Altai UNDP KAP Study and IEC Strategy FINAL 260213

Registered as Lhassa Consulting FZE

Rapid Knowledge Attitudes and Practices (KAP) Study and

Information, Education and Communication (IEC) Strategy

Final Report

UNDP - Altai Consulting

Final Report Rapid KAP Study and IEC Strategy (RFP/UNDP/12/003-SCELT)

February 2013

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1 Executive Summary

In October 2012, UNDP’s Support to Civic Engagement in Libya’s Transition (SCELT) project

commissioned Altai Consulting to conduct a rapid and qualitative Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices

(KAP) study of the Libyan population. The main objective of the KAP study was to enable the design

of a strategy foran Information, Communication and Education (IEC) campaign to support the

constitution-building process. The research was empirical by nature, and this report derives its main

findings from around 20 structured focus group discussions (FGDs) involving around 100 people,

conducted in 10 cities across Libya in October and November 2012.

While media and NGOs have succeeded in creating a familiarity with democratic terms, the FGDs

showed a lack of deeper understanding of what these terms actually mean in practice. Attitudes

towards the constitution-building process were generally positive; although there were often young

males who did not want participate. The discussion groups also highlighted a general lack of

confidence in the government’s intent to consult the population regarding the constitution and its

ability to keep the population informed. In terms of practices for absorbing information, television,

leafleting and lectures were seen to be the most influential outlets for educating the population.

This research highlighted population segments that will be harder to target than others, in particular

females and older males, who will require targeting through radio and newspapers.

In terms of the IEC campaign, it is recommended to structure the population’s informational needs

into three phases.The first phase is a generic awareness phase, in which Public Service

Announcements (PSAs) need to be produced on six key awareness topics.The second phase is a

process information phase thatshould answer the‘who, what, where and when’ questions of the

constitution-building process. Clearly, this can only be done satisfactorily when the Constitutional

Assembly has confidence itself about the process and schedule. The final phase is the content

messaging phase,a two-way process that furnishes the population with the draft constitutionand a

guide to aid understanding, while allowing the government to obtain feedback from the population.

A multi-vector IEC campaign will be needed to reach as many segments of the population as

possible. Government television channel Libya Al Wataniyahwill be the primary vector to broadcast

PSAs relating to all three phases on prime-time evening slots. Leaflets will be the second vector, with

the aim that every family in Libya receives awareness, process and content messaging leaflets,

distributed by Community Mobilisers, NGOs, schools, and scout movements. Other vectors will

include community presentations, radio PSAs, newspapers and a Facebook page and website. To

receive the population’s feedback on the articles, a national consultative structure will need to be

created. At the lowest level, this will mean employing many hundreds of Community Mobilisers to

conduct community presentations and feedback sessions across the country, as part of a ‘Month of

National Consultation’ when the first draft of the constitution is ready for public digest.

Libya has an urgent need for an IEC campaign that both informs and educates the population and

also informs the Constitutional Assembly of the population’s sentiments. Without such a campaign,

Libya may well suffer from the same problems as Egypt–poor constitutional referendum turnout,

outbreaks of violence, and increasing disenchantment with the political process. Libya has a great

opportunity to set its political process on the right path with a well-planned, widespread and

inclusive IEC and public consultation campaign.



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2 Contents

1 Executive Summary ......................................................................................................................... 2

2 Contents .......................................................................................................................................... 3

3 Abbreviations and Glossary ............................................................................................................ 3

4 Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 4

5 Objectives........................................................................................................................................ 4

6 Research Methodology ................................................................................................................... 6

7 KAP Assessment Findings ................................................................................................................ 8

8 IEC Strategy ................................................................................................................................... 20

9 Key Findings .................................................................................................................................. 32

10 Recommendations .................................................................................................................... 33

11 Action Plan ................................................................................................................................ 35

3 Abbreviations and Glossary

CSO Civil Society Organisation

GNC General National Congress

HNEC Higher National Electoral Commission

IEC Information, Education and Communication

KAP Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation

ORI Oxford Research International

PSA Public Service Announcement

SCELT Support to Civic Engagement in Libya’s Transition

UNDP United Nations Development Program

Amazigh Indigenous ethnic group of North Africa

Katiba Informal military group that fought against the regime in the revolution

Shari’a Islamic law and code of social conduct

Tamazighen Language of the amazigh people

Ulema Group of highly-educated Islamic scholars



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4 Introduction

In October 2012, UNDP’s Support to Civic Engagement in Libya’s Transition (SCELT) project

commissioned Altai Consulting to conduct a rapid andqualitative Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices

(KAP) study of the Libyan population. The main objective of the KAP study was toenable the design

of a strategyforan Information, Communication and Education (IEC) campaign to support the

constitution-building process.It is hoped that UNDP and its Libyan Government counterparts can use

the findings to engage, inform and excite the Libyan population about the constitution-building

process. The research was empirical by nature, and this report derives its main findings from around

20 structured focus group discussions (FGDs)involving around 100 people, conducted in 10 cities

across Libya in October and November 2012.

This report presents the main findings from the KAP survey, and also makes recommendations for an

effective IEC strategy. For completeness, the main findings are preceded by a brief presentation of

the objectives and methodology of the research. The guidelines used in the FGD are appended to

this report.

Altai is grateful to all the people who gave their time to be interviewed for this research.

5 Objectives

The objectives of the KAP study were to build a detailed qualitative understanding of the

population’s:

• Knowledge of the constitution-making and electoral processes, expectations for receiving

information and giving feedback, inclusivity, etc.

• Attitudes of the Libyan population towards the constitution, and the constitution building

process, in terms of enthusiasm, civic activism etc.

• Practices towards consuming government information and passing information back to the

government, including community meetings, politician’s surgeries, mosques, etc.

In addition, to understand the levels of knowledge, attitudes and practices within ten districts, in

particular, understanding:

• Specific needs of vulnerable segments of the population with regards to the constitution-

building process, including youth, women and disabled people

• Information consumption environments in these ten districts, focusing in particular on

consumption of political information.

The KAP study would then lead to the design of an IEC strategy that aimed to:

• Make recommendations for IEC products toinform and engage the population on matters

relating to the constitution-building process

• Make these recommendations relevant to different population segments, in particular

vulnerable population segments

• Make these recommendations concrete and actionable, using local knowledge and proposing

real dissemination vectors identified through the research.



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Figure 1: Ten research locations


Final Report Rapid KAP Study and IEC Strategy

6 Research Methodology

6.1 Research Approach

The project has drawn its conclusions from a wholly qualitative research approach. The main effort

went into organising a series of

across Libya. There was also a supporting effort to conduct around 20 Key Informant Interviews (KIIs)

with constitutional experts, Non

add context and depth to the findings.

6.2 Meta-Analysis

Altai examined relevant research and studies to enable more specific que

the FGDs and to support later analysis, while cognizant of data ageing

perception data available on Libya, with two main exceptions:

• First National Survey of Libya

• A Rapid Assessment of the Libyan Media Landscape

The following research is expected

analysis of the FGD findings.

• A Survey of Libyan Political Attitudes

released in late 2012.

6.3 Focus Group Discussions

Overall, 23 FGDs wereconducted

100 people were interviewed overall.

Figure 2: Locations, numbers and type of focus group discussions

Altai’s field team assembled spontaneous FGDs

a group that represented ‘ordinary Libyan

readily come to a FGD discussion, but

norm). Often the facilities of local NGOs were used to hold the FGD.

Rapid KAP Study and IEC Strategy (RFP/UNDP/12/003-SCELT)

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Methodology

Approach

its conclusions from a wholly qualitative research approach. The main effort

series of 23 spontaneous Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) in 10 locations

supporting effort to conduct around 20 Key Informant Interviews (KIIs)

on-Governmental Organisation (NGO) activists and media managers to

t and depth to the findings.

Altai examined relevant research and studies to enable more specific questions and

d to support later analysis, while cognizant of data ageing. Sadly, there is relatively little

n data available on Libya, with two main exceptions:

First National Survey of Libya, Oxford Research International, 2012

A Rapid Assessment of the Libyan Media Landscape, Altai Consulting, 2012

The following research is expected to be released shortly but could not be obtained in time for the

A Survey of Libyan Political Attitudes, Association for Political Support and Consulting, will be

Focus Group Discussions

wereconducted in the 10 research locations, as shown in Figure

100 people were interviewed overall.

: Locations, numbers and type of focus group discussions

spontaneous FGDs with a mix of profiles, consciously trying to ass

‘ordinary Libyans’rather than, for example, NGO activists

come to a FGD discussion, but would have knowledge, attitudes and practi

the facilities of local NGOs were used to hold the FGD.

February 2013

its conclusions from a wholly qualitative research approach. The main effort

Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) in 10 locations

supporting effort to conduct around 20 Key Informant Interviews (KIIs)

activists and media managers to

stions and drill-downs in

Sadly, there is relatively little

, 2012

could not be obtained in time for the

, Association for Political Support and Consulting, will be

Figure 2 below. Around

, consciously trying to assemble

activists (who would

would have knowledge, attitudes and practices far from the



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Thus, a typical FGDwouldinvolve a group of teachers, engineers, students, or unemployed people

from a range of ages and backgrounds. In this manner, although the FGDs sometimes difficult to

assemble (a large number of groups never formed, which was felt to be a sign of the general apathy

towards the process rather than a suspicion of the FGD itself), it was felt that within the bounds of

the methodology, a fair representation of Libyan society was interviewed.

Theguideline used in the FGD, which was developed by UNDP with Altai’s support, is shown in

Appendix A.



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7 KAP Assessment Findings

It should be noted that the qualitative nature of the research and the size of the samplemean that

these findings are not necessarily representative of the opinions of the Libyan people. Rather, the

findingspresent a number of opinions and ideas that are true to this sample of participants, which

would have to be further testedin a quantitative manner for broadersignificance.

7.1 Knowledge of the Political Process

7.1.1 The Elections

When participants were asked how they received information about the elections, responses

typically included the media, political parties, NGOs, Facebook, media campaigns and family and

friends.

NGOs were very successful in equipping female participants with information about the political

process, and many of them regarded NGOs as their primary information source. This was usually in

the context of lectures having been organised by NGOs, where learned or authoritative (often male)

individuals explained the process to women. Women also relied heavily on social networks; “Yes, I

got my information from the neighbours” (Female, Ajdabiya, 35), and “I followed the crowd on the

day of the election” (Female, Tripoli, 45).

Many participants also cited campaigns organised by political parties as their information source on

the elections. The impression gained from the responses is that these campaigns were successful in

educating people on the general principles of how to vote and where to vote, but not in convincing

people on a party line. Most participants remembered there having been a lot of campaigns, but few

of them could actually cite one that stood out in particular or trace them back to a particular party.

