatuses, due to their desire to forcibly pursue
their interests of possessing vast vegetation lands for grazing, which conflicts with the interests
of other civilians or the laws of the Nigerian state.
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1.9 Literature Review
This section comprises the review of related literature on the topic under study. Some scholarly
works have been done on terrorism such as (Forest, 2012; Martin, 2012), among others. Limited
review of literature exists on analysis of the social conditions of the Fulani’s in the promotion of
terrorism in West Africa, with particular reference to the activities of the Boko Haram insurgent
group in Nigeria since 2009. It is in this vein that prior research, albeit limited, will be reviewed
using Content Analysis techniques to indicate how they contributed to understanding the topic
under study. Gaps in the literature, if any, shall be highlighted relative to any links to how this
study attempts to fill the same. The literature review section has been categorized into three (3)
main sub-sections. These include the brief history of terrorism, major causes of Boko Haram
terrorist activities in Nigeria in West Africa and the activities of the Fulani tribes in West Africa,
with much focus on Nigeria.
1.9.1 Brief History of terrorism
Terrorism is not a current security issue or threat in the international system. Saunders (2014)
however claims that the earliest grave manifestation of terrorist acts was witnessed in the
international system during the period of French Revolution and the Russian revolutions from
1878 to 1881. Following this, terrorism has been utilized as a strategy of altering that nature of
socio-political and socio-economic systems as witnessed in Italy, Spain and France and some
extreme nationalist groups such as Armenia, Ireland, Morocco, and Macedonia in the 20th
Century (Saunders, 2014).
Prior to World War I, terrorism was profound between 1923 and 1939 in states such as India,
Turkey, Romania and Poland (Downes, 2011). Likewise, during the World War II, terrorism was
used as a strategy in states such as Italy and German to repress and suppress civilians and the
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government (Whittaker, 2012). During this era, urban terrorism was later replaced by rivalry
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guerrilla groups in states such as China, Vietnam and some Latin American countries (Whittaker,
2012).
However, between 1960 and 1970, terrorism in the international system experienced a paradigm
shift to Middle East especially due to Israel’s occupation of Arab lands and the Americas
(Ehteshami & Elik, 2011). In 1968, there was a hijacking of an EL AL plane to Rome by the
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), (Brandt & Sandler, 2009). This was
subsequently followed by the hostage and torture of the athletes of the Israeli 1972 Olympic
Team in Munich by Palestinian terrorists (Reeve, 2011). This was referred to as “The Munich
massacre,” which was an attack during the 1972 Summer Olympics in Munich, basically on
Israeli athletes. This attack was aimed at achieving recognition for an independent Palestine state
and a safe homeland for the Arab Palestinians (Reeve, 2011). In addition, the September 11,
2001 terrorist attack against the US, led by Osama bin Laden was seen as a new phase of
trans-terrorism in the international system, since it’s the strategies and mode of operation,
including civilian casualties and fatalities were unprecedented (Neria et al., 2011).
The above scholarly works in this section also help in better understanding of the topic under
study by revealing and throwing more insights into some historic incidences of terrorism which
had great impacts in the international system. However, they all have a common gap by not
focusing on the nature and scope of terrorism as it pertains to the West African sub-region with
regards to the social factors which has made the Fulani groups susceptible to recruitment by the
Boko Haram terrorist group in Nigeria and how to tackle the situation. This lacuna in the above
literature is what this study seeks to fill by utilizing the Social Constructivism theory to explore
the social conditions of the Fulani’s in the promotion of terrorism in Nigeria.
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1.9.2 Major Causes of Boko Haram Terrorist Activities in Nigeria in West Africa
Luke el al. (2014), identified poverty as one of the major factors for terrorism in West Africa,
with special reference to the Boko Haram insurgency in the sub-region. A study conducted by
Professor Charles Soludo, reveals poverty level disparities between the north and south. Thus,
70% of the people living in the north live below $1 per day, which is equivalent to N129 per day,
(Luke el al, 2014). This is explained by Luke et al (2014), as the main factor instigating
frustration which foment the violent acts from the Boko Haram insurgent groups.
Closely related to the above, Aregbesola (2012), explained that economic deprivation in West
Africa, particularly, northern Nigeria is one of the main factors that has instigated terrorist acts
from the Boko Haram group. According to him, the socio-economic crisis in northern Nigeria
has led to a marginalization of the north and as such there is high unemployment and
disempowerment of women. This to Aregbesola (2012), is a clear indication of dysfunctional
state system and unequal distribution of state resources. The economic disempowerment of the
women implies that the adult males have to sustain the economic status quo of the region.
However, with non-existence of economic opportunities to make ends meet, the aggressive Boko
Haram group resorts to violence as a way of pressing home their demands and seeking for a
change of the current status- quo (Aregbesola, 2012).
Terrorism in West Africa with special reference to the activities of the Boko Haram insurgency is
also explained from political perspective. In this regard, the Boko Haram phenomenon is traced
from the historical political settings of Nigeria. Firstly, the Boko Haram group which is an
Islamic sect group wishes to dissociate itself from the central government administration system
which they consider non-Islamic and Westernized in nature (Okoli & Iortyer, 2014). Secondly,
the Boko Haram group believes there is unfair political representation between the north and
south in central
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government positions since time immemorial Okoli & Iortyer, 2014). This to the sect group has
significantly contributed largely to alienation and deprivation in the region, in terms of
development (Okoli & Iortyer, 2014). They therefore resort to violent acts as a way of pressing
home their demands and desire to change the status quo to have a different political environment
in northern Nigeria which will be administered under the Sharia Law, considered ideal to the sect
group.
Okereke (2011) supports the assertion by Okoli & Iortyer (2014) by explaining that the
discrepancies in interest and values give rise to identity perception of some groups, which
consequently serve as a source of conflict and terrorism in West Africa. Okereke (2011)
emphasizes the ‘We’ against ‘Them’ dichotomy. This identity formation or perception have high
tendency of attracting negative stereotypes, discrimination, racial and ethnic intolerance and
other forms of abuses (Okereke, 2011). This is because such feelings may result in the
development of either inferiority or superiority complex, which could always instigate violent
acts. As noted by Okereke (2011), members of the Boko Haram insurgent group were usually
perceived as terrorists or vandals with retarded minds. This situation angered members of the
sect who saw themselves as being verbally abused and discriminated against.
The above scholarly works in this section also help in better understanding of the topic under
study by revealing and throwing more insights into some causal explanations for terrorism in
West Africa. However, they did not concentrate on the nature and scope of terrorism as it pertains
to the West African sub-region with regards to the social factors which has made the Fulani
groups susceptible to recruitment by the Boko Haram terrorist group in Nigeria and how to tackle
the situation. This gap in the above studies is what this study seeks to fill by utilizing the Social
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Constructivism theory to explore the social conditions of the Fulani’s in the promotion of
terrorism in Nigeria.
1.9.3 The Fulani tribes in West Africa, with much focus on Nigeria
In his study, No Retreat No Surrender: Conflict for survival between Fulani pastoralists and
farmers in northern Nigeria, Abbass (2012), explained that Fulani in West Africa, including
Nigeria, perceive Pastoralism as a means essential to their fundamental survival and existence.
He pointed out that violent conflicts therefore become inevitable for the Fulani tribes in West
Africa, including Nigeria when there is an encroaching or unavailability of grazing lands to rear
their cattle. He established that the inevitability to wage war for grazing lands left them with no
option to neither retreat nor surrender.
Abbass (2012), asserts that Northern Nigeria is already lagging in development in comparison to
the South. However, he uncovered that the major cause of the violent acts by the Fulani tribes
against other farmers or civilians in Northern Nigeria is predominantly economic in nature,
although other political, social, cultural or religious factors may also contribute to the situation.
Being one of the largest ethnic groups in West Africa, Abbass (2012), concluded that the
unavailability of ecological, social and economic factors to encourage and support Pastoralism
by the Fulani tribes, serve as the potential causes or sources for conflicts in the West African sub-
region.
Bello (2013), in his work, Herdsmen and Farmers Conflicts in North-Eastern Nigeria: Causes,
Repercussions and Resolutions, revealed that the Fulani tribes in West Africa are predominantly
Pastoralist and contribute to about 90 percent of the livestock which contributes to one-third of
Nigeria’s agricultural economy. He however explained that the conflict in West Africa, particular
the Yobe State in Northern Nigeria due to the activities of the Fulani tribes is a resource-based
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conflict. He pointed out that the need for arable land for agriculture by farmers against the need
for grazing lands for the Fulani tribes had occasionally resulted in clashes which have resulted in
dire human security consequences, especially in the Yobe State in northern Nigeria.
Bello (2013), asserted that the inability on the part of the government to regulate land-use and
resources in northern Nigeria has contributed significantly to conflict situations in the region.
Towards this end, he established that there is a relationship between resource sustainability and
conflict situations in Northern Nigeria, with reference to the conflict situation between farmers
and the Fulani herdsmen in the Yobe State. He therefore concluded that in the interest of the
states in West Africa, Governments should take proactive measures towards meeting the genuine
social and economic needs of Fulani tribes in order to prevent the recurring conflicts in the
region, especially, in the Yobe State in Northern Nigeria.
In support to the above studies, Ajibefun, (2018), in his work, Social and Economic Effects of the
Menace of Fulani Herdsmen Crises in Nigeria, explored the economic and social effects of the
conflict situations caused by the Fulani herdsmen in West Africa, specifically, Nigeria. Findings
from his study revealed that the major cause of clashes between the Fulani herdsmen and farmers
in Nigeria is the destruction of crops or farmlands by the herds. He identified that social effects
of conflict situations of the Fulanis include sexual harassment, rapes, distortion in social
relationships, acquisition of weapons, whilst the economic effects include destruction of
infrastructure, loss of properties and houses, destruction of crops, displacement of farmers, hence
affecting agricultural productivity. Based on the findings, Ajibefun, (2018), concluded that there
is no disparity between the perceptions of the farmers and Fulani herdsmen on the clashes in
northern Nigeria, which basically centers on the struggle for scarce land for agricultural
activities.
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He therefore recommended that proper land planning and public forum to educate both farmers
and the Fulani herdsmen on the efficient way to utilize the scarce agricultural resource to restore
peace to the region.
The above scholarly works in this section also help in better understanding of the topic under
study by revealing and giving more insights about the Fulani tribes in West Africa, with much
focus on Nigeria. Nevertheless, they did not tackle terrorism from the West African perspective
with focus on the social factors which has made the Fulani groups susceptible to recruitment by
the Boko Haram terrorist group in Nigeria and how to tackle the situation. This gap in the above
studies is what this study seeks to fill by utilizing the Social Constructivism theory to explore the
social conditions of the Fulani’s in the promotion of terrorism in Nigeria.
1.10 Sources of Data and Methodology
This section outlines the main sources of data and methodology employed for the conduct of this
particular study.
1.10.1 Sources of Data
This study relied on data from both primary and secondary sources. The secondary sources
included data from books and published journal articles as well as some internet sources from the
ECOWAS, Government of Nigeria and ECOWAS Early Warning Network (ECOWARN)
websites, where I obtained relevant data pertinent to the topic, to explore and analyze social
factors which has made the Fulani groups susceptible to recruitment by the Boko Haram terrorist
group in Nigeria and how to tackle the situation.
Also, primary data was obtained through unstructured interviews from some key personalities.
These will include diplomats, scholars, security personnel and experts. These experts were
selected
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for interviews because they have in-depth knowledge on the topic above. They will therefore be
interviewed to provide more detailed analyses to complement and supplement data that would be
obtained from literature on terrorism in Nigeria, with specific reference to the social roles and
impacts of the Fulani tribes in the contribution of the menace.
Information obtained from the interviews were used to synchronize and complement data
obtained from literature review in order to provide a more holistic and in-depth analysis of the
social roles and impacts of Fulani tribes in the contribution of terrorism in West Africa,
particularly, Nigeria. This is because the topic under study is a recent and on-going phenomenon
and will require most recent data for better analysis and recommendations. Data from the sources
indicated were analyzed with the aid of Social Constructivism theory to provide a better insight
into the topic to come out with unique findings which informed the conclusions and
recommendations of this study.
1.10.2 Research Methodology
Methodology refers to how a researcher goes about practically finding out whatever is believed
can be known (Mackey & Gass, 2015). In other words, a research methodology connotes the
entire strategies and approaches utilized in the collection and analysis of data when conducting a
research. It is established that the research methodology is always better to be structured with
respect to the research questions and objectives (Bryman, 2016). There are basically three main
research design methods which includes the mixed method/triangulation (i.e. combined
qualitative and quantitative method), qualitative, as well as quantitative methods (Bell et al.,
2018). Nevertheless, this particular study will rely on the qualitative exploratory case study for
analysis. Qualitative research provides overall insight of situational analysis of non-numeric data
about a given topic or phenomenon within a defined research area or scope (Taylor et al, 2015).
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Fowler (2013), posits that qualitative research method provides esteem outcomes for
understanding and
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interpreting a contextual case study research. Cohen et al (2013) identify qualitative research
methods strengthened by the world view of a researcher in interpreting a social reality.
A qualitative exploratory case study design will be utilized for this study due to its adaptability
not strict application to statistical rules and laws as in the case of qualitative research method.
This technique takes into account acquiring information from different sources without any
limitation or restriction to specific numerical proofs (Houghton et al, 2013). Qualitative research
utilizes secondary or already existing research such as review of secondary data in addition to
interviews, case studies and field tests (Stake, 2008). Qualitative exploratory case study design
helps in developing a hypothesis with exactitude and specificity (Verner & Abdullah, 2012).
Exploratory design will be employed due to the flexibility or non-rigid nature of qualitative
research methods. The Qualitative exploratory case study approach also aids researchers to
closely analyze data within a specific context (Boblin et al, 2013). This qualitative exploratory
case study design will therefore be employed to explore the social roles and impacts of the Fulani
tribes in the contribution of terrorism in West Africa, with specific reference to Nigeria. The
study thus explores using inductive approach to understand the social roles and impacts of the
Fulani tribes in the contribution of terrorism in West Africa, with specific reference to Nigeria
from the subjective interpretations or revelations form resourced personnel being interviewed.
This approach is consistent with Nuhu’s assertion that interpretive paradigms assume that the
social world can only be understood from the standpoint of the individuals who are part of the
ongoing action being investigated (Nuhu, 2015). The choice of interpretivists’ paradigm is also
based on the fact that knowledge of reality is a social construction by human actors and in this
case resourced personnel being interviewed.
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A case study research design plays a significant role in contributing to knowledge (Merriam,
2009). Parker et, al. (2009), asserted that a case study is a specific phenomenon occurring in a
bounded context. Parker et al (2009), contends that importance of case study research is its
emphasis on the ‘why’ and ‘how’ questions and therefore Spörri et al., (2009) considers it
suitable for descriptive and exploratory studies. Woodside (2010), revealed that out that case
study focuses on describing people, groups and processes in a context, and/or the sequence of
events in which an action occurs. The qualitative case study approach supports both theory
building, particularly, where existing theoretical and conceptual frameworks are inadequate and
acts as a guide to empirical research (Hyett et al., 2014).
