A Companion to Chinese Archaeology (Underhill/A Companion to Chinese Archaeology) || The Eastern Territories of the Shang and Western Zhou: Military Expansion and Cultural Assimilation

A Companion to Chinese Archaeology, First Edition. Edited by Anne P. Underhill.© 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Published 2013 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

The Eastern Territories of the Shang and Western Zhou : Military Expansion and Cultural Assimilation

FANG Hui 方辉

The “eastern territories” discussed in this chapter refer to an area within modern Shandong province centered on Mt Tai 泰山 and Mt Yi 沂山 that extends east to the Yellow sea. This area is part of a region that many archaeologists call the Haidai 海岱 or eastern seaboard region, since the name appears in ancient historical docu-ments such as the Zhan Guo Ce 战国策 dating to the Warring States period, 475–221 BC ( Shao 1987 ). The fi rst early Bronze Age culture in this area is called Yueshi 岳石 , a culture (described below) contemporary with the early Shang period to the west in the Central Plain area (Table 23.1 ).

There is archaeological evidence to show that this area, the “eastern territories” was taken over by Shang dynastic rule during the middle Shang period. Control of the Shandong peninsula by a dynastic power centered in the west, however, was not successful until the middle Western Zhou 西周中期 period. My discussion here refers to three periods: (1) middle Shang, (2) late Shang, and (3) early and middle Western Zhou. It focuses on the transition from local independent polities to territories con-trolled by the Shang and Zhou dynasties.

About 1600 BC , the Shang dynasty replaced the Xia dynasty and ruled for about 500 years. The Yanshi 偃师 and Zhengzhou 郑州 remains (see Chapter 16 ) found

CHAPTER 23

474 FANG HUI

in the Central Plain area represent the two earliest cities. Records from the Spring and Autumn period 771–476 BC refer to Shang capitals as Bo 亳 , or Bodu 亳都 ( Zou 1980 ). These two cities had many similar cultural achievements as the Xia dynasty site of Erlitou (see Chapter 15 ) such as style of architecture, bronze smelting, and methods for making daily-use pottery. However there are obvious differences as well. The most signifi cant difference is the orientation of the main buildings in the cities. The palace and grand buildings at the Erlitou site are oriented at an angle of 90°, while those at the Shang cities of Yanshi and Zhengzhou are oriented to about 10° east of north. The middle Shang period city of Huanbei 洹北 (see Chapter 17 ) has an orientation similar to Yanshi and Zhengzhou. The disparity in the orientation of buildings is perhaps the greatest difference between the Xia and the early-to-middle-phase Shang cultures. It is likely that the design and orientation of cities, or fangwei 方位 , was controlled by royalty or even by the king himself. Any differences like this in city planning would have represented different ideologies about sources of political power ( Zhu Yanmin 2003 ).

The late Shang period oracle bone inscriptions and the later historical text Shiji 史记 (“Yinbenji” 殷本纪 chapter) indicate a total of 31 kings in 17 generations who reigned during the Shang dynasty, from Cheng Tang 成汤 to Zhou Xin 纣辛 ( Wang

Table 23.1 Phases of the Bronze Age in the Haidai ( Eastern Seaboard ) region.

Dating (years BC )

Central Plain Northern Haidai region Southern Haidai region

c. 1046–771 Western Zhou Complete conquest of the east by Zhou Gong

Complete conquest of the east by Zhou Gong; Xue state (Qianzhangda site) submits to Western Zhou

c. 1250–1046 Late Shang (Yinxu phases I–IV) at Anyang

Late Shang expansion to Wei river area: Daxinzhuang, Liujiazhuang, Shijia, Subutun sites; Zhenzhumen culture in coastal areas

Late Shang expansion to the ocean in southern Shandong and northern Jiangsu: Wanbei, Nanguan, Qianzhangda (independent Xue state) sites

c. 1400–1250 Middle Shang (phase II Upper Erligang), start of campaign to conquer the east from Zhengzhou

Middle Shang expansion to Xiaoqing, Ji, Mi river areas: Daxinzhuang, Qianping, Xiaojia sites; Zhenzhumen culture in coastal areas

Middle Shang expansion to Wen and Si river areas: Qianzhangda, Xuanyuanzhuang, Dakangliu sites

c. 1600–1400 Early Shang (Lower Erligang and phase I Upper Erligang)