For example, one 44-year-old woman in Misrata said “I remember different parties had different

media campaigns, but I don’t remember anything specifically.”

There was also a strong feeling of not having been sufficiently informed. Most participants had

heard a lot about the elections but did not feel as though they were sufficiently informed on how to

make a decision, either because they did not have the skill of deciding between different parties, or

because they did not have enough information about the parties themselves. As one 49-year-old

woman in Benghazi explained, “In my opinion, all the media campaigns failed to encourage people

to vote. Most campaigns came too late to inform people, they should have started earlier.”

7.1.2 The Constitution

In general, there is a very high level of awareness that a constitution will be created soon. Most

participants indicate that they have heard about the constitution and that they have either been

involved in social discourse involving a new constitution and its role, or are aware of such a

discourse existing. However, the southern areas in the sample (Kufra and Sabha) emerge as

exceptions to these general trends, as the constitution is less topical in these areas, and it seems

that talk of security is overtaking talk of the constitution and elections at present. Also, a group of

women interviewed in Gharyan were the only participants who indicated that they had not heard of

the constitution, which shows that some segments of the population still remain rather



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isolated.Female participants in Ajdabiya were also more concerned about security (specifically,

removing guns and weapons off of the streets) than constitutional or democratic issues.

For many people, the constitution is linked to the Idris regime, and is generally seen as a positive

thing. However, the FGDs indicated that most people hear a lot of talk about the constitution as it is

a topical subject at present, but not many truly understand its role and place. This was especially the

case for the female participants. One 44-year-old woman in Zuwara said “Before the revolution

everyone was talking about democracy and the constitution came up from time to time, but we

didn’t discuss it in great detail, we just heard it being mentioned.” Minority groups tend to have the

most complete understanding,most probably due to the need to stay abreast of political changes to

ensure their roles in the new Libya. For example, the Amazigh people interviewed in Zuwara

demonstrated a good understanding of the role and place of a constitution.

The lack of a deep understanding of the role of a constitution was indicated by the responses to

what should be included in the constitution. Many people talked about the kinds of rights that they

would like to enjoy, or the kinds of changes that they would like to see in society, rather than

describing it as a fundamental document that outlines the relationship between the people and the

state. These include responses such as “it will include the rights of Libyan students in other

countries” or “it will educate the people and develop the country.” Overall, the ‘constitution,’ as a

concept, seems to symbolise ‘new Libya’ for a large part of the population.

7.1.3 The Constitutional Assembly and General National Congress (GNC)

When participants were asked if they had heard of the Constitutional Assembly (referred to in the

FGDs as ‘the Council of 60’), responses were varied. In four out of ten locations (Benghazi, Kufra,

Misrata, Zuwara), all participants stated that they had heard of the Assembly. In three of the ten

locations (Gharyan, Tripoli, Sirt), all the men interviewed had heard of the Assembly but some, or

none, of the women had. The rest of the locations were mixed in terms of responses. Most

participants who said that they had heard of the Constitutional Assembly had a clear understanding

of its role as a body to write the constitution.

Role of the GNC. A good proportion of participants said that they did now know what the role of the

GNC was. Answers along the lines of “I know the Constitutional Assembly will write the constitution

but I don’t know what the GNC does”, or “the GNC runs the country” without being able to specify

further, were not uncommon. Some more specific responses included issuing laws, establishing the

government, being similar to a parliament in its role, approving laws and decisions, and approving

the constitution. One woman in Benghazi summed it up nicely when she said “The GNC is

ambiguous, we don’t know its duties and responsibilities” (Female, 40, Benghazi).

General lack of clarity about therole of the GNC stems from a wider lack of understanding of what a

democratic and representative government looks like. This was explained by one woman is Sabha

who stated “The council is more known than the GNC because it’s an old way of doing and

expressing things, and the GNC is a new way” (Female, 44, Sabha).

Creation of the Constitutional Assembly. Except for a small proportion of participants who said that

they had not heard of theConstitutional Assembly, most participants understood that this process of

creating the assembly had not yet been undertaken.



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When participants were asked how the Constitutional Assembly would be established, responses

were varied across the appointing/electing spectrum, with no clear trend in either direction. Some

participants were happy for the GNC to appoint members, because they believed that they had

elected the GNC to represent them and so the GNC could make the decision on their behalf. Others

stated that they had elected the GNC and were not happy with the outcome, so they did not wish to

back to the polls and vote again, but were accepting for the GNC to make the choice on their behalf.

There was also a tendency for participants to immediately answer “election” without really

reflecting on the implications of what that would mean in practice, and it appears this is because

people believe that elections are the right that a democracy gives them.

7.2 Attitudes towards the Constitutional Process

7.2.1 The Election

Nearly everyone had voted in the July 2012 elections. The main reasons for not voting were from

women not being allowed to do so:“I wanted to vote but my husband did not allow me to

participate” (Female, 30 Ajdabiya), was typical in this area. Some made their decisionsas a matter of

principle: “I didn’t vote because I wasn’t convinced by any of the candidates” (Male, 27, Ajdabiya)

and “there were no candidates from our tribe so we didn’t participate” (Male, Kufra, 20).

In general, participants were eager to vote and made statements such as “This was the goal of the

revolution so of course we had to vote” (male, Benghazi, 66) and “It was the first time we had

elections in Libya so I wanted to be a part of this process” (male, Bayda, 23).

While some women explained that they would have liked to have voted but were not allowed to,

this was not a widespread problem. The majority of participants felt thatwomen’s votes were just as

important as men’s votes. For the small group of men that did not feel comfortable with women

voting, it was generally linked to‘logistical’ issues suchas not being comfortable with female family

members travelling to voting booths and mixing with men they did not know.

7.2.2 The Constitution

All participants felt that it was important for Libya to have a constitution to establish the relationship

between the government and the people and to determine the style of government and to define

rights. The constitution was often seen to be“sacred” because it was seen as the “highest authority”

and the authoritative document that all must adhere to. More importantly, and as mentioned

previously, the constitution symbolised the new Libya for most participants. As one 31-year-old

woman in Ajdabiya articulated, “the constitution is important and we must have one because we

experienced a time without a constitution and the government failed us.” A few participants also

made statements such as “Finally, Libya will become like other countries” (Female, Ajdabiya, 38).

However, as was seen in the previous section on knowledge, people’s expectations of what role the

constitution should actually play are a little unrealistic. This implies a need for further education. For

example, one 30-year-old woman in Sabha stated that the constitution was necessary “to develop

the country and so that we can achieve our hopes and dreams and collect the guns off of the

streets.” Likewise, one 42-year-old taxi driver in Tripoli added that “if the constitution gives me

cheap coffee, cheap petrol and cheap macaroni, I’ll be happy.”



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7.2.3 Constitutional Issues

When participants were asked what issues they felt were important to include in the constitution it

became clear that not many participants actually understood the role and place of the constitution,

and instead talked about what they wanted to see change in their lives in general (for example,

‘higher salaries’ or ‘take guns off of the streets’). However, there were a number of ideas that

resonated with participants:

Shari’a. Shari’a was, unsurprisingly, of utmost importance to the majority of participants, whether it

was stated or implied. Shari’a was mentioned as one of the issues that participants felt was essential

for inclusion in the constitution, but for many it was also seen as the standard against which the

constitution should be judged. For example, a 27-year-old man in Misrata explained that the

constitution should be judged by the people “by referendum, using the standard of whether it

conforms to or contradicts shari’a.”

Fundamental Rights. The importance of shari’a also extended into the realm of freedom of religion.

The vast majority of participants felt that fundamental freedoms had to be included in the

constitution, but this was almost always qualified by specifically stating that freedom of religion

should not be included as a fundamental freedom or right of the people. Freedom of speech was

also a commonly specified ‘fundamental right.’ That is, when participants spoke of fundamental

rights, they almost always mentioned freedom of speech as a freedom that needed to be

safeguarded by the constitution. Other freedoms, such as freedom of association and assembly were

not mentioned specifically in this context, yet participants frequently talked about assembling and

protesting when asked questions about communicating with government or expressing concerns to

government. This suggests thatparticipants felt that this right was already safeguarded whereas the

same confidence did not extend to freedom of speech.

Minority and Women’s Rights. The right of minorities were also often mentioned, but only ever by

minorities. The ‘average Libyan’ in our sample did not deem minority rights of any

importance.Women’s rights were also often mentioned by both men and women alike. Some

participants held the idea that women were also citizens and so everything in the constitution

applied to them equally and there was, thus, no need to mention their rights specifically. Within this

topic area, there was also discussion of Libya’s official language. The participants that belonged to

ethnic minorities prioritised the issue of language and desired for their native languages to also be

recognised. This issue was also raised by non-minorities in the reverse; they emphasised that Arabic

should be the official language and nothing else. Such tension also complicates the path towards a

strong national government.

The Structure of the State. The structure of the state was an unresolved issue for the majority of

participants and many people felt that it was the first step that they needed to take together as a

nation before being able to make progress in other areas. When asked what type of governmental

system participants preferred, the trend was to favour a presidential-parliamentary system because

“Libya needs someone to lead them” (Male, 46, Benghazi) but parliament is required to “avoid a

dictatorship” (female, 22 Gharyan). There was also some talk of federalism and a decentralised form

of government, but this did not represent the majority opinion in this research.



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When participants were asked to specify a country that they would like Libya to emulate, answers

typically varied between Turkey, America, and Britain. Some participants mentioned Egypt, Tunisia

and Saudi Arabia but this was uncommon. America and Britain were often referred to because of

their political systems and Turkey was almost always referred to as an example of how Libyans

would like their society to look. For example, one 39 year old man in Zuwara articulated that “the

system there [in Turkey] is very modern and so theyare able to be at the same level of other

countries. I would like Libya to be like other countries, modern and developed. This means

education, health, and economy - but Islam must still come first.” However, people’s preference for

Turkey was sometimes a little misguided. Participants often stated that they would like an Islamic

society where “Islam comes first” but cited Turkey as an ideal example. Interestingly, answers from

these questions did not match findings from ORI’s national survey, which placed the UAE as the

leading model for Libya (ORI, 2012).1

Citizenship and International Affairs. Citizenship also emerged as an important issue for most

participants. It was generally viewed with an attitude of protectionism, which sometimes looked like

a slight paranoia about the ‘other.’ It usually arose in the context of ethnic minorities who were

spread across borders (i.e., an opinion that people should not be given citizenship just because

sections of their tribe are in Libya) and was also often mentioned in the context of Libyan women

who marry non-Libyans (where it was also believed that their husbandsshould not be given

citizenship).