Sekaran & Bougie (2010) defined sampling target population, as the whole set of elements that
are selected by the researcher for the purpose of the study. Sampling is the selection of part of a
whole targeted population for the purpose of a particular research (Sekaran & Bougie, 2010). The
target population will have the specific and key characteristics that are required for the study.
Notwithstanding the complex nature of the implications of terrorism in Africa and specifically
West Africa, the focus of this study is Nigeria, thus, assessment of the social roles and impacts of
the Fulani tribes in the contribution of terrorism in West Africa.
There are two main types of sampling techniques for determining the sample size for a research
work (Yin, 2017). These are Probability and Non-probability sampling techniques. Probability
sampling is where elements of the population are known, which means that a researcher has a list
of a designated population and all sampling elements have a chance to be selected. With non-
probability sampling, the elements in a population are unknown. Thus, the probability of
selection for each element is unknown. This adopts the purposive sampling method for collecting
primary
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data. The choice of the purposive sampling technique is because, it is not possible, to collect the
full list of elements from the target population (Etikan et al., 2016).
According to Sekaran & Bougie (2010), there are four types of non-probability sampling
techniques which are convenience sampling, judgment sampling, quota sampling, and purposive
sampling. Convenience sampling is the sampling technique where elements are selected because
of convenience for researchers (Sekaran & Bougie, 2010). Judgment sampling is the sampling
method in which researchers select the elements based on their own judgment due to some
specific characteristics (Sekaran & Bougie, 2010). Quota sampling is where researchers divide
the target population into subgroups and select the elements in proportion to the population size
(Sekaran & Bougie, 2010). Snowball sampling is where the researchers choose to select the
sampling elements through recommendations from initial respondents and the initial respondents
are selected by using the probability method (Sekaran & Bougie, 2010).
This qualitative exploratory case study made use of the purposive sampling method. A purposive
sampling involves intentionally selecting units of the sample population selected for the study
(Etikan et al., 2016). This is because the Respondents share the same characteristics to provide
relevant data for analysis based on the purpose of the study. The research design comprised
interviewing personnel and experts including security experts, scholars and diplomats who have
the requisite expertise in sharing their knowledge and experience on terrorist activities in
Nigeria. In all five (5) key informants were interviewed for this particular study. These include a
personnel of the Nigerian Armed Forces (who has participated in Peacekeeping Operations in
Nigeria since 2010 to 2019), a diplomat/official from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
Regional Integration (who has been in Nigeria from 2016 to date), a personnel of the Nigerian
Police Service (who has participated in Peacekeeping Operations in Nigeria since 2010 to 2019),
a security expert,
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Dr. Vladimir Antwi-Danso (Academic Director at the Ghana Armed Forces Command and Staff
College - GAFCSC) and a security expert/lecturer at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping
Training Center (KAIPTC). The purpose of this qualitative exploratory case study research is to
explore and analyze the social roles and impacts of the Fulani tribes in the contribution of
terrorism in West Africa, with specific reference to Nigeria. Thus, the purposive sampling
technique was employed because selection of proposed research participants is based on their
expertise on the topic. This allowed them to share their views to fulfil the purpose of the study on
analyzing Nigeria’s terrorist situation in West Africa in relation to the social roles and impacts of
the Fulani tribe in contributing to the menace.
1.11 Limitations of the Study
The major limitation of the study is the Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Outbreak in
Nigeria, and the world in general. The outbreak of the disease during the period within which the
study was being conducted caused several issues. The main issue this caused was limiting the
ability of the researcher to conduct in-person interviews in semi-structured format with the
identified experts and scholars in the field of terrorism due to the social conditions of the Fulani
herdsmen in Nigeria, as was initially planned. Instead, to prevent the spread of the disease, the
researcher was forced to send questions to the resource persons through emails, telephone calls
and other messaging platforms such as WhatsApp video calls. Their responses were delivered in
a similar manner. This limited the amount of information the researcher could have gained from
the resource persons, thereby, limiting the data points for analysis. The researcher, however,
believes that the data gathered through the process was adequate for the analysis necessary to
reach the conclusions and recommendations delivered at the end of the study.
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1.12 Arrangement of Chapters
The study would be organized into four chapters. Chapter One contains the introduction to the study,
the background, the problem statement, the objectives, rationale, theoretical framework, literature
review and arrangement of chapters. Chapter Two consists of the overview of terrorism and the
Fulani Tribes in West Africa, with focus On Nigeria. Chapter Three contains the analysis of the
social conditions of the Fulani Herdsmen in the promotion of terrorism in Nigeria as well as
challenges in addressing terrorism by Fulani Herdsmen in West Africa, with focus on Nigeria.
Chapter Four contains the Summary of Findings, Conclusions and Recommendations of the Study.
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Shinkafi, T. S., Bello, L., Hassan, S. W., & Ali, S. (2015). An ethnobotanical survey ofantidiabetic plants used by Hausa–Fulani tribes in Sokoto, Northwest Nigeria. Journal ofEthnopharmacology, 172, 91-99.
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guidebook and resource. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons.
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CHAPTER TWO
OVERVIEW OF TERRORISM AND THE FULANI TRIBES IN WEST
AFRICA, WITH FOCUS ON NIGERIA.
2.1 Introduction
The phenomenon of terrorism is gradually having its toll on the African continent, and
particularly the West Africa sub-region, replete with much complexities and dynamics. It is in
this vein that this chapter is devoted to making an overview of terrorism in Africa, the West
African sub-region and Nigeria. Also the Chapter makes an overview of the major causes of
Boko Haram terrorist activities in Nigeria in West Africa, Pastoralism and Terrorism in Africa,
Fulani Tribes in West Africa and finally an overview of Fulani Tribes in Nigeria.
2.2 Terrorism in Africa
The African continent is confronted with several security and developmental challenges
(Mkandawire, 2011). However, civil wars, ethnic and tribal conflicts, as well as terrorism as
contributed significantly to the security woes of Africa (Solomon, 2015). The ragging human
security consequences of terrorism in Africa cannot be oversimplified. Terrorism and violent
extremism in most parts of Africa, particular in the Sahel region, serves as a continuous reminder
of the security threats posed by terrorism on the continent and the urgency by all stakeholders to
adopt pragmatic and proactive measures to effectively tackling the menace. This requires a well-
coordinated inter-agency and stakeholder partnership, which is usually lagging in Africa due to
poor cooperation among states and inter-security agencies, coupled with insufficient personnel
and resources to deal with the threat (Williams, 2016). The increasing volatility of terrorism in
Africa, particularly in the Sahel regions have led to major insecurities on the continent,
sometimes
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resulting in state failure (Williams, 2016). Also, terrorist situations in states such as Libya,
Somalia, Kenya, Mali, Burkina Faso and Nigeria have erupted unintended dire security
consequences which destabilizes the peace and stability hitherto experienced on the continent.
Consequently, the increasing phenomenon of terrorism has led to the proliferation of small arms
and light weaponry which has exacerbated transnational criminality, posing severe security
challenges to the continent (Aning & Annan, 2015).
2.2 Terrorism in West Africa
The current active Terrorist groups in West Africa include the JNIM, ISGS, Ansarul- Islam,
ISWAP, BOKO HARAM; all of which are in one way or the other affiliated to either Al-Qaeda
or ISIS (Duah, 2019). The source of terrorism in West Africa are usually intertwined and
varying. However, religious and political extremism have featured predominantly in the terrorist
activities as witnessed in the West African sub-region. For instance, terrorist activities by the
Al-Qaeda groups in Mali and Burkina Faso assumes a political dimension, whilst the terrorist
activities by the Boko Haram in Nigeria stems more from a religious extremist perspective
(Okemi, 2013).
The Mali terrorist situation began in 2012 due to developmental disparities between Northern
and Southern parts of Mali which instigated violent protests especially in the north.
Consequently, matters escalated, and by 16th January, 2012, several armed groups in the North
emerged to protest against the Malian to be detached from the country and form an independent
state to be called Azaward (Bleck, & Michelitch, 2015). In view of this, The National Movement
for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), which is an insurgent group representing the Tuaregs in
the north had gained significant control of major areas in the region by April, 2012, following a
coup d’état which ousted President Amadou Toumani Touré from power in March, 2012
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(Farhaoui, 2013). Subsequently, the rebels were in control of the three largest northern cities in
Mali including
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Timbuktu, Kidal and Gao (Coulibaly & Bratton, 2013). This attracted a response from the Malian
Military to counter the rebels. However, the military intervention proved futile since The MNLA
were more sophisticated in weaponry than the Military due to the unflinching support they
received from the Islamist group, Ansar Dine.
In relation to the above, the MNLA, the Ansar Dine and other terrorist groups in the region
began imposing and implementing strict Sharia Laws in the northern parts of Mali (Marchal,
2013). This destabilized the peace and security hitherto enjoyed in the region, and prompted an
urgent intervention from Burkina Faso by virtue of being a member of the Trans-Saharan
Counterterrorism Partnership to help restore peace and security to the northern parts of Mali. The
Burkinabe forces were very instrumental and successful in their partnership with the Malian
Military in reclaiming the seized territories by the terrorist groups and driving them away (Bleck
& Michelitch, 2015). As a result of this, the terrorist groups got infuriated with the intervention
role played by Burkina Faso and diverted attention from them. This has led to several Islamist
Jihadist group including Al Qaeda carrying series of attacks in Burkina Faso since 2015 to date.
The terrorist situation in Burkina Faso is not considered to be religiously motivated, instead a
trans- border terrorism which has political underpinnings. Due to the membership of Burkina
Faso as a member of ECOWAS and also the Trans-Saharan Counterterrorism Partnership, it
bestowed on her the mandate to ensure that peace and security is restored again in Mali (Iwata,
2016). This largely motivated the intervention of the Burkina Faso in the Mali crisis which has
unfortunately attracted several Islamic or Jihadist retaliations from groups including Al-Qaeda
from 2016 to date.
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Religion has also featured predominantly as one of the main causes of terrorism in West Africa,
with specific reference to the Boko Haram insurgency. This aligns with the postulation by Nye
(2008) that conflict arises due to goal incompatibility between and among groups with varying
interests. Religious conflict connotes the indoctrination, diversity and polarization of religious
groups and ideologies which instigate struggles and tensions among various groups (Obasi,
2019). This means religion has a high propensity to serve as a source of conflict since it models,
defines and refine the world view or thought perceptions and belief systems of a group of people.
Consequently, differences in doctrine or religious ideologies may pave way for conflict situations
to ensue in a region or a state. Paramount reasons for religion serving as a source of conflict are
as follows.
Religion shapes the psychology or thinking processes of individuals or groups of people.
Therefore, Religion may serve as a source of conflict because it allows and encourages
mobilization, socialization and motivation based on shared values, beliefs and practices
(Maregere, 2011). Based on a common faith or history, shared values and belief systems are
communicated and promulgated among a group of people. Therefore, religion makes it easier to
promulgate doctrines or laws which may be extremist in nature or discriminate against other
religions and cultures. This can foment aggressive actions against other religions to eliminate
them when they appear to be a threat to one’s own religion. This philosophy forms the basis for
the intensified terrorist activities by the Boko Haram terrorist in present-day Nigeria. This is
because the group believes any state which is not administered under the ‘Sharia Law’ or
Caliphate system is not managed rightly according to the will of Allah, and must therefore be
protested against and ultimately abolished (Agbiboa & Maiangwa, 2014). Towards this end, he
Boko Haram group has resorted to violent or extremist activities since 2009, in order to abrogate
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democracy as a system of government as practiced in
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Nigeria and established governance under the ‘Sharia Law’ which they consider to be the ideal
will of Allah.
Also religion leads to identity formation, which serves as a potential source of conflict. Religion
accentuates the “We” against “Them” dichotomy. Identity formation due to religion has a high
propensity of attracting or inviting negative stereotypes, discriminations, intolerance and abuses,
which could stir up tensions among certain groups and consequently result in conflict situations
(Remennick, L. (2012). The feeling of superiority or inferiority complex in comparison to other
religious groups serve as a breeding ground for conflicts to ensue and explode. Members of the
Boko Haram terrorist group are usually branded as lunatics and vandals with no conscience to
behave in a civil manner in society.
The unpleasant identity ascription to the members of Boko Haram engenders negative reactions
and attacks against other members of the society, who feel they are more civil or sane. Such
negative descriptions of the members of the group make them feel they are being verbally abused
or discriminated against (Omale, 2013). Consequently, through an Identity Formation, the
Members of the Boko Haram group embark on all forms of violent attacks to eliminate or
destroy anyone who was not worshipper of Allah or subscribe and practice the fundamental
principles of the Islamic religion. They were also poised to abolish and fight anything of
“Western Culture or Education,” which the members of the group perceived to be contrary to the
tenets and principles of ‘Islamic Caliphate or Sharia Law,’ (Agbiboa, 2013).
Also, religion has an element of indoctrination, which serves a fertile ground for conflict
situations. Followers of every religion subscribe or adhere to specific doctrines or dogma which
helps to shape their way of life and belief system. Most followers of religious groups strictly
adhere to
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some dangerous doctrines or dogma without subjecting them to proper scrutiny or examination.
In view of this, there is always the challenge of which doctrine or dogma is the ideal to please
one’s object of worship. This has often led to religious intolerance when people do not practice
proper doctrines which harmonize all other religious groups in society.
For example, most Islamist Extremist groups such as ISIS and Boko Haram resort to violent
attacks, all in the name of fighting a “Holy War” as mankind’s duty to Allah. They therefore
considered anything which is not Islamic driven such as the democratic system of governance as
against the will of Allah and should be abolished by every means possible, even if it will resort to
violence (Uzodike & Maiangwa, 2012). Consequently, any forces or laws which violates or is at
parallel to Islam becomes an enemy which must be eliminated, hence the terrorism by the Boko
Haram group in Nigeria.
More so, Religious Scriptures or Holy Books are open to Subjective interpretations due to their
vagueness. As a result, the misinterpretation or misrepresentation of Scriptures can sometimes
create the situation of religion serving as a source of conflict. This is because there is always the
contention of whose interpretation of the Scriptures is the ideal will of the Supreme Being or
object of worship. This makes religious conflicts very dicey and daunting to resolve because no
religious group is willing to compromise its subjective interpretation of the Scriptures to the
contrary views of the Scriptures of other religious groups. This situation has led to the
suppression of Christianity in African states such as Sudan which is largely considered an
Islamic state. Similarly, the Boko Haram group perceives any religious group which does not
subscribe to the principles and faith of the Quran as misleading and should be eliminated
(Onapajo & Uzodike, 2012), hence the source of religious terrorism in Nigeria since 2009 to
date.
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West Africa has therefore become volatile to Islamic Religious Extremisms due to bad
governance, high poverty levels, mass unemployment and economic and social inequalities
between the northern and southern parts of states, with the northern parts of most states being
deprived in terms of developmental agenda and projects (Achumba et al., 2013). As a result,
most youths who feel they are being deprived of things they are entitled to in society including
opportunities, justice, privileges, wealth, social statuses rather choose to resort to radicalism and
violence as a best way to press home their demands (Aghedo & Osumah, 2012). This has largely
contributed to the Islamic radicalism witnessed in West Africa, with specific reference to the
Boko Haram group, with the dire motive to establish a caliphate or Islamic system of
governance, which they feel will address their plights and grievances rather than the Westernized
form of democracy.