Yueshi culture Yueshi culture

c. 1800–1600 Xia (Erlitou phase II) Yueshi culture Yueshi culture

THE EASTERN TERRITORIES OF THE SHANG AND WESTERN ZHOU 475

Guowei 1959 ). Different phases of Shang culture are clearly represented in the archaeological record ( Zou 1980 ; Zheng Zhenxiang 1986 ; Wang Lixin 1998 ). We also know that centers of power during the Shang dynasty shifted several times as seen from establishment of regional centers at the sites of Yanshi, to Zhengzhou, to Xiaoshuangqiao 小双桥 , to Huanbei, and fi nally to Yinxu 殷墟 . There have been many debates since the 1950s when the site of Zhengzhou was found about details of chronology and how to relate these settlements to the reigns of specifi c kings. In my opinion, fi nding solutions to such problems will require a combination of histori-cal and archaeological data. For example, historical records about a king ’ s military accomplishments might be supported by archaeological evidence for warfare in sites.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL EVIDENCE FOR SHANG EXPANSION TO THE EAST

After gaining a fi rm hold of the Central Plain area, the Shang began to conquer regions towards the east. This fi rst period of state expansion was begun by Zhong Ding 仲丁 and his young brother He Dan Jia 河亶甲 . Early historical texts (explained in Fang 2007 ) mention that the Shang conquered two groups of people referred to as Lan Yi 蓝夷 and Ban Fang 班方 in what is now Shandong. It appears that they belonged to a general group of people referred to in ancient texts as the Eastern Yi 东夷 . In my estimation they represent relatively small-scale societies such as tribes. Archaeological remains reveal an extension of Shang culture towards the east begin-ning in phase II of the Upper Erligang 二里岗上层二期 period (later early Shang period [Ed.]). During this period there were two centers in the Haidai area. The fi rst center, in the northern region, is at the Daxinzhuang 大辛庄 site in Jinan. Other important sites are distributed on the northern side of the Tai-Yi mountain ranges and the southern banks of the upper reaches of the Xiaoqing 小清河 river. The second, southern center includes the sites of Xuanyuanzhuang 轩辕庄 , Dakangliu 大康留 , and Qianzhangda 前掌大 in the Xue 薛 river valley, which is part of the Wen 汶 and Si 泗 river valleys. There are some other small Upper Erligang period sites in the surrounding area. These fi ndings suggest that the expansion campaigns followed routes in both the northern and southern areas. In fact the areas involved include specifi c parts (Qing Zhou 青州 , Yan Zhou 兖州 , Xu Zhou 徐州 ) of an area referred to in ancient texts as the Jiu Zhou ( 九州、九畴 ) or “Nine Areas.” The term Jiu Zhou was recorded in chapters called “Hong Fan” 洪范 and “Yu Gong” 禹贡 in the Shang Shu 尚书 . 1

The Yu Gong chapter (see Chapter 21 ) contains information interpreted as refer-ring to tribute collected for Yu , regarded as the founder of the Xia dynasty. He is regarded as a great leader who managed rivers and controlled fl oods. Debates about dating and interpreting this chapter have existed for quite some time. Some historians believe it was prepared no earlier than the 5th–3rd centuries BC on the basis of the interpretation of historical geography ( Liu Qiyu 1991 ). Other historians conclude it was a product of the early Western Zhou period during the 10th–9th centuries BC , according to clues about types of tribute such as cowry shells and turtleshells that are mentioned in the late Shang oracle-bone inscriptions and in later historical texts ( Xin 1964 ). Shao ( 1987, 1988 ) concludes that the Yu Gong chapter refers to an

476 FANG HUI

actual historical era around 1000 BC . Archaeological remains from Shang sites in the area provide some support for this conclusion ( Underhill and Fang 2004 ). A recent discovery provides supporting data as well, in the form of an inscribed late Western Zhou bronze vessel ( c. 7th–6th centuries BC ) called the Bingong Xu 豳公盨 . The inscription mentions the story of Yu, including his role in fl ood management, and it describes a process of determining the amount of tribute people owed according to the area of land they owned ( Li Xueqin 2002 ; Qiu 2002 ).

