Ageism in the New Millennium

Ageism and Sexism in the Workplace

By Rosalind Chait Barnett

\ medca is grajTiig. The -XJLsigns are unmistak-able, and they are ever\'-where. Even our com-pulsively youth-driven cul-ture is coming to termswidi diis new reality. The"older demographic" is squarely in the sightsof policy makers, advertisers, and die media.Pharmaceudcal companies bombard us withendless claims about the benefits of podons forerecdle d\'sfi-iJicTion, arthridc pain, and diabetes.Tlie 60-year-old actress-model Lauren Huttonsdll graces magazine covers, as does 70-year-oldSophia Loren. The cover storv' of the March/April 2005 issue oi'AART featured seven of "Hol-lywood's Hottest," all stunning female Oscarwinners, four of whom are in their 70s. Andolder women now play feature roles in movies,even in sexy roles. Witness Diane Keaton inSomething's Gotta Give, in which she plays themother of a 20-something daughter who is hav-ing a fling wth an aging )ack Nicholson. In oneof the most memorable scenes, Nicholson seesKeaton coming out of the shower nude and isshocked because he has never seen an olderwoman's body before. He gets over his shockand develops a mature relationship with thisage-appropriate woman. And Clint Eastwood,a 70-something actor and director, plays thelead role in MilUm Dollar Baby., arguably a mod-

Increased longevity and

economic necessity.

• em-day classic. Yet, as weall know, issues of agingare in many wa\^ women'sissues, pardy because Am-erican women on averageoutlive men by aboutseven years.

For most women, atdtudinal and structuralfactors in the workplace put diem at a tremen-dous disadvantage and render them more vul-nerable than men to hardship as they age. Muchhas been made of the great sacrifices Americanwomen make for dieir families at home and inthe workforce. These sacrifices are not limited totheir disproportionate share of child-rearing.Because women outlive their husbands, theyare more likely than men to care for their ill andd^dng parents, in-laws, and spouses, and dieyare often left widowed and impoverished at theend of their lives. Indeed, the problem ofpoverty in old age is mainly a women's prob-lem. In general, it is fair to say that as a resultof ageism and sexism, women as a group are indouble jeopardy as they grow older.

DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS

Families are growing vertically and shrink-ing horizontally. For example, the four-genera-tion family is now our current reality: The8s-year-old modier is cared for by her 60-year-old daughter or son, who may be supporting a

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GENERATIONS

40-year-old child aiid that child's teenage chil-dren. Overall, there are fewer adults availableto care for their dependents, both older andyoiuiger. Tlie dramatic demographic movementin the U.S. population distribution, as well asthat of most otlier de\'eloped countries., has beenreferred to as a shift from a pyramid to a pillar(iLO, 1989), a shift attributable to decreased fer-tility' and increased longevit)'.

Tbese demographie trends create a new eon-text for employment aiid earegiving. Today, theimpact of earegiving on women's employmentis not limited to die cliild-rearing years. A recentsurvey reported by die National Academy onan Aging Society found diat women representnearly three-quarters of those providing infor-mal, uneompcnsated eare for people age 50 andolder (Entmaeher, 1999). Not surprisingly, elder-caregiving responsibilities aftect the caregivers.Some 49 percent of these women have had tochange their work schedules, n percent havehad to take a leave of absence, 7 percent havehad to take a less demanding job, and some ha\ ehad to leave the workforce entirely (NationalWomen's Law Center, 2000). Recently,employed men ha\'e also been jtjining the raiik-sof the caregivers (Bond, Galinsky, and Swan-berg, 1998). However, the double vvhammy ofsexism and ageism in the workplace makes theprice of earegiving much greater for womenthan for men.