This concern in relation to the ‘other’ manifested not only in terms of strict citizenship regulations

but also in participants’ ideas about international relations. International relations were often

mentioned as an essential element of the constitution and participants said that they wanted the

constitution to ensure that foreign countries could not involve themselves in Libya’s affairs. There

was a strong concern that other Arab nations were too involved and that if they invested in Libya it

was for ulterior motives. Qatar was often mentioned in this light. It sometimes came across as

paranoia because it was mentioned in seemingly unrelated discussions. For example, when

participants were asked if they felt that political parties were a good way to organise politics in

Libya, many of them said no because it allowed foreigners to influence Libya, and that parties were

often controlled by foreigners.

7.2.4 Public Input into the Constitution

Most participants felt that it was important for the public to be consulted about what to put in the

constitution.As one 39-year-old man in Zuwara articulated, “it’s our right because we fought the

revolution.” However, few had faith that this would actually occur in a meaningful way. One 45-year-

old woman in Tripoli explained this by stating “I don’t think the government cares what the people

think, but because of all the protesting they probably will make an attempt to avoid any big

problems.” Most participants believed that this would happen via a referendum that everyone could

participate in. “Everyone’s opinions will be included, except for the pro-Ghadaffi people because

they will not participate” (Benghazi, male, 66).

1 Although this may well be in terms of a ‘lifestyle’ aspiration rather than a political aspiration.



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When participants in the sample were asked if they had heard about the referendum, most people

said yes. Where participants hadn’t heard about it, it was usually women. However, Bayda, Ajdabiya,

and Sirt were locations with some participants who stated that they had not heard about the

referendum.

7.2.5 Women on the Constitutional Assembly

There was a discrepancy between the ways participants felt about the role of women in society in

theory, and in how much they wanted women to be involved in practice. When the participants

were asked if they thought women should be included in the Constitutional Assembly, the responses

were often positive. However, when they were asked how many women should be included in the

Constitutional Assembly, the response was different. For example, one 46-year-old man in Benghazi

said “Women should be included in the Constitutional Assembly because the voice of women needs

to be represented too, and they need to be a part of the constitution because they make up half of

society. However, only 5-15 women should be included because women are not qualified enough to

take on this role” (Male, Benghazi, 46).

However, for most of the participants, the participation of women was seen as a step that would be

taken to ensure that women’s rights would be safeguarded and not because women might have

different perspectives to men that would lead to a more meaningful debate. However, some men

rejected the need for women’s participation altogether. One 27-year-old male from Misrata added,

“No, they don’t need to be included because I don’t think we need women to protect women's

rights. Men can do that” (Male, Misrata, 27).This lack of faith in the contribution of women was not

only exhibited on the part of men. Women also made statements such as “women are not as

influential as men” (Female, Benghazi, 35) and “Only five women are required on the Council of 60

because ensuring women's rights does not require more” (Female, Ajdabiya, 31).

Another man in Benghazi stated “There are few examples of women who played a strong or positive

role in the GNC, so they did not prove yet that they can play a valuable role in politics.” A 55-year-old

woman in Zuwara also stated “I want women to be included but they don’t have enough experience

so we won’t find enough qualified women to have more than this number,” indicating that the

opinion is shared by men and women alike. Such responses are interesting because they imply that

the disregard for the participation of women does not necessarily stem from principle but rather

from the lack of positive examples of women that have made solid contributions. Therefore, to

change these attitudes, it is not education that is required but examples of women playing positive

roles.

7.2.6 Approving the Constitution

The majority of responses to the question of how Libyans would prefer todecide if the constitution is

good or not fell into one of two categories: a referendum where the people would make the

decision, or the GNC would decide on behalf of the people. The referendum was the most often

quoted answer to the question.Those who were not in favour of a referendum usually spoke about

the complications that would arise from such a method. For example, some participants believed

that it would be difficult to decide on a complete constitution because some sections may be

considered favourable while others would not. A 45-year-old woman in Tripoli said “I don’t think

they should submit the entire constitution for approval; it won’t work like that, it will need to be by



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section”. The apparent complexity of the document was seen to be a problem by many. One 46-

year-old man in Benghazi explained that “if the government explains the constitution in a simple

language that people can understand, then the people will decide via a referendum.” Those not in

favour of a referendum believed that the GNC represented the people, and should make the

decision on their behalf.

7.3 Practices relating to Information Consumption and Sharing

7.3.1 Sourcing Information

When asked about information sources for constitutional issues and topics, the majority of

responses fell within one of three categories: different media sources; lectures by NGOs on the

democratic and constitutional process; and the 1951 constitution.

The 1951 Constitution:A number of participants mentioned that a copy of the 1951 constitution had

been circulated during the revolution, and that it had helped them understand what a constitution

was.

NGO Lectures: Lectures also emerged as a widely attended and popular form of information sharing.

Most participants mentioned lectures in the context of hearing a political activist speak in a session

organized by an NGO. Most people liked hearing a “learned” person give their opinions on the topic,

because it gave the information an air of credibility. Lectures were preferred to workshop-style

events where various people offered opinions and a consultative environment was developed. One

possible explanation for this attitude to learning could be that it derives from religious traditions

related to learning, where people are accustomed to having a member of the clergy explain and

interpret fundamental scriptures and principles to them.

Participants talked a lot about NGOs and there was high level of awareness about NGOs and their

activities across the whole sample. This was because NGOs had been very active in post-revolution

Libya, both in terms of the shaping of democracy (in the form of education campaigns) and also in

the delivery of social and charitable services (in the form of assisting families that were affected by

the revolution). Most participants saw NGOs as a symbol of resistance and a monitor of the

government, rather than a vehicle for the delivery of social services. This seems to derive from the

fact that NGOs were very active in the revolution in terms of rallying the population. This also means

that many participants felt that approaching an NGO with a concern or criticism of the government

was the best way to have their voices heard.

Overall, itwas hard to pinpoint particular NGOs that had created familiarity with democratic terms or

had engaged large numbers of people across multiple locations. It is likely that some of the NGOs

and NGO leaders who ran the workshops and lectures arelocally influential, but it cannot be said

that any NGOs in Libya have widespread recognition or influence, and even the largest NGOs in

Tripoli (such as H20) were not well recognized by the Tripoli population.

Facebook:Facebook was mentioned widely by most profiles of participants, ranging from youth to

parents and including both men and women. It was mentioned in the context of being an

information source, a forum for discussion, as well as a means whereby participants would attempt

to communicate with the government (when specifically asked how they might communicate with



February 2013

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the government or express concerns about the government). The only locations where none of the

participants mentioned Facebook at all were Bayda, Ajdabiya, and Kufra.“Facebook is the people’s

community, it’s how people share and learn together” (Male, Tripoli, 35).

Some participants indicated that they had received most of their information about the constitution

and the elections through Facebook. This was usually through the Facebook page of an active NGO,

or through the status updates and postings of friends. All participants in Zuwara said they used the

Facebook as their preferred means of learning about Libya’s political situation.

When asked if they ever discussed the constitution-building process with other people, some female

participants said that they did so with friends on Facebook. This was only typical for female

participants; none of the male participants interviewed said that they discussed these things with

their friends on Facebook, probably because men have other forums and avenues for socialisation

available to them whereas women generally do not. When asked for preferences for the

government to communicate with them, a number of women (but no men) said that the

government should communicate with the people via Facebook, again indicating that in our sample

women were much more active Facebook users.

Several participants said that they would communicate with the government by going to the

government’sFacebook pages and leaving a comment. When probed further, some participants said

that this was an effective means of communication because they had seen that when others left

comments on the official pages of politicians, the politicians responded. However, this was more

common in urban centres like Tripoli, Benghazi, and Misrata, and one participant cautioned that

“there are no mechanisms for us to communicate with the government. The only means are through

Facebook and websites, but this is not good because not all Libyans are familiar with these things”

(Woman, 45, Tripoli).

Facebook was also mentioned in the context of organising political action. “If I was unhappy with

something the government did I would write a comment on Facebook as a way to gather people and

then I would organise a protest and demonstrate” (Male, 23, Misrata). In general, Facebook

emerged as a symbol of empowerment and resistance for the people, both a means to stay informed

and a means to express opinions and dissatisfaction.

Overall, Facebook is playing an important role in Libya by informing people of current and topical

events. However, it rarely was seen as a vectorto educate people.

7.3.2 Interacting with the Government

When participants were asked how they would communicate with the government and how they

would express dissatisfaction with the government, there was not a great deal of variance between

the two responses. Most participants would use the same means for both actions and the

impression gained was that most people did not feel like they would have a need to communicate

with the government outside of expressing dissatisfaction. This implied a lack of a good

understanding of a democratic process where the government represents the people and thus,

needs to understand the needs and expectations of the people. Participants’ preferred means of

communicating with the government took the form of either contacting the media or an NGO or



February 2013

16 / 40

petitioning or protesting. This collaborates well with ORI’s finding that 62% of the population said

they had, or would consider protesting in the future (ORI, 2012).

Some participants went as far to say that they would protest with arms if they felt it was

necessary,which implied that a particular habit had been formed and the participants had not yet

been given evidence to suggest that other means of communication or change would be effective.

This also tallies with ORI’s finding that 16% of the Libyan population would be prepared to use

violence to achieve their political goals (ORI, 2012).

7.3.3 Interacting with the Local Council

When asked about their local government, most participants did not feel that the head of their

council had much ability or influence. In the rare instances where participants had some faith in their

local council, it was usually where the head of the council had been active in supporting the poor,

indicating that participants needed to see results to feel positively about their representatives.

Another reason that participants raised for not appreciating their local council was the fact that it

had (often) not been elected by the people. This gave people a feeling of mistrust and

disempowerment, even if the council had been appointed by an elected body. In more tribal areas,

there was a general mistrust of the local council. One participantaffirmed “The head of the local

council is a racist and he only cares about his tribe. He is not influential and only his tribesmen listen

to him” (Male, 26, Ajdabiyah).

7.3.4 Political Parties

There were mixed responses from the sample when it came to political parties and their role in the

new Libyan government. Some participants felt that political parties were a good way to organise

political action in Libya, but a lot of participants felt that it was too early for this. One reason for this

was that people felt that politicians were not focused on the common good of the people and were

focused on their own personal gain. This result is supported by a finding from ORI in early 2012,

which reported that 75% of those who were aware of political parties mistrusted them (ORI, 2012).

Some participants also saw political parties to be a vehicle for the involvement of foreign nations in

the affairs of Libya. There was also a feeling that people did not have the ability to distinguish

between the policies and campaigns of different parties because this was a very new concept for

Libyans, and thus, organising politics in this way could be problematic. Instances were also seen of

tribal mentalities, whereby participants supported members of their tribe out of loyalty to the tribe

rather than on political grounds.

7.4 Geographic Differences

The geographic spread of the FGDs enabled some comparisons to be made between geographic

locations. However, the results are only based on two FGDs per location, so findings cannot be

reliably extrapolated to larger populations.