2.3 Terrorism in Nigeria
Terrorism is not a new phenomenon in Nigeria, as it featured in the pre-colonial era in the
country. However, Duah (2019) assert that terrorism in Nigeria in recent times has assumed some
level of professionalism with the utilization of sophisticated weaponry and the modus operandi
employed for clandestine attacks. During the 60s, it was noticed that terrorist strategies as
employed in Nigeria included kidnapping, arson and assassination (Walther & Retaillé, 2010).
However, from the 90s to date, the modus operandi employed by terrorist groups in Nigeria
include bomb blasts and assassinations (Walther & Retaillé, 2010). The main causes of terrorism
in Nigeria include poverty, bad governance, inequality, social injustice, biased political
representations, perceived class stereotypes and dominations, resource mismanagement and
religious and ethnic differences (Chuku, et al, 2019). The major insurgent groups which have
assumed the status of terrorist organizations in Nigeria include the Odua Peoples’ Congress
(OPC), the Arewa Peoples’ Congress, the Ijaw National Congress and presently the Boko Haram
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group (Okonkwo et al.,
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2015). Nevertheless, Boko Haram has attracted much attention in recent times due to the
magnitude of atrocities and security threats posed to Nigeria and the entire West African region.
There have been increasing concerns also about the affiliation of the Boko Haram group to some
international terrorist organizations such as ISIS, making it difficult for the Nigerian
Government, ECOWAS and the AU to easily clump down the group (Duah, 2019).
2.4 Major Causes of Boko Haram Terrorist Activities in Nigeria in West Africa
Luke el al. (2014) identifies poverty as the main factor which instigate radicalism and revolt
from the Boko Haram group in northern Nigeria. It is established that there are wide poverty
disparity levels between the north and south. Almost 70% of the people living in the north live
below $1 per day, which is equivalent to N129 per day (Luke el al, 2014). This worrisome
unbearable situation incites frustration and aggression among the members of the Boko Haram
sect, hence engaging in violent activities to press home their demands.
To support the above, Ayegba (2015), revealed that economic deprivation and hardship in
northern Nigeria is also a contributing factor to the uprising and insurgency by the Boko Haram
group in the northern parts of Nigeria. There is marginalization of the north from the south which
has resulted in socio-economic crises evident in high unemployment and disempowerment of
women (Ayegba, 2015). There seems to be an unequal distribution of state resources to meet and
sustain the economic demands and needs of the northern parts of the country. Therefore, with
limited economic opportunities available to the frustrated aggrieved youths, most of them
become susceptible for recruitment into the Boko Haram group to foment violent activities as a
way of seeking for change in the current status quo or meeting their demands.
From a political lens, Okoli & Iortyer (2014), the activities of the Boko Haram group stem from
a passionate desire to abrogate the current form of governance in Nigeria which anchored on the
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principles of democracy and implement and enforce the Caliphate system of governance which is
based on the ‘Sharia Law.’ The Boko Haram sect considers democracy as non-Islamic and as
such wish to dissociate themselves from it entirely and implement their own form of governance
which they believe is based on fairness and absence of corruption (Okoli & Iortyer, 2014). They
feel democracy has led to unfair political representation between the north and south in key
government offices and positions, which makes it very impossible for their plights to be voiced
out and their concerns to be met (Okoli & Iortyer, 2014). This makes members of the group
resort to violence as the only possible option left to them to have a different political system in
Nigeria where governance will be based on the principles of the ‘Sharia Law,’ rather than
democracy.
From a religious perspective, Okereke (2011) affirms that the religious identity formation by the
Boko Haram group gives rise to the ‘We’ against ‘Them’ dichotomy. That is the discrepancies in
religious ideologies make the members of Boko Haram see all other members of society who are
not worshippers of Allah as ‘Unbelievers’ who must be eliminated or destroyed. This has often
induced the violent attacks from the Boko Haram group since 2009 to date.
2.5 Pastoralism and Terrorism in Africa
Fulton and Nickels (2017) conducted a study in which they inferred that Islamic terrorist’s
groups based in the Sahel and Sahara regions in Africa have developed a new technique of
utilizing the grievances of pastoralists, many of whom are Muslim, to rally supports for their
clandestine terrorist agenda. However, tensions and conflict clashes between Pastoralists and
farmers in Africa is not a new phenomenon. Fulton and Nickels (2017), estimates that about
70,000 people have died in Africa due to conflict clashes between Pastoralists and farmers in
Africa. Such deaths arise due to competition or struggle for scarce resources particularly land,
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social and economic inequality between the Pastoralists and other members of society,
discrimination and
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marginalization (Benjaminsen & Ba, 2019). In most parts of Africa, Governments usually ignore
the plights of Pastoralists or Herdsmen and give preferential treatment only to crop farmers, who
are usually considered as natives, whilst herdsmen are being marginalized and discriminated
against (Benjaminsen & Ba, 2019). In other words, most African Governments favour farmers
compared to Fulani herdsmen considered as strangers. This usually incites frustration and
aggression from the Pastoralists who feel they are being marginalized and therefore use force to
gain access to grazing fields for their herds.
Fulton and Nickels (2017), identifies that nexus between terrorism and Pastoralism lie in the
structural marginalization which begets grievances and frustration among herdsmen. Fulton and
Nickels (2017), noted that the difference in the modus operandi between the Al Qaeda in the
Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and other terrorist organizations in Africa is the way they are able to
easily cajole and recruit Fulani herdsmen into their camps, most of whom are already Muslims.
Climate change poses dire challenges to environmental security in some parts of Africa which do
not favour greener pastures for grazing (Little, 2013). In addition, desertification also poses a
major environmental insecurity to Pastoralists to be able to successfully graze their herds (Little,
2013). These situations worsen the plights of Pastoralists particularly the Fulani’s who have to
sometimes embark on forced migration in search of greener pastures. Unfortunately, most new
lands discovered by Pastoralists for grazing are also arable lands which have also been used by
farmers for crop production. This causes Pastoralists to resort to hostilities and violence as a way
of competing for the scarce arable land and water for their herds.
Therefore, aside Islamic Radicalism which is gradually taking over most parts of Africa, clashes
between farmers and Pastoralists, usually, Fulani herdsmen are emerging as a dire security threat
and issue to most states, particularly, West Africa. With scarce water and land in most Sahel
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regions
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in Africa, terrorist groups such as Al-Qaeda are now taking advantage of the situation to induce
false Islamization and genocide as the only hope for which Pastoralist (especially, the Fulani
tribes) could survive in most African stats, since their plights are neglected by Governments
(Johnson & Taofik, 2017).
Therefore, the social orientation of Fulani Pastoralism, particularly in West Africa, has economic
and religious ramifications which could stir up ethnic and religious situations as witnessed in
Mali and Nigeria today. This is because the majority of the Fulani population in Africa are
Muslims and about a third of the ethnic Fulani population practices the traditional nomadic or
semi-nomadic style of cattle rearing as a way of life or culture. Therefore, any indictment to
one’s culture which gives the Pastoralists their identity attracts negative reactions in the form of
violent and other aggressive acts. Consequently, terrorism or radicalism due to Pastoralism has
led to the proliferation of small arms and light weaponry by especially the Fulani herdsmen
across most parts of Africa (Catley et al., 2013). Long sharpened sticks, machetes and AK47
rifles have become the commonest weapons used by Fulani Pastoralists in their violent activities
particularly (Catley et al., 2013).
When herdsmen migrate from one place to another, they usually destroy crops by farmers in the
process. This induces angry farmers to retaliate which some sometimes end up in fatal clashes.
The situation sometimes leads to refugee crises as people flee their homes and dire human
security consequences (Catley et al., 2013). Unfortunately, most traditional methods of conflict
resolution such as military intervention and diplomacy are not adequate in addressing such crises
due to the complexities and dynamics associated with such conflict situations or clashes.
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2.6 Fulani Tribes in West Africa
The Fulani, Fula, or Fulɓe people tribes in West Africa can be located eastward in the savannah
zone of the region between the Sahara and the forest belt of West Africa (Shinkafi et al, 2015).
Being one of the largest ethnic groups in Africa, the Fulani tribes are widely distributed between
the Sahel and West Africa (Lokki et al, 2011). Some are also found in northern parts of Central
Africa but also in South Sudan, Sudan, and regions near the Red Sea coast (Lokki et al, 2011).
The approximate population of the Fulani tribes is estimated to be about 40 million (Shinkafi et
al, 2015). In West Africa, they could be found in countries including Ghana, Mauritania, Guinea,
Senegal, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast Benin, Togo, Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea Bissau, Cameroon,
Niger, Chad, the Gambia and Nigeria (Shinkafi et al, 2015). They are the largest ethnic group
particularly in Guinea, but represent either a minority or majority in other states in the West
African sub-region (Shinkafi et al, 2015). Two-thirds of the Fulani tribes in West Africa are
predominantly Pastoralists and hence they represent the largest Nomadic Pastoral community in
the World (Lokki et al, 2011). The Fulani tribes are either bilingual or trilingual and speak
languages including Hausa, French, Arabic, Bambara and Wolof (Shinkafi et al, 2015). Many
West African leaders are of the Fulani descent including the President of Senegal, Macky Sall;
the President of Gambia, Adama Barrow; the Prime Minister of Mali, Boubou Cisse, the Vice
President of Sierra Leone, Mohamed Juldeh Jalloh and the President of Nigeria, Muhammadu
Buhari (Wiafe-Amoako, 2019). Some Fulanis also occupy high positions in notable international
organizations, such as the President-Elect of the United Nations General Assembly, Tijjani
Muhammad-Band, the Secretary-General of OPEC, Mohammed Sanusi Barkindo and the Deputy
Secretary-General of the United Nations, Amina J. Mohammed (Wiafe-Amoako, 2019).
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Unfortunately, the geometric increase in population size of the Fulani tribes does not match with
the scarce land and water resources to support their Pastoral activities in the region.
Consequently, the Fulani tribes usually migrate from one region till they get to a vast grazing
land which can support their pastoral activities or way of life. However, there are instances,
where they do not find suitable vegetation and water resources to accommodate them, and
therefore resort to violence or forceful attacks to take control of such resources which already
belong to other farmers or groups of people (Majekodunmi et al, 2014). This has resulted in
occasional clashes between the Fulani herdsmen and farmers of states in West Africa, leading to
dire security consequences.
Cordial relations between the Fulani tribes and farmers in West Africa could be improved and
sustained if measures are put in place by states for mutual terms to be agreed to mitigate or
minimize the pressure exerted on land resources by both farmers and the Fulani herdsmen. This
means the higher the degree of pressure on vital land resources, the higher the enormity of
conflict situations to be expected (Majekodunmi et al, 2014). Pastoralists and Farmers have lived
harmoniously in West Africa, since time immemorial. However, the extent to which the Fulani
tribes can harmoniously accommodate farmers in the West African sub-region is largely based on
the perception that they feel secured and not deprived with respect to land and water resources in
the region. Since insecurity gives ways to conspiracy, conflicts become inevitable when the
Fulani’s feel their security and survival are threatened by their deprivation to land and water
resources. Unfortunately, most governments in West Africa consider the Fulani Pastoralists as
invaders who need no special attention and therefore never take any conscious effort to address
their social and economic plights (Olabode & Ajibade, 2010). They also in turn resort to
terrorism, violence and extremism as a possible means of addressing their needs or fulfilling their
wants.
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2.7 Fulani Tribes in Nigeria
In Nigeria, the Fulani tribes are basically located in the northern part of the country. However,
they have established a town in the region known as the Garoua (Fulani town in Nigeria),
(Osaghae, 2017). The Fulani undoubtedly represent a significant component of the Nigerian
economy. They constitute the main source of meat; the most available and cheap source of
animal proteins and the major breeders of cattle consumed by Nigerians (Eniola, 2010). The
Fulani own over 90% of the nation’s livestock population which accounts for one-third of
agricultural GDP and 3.2% of Nigeria's Gross Domestic Product (GDP), (Eniola, 2010). This
means that the Fulani are vital in contributing to the economic and national development of
Nigeria.
However, climate change which sometimes results in prolonged droughts coupled with
insufficient land and water resources in Nigeria for grazing, forces most Fulani to migrate further
downwards to the central part of the country and other parts of Northern Nigeria in search of
green pastures (Ndubuisi, 2018). In the process, most of the herds destroy crops by farmers
which infuriate the farmers to react violently. Also, the Fulani herds upon reaching or
discovering arable lands during their migration sometimes use violence means to possess those
lands by force. Taking advantage of the Boko Haram terrorism in northern Nigeria, most Fulani
join the group to press home their needs through violence tendencies and strategies (Ndubuisi,
2018). This has resulted in several perpetual clashes between the Fulani herdsmen and farmers in
areas such Yobe State in Northern Nigeria (Ndubuisi, 2018). However, the government
mechanisms and state security apparatuses have done little in effectively addressing the menace
caused by the Fulani tribes in the country
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2.8 Conclusion
In summary, the Chapter made an overview of terrorism in Africa, the West African sub-region
and Nigeria. Also the Chapter made an overview of the major causes of Boko Haram terrorist
activities in Nigeria in West Africa, Pastoralism and Terrorism in Africa, Fulani Tribes in West
Africa and finally an overview of Fulani Tribes in Nigeria. The next chapter deals with the
Analysis of the social conditions of the Fulani in the promotion of terrorism in Nigeria.
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CHAPTER THREE
ANALYSIS OF THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF THE FULANI
HERDSMEN IN THE PROMOTION OF TERRORISM IN NIGERIA.
3.1 Introduction
This chapter is devoted to the analysis of the socio-economic impacts of the Fulani the promotion
of terrorism in West Africa, with specific focus on Nigeria. The chapter specifically consists of
the contemporary status-quo of terrorism in Nigeria, the socio economic factors which make the
Fulani herdsmen easily susceptible to recruitment by terrorist group such as Boko Haram, the
security and socio-economic implications of the terrorist activities by the Fulani herdsmen on the
national development of Nigeria, and finally, the challenges confronting the effective tackling of
terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria.
3.2 The contemporary Status-quo of Terrorism in Nigeria
Nigeria is noted to be an economic Giant with the largest population and market in the West
African sub-region (Abdullahi, 2013). Nigeria also has the largest military capacity in West
Africa and has therefore contributed to most peacekeeping operations in West Africa and across
the globe (Dwyer, 2015). Consequently, Nigeria has enjoyed a relatively satisfactory level of
security with respect to the law and order prevailing in the country until the proliferation of
terrorist attacks by Boko Haram terrorist group from 2009 to date (Weeraratne, 2017). Thus, the
Boko Haram insurgent group has been responsible for the proliferation of terrorist attacks in
particularly, northern Nigeria in the last decade.
Boko Haram is perceived as the seventh richest terrorist organization in the world (Sidiq, 2014).