Several studies indicate how large a prieewomen pay for interrupting their careers. Ini-tially, when w(.>men retuni to v\ ork after an inter-aiption, dieir a\'eragc wages are some 30 percentlower than their wages prior to the career hia-tus. And, even after twenty years of continuouscmpIo\Tnent, these women still earn aU^ut 5 per-cent less than comparable women without careerinterruptions (ludiesch and Ljiiess, 1999). Evenbrief leaves of absence are cosdy. Eor example,managers, male or female., who take leave forsuch reasons as childbirth, dependent care, orpersonal illness exjxrienee less career success andfewer rewards, including promotions and meritsalary increases, diaii those who do not experi-enee comparable disruptions {Judieseh andLyness, i999)- Not surprisingly, those who takemuldple lea\es recei\ e few er rewards dian diosewho take only one leave, but even those who

take only one leave receive fewer promotionsand smaller salary raises than those who takenone. These troubling outeomcs are indepen-dent of bodi the length of die leave and the rea-son Ibr die leave, lii general, women suffer morethan men from these penalties beeause womenare tar more likely than men to take leaves in thefirst place. In the same suidy by Judieseh andLyness (1999) of 12,000 managers, 89 percentof those who took leaves were women.

WORKPLACE CULTURE

Before discussing specific workplace practicesajid policies that put older women at a disad-vantage, let us consider the cultural contextwithin which employers and employees operate.In die United States, aging is viewed primarilyin temis of decline: As age increases, it is widelybelieved, mental capacides weaken, reflexes slow,drive diminishes., ambition wanes (Gullette,2004). While the stereotype of decline is gen-erally applied to men as well as women, diere arenotable exceptions. Widi age, men who haveachieved success in male professions are seen ashaving grown in skill and wisdom. Think Sen-ator Ted Kennedy, the conductor Seiji Ozawa,and the economist Alan Greenspan. Such menattain high stature, are sought after as leadersand mentors, and are looked upon with respectand even adoradon.

In contrast, as women age, those who havebeen successful in such predominandy femaleprofessions as teaching are often seen as old-fashioned and behind die dmes. Older womendo not enjoy the "premium fbr experience"enjoyed by their male counterparts (Gullette,2004, p. 25). Moreover, in spite of such suc-cessfiil older women as the actresses mendonedabove and Supreme Court Jusdce Sandra DayO'O^nnor, die Nobel Laureate writer NadineGordimer, and the award-winning actress JudiDench, there are as yet no widely accepted pos-itive images of older women save that of"grandma," a rotund, kindly person who busiesherself taking care of her grandchildren.

In such cases, stereotypes of age combinewith gender stereot\'pcs, another pervasi\'e andpernicious aspect of our cultural context. Thesestereotypes create a catch-22 situation forwomen. Research by the psychologist Susan

26 Fall 2005

Ageism in the New Millennium

Eiske and her colleagues shows that women, asmembers of an "ou^toup" in the business world(i.e., any group other than w hite males), areseen as either liked but incompetent (think ablonde secretary), or as successful but disliked(think Margaret Thatdier). Not only do u omenwho aciiieve in the male world pay a high pricesocially, they also pay a steep price profession-ally. The research suggests that such women arenot readily offered special opportunities foradvancement, nor are they likely to receive liighsalaries and other benefits (Heilman et al.,2004). Successfiii males pay no such price.

But, of course., most women do not oftenachieve such lofty positions. For most of us,other workplace realides have a more immedi-ate effect on our lives. Perhaps the most influ-ential is (.Kcupational sex segi'egadon. Althouglithere has been some movement toward inte-gration in recent years, it has been relativelyslight (Padavic and Reskin, 2002). By and large,there is a male work world and a female workworld. Even when women man;ige to cross intoa male domain, they tend to be clustered at thebottom of die cxcupational hierardi)'. Tlie resultis many female teachers and few female sclicx)!superintendents. Women are said to be stuckto the "sticky floor." In contrast, when malesenter female professions, they tend to quicklyadvance to the top of the hierarchy. Men aresaid to ride the "glass escalator" right to the top.Thus, in such fields as nursing and teaching, thenumber of males at the top of the professionalhierarchies is well out of proportion to tlieirnumbers in the occupation.

In addidon to fnistradng women's ambidons,being stuck on the bottom has other short- andk)ng-temi consequences. Qjmpareci to employ-ees on tbe top rungs of the organizational lad-der, those on the bottom have lower salariesand less access to a range of benefits, includinghealth coverage, fiexibility, and vacadon. Theyhave less generous retirement packages, reflect-ing their lower lifetime eamings. In addidon,they tend to have less autonomy-a key to deal-ing with stress.