7.4.1 Western Region

Gharyan: For the female participants in Gharyan, social circles such as work or university seemed

particularly significant for influencing decision-making. Most of the women spoken to said that they

had voted for whoever their friends told them was a good candidate in the elections. Most male



February 2013

17 / 40

participants in Gharyan said that they were talking a lot about these things with their friends in

cafes.

Misrata: The male participants were keen broadcast media consumers, mainly mentioning national

television outlets. Female participants frequently mentioned leaflets from schools as a source of

information on the constitution and the political process, in addition to local radio stations. In

general, participants in Misrata were more sophisticated in their understanding of the political

process than participants in other locations. NGOs were also quite active in Misrata, and all

participants said they would exert pressure on the government via NGOs if they were unsatisfied

with the government.

Tripoli: In Tripoli, a particular concern emerged about the lack of mechanisms to communicate with

the government. Most participants said that they did not know how to communicate with the

government, and those that did have an idea said that they did not feel as though the government

would listen to them.

Zuwara: Some participants did not speak Arabic, which led to a feeling of remoteness from the

political process. Additionally, there were very few active NGOs in Zuwara, so there was little

consciousness of their role and place. Despite these challenges, the participants had a strong

interest in the constitution and the political process, quite possibly due to the feeling of being

marginalised and wanting to ensure that Amazigh interests are represented in the new Libya. The

Amazigh Congress was very active in educating people. The Al Asemah television channel had a poor

reputation among the participants as a result of misleading reporting on news from Zuwara.

7.4.2 Eastern Region

Ajdabiya: Participants from Ajdabiyah were felt to be more conservative than other locations in the

sample, and this made it difficult to interview women about their views. Sahwat Watan television

show on Libya Awalan has a presenter that is originally from Ajdabiya, and was popular among

participants. Ajdabiya was one of the rare locations in the sample where participants saw the local

council as their link to the government, and said they would send their complaints about the political

process to the local government. Female participants were more likely to be concerned about issues

such as security than male participants.

Benghazi: Discussions of politics, elections and the constitutional process were very popular, but

participants were unhappy with the way things are progressing. Most people said that the only thing

that has changed had been the national anthem and the flag. There was also resentment amongst

the youth for having fought the revolution but being left out of the new government.Abdul-Qader

Qadura is a professor of law at Benghazi Law School and was mentioned by several participants for

educating them on the constitution via the local radio.

Bayda: In Bayda, there was a lot of consumption of information from national media outlets (e.g.,

Libya Al Wataniyah), but very little mention of local media (local government radio being the

exception). The internet was an important vector of information for all types of participants in the

sample. In addition to this, youth participants also mentioned information campaigns on university

campuses. Female participants expressed a particular concern about the need to including youth in

the political process and in the new government.



February 2013

18 / 40

7.4.3 South and Central Regions

Kufra: Some male participants in Kufra mentioned that they did not vote in the elections because

their tribe was not represented in terms of candidates, showing the importance of tribalism in the

south-east. Mosques were mentioned as a hub of activity and information exchange.

Sabha: In Sabha, security concerns were talked about a lot more than the political process or

constitution. Female participants were particularly worried about the insecurity in the area. In terms

of media, there were higher levels of trust in foreign media than local media, and Egyptian shows

about the constitution were mentioned.Media campaigns organised by the Higher National Electoral

Commission (HNEC) were also mentioned by female participants.

Sirt: It was seen thatNGOs were not very active in Sirt because they had mainly been set up to

deliver humanitarian assistance after the revolution, and decreased their activities since then.

Moreover, most participants felt that NGOs were started by people as a way of gaining influence in

the local government, and this decreased their legitimacy in the eyes of the community.Thelocal

government radio station is quite active and trusted, but was reported to talk mainly about solutions

to daily issues rather than political affairs. Media outlets interviewed said they did not report on

political issues because the people did not accept the new regime.Overall, participants felt that

people voted out of fear in the last election and not because they wanted to participate, a situation

that inhibits those that do want to be involved in the political process from speaking out.Tribes are

influential in Sire, and one NGO worker said ‘most people are loyal to their tribe not to their city.’

7.5 Audience Differences

The structure of the research enabled some comparisons to be made between specific audiences.

However, the results are only based on a small number of FGDs for each specific audience, so

findings cannot be reliably extrapolated to larger populations.

Women. Overall, it is clear that female participants did not have as many opportunities for

socialisation as male participants, so their access to information and the information-sharing

environment in which they found themselves was typically more‘constructed’. As well as Facebook

(discussed above), female participants tended to be particularly in favour of lectures as a mode of

learning and many mentioned that they had gained their understanding of the constitution from

such events. Female participants were more inclined to search for credibility by either wanting to

learn from learned individuals or corroborating information with male family members. The

appreciation of lectures is also because they are some of the only events where women in smaller,

more conservative towns (like Ajdabiyah) can assemble.

Often, when female participants gained information via the media, they still relied on men to give it

authority or credibility or to interpret it. This suggests that educating men and heads of households

on the democratic process can indirectly lead to learning for the women of the household.

Information distributed via schools was also quite effective in reaching female participants. A

number of women mentioned that they learnt about the constitution via leaflets that had been

distributed to their children in the school.



February 2013

19 / 40

Foreign media, and particularly Egyptian media, was seen to be effective at targeting women.

Egyptian media carried specific programming on their own constitutional process that was targeted

at encouraging women to become more active and involved in the process, and many female

participants said that they had learnt about the constitution through these programs.

Men. Male participants were more inclined to gain information from the media and then interpret it

by discussing and debating it with friends in social circles, typically found in coffee shops, homes,

and on the street corners. As one man in Zuwara mentioned “We receive our information from the

media – and then it spreads because we all know each other and talk about it.” Often information

received from the media was not trusted completely until it was discussed within a social circle and

accepted by the group.

Youth. A number of youth participants mentioned learning about the constitution through talks or

lectures given on their university campus by political parties or political activists and this represents

an interesting avenue for accessing youth. This was especially pertinent for female

youthparticipants, who did not have many avenues for socialisation outside of university life.

Youth also emerged as sophisticated media users who were frequently accessing the Internet in

quite a targeted manner. They often accessed specific sites when searching for information about

the new government and even when on Facebook, would access the ‘official’ Facebook pages of

government figures. However, as with the men in the sample, male youth participants were also

debating and interpreting this information in social circles.

When asked what types of people they trusted for more information and the types of people that

they felt should be included in the Constitutional Assembly, youth participants often said that they

trusted ‘ordinary people.’ When prompted further, it became clear that ordinary people meant

average Libyans who had been active in the revolution and who were now keenly interested in the

political life of the country, as opposed to political experts or academics who some youth believed

“just slowed things down” (Male, 24, Benghazi).

Disabled People. A number of blind people were interviewed as part of this study.Overall,these

people indicated that most of their information was coming from television and radio rather like

able-bodied people. Of the group that were spoken to, particular needs with regards to the political

process had been met by NGOs. During election time, these NGOs held special education campaigns

for their members.



February 2013

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8 IEC Strategy

8.1 General Approach

The findings from the FGDs show that in general, people are well aware of the constitution-building

process and discuss it using the political terms they have started to hear through the media or their

social groups. However, it is felt that people’s understanding of the true meaning and implications of

the political terms is quite weak. Additionally, there are segments of society that are less well

informed and less enthusiastic than society as a whole, in particular women and young men

respectively. The findings also show that people have a strong desire to communicate with their

government, particularly minority groups. However, there is only a weak understanding of

mechanisms for doing so, and an overwhelming recourse to strikes or demonstrations.

With these general findings in mind, it is clear that there is a need for a widespread and inclusive

IECcampaign that places a particular emphasis upon less well-informed or motivated segments of

society. However, a ‘successful’ referendum (in the sense that all elements of the population are

motivated to turn out and vote peacefully and in an informed manner) is dependent not just on a

one-way stream of information from government to the people; success requires the IEC campaign

to be part of a larger structure that is capable of soliciting, synthesising and succinctly presenting

information from the population to the government. This is likely a bigger challenge than

disseminating information, as the mechanisms for collecting the population’s opinions in Libya are

rather limited. If there is not a carefully managed process of feeding information back to the

government, there is a real danger that the voices of the powerful, not the population, will have the

most influence over the constitution, which would sow the seeds for prolonged discontent.

Strategies for creating this ‘two-way’ IEC campaign are presented below, covering firstly the

information dissemination aspects, then the information collection structure, followed by a

discussion on how to turn the ideas into reality. The components of this strategy have been

developed with general principles of constitution-making processes in mind, influenced by specific

findings from the FGDs.

8.2 MessagingComponent

The messagingcomponent of the IEC strategy is particularly important. If this component is not well

implemented, then it can be expected the population will reject the constitution at the referendum,

as FGDs showed that people will be unwilling to accept a constitution they do not feel they

understand. It is recommended that the IEC strategy uses three layers of messaging:

8.2.1 Awareness Layer

The aim of the awarenesslayer is to set the constitution-building process in the context of the overall

political transition, and to educate the population about the meaning and implications of a wide

range of political terms and concepts.

Presenting the overall political process.It is proposed that the first layer of messaging revisits the

political process, so the population can take stock of the achievements to date, and can see the

remaining milestones in context. This could be done by presenting something similar to H2O’s



February 2013

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diagram that was produced almost one year ago, although product testing would have to be done to

ensure maximum acceptability.

Figure 3: H2O’s political process map from early 2012

Explaining the six key awareness topics.The FGDs showed that people were quite confident using

the words for ‘constitution’ or ‘electing vs. appointing’, yet rarely had a strong grasp of what a

constitution was, or were using the words ‘electing’ or ‘appointing’ instinctively without

understanding their true implications. With this in mind, it is suggested that the IEC’s awareness

messaging should focus on six key awareness topics:

• The meaning of democracy; representation, rights, responsibilities and parties

• Differences between parliamentary and presidential systems

• The meaning and impact of separation of powers, including the ulema

• Differences between unitary and federal systems

• The meaning of a constitution

• How people can influence government in more effective ways.

Each key awareness message will have to be composed of a series ofthree interlinked messages.The

first message could spell out the meaning of the topic, followed by a second message that explains

why the topic is important for the country, followed by a third message that links the topic to the

individual and creates a motivation to engage in the political process. The second and third

messages could raise awareness by couching the messages in controversial or slightly provocative

terms that should alert even apathetic people to the importance of the messages. The FGDs showed

that many Libyans, particularly women, had gained their knowledge of the political process through

studying the 1951 Constitution and even Egyptian media, thus it would be a valuable exercise

throughout the sensitization process to highlight similarities and differences with other countries.

The same three interlinked messages could then be packaged together in a Public Service

Announcement (PSA) for television or radio, crafted into diagrams for printing in a newspaper or

including as part of a leaflet, all the while keeping the consistent messages, styles, images, slogans

and logos across all vectors.