Among its sources of revenue include coercions, thefts, kidnappings and financial help from
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other
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international terrorist organizations, for example, the Al-Qa-ida in the Lands of the Islamic
Maghreb (AQLIM or AQIM) and ISIS (Sidiq, 2014). Boko Haram was established by
Mohammed Yusuf in 2002 in the north-eastern province of Borno, around Maiduguri, which is
profoundly Muslims dominated. Boko Haram was initially seen as the Nigerian Taliban due to its
philosophical interest and usual way of doing things (Olojo, 2013). Boko Haram is inexactly
deciphered in the Hausa language to signify “Western education is taboo,” (Okemi, 2013). Boko
really implies counterfeit yet was adopted by the extremist group to connote “Western” while
Haram meant “Illegal” (Okemi, 2013).
Boko Haram became officially recognized as “Jama'atu Ahl As-Sunnah li-Da'awati wal-Jihad”
which in Arabic means people Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and
Jihad (Schoonover, 2013). The adherents and endorsers of this way of thinking are accepted to be
affected by an expression from the Koran which expresses that “Any individual who is not
represented by what Allah has revealed to the Holy Prophet is among the violators or
transgressors,” (Agbiboa, 2013). Hence, followers to this conviction consider it ‘Haram’ or
prohibited to align with anything social or political philosophy which aligns with Western
orientation, since it is not Islamic or Sharia in nature. This incorporates Western schooling,
appointment of political leaders through democratic, western dressing and style, among others.
As indicated in an interview with the Academic Director at the Ghana Armed Forces Command
and Staff College, Dr. Vladimir Antwi-Danso, “the Boko Harm sect considers Nigeria as a state
being ruled and governed by non-believers even when the president of the country was a Muslim
and as such begun its attacks towards the security personnel and agencies of the state and also
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citizens in most parts of north-eastern Nigeria,” (Interview, 2020). The primary motive of the
sect was to impose Sharia Law in the northern states of Nigeria, as separate territories from the
rest of Nigeria (Iduh, 2011). The group believes the politics in the north has been polluted and
usurped by a group of dishonest and fake Muslims and therefore wanted to wage war against
such politicians and the Federal Republic of Nigeria to create an unadulterated pure Islamic state
ruled by Sharia Law (Walker, 2012). It is in this vein that the residents of Maiduguri nicknamed
the insurgent group Boko Haram due to its strong tenacity to reject western education and culture
perceived as corrupting Muslims. It is fascinating to note that Boko Haram did not begin as a
violent group when it was under the leadership of Islamic cleric Muhammad Yusuf in 2002 (Odo,
2015). The group by then pursued a conservative theory that opposed Nigerian secular state as
corrupt and non-Islamic, and as such was known by the larger Nigerian populace and the
international community as a whole (Odo, 2015).
However, in July, 2009, the Boko Haram insurgent group carried its first fatal attacks on police
stations and other government buildings in Maiduguri’s street (Onuoha, 2014). This resulted in
shoot-outs between the sect and state security personnel leaving hundreds of Boko Haram dead,
whilst several were arrested. However other few also fled into hiding. Consequently, the original
leader of the group, Mohammed Yusuf was killed and his body displayed on state television
(Onuoha, 2014). This caused state security to pronounce that the group was no longer in
existence but unfortunately, the sect revamped and mobilized under a new leader, Abubakar
Shekau, till his death was reported in 2013 in a shoot-out with government forces in a border
community close to Cameroon in which he was believed to have sustained several injuries and
died as a result. (Karmon, 2014). This notwithstanding, Abubakar Shekau changed the
orientation of the group to become a very aggressive and violent group which has engaged in
series of attacks since 2009 in
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some sections of northern Nigeria including Kano, Kaduna, Niger, Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina,
Jigawa and Abuja, and to other countries such as Cameron, Niger, Chad (Walker, 2012).
The above situation has induced some citizens to adopt alternative ways both legal and illegal to
provide for their own security, including the security of family and community. Such alternatives
include the acquiring of small arms and other weapons for self-protection, the use of dogs, or
joining hard-core groups such as vigilante groups or armed robbery gangs, which sometimes
rather worsen the security situations in Nigeria (Onapajo & Ozden, 2020). With reference to the
dynamics of contemporary terrorism in Nigeria, typical reference can be made to the increasing
recruitment of Fulani herdsmen as members of the Boko Haram terrorist organization
particularly in the north eastern part of Nigeria (Onapajo & Ozden, 2020). It is therefore
imperative to explore the socio economic factors which make the Fulani easily susceptible to
recruitment by Jihadists or terrorist groups such as Boko Haram, which is the main thrust of this
research.
3.3 The Socio-Economic Factors which make the Fulani Herdsmen Easily
Susceptible to Recruitment by Terrorist Groups Such as Boko Haram
There are several socio-economic factors which have made the Fulani easily susceptible to
recruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria. These factors include social
stereotypes, marginalization, stigmatization and discrimination, harsh environmental conditions
coupled with drought, increasing population with its attendant struggle for scarce land and water
resources, unfavourable land tenure systems, the implementation of the ECOWAS Protocol of
Free Movement of People and threats of Transnational Organized Crimes, unfavourable political
terrain and finally, extreme poverty and economic hardships.
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3.3.1 Social Stereotypes, Marginalization, Stigmatization and Discrimination
Nigeria has enjoyed a relatively peaceful political environment and stability. This makes the
country favourable and conducive for settlement and business activities, hence a motivation for
Fulani herdsmen to have migrated to come and settle in Nigeria. In an interview with a diplomat
from Nigeria’sMinistry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration (who has been in Nigeria
from 2016 to date), he revealed that:
Nigeria has the largest population in West Africa and as such a vibrant market whichattracts people from all walks of lives to the country including Fulani. However, mostFulani living in Nigeria are mostly described or regarded as a people as worthy ofdisgrace or great disapproval to the extent that most are tagged as criminals who usuallyemploy the use of weapons or blows to inflict pain and torture on others, whichsometimes result in deaths. In terms of social status too, most Fulani, especially theherdsmen are considered the lowest of people in society, sometimes considered as illegalmigrants and thus, treated as such. Often, the majority of the Fulani are ostracised andnot allowed to properly integrate into the Nigerian society, which forces them to establishtheir own settlements as Zongo communities.
(Interview with a Diplomat from the Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2020).
This above situation therefore provides the readily available avenue for some Fulani people who
wish to have a sense of belonging to be easily recruited by Boko Haram, so that they could push
a common agenda of fighting against marginalization and discrimination against minority groups
such as the Fulani, hence a motivation to be easily susceptible for recruitment by Boko Haram.
This supports the assertions by Okereke (2011) and Okoli & Iortyer (2014), that discrepancies in
interest and values give rise to identity perception of some groups, consequently serve as a
source of conflict and terrorism in West Africa, as seen in Nigeria. The views by the diplomat
from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration also confirms the assertion
by Okereke (2011), who explained that members of the Boko Haram insurgent group who were
usually perceived as terrorists or vandals with retarded minds were angered as they saw
themselves
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as being verbally abused and discriminated against. Therefore, from the perspective of Social
Constructivism, the thought perception of how some section of the Nigerian population perceive
the Fulani tribe and herdsmen, with associated discrimination, stereotypes, marginalization and
stigmatization makes them easily susceptible to recruitment by Boko Harm to get a sense of
belonging as recognized members of the Nigerian society.
3.3.2 Harsh Environmental Conditions Coupled with Drought
Environmentally, Nigeria as a tropical country enjoys relatively conducive climatic conditions
and ample rainfall throughout the year which favours the growth of vast grass vegetation to
support the primary economic activity of the Fulani herdsmen which is transhumance activity or
Pastoralism (Remaro, 2018). In an interview with a diplomat from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and Regional Integration (who has been in Nigeria from 2016 to date), he revealed that:
Nigeria has vast vegetation lands and water bodies such as rivers and streams whichserve as avenues for Fulani herdsmen to settle in the country and engage in cattle rearingactivities. In addition, most parts of Nigeria, especially the northern sections which has asignificant number of Fulani dwellers, is free of tsetse fly infestations which makes thecountry very favourable for transhumance activities. However, harsh environmentalconditions such as unfavourable weather conditions including drought influences theFulani herdsmen to move and forcefully possess or settle on other territories alreadyoccupied by local indigenes without such harsh environmental conditions. This forcefulpossession of territories with favourable environmental conditions requires the use ofviolence and aggression, which are sometimes countered by state security apparatuses orlocal farmers leading to severe clashes or conflictual relations between farmers andFulani Pastoralists. This has subsequently resulted in destruction of farm lands, pollutionof water bodies and several violent situations in most parts of northern Nigeria inparticular.
(Interview, 2020).
Consequent to the above, most Fulani herdsmen become susceptible to the recruitment of Boko
Haram terrorist group. This is because from a Social Constructivism perspective, Fulani
herdsmen in Nigeria develop a subjective notion that being part of Boko Haram will provide
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them with a buffer or support in terms of forceful possessing territories with favourable
environmental
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conditions, which often comes with the use of violence and aggression amidst counter reactions
from state security apparatuses or citizens. This goes to reinforce the views of Abbass (2012),
who explained that Fulani in West Africa, including Nigeria, perceive Pastoralism as a way
which is essential to the fundamental survival and existence. As a result, they will go every extra
mile including joining the Boko Haram terrorist group if it will give them the chance to sustain
their Pastoral life which is very essential to their survival and existence.
3.3.3 Increasing Population Growth with its Attendant Struggle for Scarce Land
and Water Resources
Nigeria has the largest population in West Africa with about almost 200 million people (Osayomi
et al., 2020). Subsequently, Nigeria’s population is growing at a faster pace than the available
resources to sustain the increasing population growth in the country. This has led to a struggle for
scarce available resources such as land and water resources among the citizens including the
Fulani. In interview with Dr. Vladimir Antwi-Danso (Academic Director at the Ghana Armed
Forces Command and Staff College - GAFCSC), he pointed out that, the conflictual relations
between the Fulani and farmers in Nigeria is due to the struggle for scarce water and land
resources due to the increasing population growth with its attendant developmental challenges
(Interview, 2020).
The economic and social inequalities between the northern and southern parts of Nigeria, with
the northern parts of most states being deprived in terms of developmental agenda and projects
(Achumba et al., 2013), forces most Fulani herdsmen in northern Nigerian who feel or perceive
from a Social Constructivist view that they are being deprived of things they are entitled to in
society. Including opportunities, justice, privileges, wealth, social statuses, rather choose to join
radical groups such as Boko Haram to gain entitlement to what they feel they are deprived of.
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This
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largely supports the views of Aghedo & Osumah (2012), who explains that struggle for scarce
state and natural resources contributed to proliferation of terrorist attacks witnessed in West
Africa, with specific reference to the Boko Haram group, which has the dire motive to establish a
caliphate or Islamic system of governance to address their plights and grievances rather the
Westernized form of democracy. Also, Ajibefun, (2018), explains that perceptions of the farmers
and Fulani herdsmen which basically centers on the struggle for scarce land for agricultural
activities have contributed largely to the clashes in northern Nigeria. Consequently, most Fulani
rather choose to resort to joining terrorist groups such as Boko Haram to employ radicalism and
violence as a best way to press home their demands including gaining access or control to land
and water resources.
3.3.4 Unfavourable Land Tenure Systems
In Nigeria, most land is held by the Government through state Governors and also under
customary tenure and is vested in chiefs, earth priests (who hold spiritual authority over land
matters because of their role as the descendants of the first village settlers) or other customary
authorities (Sklar, 2015). The Nigerian Constitution prohibits foreigners from owning land in
Nigeria and limits them to leaseholds of no more than fifty years, and thus, privately held land is
acquired through purchase from the owners of land or other customary authorities (Fadiran et al,
2017). In an interview with a security expert/lecturer at the Kofi Annan International
Peacekeeping Training Center (KAIPTC), he revealed that:
There are times that the Governors, chiefs and clan/family heads who happen to becustodian of certain lands in Nigeria discriminate against selling lands to Fulaniherdsmen in the country. This gives an opportunity to such Fulani herdsmen join the BokoHaram terrorist group in order to gain access and control over such land resources withthe use of force, violence or radicalism. Consequently, this situation often generatestensions between Fulani herdsmen and other citizens, particularly farmers, uponrealizing their lands assets have been illegally annexed or taken control of by Fulaniherdsmen for transhumance activities (Interview, 2020).
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The above situation has been the main source of Fulani-farmers ‘conflictual relations over the
years in most parts of northern Nigeria as explained by Ghebru et al (2014). Also, the assertion
by the security expert at KAIPTC supports the views by Bello (2013), that the inability on the
part of the government to regulate land-use and resources in northern Nigeria has contributed
significantly to conflict situations in the region. Therefore, from a Social Constructivist
perspective, the perception by Fulani herdsmen that the land tenure systems in Nigeria is
unfavourable towards them with regards to access to land assets and water resources forces some
of them to be easily susceptible to recruitment by Boko Haram so as to use violence or
aggression to gain access to such resources.
3.3.5 The implementation of the ECOWAS Protocol of Free Movement of People
and threats of Transnational Organized Crimes
The globalized nature of the current international system has made it imperative for the
movement of people from geographical regions to another or one country to another. It is in this
vein that the ECOWAS adopted the Protocol on the Free Movement of People and Goods ensures
free mobility of the community citizens i.e. citizens of member states (Adepoju, 2015). However,
it also allowed member states the right to refuse admission to any Community citizens who were
inadmissible under the member state's own domestic law (Adepoju, 2015). The ECOWAS
Protocol of Free Movement of People has led to the increasing influx of Fulani herdsmen to most
parts of West Africa, including Nigeria (Adepoju, 2015). In an interview with a personnel of the
Nigerian Police Service (who has participated in Peacekeeping Operations in Nigeria since 2010
to 2019), he pointed out that, The ECOWAS Protocol of Free Movement of People can expose
some citizens of the sub-region including Nigerians to some transnational organized crimes
including terrorism,
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money laundering, human and drug trafficking, among others, if proper measures are not taken
to monitor those moving in and out of the country (Interview, 2020).”
Dealing or addressing such transnational organized crimes requires much revenue to acquire
sophisticated surveillance machinery and security personnel or intelligence at the ports and
harbours, airports and borders to ensure that Nigeria is not taken by surprise by the magnitude of
damages such crimes can cause if carried in the country (Garuba, 2010). Unfortunately, the
porous nature of our borders coupled with insufficient funding by governments in fighting such
crimes, as well the pervasive culture of corruption among personnel of our state security agencies
have paved way for the prevalence of some of such crimes usually perpetuated by some Fulani
herdsmen as witnessed in Nigeria today (Garuba, 2010). Thus, to be able to gain fortification in
engaging in some transnational crimes in Nigeria, some Fulani men in the country, from the
Social Constructivist perspective, consider or perceive joining the Boko Haram terrorist group as
an anchor to be able carry out transnational crimes without fear or panic.