Women are also disadvantaged because theyare more likely than men to accommodate anyearegiving dudes by cutting baek at work (Hillet al., 2003; Messing, 2004). Not surprisingly.

women are overrepresented among part-dmeworkers. Whereas women constitute 44 p<;r-cent of die fiill-time workfbrce, they accountfor 70 percent of all part timers. Many part-time jobs are dead-end jobs, and part-timersalso suiter monetarily; hourl}' wages are 20 per-cent lower fbr part-time dian for fiill-dme work-ers. Also, women arc more likely than men towork part time during their peak eaniing years:Some 30 percent t)f women ages 25-54 workpart time, compared to only 13 percent of menin the same age group. Moreo\'er, women tendto work part time because of family and per-sonal obligadons, whereas men are moa' likelyto do so because of sch(Kil attendance. Thus,part-dme employed women and men nia)' suftcran earnings decrement in die short run, butmen are more likely to make up for die reduc-tion in the long run by virtue of havingincreased their value as workers during the dmethey spent working part dme. Finally, again forfamily reasons, women, especially low-incomewomen, also experience considerable job diange(Bravo, 2003), which has a dampening effecton eamings and benefits.

Wcimcn's abilit)' to bodi give and receive careis affected by their disadvantaged state. As care-givers, women in general have fewer materialresources to draw upon. It is therefijre harder fbrthem than for their male counterparts to payfor services when a dependent is in need of care.Not surprisingly, women are more likely (andmay also prefer) to provide personal care. Inaddidon, as they themselves age and need care,they have fewer resources of their own. As aresult, they may be fbrced into financial depen-dence on others, a difficult psycliological situa-tion for women who see themselves as careproviders. Financial hardships as a result of eare-giving are experienced primarily by women,who ftom age 85 outnumber men by two to one{U.S. Census Bureau, 2004).

In sum, although there is some mcjvemcnttoward convergence, the t\'pical w ork patternstbr men and women sdll differ in ways that haveimportant consequences fbr employees as theyage. Specifically, compared to men, women aremore likely to work part time to accommodatefamily demands; take seasonal or part-year workfbr family reasons; change jobs more fi-equendy.

Fall 2005 27

GENERATIONS

both for family reasons aiid as a result ot" genderdiscrimination at the workplace; and work iiismall as compared to larger businesses.

WORKPLACE POLICIES

The differences in die employment situationsof women as compared to men also placewomen at a disadv antagc with respect to theireligibility for key public policies that, at leastostensibly, are designed to make it easier foremployees to meet tlieir family responsibilitieswhile maintai]iing tlieir connection to die work-place. One such policT is tlie Family and Med-ical Leave ACT (FMLA).

How does FMLA work? FMLA is a federalleave-of-ahsence policy that provides twelveweeks of unpaid job-proteacd leave per year tocare for a seriously ill child, spouse., or parent; tostay home to eare tor a newborn., newly adopted,or newly placed foster child; or take time offwhen an employee is seriously ill. However,there are multiple exclusions that tend to affeawomen more than men.

For example, not all firms are eligible, and notail workers at eligible firms are covered. To beeligible, an employee must bave worked for anemployer for at least 1,250 hours during tbe yearpreceding the leave. In etFect., this restrictionmeans that FMLA benefits accme only to tlill-time, full-year employees; part-time and seasonalworkers are excluded. It is estimated that thisrestriction reduces tbe percentage of coveredworkers by 46 percent (Han and Waldfogel,2003). Moreover, to be eligible for coverage., aworkplace mast employ filt\' or more persons intwentv' or more workweeks in the current or pre-ceding calendar year. One estimate is that womenconstitute roughly half of all workers in verysmall firms (i.e.., those with ten or fewer employ-ees). More generally, small businesses are mostlikely to generate jobs for young workers, olderworkers, and women (wmv.dvL^ov/odeh).

This small-firm exclusion alone eliminatesover 40 percent of private-sector workers,including the self-employed (Han and Waldfo-gel, 2003); it may not be too surprising thatwomen's share of total self-employmentincreased from 22 percent in 1976 to 38 percentin 2000. Because of these restrictions, manywomen are completely ineligible for any job

protection during a leave for any of die reasonsnominally covered by FMLA. Without job pro-tection, a woman who takes a leave to fulfill hercaretaking responsibilities often has to find areplacement job when she is ready to return towork. Moreover, as a new employee, she is likelyto have to take a salary reduction. Over the years,these disermiinator)' policies ha\'e a cumulativeeffect on women's eamings, exposing womento increased risk for poverty as they age.