The area referred to as “Jiu Zhou” in the early historical texts seems to represent the existence of a concept about an area representing a “central country,” which later was called China 中国 . I believe that this concept refers to the Shang rather than the Xia or Zhou dynasties. There is archaeological evidence supporting this conclusion, since it is only during the period of the Upper Erligang culture when the Shang culture expanded towards the east ( Wang Lixin 1998 ; Fang 2011 ). In other words, it was not until the Shang period that early state power covered a signifi cantly large area that could in fact mean at least part of the territory referred to as Jiu Zhou . Therefore, even though the name Yu Gong refers to the leader Yu of the Xia dynasty, the chapter could actually refer to the history of the Shang dynasty instead, especially the middle Shang period. This is the period which saw a rapid expansion of power outward from the Central Plain in more than one direc-tion, resulting in a large area with similar material culture. I believe this period has the fi rst archaeological evidence for areas mentioned in later historical texts. In what follows, I discuss how the material culture of different areas of Shandong changed during the early Bronze Age by contrasting it with that of the Yueshi culture, thus revealing changes in the nature of interactions with peoples from the Central Plain area.

The early Bronze Age Yueshi culture of Shandong The Yueshi culture was named after the Yueshi site located in Pingdu 平度 county, eastern Shandong. Other important Yueshi sites include Yinjiacheng 尹家城 in Sishui 泗水 , Chengzi ’ ai (or Chengziya, Chapter 21 ) 城子崖 and Wangtuiguanzhuang 王推官庄 in Zhangqiu 章丘 , Dinggong 丁公 in Zouping 邹平 , Haojiazhuang 郝家庄 in Qingzhou 青州 , Zhaogezhuang 照格庄 in Muping 牟平 , Tenghualuo 藤花落 in Ganyu 赣榆 county, Jiangsu 江苏 province, and Lutaigang 鹿台岗 in Qixian 杞县 county, Henan 河南 province. The Yueshi culture is roughly contemporary with phase II of the Erlitou culture and phase I of the Upper Erligang culture in the Central Plain, around 1800–1400 BC ( Fang 1998 ).

Although the Yueshi culture is connected to the archaeological cultures of the Central Plain in some respects, there are dramatic differences with respect to the pottery vessels, stone tools, and bronze vessels. Yueshi pottery vessels with sandy inclusions tend to be reddish-brown in fi red color, while some fi ne wares ( ni zhi 泥制 ) were painted in various colors after fi ring. Major vessel forms for cooking include ding 鼎 tripods and yan 甗 steamers. Food containers include zun xingqi 尊形器 zun -shaped vessels, he 盒 boxes, and dou 豆 stemmed dishes. The most common types of stone tools include slanted-edged chan 铲 shovels, square perfo-rated jue 镢 pickaxes, and half-moon shaped dao 刀 knives with two perforations. Small bronze objects were produced and included tools such as zhui 锥 awls, weapons


such as dao knives and zu 镞 projectile points, and ornaments such as huan 环 disks. The assemblages from Yueshi sites are very different from those at Shang sites. There are no ritual vessels made of bronze and no large production tools or weapons. Craft production was not as sophisticated as during the Erlitou or Erligang periods.

CONTINUED SHANG EXPANSION TO THE EAST

The rapid expansion of Shang culture during the Erligang period was the result of military conquest. Various early historical records from different eras suggest that during the middle Shang period several Shang kings sent troops to the east and even moved their capitals twice to Shandong ( Ding 1960 ). We do not yet have enough written or material evidence to demonstrate the movement of these capitals. The archaeological record, however, does provide evidence to support the interpretation that there was a deliberate strategy to expand the Shang state towards the east. Our current data show that the site of Daxinzhuang in the north was the stepping stone for the Shang expansion further east. The fi rst phase of the Shang expansion to the south is represented by Xuanyuanzhuang, Qianzhangda, and some other sites in the Xue river region. To the west of this region, there are contemporary (middle Shang) sites such as Anqiugudui 安丘堌堆 in Heze 菏泽 and Qianping 前平 in Changqing 长清 . In Qianping some very important bronze ritual objects were found as well ( Han 1982 ). These data show that the expansion was rather sudden. The region that was conquered and controlled includes the area to the west of the modern Beijing–Shanghai Railway. This area is a large plain, with no obstacle barring the path to the Central Plain. This might be one of the reasons why the expansion was carried out so quickly.

The points in southern and northern Shandong were selected strategically. The areas along the Wen and Si rivers in southern Shandong and the banks of the Four Lakes 南四湖 were superior for farming. It has been an area well-suited to human habitation since the prehistoric era. Merchants also favored the area for its reliable resources and stability, using it as a staging ground for the further movement of goods. Traveling further east one encounters the Yimeng mountainous district 沂蒙山区 which is easy to guard but hard to attack. Although the Wen and Si rivers and their tributaries are connected to this mountainous area, external forces would have had many challenges gaining control of the area. Even during the late Shang period, the powerful Shang state was still unable to penetrate the area.