February 2013

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Key Awareness Topic: The Meaning of a Constitution

First message: Just what is a constitution? ‘A constitution is a code of rules which aspire to regulate

the allocation of functions, powers and duties among the various agencies and officers of

government, and define the relationships between them and the public.’2

Second message: Libya’s constitution is important: ‘Should Libya be a unitary or federal state? King,

President or Prime Minister? How much power should theyhave, and who controls them?How much

should we rely on shari’a? Should we be like Turkey, Qatar or Egypt?

Third message:You decide Libya’s constitution:‘Every person in Libya has a chance to tell the

government what the constitution should be like, and every person has a chance to vote on whether

to accept the constitution. This is a once in a lifetime opportunity to decide the future of Libya.’

8.2.2 Process Layer

The aim of the process layer is to inform the population when the constitution-building process is

taking place and how they can participate. Whereas the awareness messaging is not linked to any

specific dates, the process layer must be linked to a timeframe provided by the Constitutional

Assembly.

Additionally, the process layer must keep people informed of what is happening and where the

Constitutional Assembly is up to in their writing and considering feedback process. Unlike the voter

registration process and the general election in July 2012, which were both relatively short and

understandable processes, constitution-building is rather more involved. Thus, an array of messages

will need to be communicated, including:

Who

• Who the members of the Constitutional Assemblyare. FGDs showed that Libyans were very

inquisitive about the personalities behind the processes, and releasing ‘CVs’ of the assembly

would be a good step to building engagement.

When

• When the Constitutional Assembly will be formed

• When the first draft will be available to the general public

• When public consultation will start and end

• When the Constitutional Assembly will finish the second (or final) draft

• When the Constitutional Assembly will release the constitution for referendum

• When the referendum will happen.

How

• How to obtain the CVs of the Constitutional Assembly

• How the constitution is structured (chapters, articles, etc.)

2Finer, S E Five Constitutions (1979) Penguin Books



• How to obtain the different drafts of the constitution

• How to attend a public consultation

• How the different drafts of the constitution have changed as a result of public consultation

• How to get more information on any topics

• How the referendum will be structured.

whether the referendum would be to vote on the whole document, or chapters, or individual

articles, and how the referendum will be decided (simple majority, super

Progress

• How far the Constitutional Assembly

faith in the political process partly due to lack of information. Therefore, regular updates on

how the Constitutional Assembly

8.2.3 Content Layer

The aim of the content layer is to make the articles of the constitution accessible to the population

so that there can be a meaningful public consultation about them

impressive 90% in Libya3, only

elements of the population, particularly older women, hardly ever read

that the Libyan population, as any other, may not be so

the core of this layer will be to take each article and produce a more accessible abridged or

summarized version for general consumption.

Figure 4: Messaging components of the IEC strategy

8.3 ConsultationComponent

The consultation component aims primarily to solicit, synthesise and present information from the

population to the Constitutional Assembly

organised, promoted, and enforced,

have been adequately consulted, and can identify the change

consultation process.The FGDs showed a strong belief among men and women that the

3https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the


23 / 40

How to obtain the different drafts of the constitution

How to attend a public consultation

How the different drafts of the constitution have changed as a result of public consultation

How to get more information on any topics

How the referendum will be structured. FGDs showed that people were very keen to know


the referendum will be decided (simple majority, super-

Constitutional Assembly has progressed. FGDs showed a risk of Libyans losing


Constitutional Assembly is performing will be essential.


so that there can be a meaningful public consultation about them. While literacy

only 7% read newspapers or magazineson a weekly basis

elements of the population, particularly older women, hardly ever read (Altai, 2012

that the Libyan population, as any other, may not be so motivated to read lengthy legal texts; thus,


summarized version for general consumption.

: Messaging components of the IEC strategy

Component

component aims primarily to solicit, synthesise and present information from the

Constitutional Assembly. It is critical that this component of the strategy is well

promoted, and enforced, for two main reasons. Firstly, so that the population feels they

have been adequately consulted, and can identify the changes in the constitution

The FGDs showed a strong belief among men and women that the

https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2103.html

February 2013

How the different drafts of the constitution have changed as a result of public consultation

FGDs showed that people were very keen to know


-majority, etc.).

FGDs showed a risk of Libyans losing



While literacy is estimated at an

newspapers or magazineson a weekly basis, and some

(Altai, 2012). It is assumed

d lengthy legal texts; thus,


component aims primarily to solicit, synthesise and present information from the

It is critical that this component of the strategy is well

population feels they

constitution as a result of the

The FGDs showed a strong belief among men and women that the



February 2013

24 / 40

Constitutional Assembly would not consult wholeheartedly with the people. If people cannot see a

real consultative process in their communities, then there is a risk that the constitution (whether

reflecting national opinion or not) is rejected in the referendum just because people did not feel

bought into the process. Secondly, so the Constitutional Assembly (and possibly the GNC, and Prime

Minister, and any other government body accessible to the population) will not find themselves

overwhelmed with competing demands froma wide range of NGOs, parties, activists andkatibas.

With this in mind, the Constitutional Assembly will need to create a bodywithin it to managea

National Consultative Structure, which could have two primary functions, as explained below.

8.3.1 Consulting Structure

The National Consultative Structure will serve two functions; firstly to inform the assembly on public

attitudes on a more ad-hoc basis to help them in the authoring phase, and secondly to bring national

feedback to the Constitutional Assembly about the first draft (and any subsequent drafts) of the

constitution.

Ad-hoc opinion gathering. It can be expected that at times in the drafting process, the committee

will need to gain a better understanding of public opinion on certain tasks. Thus, the National

Consultation Structure should have capability to conduct rapid, qualitative and quantitative

assessments on key topics, which will help the drafting sub-committees in their work, e.g., assessing

public attitudes to the judiciary and Islam, or attitudes towards including minority languages. This

would likely take the form of FGDs at a district level, or rapid representative surveys.

National consultation. This will necessitate the creation of a National Consultation Structure, which

will have to be able to reach out to every community across the country and receive their feedback

on the constitution. This will likely be a hierarchy: under the feedback sub-committee in the

Constitutional Assembly, there will likely be 13 Provincial Coordinators, supported in turn by District

Coordinators and up to 1,000 Community Mobilisers.4

Each Community Mobiliser will have the following tasks:

• Attending training courses for the task

• Ensuring supporting awareness, process and content materials are available for local Civil

Society Organisations (CSOs) and NGOs, and the general public

• Preparing a venue for a series of community presentations

• Advertising dates and times locally

• Liaising with local CSOs, tribal leaders to ensure they are ‘bought into’ the process

• Chairing a series of community presentations, question and answer and feedback sessions

• Extending these briefings to schools, universities, fairs, ritual events, etc.

• Synthesising and reporting main elements of feedback to the District Coordinator

• Acting as the community’s primary point of contact for any further queries, and to try and

encourage all the community’s queries to run through the official system.

4 This structure is similar (up to the District Coordinator level) with the Higher National Electoral Commission’s

(HNEC) voter education structure that was used before the July 2012 election.



Ultimately, all the community-level

that the Constitutional Assembly

to be decided by the feedback sub

The interrelation between the messaging and consulting components of the strategy is shown in

Figure 5 below.

Figure 5: Messaging and consultative components of the IEC strategy

8.4 Implementation Strategy

Messages will have to be disseminated in a manner that maximises their penetration of the

population as a whole, while also considering harder

favoured here is a ‘highest impact for lowest cost’ approach, which r

output as television PSAs, which have the opportunity to reach over 85% of the population

2012), rather higher than any other

segments are reached, the appr

vectors. This will require strong coordination to give consistency in the messages. For example,

‘official’ messages should use

television, radio, print and web-

move away from simpler slogans that were seen at the time of Libya’s

towards complex text, diagrams or infographics, which wi

development agency together with a substantial materials testing component

Messages should be phased logically, starting first with raising awareness of the overall political

process, then moving onto concepts of

election registration process, where four main messages

8.4.1 Vectors of Communication

Television. FGD findings showed that television was the most important way of r

information, and this is corroborated by Altai’s Rapid Assessment of the Libyan Media Landscape

(2012), which confirms that 87% of the Libyan population watch television on a daily basis.


25 / 40

level feedback reports must come together into one national report

Constitutional Assembly can digest and act upon. The structures of these reports w

decided by the feedback sub-committee of the Constitutional Assembly.


components of the IEC strategy

Implementation Strategy


population as a whole, while also considering harder-to-access population segments.

favoured here is a ‘highest impact for lowest cost’ approach, which results in w

PSAs, which have the opportunity to reach over 85% of the population

, rather higher than any other media outlet. However, to ensure a broad range of population

segments are reached, the approach will simultaneously make use of a wide range of

will require strong coordination to give consistency in the messages. For example,

‘official’ messages should use consistent styles, images, slogans and logos across the range of

-based material. It must be recognised that the messages will quickly

move away from simpler slogans that were seen at the time of Libya’s July 2012 election

towards complex text, diagrams or infographics, which will require the services of a capable media

development agency together with a substantial materials testing component.

phased logically, starting first with raising awareness of the overall political

concepts of democracy, and so forth, in a manner similar to Libya’s 2012

process, where four main messages were released over a few months.

Vectors of Communication

FGD findings showed that television was the most important way of r


, which confirms that 87% of the Libyan population watch television on a daily basis.

February 2013

must come together into one national report

can digest and act upon. The structures of these reports will have



access population segments. The approach

esults in weighting most of the

PSAs, which have the opportunity to reach over 85% of the population (Altai

outlet. However, to ensure a broad range of population

make use of a wide range of secondary

will require strong coordination to give consistency in the messages. For example,

across the range of

based material. It must be recognised that the messages will quickly

July 2012 election, and more

ll require the services of a capable media

phased logically, starting first with raising awareness of the overall political

in a manner similar to Libya’s 2012

released over a few months.

FGD findings showed that television was the most important way of receiving


, which confirms that 87% of the Libyan population watch television on a daily basis.Thus,



television should form a major component of the IEC st

is generally acknowledged to be between 9

Certain channels were commonly

Al Asemah. Chat shows or call-in shows appear to be most popular, and each channel has one (or

several) programs with this format, for example,

Asemah), Matrooh Lenaqash (Libya Wataniyah

were mentioned by a small number.

popular, and that there are a number of presenters

Figure 8 below.

Figure 6: Some popular infographics products seen in Libya in early 2012

Figure 7: Influential media personalities (1): Hajj Hamad, Khaled Othman, and Sheikh Gharyani

Figure 8: Influential media personalities (2): Rajab B

Leafletsand billboards:FGD findings showed many women had learned about the political process

through leaflets. Considering the heavily textual nature of the constitution, l

become the second most important vector in the IEC strategy after television

diagrams for billboard formatsc

consistent manner.