Of course, the same scenario would also applyto men. However, males topically work full time,flill year, and would therefore not be excludedfrom FMLA because of the hours requirement.Moreover, more men than women ha\'e accessto paid vacation and other flexibility benefitsand so tend to use paid time off (sick da\'s, vaca-tion days) to cover the leaves that they do take.When men need dme away fkim work, they areless likely than women to have to reduce theirwork hours or leave their jobs to fulfill familyresponsibilities (Hill et al., 2003; Messing, 2004).Thus, overall, men arc less likely than womento suffer the effeas of job intermptions, salaryreductions, and possible long-term negativecareer consequences as a result of their caregiv-ing activities. However, if tliey do interrupt theircareers or take a leave of" absence, they, likewomen, are exposed to the same negative effects.

Although enactment of the Family and Med-ical Leave Aa constituted a substantial first stepin providing a safet\' net for caregivers, the lawhas many obvious shortcomings. In pardcular,a woman who works less than fiill dme so thatshe can provide care is penalized in several ways:First, she is likely to be paid low wages. Second,she is probably ineligible for or less likely toreceive promotions, other opportunities foradvancement, and a variety of workplacebenefits. And, third, she is ineligible for FMLA,even if her place of employment is covered. Asa consequence of these penalties, the financialcontribution to her retirement will also bereduced. In its current iteradon, FMLA unfairlydiscriminates against women for die caregivingthat culture asks and expects that women do.Moreover, FMLA is not alone in diis regard.

The provision of government unemplo^-mentinsurance, another policy aimed at softening theshock of job loss, also discriminates against mid-

28 Fall 2005

Ageism in the New Millennium

die-aged and older women. For example, qnit-ting a job because of family caregi\'ing respon-sibilities is typically considered to be a"voluntar)'" severance, which makes workersineligible for unemployment insurance. Also,many workers in nonstaiidard work arrange-ments (e.g., temporary help, on-call or day labor-ers, self-employed workers, independentcontractors, or through a contract company)are ineligible. Because one in eight employedwomen work in these nonstandard jobs, thisissue is an important concem for women's eco-nomic security (Instimte for Women's Polic\'Research, 2001).

The net effect of pervasive stereotvpes and dis-cdminator\' workplace policies and pracdces is toperpetuate a s\'stem in which women bear anunfair burden at home and at work. At least forolder women, the reward for doing more thantheir fair share is often poverty or at best finan-cial insenirity. The double whammy of ageismand sexism is built into our public policies andworkplace pracdces. They must be rectified.

T H E FUTURE

Although they are entering and remainingin the workforce at higher rates than males,women are still largely represented in female-dominated, or as they have disparagingly beencalled, "pink collar"professions such as teach-ing, nursing, and secretarial work, where wagesare low. As a result of occupadonal sex segre-gadon and of both informal and fomial poli-cies go\'eming leave taking, many women areeconomically disad\'antaged and cannot aftbrdto retire. In the year 2000, almost 11 percent ofthe workforce was over tlic age of 55. Projec-dons suggest that by 2030, more than 20 per-cent of the general workforce will be 55 yearsold or older, and roughly 12 percent will be atleast 65 years old.

So, because of inadequate redrement savings,many older women may find themselves in theworkforce beyond age 65. And often, becauseof a lack of other opdons, many of these womenwill find diemselves in low-pay work as care-givers to other older women. Of course, somewomen stay in the labor force beyond the con-vendonal age of retirement for reasons otherthan financial hardship. These other reasons

include changes in generadonal concepts aboutthe role of women in our society, increased lev-els of educadonal attainment, and the need tosuccessfully sustain a decent qualit)' ot lifethroughout the lifespan.