Rivers in northeastern Shandong, such as the Ji 济水 and Tuhai 徒骇 , all fl ow from southwest to northeast, connecting the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow river into one single system. Further east, the northern Shandong plain is long and narrow from west to east. There are several rivers fl owing from south to the north, including the Xiaofu 孝妇河 , Zi 淄河 , Mi 瀰河 , and Wei 潍河 . These rivers form an obstacle between the eastern and western regions. Moving from the west to the east, the sources were often the optimal location for crossing these rivers. Many important sites from the Shandong Longshan culture ( c. 2600–1900 BC ; see Chapter 21 ) are found all along the northern line of the Tai–Yi mountain ranges. The selection of Daxinzhuang for settlement during the Shang dynasty was based on its geographic location.

478 FANG HUI

Daxinzhuang The site of Daxinzhuang has been known since the 1930s ( Drake 1939, 1940 ). There have been several surveys and excavations there since 1984, when the chronology of the site was established and the Shang presence was clarifi ed for the Haidai region ( Shandong University et al. 1995 ; Shandong University Center 2008 ). As we entered the new millennium, there were large-scale excavations that helped to reveal the nature of the Shang settlement at Daxinzhuang ( Shandong University Center et al. 2003, 2004 ; Shandong University Archaeology et al. 2010 ).

The location of the Daxinzhuang site in the eastern suburbs of Jinan city is on the northern edge of the Tai–Yi mountain range, between the Xiaoqing river and the Ji river 济水 (now called the Yellow river). The location of the site is critical for con-necting areas to the east and west. It lies on the only possible route that the Shang people could have taken in their expansion to the east. This transportation route is still important today.

Our regional surveys show that the large Shang settlement at Daxinzhuang was built in an area almost completely devoid of other settlements ( Fang et al. 2005 ). The famous site of Chengzi ’ ai (Chengziyai) 城子崖 , with its Yueshi and Longshan components (see Chapter 21 ), is 25 km away to the east. It appears that the Shang remains at Daxinzhuang date to as early as phase II of the Upper Erligang period. Also, the site marks the eastern border of the Shang culture area at that time. My colleagues and I speculate that the power of the Shang dynasty during the phase II Upper Erligang period came to an abrupt end at Daxinzhuang, and never moved further eastward. The nearby presence of the Yueshi culture at Chengzi ’ ai could signify that there were confrontations between the troops of the Shang and the Dong Yi or Eastern Yi indigenous peoples mentioned in later historical texts.

This situation did not last long, however, because during phase II of the middle Shang period at about the time the Huanbei 洹北 site rose to prominence, the Shang pushed eastward with overwhelming momentum, successively conquering the Zi 淄 and Mi 瀰 river regions in the east, and eventually reaching the Wei river area. The easternmost Shang site is Xiaojia 萧家 , located in modern Qingzhou 青州 ( Wang Entian 2000 ). Other important areas of settlement were in the Shijia 史家 and Tang-shan 唐山 (Huantai 桓台 ) areas ( Yan et al. 2005 ). In southern Shandong and north-ern Jiangsu province, the Shang arrived at the shores of the Eastern Sea 东海 . The easternmost point with Shang cultural remains is found at Wanbei 万北 in Shuyang 沭阳 , Jiangsu ( Gu 1990 ). The major site in this area is the settlement at Qianzhangda in Tengzhou ( IA,CASS Shandong Team et al. 1992 ; IA,CASS 2005 ; Tengzhou City Museum 1996 ). The site at Qiuwan 丘湾 in Tongshan 铜山 ( Nanjing Museum 1973 ) was the center of the ancient Xu Zhou 徐州 area. There are many Shang period sites in the ancient Yan Zhou 兖州 area (modern Yanzhou and Xuzhou around the Wen and Si rivers) such as Yinjiacheng 尹家城 ( Shandong University 1990 ) and Tian-qimiao 天齐庙 ( Guojia Wenwuju 1994 ) in Sishui 泗水 , Fenghuangtai 凤凰台 ( Guojia Wenwuju 1991a ) and Panmiao 潘庙 ( Guojia Wenwuju 1991b ) in Jining 济宁 . None of these sites, however, were large enough to have functioned as a regional center.