Publications: Nationally, just 10% read newspapers on a

written format of the constitution, newspapers will play a very important role in the messaging

campaign. Newspapers such as

have wide coverage, with Febrayr


26 / 40

component of the IEC strategy. The ‘prime time’ on Libyan television

is generally acknowledged to be between 9-11pm, when the family gathers to watch a talk show.

commonly mentioned: Libya Al Hurra, Libya Al Ahrar, Libya Al Wataniyah

in shows appear to be most popular, and each channel has one (or

several) programs with this format, for example, Sahwat Watan (Libya Awalan),

Libya Wataniyah), etc. GNC meetings broadcast on

were mentioned by a small number. FGDs and Altai (2012) showed that infographic formats were

popular, and that there are a number of presenters who are popular and influential.

: Some popular infographics products seen in Libya in early 2012 (left to right: Bil Siyasah, Baquat Jau, 2.0v)

: Influential media personalities (1): Hajj Hamad, Khaled Othman, and Sheikh Gharyani

: Influential media personalities (2): Rajab Benghazi, Fatimah Ghandour, Shahrazad Kablan

FGD findings showed many women had learned about the political process

through leaflets. Considering the heavily textual nature of the constitution, leaflets

econd most important vector in the IEC strategy after television

could be derived from the leaflets in a contentually and stylistically

Nationally, just 10% read newspapers on a daily basis (Altai, 2012). However, given the


campaign. Newspapers such as Febrayr, Al Kalemah, Qureyna Al Jadeedah and

Febrayr having a claimed daily circulation of around 6,000.

February 2013

The ‘prime time’ on Libyan television

11pm, when the family gathers to watch a talk show.

Libya Al Wataniyah and

in shows appear to be most popular, and each channel has one (or

), Agenda Ashara (Al

n Libya Al Wataniyah

FGDs and Altai (2012) showed that infographic formats were

who are popular and influential. See Figure 6 to

(left to right: Bil Siyasah, Baquat Jau, 2.0v)

lan

FGD findings showed many women had learned about the political process

eaflets (or booklets) will

econd most important vector in the IEC strategy after television. Messages and

in a contentually and stylistically

daily basis (Altai, 2012). However, given the


and Akhbar Al Aan all

having a claimed daily circulation of around 6,000. Febrayr is



February 2013

27 / 40

particularly important as it permits access to older, male segments of the population who otherwise

might be hard to reach (Altai, 2012), and it is a government-funded newspaper, which might allow

easier access for positioning of adverts and inserting leaflets and booklets. Unfortunately, none of

the FGD participants were able to name any columnists they liked to read regularly, meaning that no

influential names could be included alongside the television presenters listed above. This was also

the case in Altai’s 2012 media survey. Some newspapers like Al Kalemah and Febrayr do have regular

columnists that write every week, who may well be building up a following.

Radio.FGDs showed that men were found to listen to radio in the morning and afternoon drive-

times, and women were found to listen in the morning while working in the kitchen. 46% of the

population listen to radio daily (Altai, 2012). Thus, radio will form an important part of the IEC

strategy. Most people listen to local radio, and all the locations where FGDs were conducted have

one or morelocal radio stations.5 As of March 2012, following the demise of Jamahiriya Radio after

the revolution, there are nonational radio channels operating (neglecting Libyan AM broadcasts,

which very people few listen to) and the closest to a national channel is probably Libya FM, a private

channel broadcasting in several large Libyan cities.

However, coordinating a national campaign will not be easy, as it will require distributing content to

each of the independent stations and encouraging them to broadcast the material. However, the

government could have a strong influence over many radio stations, considering that in Tripoli at

least, government stations have a majority audience share (Altai, 2012).

Website:Around 48% of the population use the internet every week, although internet is very much

for youth in Libya, as over 84% of over 50s never use the internet. Predictably, the most popular

webpages areFacebook and YouTube. Of those women online, many were big Facebook users. Very

few Libyans log onto government websites, preferring Facebook pages (Altai, 2012). This means that

while a website must be a part of the IEC strategy, and will be a useful repository for accessing

materials, messaging must really be focused primarily at broadcast media and leafleting.

Mobile Phones:Telecoms could play two roles in the IEC strategy. Firstly, SMSs could be sent to the

population. This could be done to alert the population to significant events in the process, or to

point to programs on national television. However, this technique must be used sparingly. Currently,

the average Libyan gets around 2-3 SMSs per week from the government about all sorts of topics

(from power cuts to attending demonstrations, to denying rumours, etc.). There is a limit to how

much this can be used before people disregard the messages or get frustrated by them. Secondly,

the outreach office of the Constitutional Assembly could create a call centre, where members of the

public could call in for more information. The HNEC developed a similar initiative as part of their

outreach activities, but Altai was unable to get any information on the impact of the call centre.

Interpersonal communication: FGD findings showed that female participants often learned about

the political process through larger-scale NGO workshops and lectures. In more conservative areas

of the country, such workshops and lectures were often felt to be the only acceptable way that

women can engage in the political process. These women felt that the presence of authoritative

figures was seen to give a lot of credibility to the messages.

5 See Altai’s Rapid Assessment of the Libyan Media Landscape (2012) for names of local radio stations.



February 2013

28 / 40

8.4.2 Dissemination Strategy

Many different modes of dissemination can be envisaged. For example, thesix key awareness topic

PSAs with their sub-messages could be released all together for one month, or, a new PSA could be

released each week, supplementing or replacing an old PSA. What happens operationally will likely

depend upon:

Funding:It will need to be determined whether a prime-time slot on each of the five leading

channels in the month leading up to the process messaging phase is affordable, or in reality whether

there is just funding for an occasional slot on Libya Al Wataniyah. In Libya, there is no Gross Rating

Points (GRP) system, so no audience share and no unified advertising rates exist. Likely, airtime on

the Libyan channels is rather inexpensive, as channels often have lots of under-filled airtime at

present. Altai approached Libya Al Ahrar for their airtime price matrix, but they did not want to

disclose this (or may not have had one).Also, it is suggested to place an emphasis on Libya Al

Wataniyah, and treating the four large private channels with caution, which would likely be quite

cost-effective as Libya Al Wataniyah is a government channel that might give subsidized airtime to

another government agency.

Timing:It will need to be determined when the Constitutional Assembly will define the process and

thus mark the switch to process messaging. This is important, asstarting the generic messaging too

far in advance of the switch-over could risk credibility.

Product testing: It will need to be determined whether the six PSAs with their sub-messages are

easily absorbable by the average Libyan, and other specific audiences (see below). If they are, there

might not need to be waves or even disaggregation into sub-messages. If no, then a more staggered

approach might be beneficial.

8.4.3 Localisation

While some differences in priorities and consumption patterns were identified, it is not felt that

content needs to be tailored to particular locations. Indeed, this could well inflame tensions

between areas if a feeling exists that some areas of the country are receiving different information,

and in any case, with the exception of local radio, television and newspaper outlets in Libya would

struggle to tailor content regionally. Thus, messaging should be inclusive from the outset by

referring to all regions of the country, and should assume low baseline knowledge for the whole

country (as was seen, for example, in Ajdabiyah). CSOs and NGOs will have to be relied upon to work

around local informational needs. The only exception to this would be with language, and whether

to produce Tamazighen variants (or indeed, other minority language variants such as Tabawi)

although this decision would have to be taken by the Constitutional Assembly.

8.4.4 Creating Excitement

The vectors outlined above are all largely ‘official’, whereby the media and outreach office of the

Constitutional Assembly can maintain control over the content of the messages. Of course, the

Constitutional Assembly is not operating in isolation, and it is hoped that the private and public

media will step up to the challenge to fuel the excitement with talk shows, phone-ins, debates, etc.



February 2013

29 / 40

For example, see the future University debates (supported by UNDP) or the Libya Al Wataniyah

discussion shows (supported by the BBC). There is every sign the media will step up to the mark,

given the existing levels of interest and programming, and the need to fill airtime.

8.4.5 Specific Audiences

Women. Vectors that were felt to work particularly well for women were lectures with authoritative

male figures, together with Facebook, and more traditional mid-morning radio shows.

Youth. For youth, it is recommended that some television PSAs could be re-worked with youthful

actors, as some of the ideas above (such as Hajj Hamad as a cartoon character) would likely be

unappealing. In Tripoli, stations like Radio Zone, Tripoli FM and Shababiyah would be much more

appealing than ‘adult’ stations such as Tripoli City Council-funded Sawt Tarablus.

Disabled people.Within the assessment, only blind people were interviewed, and it was seen that

they absorbed their information much like everyone else, through television and radio. Furthermore,

the blind people who were engaged in the political process were seen to be engaged with local

NGOs who helped them access and understand the material better. It is felt that this situation is

probably seen with people with different disabilities. In sum, it is not felt that producing materials

specifically for people with disabilities needs to be considered at this stage.

8.4.6 Integration with CSOs and NGOs

The Constitutional Assembly has an important role to play by producing material for all three layers

of messaging, particularly the process and content messages. Their materials can be expected to

have a strong national impact, given the good access the Constitutional Assembly has to national

media outlets, the expected value of their future logo and brand, and the substantial National

Consultative Structure that will be employed to distribute materials across the country.

However, the Constitutional Assembly will not be operating in isolation. Many other CSOs, NGOs and

media outlets will be producing media products. Currently, these organisations are producing

generic awareness materials. At the point where the Constitutional Assembly is formed, then it will

be important to liaise with such organisations to share timeframes and other process information.

It is envisaged that the outreach office would take overall control of producing and distributing

‘official’ (i.e., branded) content. The role of the CSO is then defined by the vector of communication

to a large extent. For official content disseminated using TV, radio, billboards and publications

vectors, this is most likelythe realm of the ‘outreach office’, as it is hard to see CSOs getting involved

with purchasing national television airtime to broadcast their PSAs. For vectors such as distributing

official leaflets and supporting (if not helping organize) official community presentations and Q&A

sessions, then there is a lot of scope for CSOs to get involved. One of the rolesof the Community

Mobiliserwill be to ensure CSOs are fully provided with the official leaflets, CDs ofthe PSAs, etc.

However, this does not stop the CSOs producing their own road shows, presentations, online

content, leaflets, etc., and it is unrealistic to expect the media office of the Constitutional Assembly

to ‘certify’ each of the unofficial materials (as the HNEC tried to do in summer 2012), but by

providing easy access to the latest and most accurate information and materials then CSOs, NGOs

and media outlets can make a valuable contribution to the overall objective of the IEC campaign.



February 2013

30 / 40

8.4.7 Product Testing.

All materials developed should be tested with panel groups representative of the national makeup

(i.e., people from west, east and south, men, women, youth, etc.). Prior to release, the materials

could be previewed with media professionals, journalists, activists, political parties, CSOs, etc., to

further test the messages.