3.3.6 Unfavourable Political Terrain
The nature of politicking as witnessed in Nigeria has led to the monetization of politics and
indiscipline among a section of the population (Chiazor & Egharevba, 2013). This among other
things has given much impunity to some sections of the population to disregard the Rule of law
and perpetuate criminal activities with such great impunity. In an interview of with a security
expert/lecturer at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center (KAIPTC)., he
revealed that: “some politicians, as well as opinion leaders (including chiefs and religious
leaders) empower certain section of the people or some specialized groups in the region (such as
the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria) to promulgate and safeguard the political interests of a specific
political
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party (Interview, 2020).” Also, a diplomat from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
Regional Integration (who has been in Nigeria from 2016 to date), revealed through an interview
that:
The public speech and deliberation by some politicians and opinion leaders in Nigeriatends to represent a particular political party or ethnic group’s interest and not thenation. Thus, some utterances made by some politicians and opinion leaders tend to bemore ethnic in character than nationalistic. These utterances most often go againstFulani herdsmen as illegal migrants and criminals residing in the country and thereforeevery means should be employed to eliminate or deny them certain advantages in theNigerian society.
(Interview, 2020).
The above remarks by the chief supports the assertion by Okoli & Iortyer (2014), who explain
that the presence of the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria creates the condition for resentment and
ethnic stereotyping against them, leaving them at the mercy of the state or local authorities to be
expelled in times of economic downturn. Consequently, the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria perceive
from a Constructivist view that joining Boko Haram will give them the chance to adapt to the
socio- political environment and integrate better into the Nigerian society, usually by employing
all means possible including the use of force, violence and aggression to sometimes intimidate or
oppress other citizens or indigenes who oppose or stand against their interests. This has given
rise to the prevalence of Fulani recruitment into Boko Haram in recent times in Nigeria.
3.3.7 Extreme Poverty and Economic Hardships
As identified by Aregbesola (2012), poverty is one of the major causes of the prevalence of
terrorist attacks in Nigeria. More often than not, background information of terrorists including
Fulani herdsmen who have been arrested by the Police are people from poor backgrounds who
are desperate to do anything possible, including engaging in crimes as a means of coping with
harsh economic conditions they experience as pointed out by Aregbesola (2012).
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Most Fulani herdsmen who feel they cannot cope with the extreme or harsh economic conditions
in Nigeria became susceptible to recruitment by terrorist groups such Boko Haram to press home
their demands. A diplomat/official from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional
Integration (who has been in Nigeria from 2016 to date), indicated in an interview that:
The terrorist activities by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria are becoming more pronouncedwith sophisticated weapons including the use of guns and acid. Also, the Fulani herdsmenare changing their modus operandi in their attacks and now even attack farmers andother citizens during broad day-light rather than to attack them during the nights whentheir activities could not be noticed or witnessed by anyone as initially prevailed in thecountry.
(Interview, 2020).
The above situation poses great national security threats to the country, as well as human security
threats to citizens in Nigeria and West Africa at large. The current economic hardship in some
parts of the country, coupled with mass unemployment among youths, has forced most youths
including the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria to venture into some crimes as a lucrative avenue or
livelihood strategy to make ends meet. From a Constructivist perspective, some Fulani herdsmen
feel or perceive that joining radical groups such as Boko Haram can cause them to easily engage
crimes such as armed robbery, drug trafficking, human trafficking and illegal mining, which will
bring them money to cope or survive the harsh economic environment in Nigeria. This situation
has contributed significantly to the increasing phenomenon of Fulani recruitment as members of
Boko Haram in contemporary times in Nigeria.
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3.4 The Security Implications of the Terrorist Activities by the Fulani Herdsmen on
the National Development of Nigeria
This section focuses essentially on the security implications that the recruitment and prevalence
of the terrorist activities by the Fulani herdsmen/pastoralists in Nigeria has on the national
development of the country. The main security threats of the terrorist activities by the Fulani
herdsmen/pastoralists in Nigeria include proliferation of small arms and other light weapons,
high tendency for extremism and escalation of violence in Nigeria, worsening already existing
terrorist situation by Boko Haram, increase in crime rates and other social vices, poor global
image in dealing with Fulani terrorism in the country (i.e. Nigeria) and finally, high government
security expenditure in tackling the Fulani terrorist situation in Nigeria.
3.4.1 Proliferation of small arms and other light weapons
From a Constructivism perspective, some Fulani herdsmen who have become susceptible to
recruitment into terrorist groups such as Boko Haram may require adequate protection in terms
of weapons for defence to be able to press home their demands including forcefully competing
with indigene farmers for land and water resources. In interview with an official of the Ghana a
personnel of the Nigerian Police Service (who has participated in Peacekeeping Operations in
Nigeria since 2010 to 2019), he explained that:
Some of the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria have the backing of foreigners (who may bemultinational cooperation and political leaders), as well as local politicians who shipinto Nigeria small-arms and weaponry which are used as means to provide security forthe running of their operations. This is because there are instances where the Nigerianstate security officials would not cooperate with and tolerate Fulani herdsmen inparticularly the north eastern part of Nigeria and would like to ensure their arrest whenthey commit criminal activities. However, to resist arrest, some of these Fulani herdsmenin Nigeria rely on small-arms and other weaponry supplied to them by the Boko Haramor other terrorist groups to escape from any danger of arrest.
(Interview, 2020).
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Though the Nigerian Government has put in place measures to enhance security of the country,
the prevalence of terrorist activities by the Fulani herdsmen/pastoralists is likely to pose great
security threats to the nation. With the proliferation of small arms and other light weapons which
sometimes end up in the hands of Fulani herdsmen who have become susceptible to terrorist
recruitment, innocent citizens including local farmers as well as security personnel and
institutions for maintaining law and order in Nigeria become the enemies of these Fulani
herdsmen/pastoralists (Ehiane & Uwizeyimana, 2018). This also affects the security of Nigeria
since citizens may not be curtained about their safety any longer or may live in perpetual fear in
the country. What is worrying is the fact that the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria who have become
susceptible to terrorist recruitment sometimes possess very sophisticated and much powerful
weaponry and small arms as compared to the weapons used by the state security personnel or
officials. This often incapacitates the Nigerian state security agencies in their efforts to clump
down the Fulani herdsmen’s terrorist activities in Nigeria.
3.4.2 High Tendency for Extremism and Escalation of Violence in various parts of Nigeria
In relation to the previous point explained, the proliferation of small arms and other light
weapons are sometimes used by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria to actuate and sustain brutalities
on innocent lives and properties which may suffer the most from such atrocities. In an interview
with a security expert/lecturer at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center
(KAIPTC), he pointed out that:
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The real risk of the proliferation of small arms is that there is high tendency for the rekindling orrefueling of religious and ethnic tensions by the Fulani herdsmen who have become susceptibleto terrorist recruitment, which to a larger extent pose a great threat to the relative peace andsecurity enjoyed in Nigeria. This is on the grounds that Fulani herdsmen who engage in terroristactivities including attacking local farmers also create security threats for everybody includingtheir very own blood relations. Everybody is in danger in Nigeria if small arms proliferation isnot checked and contained and fall in the wrong hands such as the Fulani herdsmen who havebecome susceptible to terrorist group recruitment.
(Interview, 2020).
Most Fulani herdsmen who are recruited into Boko Haram or other terrorist groups in Nigeria
and usually commit crimes and other atrocious attacks on especially farmers are mostly
uneducated or have low training capabilities to be employable, and therefore become susceptible
to be recruited by the terrorist groups such as Boko Haram, at the least conviction (Hagher,
2015). Consequently, such Fulani herdsmen may be used as agents or actors to deepen already
existing ethnic, religious or political clashes or tensions in various parts of Nigeria.
3.4.3 Worsening Already Existing Terrorist Situation by Boko Haram
As one of the focus of this study, there are certain socio-economic factors prevailing in Nigeria
which has made most Fulani herdsmen susceptible to terrorist groups’ recruitment, particularly
Boko Haram as witnessed in recent times. Consequently, most terrorist groups (both local and
international, i.e. inside and outside of Nigeria), will capitalize on the susceptibility of Fulani
herdsmen to be recruited for terrorist activities as a fertile ground in Nigeria to establish
themselves and carry out their operations, as a way of gaining much influence and recognition in
the international system, as seen happening through the activities of Boko Haram and ISIS in
contemporary times in Nigeria (Okereke, 2011). As a result, some larger international terrorist
organizations may establish links with smaller criminal groups in an attempt to provide them
with security and make them much more powerful. In an interview with Dr. Vladimir
Antwi-Danso, he explained that:
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Boko Haram, which was initially a small political vigilante group in Nigeria has nowgrown in numbers and influence and has also pledged an allegiance to the Islamic Stateof the Maghreb (ISIS); which is considered the most powerful terrorist group in thecontemporary international system. This is to make it very difficult for the Nigeriangovernment and the international community at large, to be able to easily clamp downtheir operations and agenda. Similarly, insecurity in Kenya served as the breedinggrounds for Al-Shabab to carry out more grave atrocities on innocent citizens and gainedmuch recognition and influence in the country and the East African region. In recenttimes some Fulani herdsmen have been directly or indirectly involved in politicalvigilantism and electoral violence in some parts of Nigeria, which poses great threats tothe security of the country.
(Interview, 2020).
In relation to the above, Fulani herdsmen who engage in terrorist activities in Nigeria are
gradually increasing in scope and becoming powerful with the support of international terrorist
organizations, simply because they have not been sanctioned and clamped early enough and this
is a worrisome situation to Nigeria’s peace and security.
3.4.4 Increase in Crime rates and other social vices in various parts of Nigeria
The proliferation of small arms and other weaponry has resulted in the increase in crime rates
perpetuated particularly by some Fulani herdsmen in various parts of Nigeria (Okereke, 2011).
As indicated in an interview with a personnel of the Nigerian Armed Forces (who has
participated in Peacekeeping Operations in Nigeria since 2010 to 2019);
The terrorist activities by some Fulani herdsmen, especially local farmers in the north-eastern part of Nigeria had led to the prevalence of atrocious acts such as extortions,abductions, rape, stealing, armed-robbery, shootings, lootings usually on innocentcitizens in the region and other parts of the country.
(Interview, 2020).
The above situation prevails because most Fulani herdsmen who engage in criminal activities in
especially northern Nigeria feel disadvantaged with the prevailing socio-economic status quo in
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the country (Okoli & Iortyer, 2014). Consequently, some Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria who
become dissatisfied or frustrated due to changes in environmental or economic situations rather
resort to joining radical groups such as Boko Haram. Subsequently, they end up using hard drugs
which gives them impaired judgements and consequently increases their proclivity to commit
crimes without mercy or conscience. This poses great threats to the security of Nigeria.
3.4.5 Poor Global Image in dealing with Fulani terrorist situation in Nigeria
Though Nigeria has gained international recognition as being the most vibrant economy and also
largest troop contributor to peacekeeping operation in West Africa, the prevalence of terrorist
activities by Fulani herdsmen in most parts of the country, particularly in north-eastern Nigeria
taints her image as a country whose security is in shambles. In an interview with a security
expert/lecturer at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center (KAIPTC), he
indicated that:
It is overrated to consider Nigeria as a nation which contributes significantly topeacekeeping operations in the West African sub-region when she is unable to address theemerging and prevailing security threats with particular reference to the prevalence ofFulani terrorist activities in the country. This is because the current atmosphere ofsecurity in the country creates more tensions and instability, especially with theprevalence of Fulani terrorist activities in the country. Therefore, Nigeria is graduallylosing her international credibility and global image in terms of upholding goodgovernance and democracy with regards to the inability to effectively tackle the Fulaniterrorist situation in the country which jeopardizes the security and safety of citizens inthe country.
(Interview, 2020).
When the above situation prevails, the economic growth of the country will be in crisis since it
could stifle direct investment. Direct investment can stimulate the target country’s economic
development, creating a more conducive environment for the investor and benefits for the local
industry. Consequently, there will be severe economic hardship in the country which could make
citizens lose trust in the Nigerian Government of not being able to ensure the safety and security
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of citizens in the country (Anyadike & Nkechi, 2013). This is what further escalated and led to
the “END SARS” protest which recently occurred in Nigeria, with civilians protesting and
demonstrating against the Nigerian Government’s inability to effectively ensure the safety and
security of the Nigerian citizenry.
3.4.6 High Government Security Expenditure in Tackling the Fulani Terrorist Situationin Nigeria
With the growing incidence of terrorism by some Fulani herdsmen in most parts of Nigeria,
particularly the north-eastern parts, greater responsibility behoves on the government to take
pragmatic steps towards addressing the menace. In an interview with Dr. Vladimir Antwi-Danso,
he revealed that:
To effectively address the increasing phenomenon of terrorist activities by some Fulaniherdsmen in Nigeria, it is imperative that the Nigerian government increase its securitybudget in terms of acquisition of new and advanced weapons, employing the services ofinternational and local security expertise and intelligence, as well as training moresecurity personnel to help fight the menace. If this is not done, the available securitypersonnel and resources will be over-stretched in terms of having to tackle the problemscreated by especially Fulani herdsmen in their clash with local farmers, aside otherofficial duties.
(Interview, 2020).
In relation to the above, there will be a much greater drain on the government's expenditure to
tackle future Fulani terrorist attacks across Nigeria which could have been effectively tackled
now. For instance, the security budget of Nigeria as at 2008, stood at N444.6 billion (Duke,
2019), before Boko Haram started its intensive devastations in the country from 2009. However,
the proposed Nigeria’s security budget in 2015 was N969 billion (Duke, 2019), which was more
than double the budget in 2008. In 2018, the security budget of Nigeria stood at N1.334 trillion
(Duke, 2019). Thus, the rise of the Boko Haram insurgent group since 2009 has been a major
drain on national
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budget and has also stretched the security personnel in the country. Consequently, the security
budget will continue to increase if pragmatic measures are not taken to effectively clump the
increasing phenomenon of terrorism by Fulani herdsmen in the country now.
3.5 The Socio-economic Implications of the Terrorist Activities by the Fulani Herdsmen
on the National Development of Nigeria
This section discusses how the prevalence of terrorist activities by the Fulani
herdsmen/pastoralists’ in Nigeria has become an emerging threat to socio-economic development
in the country, with special reference to the welfare of citizens. The socio-economic implications
of the terrorist activities by the Fulani Herdsmen on the national development of Nigeria include
disruption in agricultural, health care delivery and educational activities, increasing political
tension and threat to social cohesion, disruptions in major economic and other business activities,
disruptions in religious and other cultural activities and perpetual fear and panic which have
direct bearing on citizens or individuals rather the state as discussed in the previous section.
3.5.1 Disruption in Agricultural, Health Care Delivery and Educational Activities
The effects of the terrorist activities by some Fulani herdsmen in various parts of Nigeria has
engendered and exacerbated the social crises already existing in those areas. In an interview with
a diplomat/official from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration (who has
been in Nigeria from 2016 to date), he revealed that:
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The unpredictable and intermittent attacks by some Fualni Herdsmen in Nigeria hasrestricted movements, hence access to food and enhanced health services. Also, theattacks by Fulani herdsmen on especially farmers and other innocent indigenes have ledto the vast destruction of properties including farmlands, schools, churches, hospitals andhealth centers and some recreational centers in particularly, northern Nigeria.Consequently, there has been an increase in poverty levels, unemployment and illiteracyor poor education among the youth in the area. This situation has resulted in increasedmalnutrition and spread of some communicable diseases in the region. The destruction ofthe schools has also resulted in increased school drop-outs.