My colleagues and I found remains at Daxinzhuang to support the interpretation that the site was a key settlement serving as a stepping stone for the Shang expansion to the east. One unusual feature signifying the important status of Daxinzhuang was


a large storage pit called H690 (4 m in diameter, 3.5 m deep), which was discovered with traces of wooden boards attached to the wall and fl oor. Clearly this was not a storage pit that only served the needs of a family or even a clan. It is very possible that it was prepared for administrative offi ces or for army supplies. We excavated a group of large graves dating to the middle Shang, (especially M106 and M139) that revealed bronze vessels and fi ne jade items as well as several human sacrifi cial victims. The bottoms of these graves were lined with cinnabar. Many features of the graves (grave goods, size, and structure) are consistent with elite Shang graves discovered in the Shang capital at Zhengzhou (see Chapter 16 ; Figure 23.1 ). I think it is very likely that these elite individuals were military leaders who fought in wars between the Shang and Eastern Yi peoples). The ceramic vessels in the elite graves (earthen-ware, stoneware) mainly exhibit Shang styles, although some daily-use vessels exhibit characteristics of the local Yueshi culture (Figure 23.2 ).

Interpreting Shang strategies of expansion Elite graves containing bronze objects exhibiting early and middle Shang styles, as seen at Daxinzhuang, also have been discovered in southern Shandong. They have been found at Qianzhangda in the Tengzhou area in the remains of a grand building dating to the Erligang period. It appears that the Shang regarded this area as strategi-cally important as Daxinzhuang in their strategy to extend their control over lands to the east.

The distribution of late Shang sites in Shandong has basically the same pattern as that for the middle Shang period. There is no evidence for a Shang replacement of power at sites representing local cultures in the Shandong peninsula area or the central

Figure 23.1 Burial M139 at the Shang period site of Daxinzhuang in Shandong. (After Shandong University et al. 2010 : 4, Figure 1.)

480 FANG HUI

region including Mt Tai and Mt Yi 泰沂山区 . Therefore we can conclude that the late Shang period in the Haidai region was still characterized by confrontation between the Shang and indigenous peoples we can refer to as the Dong Yi. In com-parison to the middle Shang period, there are many more late Shang sites in the Haidai region that we should consider as dominated by the Shang. The fi ve substan-tial sites interpreted as regional centers at Daxinzhuang, Shijia 史家 , Subutun 苏埠屯 ,

Figure 23.2 Bronze vessels and weapons from burial M139 at Daxinzhuang, Shandong: (A) he pitcher, (B) you jar, (C) ding tripod, (D) lei jar, and (E) yue axe. (After Shandong University et al. 2010 : 5, Figures 4, 2, 3, 6.)

A

C

D

E

B


Lanjia 兰家 , and Qianzhangda show that the Shang had fi rm control over these areas ( Chen Xuexiang 2007 ). It is reasonable to suggest ( Li Boqian 1998 ) that even the region centered at Changqing 长清 in Jinan was within the area directly controlled by the late Shang state.

Family emblems inscribed on bronze objects, zuhui 族徽 , reveal the close relation-ship between cultures in the Haidai region and the Shang dynasty. These emblems appear to represent social groups organized along paternal descent lines that the Shang referred to as zu 族 or shi 氏 ( Lin 1998 ). More than ten emblems have been found to date, many of which are also seen on bronze objects and oracle bones from Yinxu at Anyang, including: ju 举 , shi 史 , yi 役 , chou 醜 , rong 融 , and rong 戎 ( Gao 2000 ). The existence of these family emblems requires that we reconsider which sites with Shang-style objects were actually controlled by the Shang dynasty. We also must examine the nature of the regional centers mentioned above, by considering how the people there interacted with people who lived at Yinxu. These issues are relevant for understanding the social organization of the Shang dynasty as a whole. With respect to archaeological methodology, we face the diffi cult task of attempting to match archaeological cultures to groups of people and settlements mentioned in historical records from different eras. My analysis below considers both archaeological and historical data for different regions of Shandong.

Analysis of the Daxinzhuang , Subutun , and Qianzhangda regions The archaeological data currently available show that the most important regional centers of Shang culture were at the sites of Daxinzhuang 大辛庄 , Subutun, and Qianzhangda. Offi cials of the Shang dynasty deliberately selected and controlled these three regions, situated approximately equidistant from one another, to form a stable power base in the area.