8.4.8 Monitoring

The constitutional assembly will want to ensure that the messages are accessing the country as they

planned, and are having the right impact. This will mean monitoring local television, radio and

publications and NGO events to ensure the right materials are used in the right manner. This task

could be completed by a group working within the National Consultative Structure.



February 2013

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Summary of the IEC Strategy

Television:Six PSAs covering the six key awareness topics will be required alongside PSAs covering

process and content messages. PlacePSAs around the 9-11pm windowto access large and diverse

audiences, and focus on Libya Al Wataniyah to leverage the credibility of the channel and the good

access of the Constitutional Assembly to this government channel. PSAs could also be placed on

private channels such as Libya Hurra, Libya Ahrar, Libya Awalan and Al Asemah, but output should

be distributed equallyto avoid accusations of bias, and monitored for any tampering.

A dedicated prime-time slot for the Constitutional Assembly on Libya Al Wataniyahwill be an

effective method for keeping the population informed on where the process is up to.

Make use of infographic-type programming and consistent branding.Incorporate influential figures,

such as presenters, university professors, sheikhs or businessmentoincrease the impact of

PSAs.Product testing may also show that youth versions of the PSAs, incorporating different styles,

slogans or personalities, might create a bigger impact with youth.

Leafletsandbillboards:Produce a series of three leaflets (or booklets)covering awareness, process,

and content respectively. The first leaflet would explain the six key awareness topics, while the

second would give more information on the process of creating and voting on the constitution. This

could only be produced once the Constitutional Assembly had confidence in the timescale of the

process. The third product would likely be the constitution itself incorporating explanations or

abbreviations of the real articles. The leaflets would be distributed in community presentations and

Q&A sessions, by NGOs and CSOs,as newspaper inserts, by scout units, and through schools.

Publications:Place awareness, process and content adverts in Febrayr, Al Kalemah, Akhbar Al Aan

and Qureyna Al Jadeedah on a regular basis, and insert copies of the three leaflets.

Radio:Create PSAs for Libyan radio stationsderived from the PSAs created for television. Distribute

this content to a network of local stations across the country on a weekly basis.The PSAs should air

from 8-12pm (for women in the kitchen), and then around 3-5pm (for the men in the drive

home).Product testing may show that women’s and men’s versions of the PSAsmight create a bigger

impact with men and women.

Interpersonal communication:Prepare for a national‘Month of National Consultation’ that would be

advertised as part of the process messaging.Community Mobilisers will chair community

presentations and interactive Q&A sessions across the country. Participants will be invited to fill an

anonymous feedback form and submit this to the Community Mobiliser for analysis and

reporting.Boost the credibility of the presentations by inviting localinfluencers likesheikhs, university

professors, tribal leaders, and businessmen to take part in the Q&A sessions.

The Community Mobilisershould chair a series of local briefings for CSOs, NGOs and journalists

about how to present ‘official’ information, particularly the series of three leaflets.

Website:Build a Facebook page and website for the Constitutional Assembly that provides fresh

information about all aspects of the process, and holds copies of all the audio-visual material

disseminated by other vectors.



February 2013

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9 Key Findings

While the limited number of focus group discussions does not yield representative data, broad

conclusionscan be drawn about the Libyan people’s knowledge, attitudes and practices with regard

to the political process in general and in particular, the constitution-building process.

Knowledge about the constitution-building process was weak often due to a lack of familiarity with

the new systems of governance. Participants in the focus groups demonstrated that media and

NGOs have succeeded in creating a familiarity with many democratic terms. However, it is clear that

there is a lack of deeper understanding of what these terms actually mean in practice. In particular,

the means whereby people express their expectations, needs and concerns to their government and

hold the power to change their government are largely unknown. The lack of examples means that

many participants continue to distrust their government, and believe the only route to change is

through demonstration. Additionally, the lack of a clear understanding of the role of a constitution

appears to be creating a situation where the participants have unrealistic expectations of the new

constitution. Submitting the constitution to the people for approval will requiresubstantial public

education before there can be a meaningful debate and referendum.

Attitudes towards the constitution-building process were generally positive. In spite of some rather

unrealistic interpretations of the role of the constitution, nearly all participants were keen on the

idea of Libya having a constitution. Encouragingly, nearly all participants had participated in the last

election, and said they would participate in the constitutional referendum. However, a large number

of invitees to the discussions, often young males, did not attend because they thought it was

uninteresting, which shows that there are elements of Libyan society who are not well engaged in

the political process. This will need strong messaging to cut through this apathy. The discussion

groupsalso highlighted a general lack of confidence in the government’s intent to consult the

population regarding the constitution and its ability to keep the population informed. The

Constitutional Assembly would be wise to regularly update and sample the views of the population.

In terms of attitudes to women’s involvement in the political process, results were consistent:

almost everyone interviewed believed that women should vote just like men, yet men and women

alike were sceptical that women should participate in the Constitutional Assembly, highlighting a

need for more examples of women making positive contributions to political life.

Practices for absorbing information were also examined. Television, leafleting and lectures were

seen to be the most influential outlets for educating the population thus far. The research and meta-

analysis highlighted population segments that will be harder to target than others, in particular

females and older males, who will require targeting through radio and newspapers respectively. A

diversity of active media outlets and NGOs in nearly all the locations researched gives hope that

even these harder-to-access population segments can be accessed with a multi-vector IEC campaign.

Libya has an urgent need for an IEC campaign that both informs and educates the population, but

critically, simultaneously informs the Constitutional Assembly of the population’s sentiments.

Without such a campaign, Libya may well suffer from the same problems as Egypt–poor

constitutional referendum turnout, outbreaks of violence, and increasing disenchantment with the

political process. Libya has a great opportunity to set its political process on the right path with a

well-planned, widespread and inclusive IEC and public consultation campaign.



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10 Recommendations

The first stage of a well-planned, widespread and effective IEC and public consultation campaign will

be to define the population’s informational needs. It is recommended to group the

informationalneeds into three phases:general awareness, process information and content

information.

The general awareness phase is intended to addresses findings from the research that respondents

often used political jargon without understanding the true meaning behind the words. Thus, it is

recommended to produce PSAs on six key awareness topics, such as the meaning of democracy, the

meaning of a constitution, etc. Within each PSA thereshould be a series of interlinked messages,

explaining the topic, explaining its relevance to Libya, and then explaining its importance to the

individual. The awareness phase consists of generic messaging,which does not need specific input

from the Constitutional Assembly. Thus, CSOs and NGOs have a valuable contribution to makeby

raising levels of awareness in advance of themore complex messages in the next two phases.

The process information phase is intended to answer questions about how the constitution-building

process works: who is doing it, when it is happening, how long it will take, how the referendum

works, etc. Clearly, this can only be satisfactorily done when the Constitutional Assembly has

confidence about the process and schedule itself, so it has been termed as specific messaging. The

content messaging phase is a two-way process that furnishes the population with the draft

constitution, alongside aguide to aid the understanding each article, together with amechanism so

the government canobtain feedback from the population on the draft articles.

In terms of strategies for getting the three phases of messages to the population, it is recommended

to use a multi-vector campaign in order to reach as many segments of the population as possible.

The national television channel Libya Al Wataniyah should be used extensively to broadcast PSAs

relating to all three phases at prime-time evening slots. Leaflets should make up the second pillar of

the information campaign, and the target should be that every family in Libya receives awareness,

process and content leaflets, distributed by Community Mobilisers, NGOs, schools, and scout

movements. Community presentations, radio versions of the television PSAs, newspapers and a

Facebook page and website will complement the television and leaflet approach. It is recommended

to test all materials to ensure resonance with specific audiences. Other than a decision about which

languages to produce the content in, it is not felt that further geographical localization of content is

necessary, and population targeting will come through using local communication vectors.

To receive the population’s feedback on the articles, a National Consultative Structure will need to

be set up, which will consist of a hierarchy of mobilisers. At the lowest level, this will mean

employing up to 1000 Community Mobilisers, who should conduct community presentations and

feedback sessions across the country, as part of a ‘Month of National Consultation’ timed to overlap

with the content messaging phase, when the first draft of the constitution is ready for public digest.

Any communication and consultation body that emerges out of the Constitutional Assembly has the

opportunity to take a leading role in producing and disseminating ‘official’ messages, and in

receiving feedback from the population. However, this body will not be operating in isolation of

media, CSOs and NGOs that are all keen to support the political process. The most productive way



forward will be to encourage all

the process and content phases,so that the messages are distributed as widely as possible.

Figure 9: Summary of the IEC strategy


34 / 40

all their efforts in the awareness phases, and then

,so that the messages are distributed as widely as possible.

February 2013

then supply contentfor

,so that the messages are distributed as widely as possible.



February 2013

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11 Action Plan

1. UNDP should liaise with the most relevant government media function that exists today to check

the plans for developing a media and outreach office serving the Constitutional Assembly. Much

of the strategy relies on there being an official media coordination body at some point in the

near future. Without it, generic messaging can only go so far.

2. UNDP shouldannounce their support for the IEC campaign at a wider level, and check what

other donors are working on, as some time has passed since this research started.

3. UNDP should get buy-in on the key awareness topics from GNC membersand Libyan experts.

4. UNDP shouldsupport the creation and development of a media and outreach office, possibly

with UNDP expertise on the board of directors.

5. UNDP should encourage the outreach office to develop a provincial and district hierarchyas far

down as resources allow, ideally to the network of hundreds of Community Mobilisers. Much of

the success of the strategy relies on their being a local structure that will be in charge of the

local distribution of content.

6. UNDP (or the outreach office) shouldcommission a media agency to produce and test the six

PSAs around the six agreed key awareness topics, possibly in several flavours (e.g., youth and

women), depending on results of product testing. These PSAs will have to have several formats

(TV, radio, print, online, billboard, leaflet/booklet) and will have to use consistent messages,

styles, images, slogans and logos across all vectors to build up a ‘brand recognition’ for the

Constitutional Assembly so their messages stand above the noise of other media messages.

7. UNDP shouldprovide subject matter guidance to the media agency to help them create

storylines in an accurate and balanced manner.

8. The media and outreach office will likely have to approve the PSAs before dissemination.

9. The outreach office should start the dissemination of generic messages. Timing of the generic

messaging is likely not so critical providing there is confidence that the Constitutional Assembly

can follow up with action within a short period (e.g., one-two months).

10. Once the timeline is agreed, commission a media agency to develop process and content

messages along similar lines, maintaining consistent styles between the phases of messaging.

11.1 Further Research

This qualitative study would be well complemented with a rapid, quantitative assessment using a

similar set of questions. Developing this concept further, it could be very useful for the Libyan

interim government to conduct a bimonthly opinion poll, to monitor trends and satisfaction levels.