(Interview, 2020).
The destruction of the schools with its attendant increase in school drop-outs in particular, has
led to high illiteracy among the youth, who could become vulnerable to be recruited by radical or
terrorist groups such as Boko Haram (Akinola, 2015). Also, the infrastructure development in
northern Nigeria in particular could be in shambles due to the increasing phenomena of terrorist
activities by some Fulani Herdsmen in the region.
3.5.2 Increasing Political Tension and Threat to Social Cohesion
The increasing phenomena of terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen/pastoralists in Nigeria due to the
inability of the government to clamp down the menace now could make most of the youth found
hope in radical groups such as Boko Haram especially as witnessed in most parts of northern
Nigeria to press home their demands (Olofinbiyi, 2018). In an interview with a personnel of the
Nigerian Police Service (who has participated in Peacekeeping Operations in Nigeria since 2010
to 2019), he explained that:
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The increasing prevalence of Fulani terrorism in especially northern Nigeria could makesome Fulani herdsmen recruit more youths including indigenes to become much strongerthan seen today. This can cause them to create severe political tensions especially duringelectioneering periods when they feel a prospective political candidate to contest for anelection will not favor their interests or dreams. Also, most security personnel in theregion who could have helped stabilize and restored peace in the region through tacklingthe crisis in the region have resigned and even migrated out of northern Nigeria andsome have even travelled with their families outside the region Nigeria to Ghana becausesome of these security personnel either lose their lives, colleagues or relatives byintervening in the crisis. Consequent to the above, many security personnel are losingtheir lives whilst the few existing personnel who could intervene in the crisis receivedinsufficient remuneration from the government to motivate them fight the Fulani engagedin terrorism in Nigeria.
(Interview, 2020).
The above situation has empowered some violent Fulani herdsmen especially in northern Nigeria
against the intervention strategy that the Nigerian Government hoped to have relied on as an
efficient way of dealing with the terrorist activities by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria. This
situation has jeopardized the political landscape or terrain in particularly northern Nigeria, due to
the increasing prevalence of terrorist activities by the Fulani herdsmen in the region.
3.5.3 Disruptions in Major Economic and Major Business Activities
The prevalence of terrorism by the Fulani Herdsmen also has ramifications or implications on
major economic and business activities in particularly northern Nigeria (Evans & Kelikume,
2019). In an interview with a security expert/lecturer at the Kofi Annan International
Peacekeeping Training Center (KAIPTC), he indicated that:
The terrorist activities by Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria sometimes result in stagnation inagricultural and other economic or business activities due to insecurity created in theareas by such conflicts. This has forced most people to abandon their farmlands andbusiness all in the name of running into ‘safe heavens.’ Also, the prevalence of terroristactivities by Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria sometimes displaces and forces indigenes to fleefrom most parts of northern Nigeria for the fear of losing their lives.
(Interview, 2020).
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Consequent to the above, most agricultural and economic activities in northern Nigeria are
affected because of fear for people losing their lives due to the prevalence of the terrorist
activities by Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria (Evans & Kelikume, 2019). In addition, the stagnation
in agricultural activities pose threat to the general food security in the region and to a larger
extent the entire country (Evans & Kelikume, 2019). The abrupt interruptions in economic and
business activities has also exacerbated the already existing unemployment crisis in northern
Nigeria, with its attendant consequences such as increase in crimes, low standard of living, poor
nutrition, among others.
3.5.4 Disruptions in Religious and other Cultural Activities
Nigeria is one of the countries in Africa and for that matter West Africa with rich or great
cultural heritage (Chinenye & Ogbera, 2013). This sets Nigeria apart on the international level.
Religion is one of the major components of culture anywhere across the world. Similarly, there is
a proliferation of various religious groups and organizations in Nigeria (Udoh, 2015). In an
interview with a personnel of the Nigerian Police Service (who has participated in Peacekeeping
Operations in Nigeria since 2010 to 2019), he explained that, “the prevalence of terrorist
activities by some Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria has engendered the culture of religious
intolerance among most Christians and Muslims, particularly in areas where Fulani herdsmen
dominate (Interview, 2020).” This could lead to the infringement on the freedom of association
and fear in most parts of Nigeria due to the fear of unexpected attacks by Fulani herdsmen on
local people or indigenes, including farmers.
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3.5.5 Perpetual Fear and Panic
Generally, there is intense fear and tension in especially northern Nigeria due to the prevalence of
terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in the region (Oli et al, 2018). In an interview with a personnel
of the Nigerian Armed Forces (who has participated in Peacekeeping Operations in Nigeria since
2010 to 2019), he explained that:
Most people in northern Nigeria are terrified to go public places or engage in evennormal daily routines for the fear of surprise attacks by some violent Fulani herdsmen.What has worsened the case especially in northern Nigeria is the deployment of troops bythe Nigerian Government as a counter strategy to terrorist activities in the region. Thisoccasionally results in frequent clashes and exchanges of gun shoots between theNigerian government troops and some violent Fulani herdsmen, sometimes on a dailybasis.
(Interview, 2020).
Consequently, there is therefore absence of peace of mind for inhabitants in the region and the
entire country at large. What is complex about the whole situation is that some Fulani herdsmen
sometimes disguise themselves as Nigerian national security personnel or Armed Forces
personnel and later commit atrocious attacks on innocent citizens in the country.
In addition to the above, there has been proliferation of small arms and weaponry in Nigeria
which most of the time fall in the wrong hands including some violent Fulani herdsmen in
northern Nigeria who use them to attack innocent citizens and also to protect themselves against
any attacks by the Nigerian Government’s security forces. Therefore, the uncertainty about who
is supplying these weapons to the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria and how to retrieve or prevent
them from getting into their hands has created an environment of panic, terror and tension in
especially northern Nigeria and the entire country at large. Consequently, there could be no or
little freedom of movement and association in Northern Nigeria due to intermittent curfew
impositions on civilians as a mechanism by the government to reduce the more drastic attacks by
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Fulani herdsmen on innocent citizens including farmers.
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3.6 The Challenges Confronting the Effective Tackling of Terrorism by the Fulani
Herdsmen in Nigeria
Notwithstanding the efforts by the Nigerian Government to ensure peace and security in the
country at all times, there are some challenges which militate against the efforts of the Nigerian
Government in the promotion of peace and security in the country. The most pressing and recent
security challenge which confronts the Nigerian Government is how to address terrorism in the
country, including the ones perpetuated by the Fulani herdsmen. Paramount among challenges
confronting the effective tackling of terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria include
financial challenges, personnel constraints, misunderstanding and poor cooperation between
Fulani herdsmen and farmers, high incidence of bribery and corruption, difficulty in obtaining
reliable intelligence, insufficient job opportunities, coupled with economic hardship in Nigeria
and institutional inefficiencies and deficiencies.
3.6.1 Financial Challenges
The cost of tackling the terrorism, including those perpetuated by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria
which poses much threat to the current security status quo in Nigeria, is very expensive. As
indicated by Dr. Antwi-Danso in an interview:
The security budget of the Nigerian government must increase to provide extra securitypersonnel and resources towards addressing the menace of terrorism by Fulani herdsmenacross the country as more equipment and personnel are required to clamp the prevailingor emerging security threats in the country. This explains why the security budget ofNigeria has increased tremendously from about N444.6 billion in 2008 to N1.334 trillionin 2019 (Interview, 2020).
Tackling security threats in Nigeria such as the terrorist activities by Fulani herdsmen requires
much revenue to acquire sophisticated surveillance machinery and security personnel or
intelligence to preempt, prevent and also curb the menace. Though, the Nigerian state security
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apparatuses including the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), the Police Service, the Armed
Forces, among others collaborate to ensure promotion of peace and security in the country,
insufficient financial rewards and benefits for officials of these agencies makes most of them
susceptible to bribery and corruption, hence militating against the collaborative efforts to ensure
effective security management such as addressing terrorism in the country, including the ones
perpetuated by the Fulani herdsmen. In addition to the above, governments’ revenue and
resource challenges towards the course of fighting or addressing terrorism by the Fulani
herdsmen is insufficient to meet the changing patterns and trend of such threats in Nigeria.
3.6.2 Personnel Constraints
In relation to the above, tackling terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen/pastoralists in Nigeria
requires extra or additional security forces to beef up operations of the already existing trained or
expertise security personnel (De Coning et al., 2016). This is due to the changing patterns or
dynamics of terrorism in Nigeria and the modus operandi adopted by the actors (especially the
Fulani herdsmen in collaboration with Boko Haram). However, in an interview with a personnel
of the Nigerian Armed Forces (who has participated in Peacekeeping Operations in Nigeria since
2010 to 2019), he indicated that “the capacity of Nigerian security forces in comparison to its
population contributed greatly to the snag in effectively addressing its prevailing security
challenges including terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen as a result of limited state security forces
(Interview, 2020).” Therefore, even with the best of collaboration that could exist between and
among the Nigerian state security forces to promote peace and security, including the safety of
citizens in Nigeria, personnel constraint with regards to the state security forces will always be a
snag to their efforts towards effectively the terrorist activities by the Fulani herdsmen in the
country.
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3.6.3 Misunderstanding and Poor Cooperation between Fulani Herdsmen and Farmers
The relevance of the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of People is to promote effective
coordination and cooperation among states and citizens towards promoting economic integration
and development in the West African sub-region (Adepoju, 2015). Some leaders and citizens in
some West Africa are unwilling in showing great commitment to the implementation of the
ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of People (Adepoju, 2015). In interview with a
diplomat/official from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration (who has
been in Nigeria from 2016 to date), he indicated that:
Although all West African leaders and states are supposed to have the same objectivesand ideas in achieving the sub-regional economic integration through the implementationof the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of People, some West African leaders andcitizens have their own ideology on how things should be run. Consequently, there havebeen extreme difficulties in peaceful integration of the Fulani herdsmen into most WestAfrican societies, with specific reference to Nigeria. Some states even consider the Fulanipeople as illegal migrants or criminals. Nonetheless, there are some Presidents or formerPresidents in the West African sub-region including the current President of Nigeria,Muhammadu Buhari; who is a Fulani.
(Interview, 2020).
Consequent to the above, some sections of the Nigerian citizenry, including farmers, particularly
in northern Nigeria have also discriminated against Fulani herdsmen in the region, which has
engendered several clashes and conflicts between the farmers and the Fulani herdsmen in the
region. Subsequently, there is often misunderstanding and tensions between farmers and Fulani
herdsmen due to difficulty to effectively cooperate and cohabit peacefully owing to some dire
socio-economic factors.
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3.6.4 High Incidence of Bribery and Corruption
Most Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria, particularly, the northern section of the country who are
directly involved in terrorist activities have their agents and accomplices among a wide spectrum
of top Nigerian Government officials, including diplomats, politicians, opinion leaders such as
traditional rulers and religious leaders, state security officials or personnel, among others (Zenn,
2013). Some of these officials are usually bribed to help facilitate and sustain the activities of
some Fulani herdsmen who engage in terrorist activities. In an interview with Dr. Antwi-Danso,
he asserted that:
The Nigerian society in recent times has been characterized with several incidences ofbribery and corruption scandals, among various government institutions and officials.Consequently, most Fulani herdsmen who carry out terrorist activities in Nigeriaundermine some state security institutions and personnel by bribing them before or afteroperations and making most of them become corrupt. Also, some government institutionsand personnel, as well as ordinary Nigerian citizens are influenced by some political andgovernment actors to bend the law in the favour of Fulani herdsmen who engage in theterrorist activities in the country.
(Interview, 2020).
Consequent to the above, the culture of corruption is gradually eroding into contemporary
Nigerian society and becoming a way of life for survival for some sections of the population.
Towards this end, there continue to be a high prevalence of terrorism by some Fulani herdsmen
which pose great challenge to the security and socio-economic development of Nigeria.
3.6.5 Difficulty in obtaining reliable Intelligence
Tackling terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria just like any other security threat thrives on
proper and reliable intelligence or information (Akinola & Tella, 2013). However, there is
difficulty in obtaining reliable intelligence in the form of tip off quality information on the
clandestine moves and tactics of most Fulani herdsmen who engage in terrorist activities in
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Nigeria
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(Akinola & Tella, 2013). In an interview with a security expert/lecturer at the Kofi Annan
International Peacekeeping Training Center (KAIPTC), he indicated that:
There are several tips of information or intelligence which could be gathered by the mainNigerian state security apparatuses in a year, towards combating the terrorist activitiesand attacks by Fulani herdsmen, particularly on innocent citizens and security forces.However, only few or sometimes none of such intelligence or information gathered fromthe general public and other state institutions will be reliable or genuine for counterterrorism operations on the Fulani herdsmen who have been lured into terrorist activities.
(Interview, 2020).
This difficulty in obtaining reliable intelligence makes it extremely difficult and challenging for
the Nigerian Government in preempting, preventing and countering the terrorist activities of
some Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria. Consequently, the Nigerian Government has not achieved
great success in tackling terrorism by Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria, with greater focus on northern
Nigeria.
3.8.6 Insufficient Job Opportunities, coupled with Economic Hardship in Nigeria
As already established in earlier sections of this study, one of the main socio-economic factors
which makes most Fulani herdsmen susceptible to recruitment into terrorist groups such as Boko
Haram is marginalization in terms of job opportunities and economic prospects (Okoli & Iortyer,
2014). These conditions have contributed largely to the wide inequality gap between southern
and northern Nigeria in terms of development (Okereke, 2011). In an interview a
diplomat/official from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration (who has
been in Nigeria from 2016 to date), he explained that “the inability of the Nigerian Government
to effectively address the increasing phenomena of unemployment and economic hardship in
Nigeria has worsen the plights of most of youth, especially the Fulani herdsmen who find
themselves in the
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unemployed category. This cause them to resort to all manner of activities (including crimes and
terrorism), (Interview, 2020).”
The above remarks support the reason for the prevalence and menace of terrorism by some
Fulani herdsmen as witnessed in recent times in Nigeria, particularly in the northern eastern
section of the country (Okoli & Iortyer, 2014). Therefore, notwithstanding the collaboration that
exist between the Nigerian state security apparatuses, terrorism by some Fulani herdsmen will
continue to be prevalent in the country if the government does not take austerity measures to
address the challenge of harsh economic conditions, extreme poverty and jobless to lessen the
plights of most youths including the Fulani herdsmen.
3.6.7 Institutional Deficiencies and Inefficiencies
Where there are deficiencies in state’s institutions to maintain law and order, it is more likely for
some section of the population (such as the Fulani herdsmen) to sprout and cause mayhem and
threats to the peaceful nature of security enjoyed in the country as compared to situations where
state’s institutions are functioning effectively to ensure law and order at all times (Olofinbiyi,
2018). In an interview with Dr. Antwi-Danso, he pointed out that, “where the human security of
the citizenry is being threatened in the form of extreme poverty, unemployment, poor health and
education systems, section of the population such as violent Fulani Herdsmen in Nigeria could
mobilize to demonstrate against the status-quo, which sometimes result in violent situations and
attacks on innocent citizens including crop farmers (Interview, 2020).”