Changes in the prevalence and manitestadonsof ageism may be on the horizon. Certainly, itis possible to observe a number of trends. How-ever, partly because some of these trends couldbe interpreted as leading to opposing effects, itis difficult to predict whether ageism willincrease or decrease over time. On the one hainiincreased l<^nge\it\' and economic necessit\' sug-gest tliat older people, many of them employed,will be a more visible presence in die lives ofmost younger Americans. Older workers, espe-cially those without pensions and in low-pay-ing jobs, may postpone or forgo redrement. Asyounger members of the society get to knowolder people as vital and productive, ageismmay decrease. On the other liand, severe cost-cutting measures in many workplaces have ledto dispropordonate layoffs of older, more expen-sive workers. As a result, the remaining work-force, at least in certain sectors, is considerably\'oiuigcr than it used to be. Tlie ready dismissalof older employees encourages the belief thatwith age workers are dispensable. This trendmight lead to an increase in ageism. It is t(X)early to tell what the net effect of such offset-dng trends will be. c/3

Rosalind Chait Barnett, Ph.D., is senior scientist.Women's Studies Research Center, Bnmdeis Uni-versity, Waltham,Mfiss.

REFERENCES

Bond, J. T , Galinsky, E., and Swanberg, J. E. 1998.The 1997 National Study of the Changing Workforce. NewYork: Families and Work Institute.

Bravo, E. 200;. Ellen Bmi'o's Remarks: Testimony ofEllen Bravo. http://ininp.takecarenet.org/Kickoff/ElUn-Bravo.asp. Accessed March i, 2005.

Choudhr\', N. K,, Fletcher, R. H., and Sourmerai,S. B. 2005. "Systematic Review: The RelationshipBetween Clinical Experience and Qiialiry of HealthCjireT Annah of Internal Medidtii 142: 260-27^.

Entmacher, J. 1999. Testimmiy Before the Subcommit-tee on Social Security of the House Committee on Ways andMeans: Hearing on the Impacts of the Current Social Secu-rity System—Protections for Women. Washington, D .C :National Women's Law Center.

Gullette, M. M. 200^. Aged hy Culture. Chicago:

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The University' of Chicago Press.

Han, W., and Waldfogel, J. 2oo_ .̂ "Parental Leave:The Impact of Rfcrnr Legislation on Parents'Leave Tak-ing." DoHfl̂ ra/j/Ty 40: 191-200.

Hcilman, M. E., et al. 2004. "Penalties for Success:Reactions to Women WTio Succeed ar Male Gender-tyyicA'YA^VsTJtmma}(fAppliedPsydiolojjy '&i}{'i,)\ 416-427.

Hill. E. J., et ai. 200.^ "Working Fathers: The For-gotten Half ot Working Parents." Paper presented at theFrom 9-to-5 to 24/7: How Workplace Changes ImpactFamilies, Work and Communities Conference spon-sored by the Business and Professional Women's Foun-dation and die Coininunit\', Families and Work Prf)gramat the Women's Studies Research Center, at BrandcisUniversity', Orlando, Fla., February' 28-March i.

Institute tbr Women's Pobc\'Research. 2001. Today^sWomen Workers: Shut Out ofTesterday's UnemplmmentInsunmee System. No. A127. Washington, D.C.

ILO. 1989. Frtmt Pymmidto Pillar: Population Changeand Social Security in Europe. Geneva.

Judieseh, M. K., and IATICSS, R. S. 1999. "I^'ft Beliind?Tlie Impact of Leaves ot Absence on Managers' CareerSuccess^AiademyifMaru^ement Journal 4.2(6): 641-51.

Messing, K, 2004. "Physical Exposures in WorkCommonly Done by Women." Canadian Journal ofApplied Physiohgy 29(5): 6;9-56.

National Women's I^w Center. 1999. Social Security:Statement of Joan Entmaeher. bttp://www.nwlc.arg/(ktaUs.cfm?id=22s&'seawn=socialsecurity. Accessed March 3,2005.

Padavic, I., and Reskin, B. 2002. Women and Men atH-W, 2nd ed.ThousandOaks, Cali£: Sage Publications.

U.S. O n s a s Bureau. 2004. Annual Estimates of thePopulation by Sex and Five-year A^e Groups fbr the UnitedStates: AprU /, 2000 to July i, 2003. Washington, D.C.

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