A rapid comparative ‘lessons-learned’ study on the Egyptian and Tunisian experiences of writing

their constitutions could also be a useful exercise. Interviews could be conducted with officials

responsible for IEC campaigns in both countries to understand what was successful and what they

would change if they had the opportunity to do so.

UNDP-ALTAI IEC STRATEGY SUMMARY

STRATEGY OVERVIEW

Objective: To ensure women, youth, and traditionally excluded groups receive relevant information about constitution-making, enhancing their ability to

participate meaningfully in the process

Contextual elements:

� Political, economic and social exclusion is at the heart of the revolution

� The lack of access to information prevents people from traditionally marginalized groups and regions from developing the capacity to engage effectively, and exacerbates theirsense of

exclusion and frustration

� Participation of these groups in the constitution-making project is essential for the broader national reconciliation process and a successful transition

� No experience of organizing electoral and constitution-making processes until 2012

� The public has never participated in any similar events and has little knowledge and understanding of such processes

� Remoteness of many districts that have much less access to information than Tripoli and few opportunities for informed debate on the transition.

Strategic approach:

� Target all population segments with a multi-vector IEC campaign, placing a particular emphasis on youth and middle-aged women

� Emphasis equally on the main population centers of Tripoli, Benghazi, Misrata and Sabha, and on secondary cities that feel remote from the political developments

� Utilize Libyan television, Libyan radio, town-hall ‘presentations and Q&A’sessions, street messaging (billboards) and leaflets, backed up with an informational website with repository for

all information to spread ‘official’ information both on the constitutional process and content

� Engagewith CSOs and NGOs by proactively providing them with information packs and official materials (in particular, leaflets) that will contribute to a reinforcing of the core awareness,

process and content messages, particularly in places with weaker access to media

� Ensure materials are tested by representative panels prior to launching across the country.

Overview -Target Audience

groups/geographical areas

Communication Objectives Vectors, Products & Activities Distribution

Channels&Partnerships

Knowledge/Information

Gaps



February 2013

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Primary audience groups:

Libyan population as a whole

Secondary audience groups:

Male youth who lack interest in the

political process yet make up a large

proportion of the population

Middle-aged women who lack

mobility and access to social circles

that younger women and men have

access to

Priority geographical area:

All areas showed a need for basic

awareness campaigns, although in

secondary cities, lack of information,

lack of NGOs and CSOs, remoteness

The IEC campaign should focus on phased

awareness, process and content messages.

Awareness messages will be needed to

raise awareness of five key awareness

topics:

• Meaning of democracy

• Parliamentary and presidential

systems

• Separation of powers

• Unitary and federal systems

• Meaning of a constitution

• Influencing the government

Process messages will need to regularly on

who is in the constitutional assembly, when

different steps are happening, how to learn

more about the process and obtain

documents, and updating the population

on the progress.

Content messages will mainly simplify and

explain chapters and articles of the

constitution in a manner accessible to the

primary and secondary audience groups

Mass media:

The IEC campaign should focus on

using Libyan government

television channels. Television can

be used to explain key awareness

topics, as well as provide more

structured process updates as part

of a weekly prime-time show. The

television campaign should link

with a coordinated radio, billboard,

leaflet sand website messaging.

IEC material:

The IEC campaign should be

supported by a range of

contextually and stylistically-

consistent audiovisual, billboard

and leaflet products. A target

could be that each Libyan

household receives three leaflets:

awareness, process, and content

messages.

Interpersonal Communication:

Official Community Mobilizers will

conduct Town Hall presentations

across the country in the ‘month of

Television will rely on access to

Libya Al Wataniyah, due to the

channel’s credibility and

neutrality, and the relative ease

of access the Constitutional

Assembly will have to airtime.

Other private channels such as

Libya Hurra, Libya Ahrar, Libya

Awalan and Al Asemah can be

used, but output should be

branded, equally distributed

among the channels, and

monitored for any tampering.

Due to the diversity of radio

stations in Libya, and the

relative independence of the

channels outside of Tripoli, PSAs

will have to be distributed

individually and widely, and

monitoring will be essential.

Larger NGOs with a national

reach, such as H20, 1Libya,

Phoenix could be a useful

component of the leaflet

distribution strategy, particularly

for distributing to smaller NGOs,

• A real understanding of key

political terms

• What it means for an

elected body to represent

the people and what role it

plays, e.g., in the context of

the GNC appointing

legislative council

members.

• The role of the

government, and

specifically the GNC, in a

democratic system and

what reasonable

expectations people should

have of their representative

government.

• Democratic mechanisms

and the types of means

through which people can

influence/put pressure

on/monitor their

government in a democracy

(outside of just protests

and demonstrations)

• The role of bipartisan

politics/political parties in a

democracy.

• How to choose a political

party to vote for, what

kinds of factors play a role

in that decision.



February 2013

38 / 40

from the political process and even

conservatism led to high levels of

apathy and unawareness

consultation’ to give a

presentation, distribute leaflets,

and allow Q&A and feedback

discussions. NGOs will also be

involved in the presentations.

and to schools and universities.

Local media production agencies

like 2.0v and 212 Group could

be partners for coordinated

content production.

STRATEGY by LOCATION

LOCATION KNOWLEDGE GAPS TO BE

ADDRESSED

Products & Activities Media firms to

becontracted

NGOs to

becommissioned

TRIPOLI

Understanding basic

democratic processes, and

how to interact and influence

government

It is recommended to keep much the same products in each location, to

avoid accusations of spreading different messages to different parts of the

country. The exception might be for monitory languages (Tamazight).

Television: Six PSAs covering the six key awareness topics will be required

alongside PSAs covering process and content messages. Place PSAs around

the 9-11pm window to access large and diverse audiences, and focus on

Libya Al Wataniyah to leverage the credibility of the channel and the good

access of the Constitutional Assembly to this government channel. PSAs

could also be placed on private channels such as Libya Hurra, Libya Ahrar,

Libya Awalan and Al Asemah, but output should be distributed equally to

avoid accusations of bias, and monitored for any tampering.

A dedicated prime-time slot for the Constitutional Assembly on Libya Al

Wataniyah will be an effective method for keeping the population informed

Libya Al Wataniyah (TV)

Al Asemah (TV)

Sawt Tarablus (radio)

Shababiyah (radio)

Febrayr (newspaper) Akhbar Al

Aan (newspaper)

Libya Al Hurra (radio)

Libda FM (radio)

Tripoli FM (radio)

H2O

Phoenix

Voice of Libyan Women

Shahed (NDI)

2.0V

Women in decision making

Etc.



February 2013

39 / 40

on where the process is up to.

Make use of infographic-type programming and consistent branding.

Incorporate influential figures, such as presenters, university professors,

sheikhs or businessmen to increase the impact of PSAs. Product testing may

also show that youth versions of the PSAs, incorporating different styles,

slogans or personalities, might create a bigger impact with youth.

Leaflets and billboards: Produce a series of three leaflets (or booklets)

covering awareness, process, and content respectively. The first leaflet

would explain the six key awareness topics, while the second would give

more information on the process of creating and voting on the constitution.

This could only be produced once the Constitutional Assembly had

confidence in the timescale of the process. The third product would likely

be the constitution itself incorporating explanations or abbreviations of the

real articles. The leaflets would be distributed in community presentations

and Q&A sessions, by NGOs and CSOs, as newspaper inserts, by scout units,

and through schools.

Publications: Place awareness, process and content adverts in Febrayr, Al

Kalemah, Akhbar Al Aan and Qureyna Al Jadeedah on a regular basis, and

insert copies of the three leaflets.

Radio: Create PSAs for Libyan radio stations derived from the PSAs created

for television. Distribute this content to a network of local stations across

the country on a weekly basis. The PSAs should air from 8-12pm (for

women in the kitchen), and then around 3-5pm (for the men in the drive

home). Product testing may show that women’s and men’s versions of the

PSAs might create a bigger impact with men and women.

Interpersonal communication: Prepare for a national ‘Month of National

Consultation’ that would be advertised as part of the process messaging.

Community Mobilisers will chair community presentations and interactive

Q&A sessions across the country. Participants will be invited to fill an

anonymous feedback form and submit this to the Community Mobiliser for

analysis and reporting. Boost the credibility of the presentations by inviting

local influencers like sheikhs, university professors, tribal leaders, and

businessmen to take part in the Q&A sessions.

Radiozone (radio)

Tribute FM (radio)

GHARYAN

Significant knowledge gaps

among the female participants

Free Gharyan (Radio) Sayidityjama'ia

Sayidat Gharyan

Tajama'a Al ahlamin Al

Ahrar

ZUWARA

Well informed No local stations noted Assirom

Amazigh Congress

MISRATA

Well informed Tubactes(TV and radio)

Libya Al Hurra Misrata (radio)

Movement of the 24th of

December

Afagh Libya

The Libyan Committee for

Peace and Human Rights

The Libyan Women’s

Movement

Misrata Coalition

AJDABIYA

Conservative society,

knowledge gaps among the

female participants

Voice of Free Ajdabiya

(radio)

Akhbar Ajdabiya (newspaper)

The Libyan organization

against Tribalism

The Organisation for the

Development of Society and

the Mind)



February 2013

40 / 40

BAYDA

No knowledge gaps above or

below average noted

The Community Mobiliser should chair a series of local briefings for CSOs,

NGOs and journalists about how to present ‘official’ information,

particularly the series of three leaflets.

Website: Build a Facebook page and website for the Constitutional

Assembly that provides fresh information about all aspects of the process,

and holds copies of all the audio-visual material disseminated by other

vectors.

Voice of Free Bayda (radio)

Jebel Akhdar (radio)

Holy Quran (radio)

The Independent Team

Al Haya Atansiqiya

The Democratic National

Movement

BENGHAZI

People are relatively well

informed, but do not feel part

of the process

Libya Al Hurra (TV)

Libya Al Ahrar (TV)

Sawt Libya Al Hurra (Radio)

Sawt Benghazi (Radio)

Qureyna Al Jadeedah

(Newspaper)

Al Kalemah (newspaper)

The Organization of

Benghazi Youth Union

Jamaiyat Al A'amel Al Islami

SABHA

Fairly well informed among

Arab tribes; security concerns

are more prominent than

constitutional concerns

Libya Al Wataniyah min Sabha

(radio)

Sawt Sabha Al Hurra (radio)

Shahed (witness)

SIRT

Main concern is lack of support

for current political process

Local station (radio) avoids

political programs at present

Womens Union of Sirte

(TihadNisaSirte)

KUFRA

Fairly well informed Libya Asemah (radio)

Kufra FM (radio)

Shabbab al kufra

Shahed

Documents

Altai UNDP KAP Study and IEC Strategy FINAL 260213