Consequent to the above, where the Nigerian Government (through its national security forces or
apparatuses) fails to provide equal and adequate security for all individuals in the country, it
could give rise to the recruitment of thugs or extremists such as some violent Fulani who are
usually the
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youth to act as political vigilantes for security purposes. In addition, where the court or justice
system in Nigeria is incapacitated to sanction Fulani herdsmen who mobilize to commit terrorist
attacks and crimes on innocent citizens, it gives impunity to them to commit more attacks and
become stronger to the extent that the Nigerian state security forces can no longer contain them.
3.7 Conclusion
In conclusion, this chapter reveals the contemporary status quo of terrorism in Nigeria (i.e. in the
last decade) has been characterized by the proliferation of terrorist or radical attacks, particularly
in northern Nigeria by the Boko Haram insurgent group, following the death of the founder of
group; Mohammed Yusuf in 2009. Boko Haram was however revamped and mobilized under a
new leader, Abubakar Shekau, who managed to give international prominence and attention to
the group till his death was reported in 2013. Abubakar Shekau’s death was as a result of a
shoot-out with government forces in a border community close to Cameroon, in which he was
believed to have sustained several injuries and died as a result. However, after 2013 to date,
Boko Haram continues to carry out numerous terrorist attacks in Nigeria and by extension to
other neighbouring countries, including Benin, Cameroon and Chad due to changing patterns of
the modus operandi adopted by the group in its operations.
With reference to the dynamics of contemporary terrorism in Nigeria, typical reference can be
made to the increasing recruitment of Fulani herdsmen and school girls as members of the Boko
Haram terrorist organization particularly in the north eastern part of Nigeria. This makes
exploring the socio economic factors which make the Fulani herdsmen easily susceptible to
recruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram, an all-important task and focus for this
study.
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The Chapter reveals that existing social stereotypes, discrimination and marginalization against
some Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria (particularly, north-eastern section of the country), makes them
become easily susceptible to terrorist groups recruitment such as the Boko Haram. This is
because from a Social Constructivism perspective, some Fulani herdsmen develop the “WE
against THEM” identity or perception and feel they are being stereotyped, discriminated against
or marginalized in the Nigerian society, and therefore, would wish for the status quo to change.
Consequently, most Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria in the last decade, consider joining terrorist or
radical groups such as Boko Haram as a plausible move for physiological needs, identity
formation and prominence in society, as well as for emotional, psychological, resource and
financial support.
The Chapters indicated that there are several socio-economic factors which have made the
Fulani easily susceptible to recruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria.
These factors include social stereotypes, marginalization, stigmatization and discrimination,
harsh environmental conditions coupled with drought, increasing population with its attendant
struggle for scarce land and water resources, unfavourable land tenure systems, the
implementation of the ECOWAS Protocol of Free Movement of People and threats of
Transnational Organized Crimes, Unfavourable Political terrain and finally, extreme poverty and
economic hardships.
Also, the Chapters unearthed that the recruitment and prevalence of the terrorist activities by the
Fulani herdsmen/pastoralists in Nigeria has security implications on the national development of
the country. The main security threats of the terrorist activities by the Fulani
herdsmen/pastoralists in Nigeria include proliferation of small arms and other light weapons,
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high tendency for extremism and escalation of violence in Nigeria, worsening already existing
terrorist situation by
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Boko Haram, increase in crime rates and other social vices, poor global image in dealing with
Fulani terrorism in the country (i.e. Nigeria) and finally, high government security expenditure in
tackling the Fulani terrorist situation in Nigeria.
In addition to the above, the study showed that the prevalence of terrorism activities by the
Fulani herdsmen/pastoralists’ in Nigeria has become an emerging threat to socio-economic
development in the country, with special reference to the welfare of citizens. The socio-economic
implications of the terrorist activities by the Fulani Herdsmen on the national development of
Nigeria include disruption in agricultural, health care delivery and educational activities,
increasing political tension and threat to social cohesion, disruptions in major economic and
other business activities, disruptions in religious and other cultural activities and perpetual fear
and panic which have direct bearing on citizens or individuals rather the state.
Finally, the study revealed that notwithstanding the efforts by the Nigerian Government to ensure
peace and security in the country at all times, there are some challenges which militate against
the efforts of the Nigerian Government in the promotion of peace and security in the country.
The most pressing and recent security challenge which confronts the Nigerian Government is
how to address terrorism in the country, including the ones perpetuated by the Fulani herdsmen.
Paramount among challenges confronting the effective tackling of terrorism by the Fulani
herdsmen in Nigeria include financial challenges, personnel constraints, misunderstanding and
poor cooperation between Fulani herdsmen and farmers, high incidence of bribery and
corruption, difficulty in obtaining reliable intelligence, insufficient job opportunities, coupled
with economic hardship in Nigeria and institutional inefficiencies and deficiencies.
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REFERENCES
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Abdullahi, S. I. (2013). Islamic banking in West African sub-region: A survey. Arabian Journalof Business and Management Review, 2(7), 28-46.
Achumba, I. C., Ighomereho, O. S., & Akpor-Robaro, M. O. M. (2013). Security challenges inNigeria and the implications for business activities and sustainable development. Journal ofeconomics and sustainable development, 4(2).
Adepoju, A. (2015). Operationalizing the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of Persons:Prospects for Sub-Regional Trade and Development. In The Palgrave Handbook of InternationalLabour Migration (pp. 441-462). Palgrave Macmillan, London.
Adepoju, A. (2015). Operationalizing the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of Persons:Prospects for Sub-Regional Trade and Development. In The Palgrave Handbook of InternationalLabour Migration (pp. 441-462). Palgrave Macmillan, London.
Agbiboa, D. (2013). The ongoing campaign of terror in Nigeria: Boko Haram versus the state.Stability: International Journal of Security and Development, 2(3).
Akinola, A., & Tella, O. (2013). Boko Haram Terrorism and Nigeria’s security dilemma:Rethinking the state’s capacity. International Journal of Innovative Social Sciences andHumanities Research, 1(3), 70-78.
Akinola, O. (2015). Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria: Between Islamic fundamentalism,politics, and poverty. African Security, 8(1), 1-29.
Anyadike, N. O., & Nkechi, O. (2013). Boko Haram and national security challenges in Nigeria;causes and solutions. Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development, 4(5), 12-23.
Aregbesola, R. (2012). Paper Presented at the National Symposium on ‘Islam and PeacefulCo-Existence in Contemporary Multi-Religious State’ at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre,Abuja.
Bello, A. U. (2013). Herdsmen and farmers conflicts in North-Eastern Nigeria: Causes,repercussions and resolutions. Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 2(5), 129.
Chiazor, A. I., & Egharevba, M. E. (2013). Money politics and good governance in Nigeria.International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Reviews, 4(2), 122-136.
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Chinenye, S., & Ogbera, A. O. (2013). Socio-cultural aspects of diabetes mellitus in Nigeria.Journal of Social Health and Diabetes, 1(01), 015-021.
De Coning, C., Gelot, L., & Karlsrud, J. (Eds.). (2016). The future of African peace operations:From the Janjaweed to Boko Haram. UK: Zed Books Ltd.
Duke, O. O. (2019). The Role of Military Logistics Supports in Safeguarding National Securityin Nigeria. Available at academia.edu on October 30, 2020.
Dwyer, M. (2015). Peacekeeping abroad, trouble making at home: Mutinies in West Africa.African Affairs, 114(455), 206-225.
Ehiane, S. O., & Uwizeyimana, D. D. (2018). Challenges in combating the proliferation of smallarms and light weapons (SALW) in Nigeria: a human security perspective. Journal of AfricanForeign Affairs, 5(3), 65-85.
Ellis, S. (2016). This present darkness: A history of Nigerian organized crime. Oxford UniversityPress, USA.
Evans, O., & Kelikume, I. (2019). The impact of poverty, unemployment, inequality, corruptionand poor governance on Niger Delta militancy, Boko Haram terrorism and Fulani Herdsmenattacks in Nigeria. International Journal of Management, Economics and Social Sciences(IJMESS), 8(2), 58-80.
Fadiran, D. O., Sarr, M., & Fedderke, J. W. (2017). Measurement and Analysis of the Evolutionof Institutions in Nigeria. Lagos, Nigeria: Islamic Publications Bureau.
Garuba, D. S. (2010). Trans-border economic crimes, illegal oil bunkering and economic reformsin Nigeria. Policy brief series, 15.
Ghebru, H., Edeh, H., Ali, D., Deininger, K., Okumo, A., & Woldeyohannes, S. (2014). Tenuresecurity and demand for land tenure regularization in Nigeria. Retrieved at PDF] psu.edu onSeptember 15, 2020.
Hagher, I. (2015). Diverse but Not Broken: National Wake Up Calls for Nigeria. Strategic BookPublishing & Rights Agency.
Iduh, S. (2011). The key challenges to peace in Nigeria. International Journal of Vocational andTechnical Education, 3(8), 121-134.
Interview with a personnel of the Nigerian Armed Forces (who has participated in Peacekeeping
Operations in Nigeria since 2010 to 2019), on October 10, 2020 at 4:00 pm.
Interview with a diplomat/official from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional
Integration (who has been in Nigeria from 2016 to date), on October 5, 2020 at 2:00 pm.
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Interview with a personnel of the Nigerian Police Service (who has participated in Peacekeeping
Operations in Nigeria since 2010 to 2019), on October 1, 2020 at 4:00 pm.
Interview with a security expert, Dr. Vladimir Antwi-Danso (Academic Director at the Ghana
Armed Forces Command and Staff College - GAFCSC) on September 30, 2020 at 2:00 pm.
Interview with security expert/lecturer at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training
Center (KAIPTC). on September 30, 2020 at 12:00 pm.
Odo, L. U. (2015). Boko Haram and insecurity in Nigeria: The quest for a permanent solution.African Research Review, 9(1), 47-61.
Okemi, M. E. (2013). Boko Haram: A religious sect or terrorist organization. Global Journal ofPolitics and Law Research, 1(1), 1-9.
Okereke, N. C. (2011). Implementing the Nigerian Defence Policy: Reflections on the BokoHaram Crisis. Nigerian Defence and Security: Policies and Strategies, 444-462.
Okoli, A. C., & Iortyer, P. (2014). Terrorism and humanitarian crisis in Nigeria: Insights fromBoko Haram insurgency. Global Journal of Human Social Science-GJHSS-F, 14(1).
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Olofinbiyi, S. A. (2018). Socio-economic context of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria. Retrievedfrom ukzn-dspace.ukzn.ac.za on October 3, 2020.
Olojo, A. (2013). Nigeria’s troubled north: Interrogating the drivers of public support for BokoHaram. Retrieved August, 12, 2014. Retrieved from researchgate.net. on October 15, 2020.
Onapajo, H., & Ozden, K. (2020). Non-military approach against terrorism in Nigeria:deradicalization strategies and challenges in countering Boko Haram. Security Journal, 1-17.
Onuoha, F. (2014). Boko Haram and the evolving Salafi Jihadist threat in Nigeria. Islamism,politics, security and the state in Nigeria, 158.
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Remaro., J, J. (2018). Farmers’ Perception of rainfall variability on yam yield in Jema, a localgovernment area of Kaduna State, Nigeria. Retrieved at dspace.fudutsinma.edu.ng on October, 3,2020.
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Siddique, N. (2014). Massacre in Assam: Explaining the latest round. Economic and PoliticalWeekly, 16-18.
Sklar, R. L. (2015). Nigerian political parties: Power in an emergent African nation. PrincetonUniversity Press.
Udoh, E. W. (2015). Insecurity in Nigeria: political, religious and cultural implications. Journal ofphilosophy, culture and religion, 5, 1-7.Walker, A. (2012). What is boko haram? (Vol. 17). Washington, DC: US Institute of Peace.Weeraratne, S. (2017). Theorizing the expansion of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria.Terrorism and Political Violence, 29(4), 610-634.
Zenn, J. (2013). Cooperation or competition: Boko Haram and Ansaru after the Mali intervention.CTC Sentinel, 6(3), 1-8.
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CHAPTER FOUR
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
4.1 Introduction
The study was carried out under the Conceptual frameworks of Social Constructivism with the
major argument that the social-economic challenges of the Fulani herdsmen contribute
significantly to the promotion of terrorism in Nigeria, and the entire West African sub-region.
The concept of Social Constructivism was chosen because it helps to better explain and
understand how the socially constructed relations between the Fulani herdsmen and other
citizens (such as local farmers, Nigerian security forces and the Nigerian Government), rather
than the structure of the international system, have contributed largely to the Fulani recruitment
into terrorist groups such as Boko Haram with its dire security and socio-economic implication
on the national development of Nigeria.
Regardless of the prevalence of terrorist activities by some Fulani herdsmen across most states in
the West African sub-region, this study was primarily concerned with exploring the social
conditions of the Fulani’s in the promotion of terrorism in Nigeria. Towards this end, the main
objectives of the study were to explore the contemporary status quo of terrorism in Nigeria, the
socio economic factors which make the Fulani herdsmen easily susceptible to recruitment by
terrorist groups such as Boko Haram, the security and socio-economic implications of terrorism
by the Fulani herdsmen on the national development of Nigeria and the challenges confronting
the effective tackling of terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria.
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4.2 Summary of Major Research Findings
In summarizing the major findings, there is the need to again look at the main questions that
guided the study:
5. What is the contemporary status quo of terrorism in Nigeria?
6. What are the socio economic factors which make the Fulani herdsmen easily susceptible
to recruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram?
7. What are the security and socio-economic implications of the terrorist activities by the
Fulani herdsmen on the national development of Nigeria?
8. What are the challenges confronting the effective tackling of terrorism by the Fulani
herdsmen in Nigeria?
The following are summaries of the major findings based on the research questions asked.
4.2.1 Findings on the contemporary status quo of terrorism in Nigeria
❖ In relation to the above, the study uncovered that this chapter reveals the contemporary
status quo of terrorism in Nigeria (i.e. in the last decade) has been characterized by the
proliferation of terrorist or radical attacks (particularly in northern Nigeria), by the Boko
Haram terrorist group, following the death of the founder of group; Mohammed Yusuf in
2009.
❖ The study also showed that Boko Haram was however revamped and mobilized under a
new leader, Abubakar Shekau, who managed to give international prominence and
attention to the group till his death was reported in 2013. Abubakar Shekau’s death was
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as a result of a shoot-out with government forces in a border community close to
Cameroon, in
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which he was believed to have sustained several injuries and died as a result. However,
after 2013 to date, Boko Haram continues to carry out numerous terrorist attacks in
Nigeria and by extension to other neighbouring countries, including Benin, Cameroon
and Chad due to changing patterns of the modus operandi adopted by the group in its
operations.
❖ With reference to the dynamics of contemporary terrorism in Nigeria, the study revealed
that reference can be made to the increasing recruitment of Fulani herdsmen and school
girls as members of the Boko Haram terrorist organization particularly in the north
eastern part of Nigeria. This makes exploring the socio economic factors which make the
Fulani herdsmen easily susceptible to recruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko
Haram, an all- important task and focus for this study.
❖ The study also uncovered that existing social stereotypes, discrimination and
marginalization experienced by some of the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria (particularly,
north-eastern section of the country), makes them become easily susceptible to terrorist
groups recruitment such as the Boko Haram. This is because from a Social
Constructivism perspective, some Fulani herdsmen who develop the “WE against
THEM” identity or perception, feel they are being stereotyped, discriminated against or
marginalized in the Nigerian society, and therefore, would wish for the status quo to
change.
❖ Consequent to the above, the study revealed that, most Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria in the
last decade consider joining terrorist or radical groups such as Boko Haram as a plausible
move for physiological needs, identity formation and prominence in society, as well as
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for emotional, psychological, resource and financial support.
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4.2.2 Findings on the socio economic factors which make the Fulani herdsmen easily
susceptible to recruitment by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram
❖ In relation to the above objective, the study revealed that there are several
socio-economic factors which have made the Fulani easily susceptible to recruitment by
terrorist groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria. These factors include stereotypes,
marginalization, stigmatization and discrimination, harsh environmental conditions
coupled with drought, increasing population with its attendant struggle for scarce land
and water resources, unfavourable land tenure systems, the implementation of the
ECOWAS Protocol of Free Movement of People and threats of Transnational Organized
Crimes, unfavourable political terrain and finally, extreme poverty and economic
hardships.
4.2.3 Findings on the security and socio-economic implications of the terrorist activitiesby the Fulani herdsmen on the national development of Nigeria
❖ To address the above objective, the study showed that the recruitment and prevalence of
the terrorist activities by the Fulani herdsmen/pastoralists in Nigeria has security
implications on the national development of the country. The main security threats of the
terrorist activities by the Fulani herdsmen/pastoralists in Nigeria include proliferation of
small arms and other light weapons, high tendency for extremism and escalation of
violence in Nigeria, worsening already existing terrorist situation by Boko Haram,
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increase in crime rates and other social vices, poor global image in dealing with Fulani
terrorism in
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the country (i.e. Nigeria) and finally, high government security expenditure in tackling
the Fulani terrorist situation in Nigeria.
❖ Also, the study revealed that the prevalence of terrorism activities by the Fulani
herdsmen/pastoralists’ in Nigeria has become an emerging threat to socio-economic
development in the country, with special reference to the welfare of citizens. The socio-
economic implications of the terrorist activities by the Fulani Herdsmen on the national
development of Nigeria include disruption in agricultural, health care delivery and
educational activities, increasing political tension and threat to social cohesion,
disruptions in major economic and other business activities, disruptions in religious and
other cultural activities and perpetual fear and panic which have direct bearing on citizens
or individuals rather the state.
4.2.4 Findings on the challenges confronting the effective tackling of terrorism by the
Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria
❖ To address the above objective, the study uncovered that notwithstanding the efforts by
the Nigerian Government to ensure peace and security in the country at all times, there
are some challenges which militate against the efforts of the Nigerian Government in the
promotion of peace and security in the country. The most pressing and recent security
challenge which confronts the Nigerian Government is how to address terrorism in the
country, including the ones perpetuated by the Fulani herdsmen. Paramount among
challenges confronting the effective tackling of terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in
Nigeria include financial challenges, personnel constraints, misunderstanding and poor
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cooperation between Fulani herdsmen and farmers, high incidence of bribery and
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corruption, difficulty in obtaining reliable intelligence, insufficient job opportunities,
coupled with economic hardship in Nigeria and institutional inefficiencies and
deficiencies.
4.3 Contribution of the Study to Theory/Academia, Policy Making and Practice
4.3.1 Contribution to Theory/Academia
❖ This study contributes to theory by revealing how the concepts of Social Constructivism
could be utilized in explaining the social conditions of the Fulani’s in the promotion of
terrorism from a state’s (i.e. Nigeria) perspective or approach. Similar studies have been
conducted by scholars such as (Adamu & Ben, 2017 and Ojo, 2020), on the Fulani terrorism
in West Africa, but this particular study brings a new dimension to complement already
existing studies with regards to how the socially constructed relations between the Fulani
herdsmen and other citizens (such as local farmers, Nigerian security forces and the Nigerian
Government), rather than the structure of the international system, have contributed largely to
the Fulani recruitment into terrorist groups such as Boko Haram with its dire security and
soci-economic implication on the national development of Nigeria.
❖ This is because the study is one of the numerous researches on the topic to have utilized the
concept of Social Constructivism to show the relational order that could be maintained by
state (specifically Nigeria) to ensure effective synergy between national security strategies in
addressing terrorism by Fulani herdsmen in the West African sub-region.
❖ The theoretical application to this study is very essential because it helped in understanding
the efforts, prospects and challenges by Nigeria in addressing terrorism by Fulani herdsmen
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in Nigeria and West Africa. It also helps in explaining how the socio-economic environment
in a developing country such as Nigeria could shape the extent of tackling or addressing the
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security challenges of terrorism by Fulani herdsmen by creating a synergy between the
Nigeria’s national security strategies and policies.
4.3.2 Implications for Research, Practice and Policy
❖ Most studies on the response to the challenges of Fulani violence or Pastoralism and conflict
crisis in West Africa, have focused predominantly on the factors which instigate such
conflicts and their consequences for peace and security in the sub-region. Little information
exists in relation to the topic from the perspective of how the socially constructed relations
between the Fulani herdsmen and other citizens (such as local farmers, Nigerian security
forces and the Nigerian Government), have contributed largely to the Fulani recruitment into
terrorist groups such as Boko Haram with its dire security and socio-economic implication on
the national development from the perspective of a state.
❖ By dealing extensively with the topic from a state perspective, this study calls for several
scholarships to broaden the scope of study on the topic to look into the partnerships,
negotiations, awareness and campaigns as well as budgetary allocations for implementation
and evaluation of national security policies and mechanism in addressing the challenges of
addressing terrorism by Fulani herdsmen in West Africa, by relying on the Nigerian
experience from this study.
❖ This study also offers a number of practical solutions for relevant institutions and
stakeholders in charge of addressing the challenges of terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in
West Africa. Countries which wish to implement national security strategies and policies
toward addressing Fulani terrorism in West Africa crisis could rely on strategies employed by
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Nigeria as identified in this study.
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❖ In terms of policy implications, the study calls for the need for governments in developing
countries, particularly states in West Africa to promote clearly defined national terrorism
regulatory frameworks and policies which align with the vision and objectives of the human
security goals conducive for addressing the increasing phenomenon of Fulani terrorism in
West Africa.
4.4 Conclusions
Following the findings obtained from the study, the researcher reached the following conclusions;
❖ The study concluded that the social-economic challenges of the Fulani herdsmen
contribute significantly to the promotion of terrorism in Nigeria, and the entire West
African sub- region.
❖ In relation to the above, the study also concluded that the existing social stereotypes,
discrimination and marginalization against some Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria (particularly,
north-eastern section of the country), makes them become easily susceptible to terrorist
groups recruitment such as the Boko Haram.
❖ Based on the above findings of the study, it is concluded that the increasing phenomenon
of terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria (particularly in the north eastern part of
the country), has significant implications and ramifications for the security and socio-
economic development of Nigeria. This is because there is evidence shown in this study
to prove that there are some security and socio-economic challenges which confronts
Nigeria as a result of the terrorist activities by Fulani herdsmen in the country.
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❖ It is concluded from the study that addressing Fulani terrorism in Nigeria and to a large
extent in West Africa, requires harmonization of national security strategies with that of
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national development strategies which have potentials for promoting effective
cooperation and understanding between particularly farmers and Fulani Herdsmen in
West Africa.
❖ Based on the analysis of the study, it is also concluded that ECOWAS’ efforts towards
addressing terrorism in the West African sub-region could be jeopardized if effective
measures are not taken by the governments and all stakeholders to address or tackle the
emerging threats of terrorism by Fulani herdsmen across the region as identified in this
study.
❖ The study also concluded that the challenges, that confront Nigeria’s efforts towards
addressing terrorism by Fulani in the country, could undermine her efforts in the
promotion of peace and security in the West African sub-region. This is because Nigeria
is a big player in ECOWAS. Therefore, Nigeria’s inability to effectively address the
increasing phenomena of terrorism by the Fulani could also equally affect her efforts
towards the promotion of peace and security in the sub-region. This is evident in
Nigeria’s battles with addressing the Boko Haram terrorist groups which has largely
affected Nigeria’s efforts in contributing to regional peace and security in West Africa.
❖ The study again concluded that Nigeria’s response to the terrorist activities by the Fulani
herdsmen in the country has been inadequate and tardy. However, though tardy and
inadequate, the situation would have been worse off if not for the interventions of
national security interventions and strategies. This proves the point that, though Nigeria is
confronted with some challenge, it has also made some strides such as collaboration
among the various state security apparatuses and the Multinational Joint Task Force
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(comprising units, mostly military, from Benin, Cameroon, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria),
towards curbing
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the increasing phenomenon of terrorism by Boko Haram across the country, and other
neighbouring countries.
❖ It is also deduced from the findings of the study that, there is still hope for Nigeria
towards effectively addressing the security and socio-economic challenges of terrorism
caused by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria, if proactive measures such as capacity
building of state security personnel, promoting effective cooperation and understanding
between Fulani herdsmen and farmers, among others are implemented to resolve or
address the challenges identified in this study. In this regard, collective stakeholder efforts
including the Government of Nigeria, civil society organizations, NGOs, think tanks,
educational institutions, among others can help to effectively draft an elaborate national
terrorism strategy or framework for Nigeria towards addressing the terrorist activities by
the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria and West Africa.
4.5 Recommendations
Based on the findings from the study and suggestions made by respondents during interviews,
the following recommendations are made:
❖ There should be recruitment of competent staff and management in terms of skills and
qualifications in Nigeria’s security institutions charged with the responsibility of counter
terrorist operations in the country. This will ensure that effective, efficient and viable
policies are formulated and implemented and sanctions applied accordingly to terrorists,
including Fulani herdsmen when they violate such security policies and strategies.
❖ Nigeria should promote effective regional (i.e. the Multinational Joint Task Force,
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ECOWAS and the AU) and international (i.e. the UN, AFRICOM and EU, among others)
security cooperation to effectively tackled the dire national security and developmental
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challenges created by the increasing phenomenon of terrorism by some Fulani herdsmen
in the country. This will ensure effective, efficient and viable policies are formulated and
implemented towards tackling the menace.
❖ Also, the Nigerian Government should ensure that its state security institutions and
personnel for engaging in counter terrorist operations (particularly towards Boko Haram
and some violent Fulani herdsmen), across the country should be adequately financed,
well-resourced and equipped since it a major challenge faced by the institutions in
providing quality service delivery.
❖ To achieve effective counter terrorist operations, especially towards the Fulani herdsmen
and Boko Haram across Nigeria, Nigerian citizens should also become security conscious
to know the security and socio-economic implications of involving, supporting or not
reporting certain crimes acts perpetuated by close friends, relatives and other members of
society involved in terrorism. Such attitudes by Nigerian citizens will provide readily
available information to know how to mitigate, clump or eliminate terrorist threats as
they relate to Fulani herdsmen completely, for perpetual peace and stability to prevail in
Nigeria.
❖ Of much relevance, more research should also be carried out on the prevailing and
emerging national security threats as they relate to the terrorist activities by Boko Haram
and Fulani herdsmen in particular. This will enable policy makers, security organizations
and the Nigerian government to use the outcomes of such researches as planning tools to
know the changing trends of the causes, implications and suitable solutions for effectively
addressing terrorism in Nigeria.
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❖ The Nigerian government should take a bold step in the fight against corruption and
should not interfere with the work of the Judicial systems so that culprits of corruption,
especially
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Those found within top management of state security apparatuses are sanctioned to serve
as a deterrent to others. This will ensure that all state security officials are up to task
towards the collective goal of combatting terrorism in Nigeria, including those
perpetuated by some Fulani men in the country.
❖ Tackling terrorism in Nigeria should not be politicized as it relates not only to Nigeria’s
national security, but also the human security or well-being of individuals in the country.
In this regard, people with little or no security management skills and knowledge,
especially, with regards to counter terrorism operations should not be recruited or
promoted to occupy security management positions of state security apparatuses just as
political favours. This hampers the objective to achieve effective national counter
terrorism operation in the country even if there exist effective collaboration among all the
state security agencies in Nigeria.
❖ Last but not the least, there should be a clearly defined National Security Strategy
framework, which should be reviewed every two years as seen in the United States (US).
This will serve as a guide to all national security management action plans or measures
adopted in addressing prevailing or emerging security threats such as the terrorist
activities by Boko Haram and some Fulani herdsmen across the country.
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REFERENCES
Adamu, A., & Ben, A. (2017). Nigeria: Benue state under the shadow of herdsmen terrorism(2014-2016). World Watch Research.
Ojo, J. S. (2020). Governing “Ungoverned Spaces” in the Foliage of Conspiracy: Toward (Re)ordering Terrorism, from Boko Haram Insurgency, Fulani Militancy to Banditry in NorthernNigeria. African Security, 13(1), 77-110.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books
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APPENDIX I
INTERVIEW GUIDE
TOPIC: THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF THE FULANI WHICH INFLUENCESTERRORISM IN NIGERIA.
1. What is your understanding of Terrorism?
2. What is the historical background of the Fulani tribes in West Africa?
3. What is the social orientation of the Fulani tribes in West Africa?
4. What is the contemporary nature of terrorism in Nigeria?
5. What do you think is the origin and main causes of terrorism in Nigeria?
6. What have been the dynamics of terrorism in Nigeria?
7. What are the socio economic factors of the Fulani herdsmen which makes them easily
recruited by Jihadist?
8. What are the security and socio-economic implications of the terrorist activities by the Fulani
herdsmen on the national development of Nigeria?
9. What are the challenges confronting the effective tackling of terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in
Nigeria?
10. What do you recommend as the way forward for tackling the growing threats of terrorism
in West Africa, with reference to terrorism by the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria?
Thank you so much for your time and cooperation. I hope this information will provide a useful andreliable source of data to help me carry out my research successfully.
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APPENDIX II
KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS
Dates Position/Office Media of Interview
1. August, 30, 2020. A personnel of the Nigerian ArmedForces (who has participated inPeacekeeping Operations in Nigeriasince 2010 to 2019).
WhatsApp Video Call
2. September 8, 2020. A diplomat/official from Nigeria’sMinistry of Foreign Affairs andRegional Integration (who has been inNigeria from 2016 to date),.
3. October 1, 2020 A personnel of the Nigerian PoliceService (who has participated inPeacekeeping Operations in Nigeriasince 2010 to 2019).
WhatsApp Video Call
4. October, 3, 2020. A security expert/lecturer at the KofiAnnan International PeacekeepingTraining Center (KAIPTC).
5. August, 20, 2020. Dr. Vladimir Antwi-Danso (AcademicDirector at the Ghana Armed ForcesCommand and Staff College -GAFCSC).
Telephone Call
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