The late Shang remains from these sites are highly consistent with typical remains of the Shang culture found at sites further west. It is notable that they share the same bronze ritual vessel forms as those found at Yinxu. For example, elite graves from Daxinzhuang, Subutun, and Qianzhangda include distinct sets of bronze vessels consisting of the gu 觚 beaker and jue 爵 tripod. Elite graves, like those at Yinxu, also include bronze ding 鼎 tripods and jade objects, along with three forms of ceramic vessels: li 鬲 tripods, dou 豆 stemmed dishes, and gui 簋 bowls. In contrast to the elite graves at Yinxu, however, those at Daxinzhuang, Subutun, and Qianzhangda do not contain ceramic gu beakers or jue tripods. Although the size and depth of the tomb chambers vary with the status of the deceased, the number of bronze ritual objects is always limited to one set consisting of gu beakers and jue tripods (Figure 23.3 ). Therefore, it appears that there was a stricter set of rules about the use of bronze objects for funeral rites at Daxinzhuang than at the capital of Yinxu.

The discovery of oracle-bone inscriptions at Daxinzhuang was signifi cant for under-standing the nature of the Shang settlement. The inscriptions reveal consistency with the written characters from the capital, although there is a difference with respect to the direction of writing: the characters at Daxinzhuang are written from left to right, as opposed to being written from top to bottom as seen at Yinxu ( Shandong Uni-versity Center et al. 2003 ). Zhu Fenghan ( 2003 ) raises the possibility that the writer was a local elite individual allied with the Shang but from a kin group that venerated

482 FANG HUI

Figure 23.3 Bronze vessels and weapons from Daxinzhuang: 1–4 from burial M106; 5–9 from burial M72. (After Shandong University et al. 2004 : 29, 30–31, Figures 2, 3.)

1

2

3

4

56

7 8 9

1–6 8–90 4 8 cm

0 8 16 cm7


its own ancestors with its own particular rituals. At Yinxu, archaeologists discovered another set of non-royal, princely divination inscriptions ( feiwang buci 非王卜辞 ). Given this evidence, it is more likely that Daxinzhuang was a principality of the Shang state rather than a state-level polity itself.

The oracle-bone inscriptions at Daxinzhuang are signifi cant because they represent the only inscriptions found outside of Yinxu in a clearly established archaeological context. They were discovered on the surface of a late Shang activity area ( huodong-mian 活动面 ). The only other example of oracle-bone inscriptions found in a site other than Yinxu is a single piece from an unknown context at Zhengzhou published in the 1950s (see Chapter 16 ). It is not possible to determine whether the style of the inscriptions from Zhengzhou represent divinations by royalty or princes. The inscriptions from Daxinzhuang show that the settlement functioned as a center of communication for the eastward expansion by offi cials of the Shang dynasty. The bronze objects discovered in burials at Daxinzhuang that displayed family emblems such as , , ( suo ), and 子 ( zi ) were probably used by local elites who adminis-tered the principality.

The bronze objects with family emblems discovered at Daxinzhuang are quite diverse. It is likely that they were used by different patrilineal descent groups ( zu ). Bronze weapons were also common offerings in the graves with emblems. The deceased probably represent different military units at Daxinzhuang. Chen Mengjia ( 1956 : 497) concludes that Shang military units were formed by zu patrilineal descent groups. Also, the specifi c names of yi 邑 settlements were attributed to these zu groups. It appears that the Shang capital at Yinxu had many such settlements ( zuyi 族邑 ). Oracle-bone inscriptions refer to settlements of the patrilineal descent group that included the king ( wangzu 王族 ) as the wangyi 王邑 (the king ’ s settlement), or the dayi 大邑 (the big settlement) ( Zheng Ruokui 1995 ). As at Yinxu, there was a diversity of zuhui patrilineal descent groups living at Daxinzhuang.

Qianzhangda and Subutun In contrast to Daxinzhuang, the sites of Qianzhangda in Tengzhou to the south and Subutun in Qingzhou to the north probably represent relatively independent zu patrilineal descent groups which the Shang royalty were only able to control to a limited extent. It is best to consider these as local polities, referred to in various early historical records from different eras as fang 方 or fangguo 方国 – which we can regard as local states.

There is a consensus that the highest-ranking graves from the late Shang period in the eastern territories are at Subutun. This site is located on the northern edge of the Tai–Yi mountain ranges, a location that one must pass through in order to reach the Shandong peninsula. After discovery in the 1930s, this site became famous for two large graves containing numerous bronze objects ( Qi 1947 ). Four other large graves were found in the 1960s. The richest of these, grave M1, represents the highest social rank for the late Shang period ( Shandong Provincial Museum 1972 ). Although this grave was looted, many important objects were preserved, including a rare pair of huge bronze yue 钺 axes. It is worth noting that this tomb was built in the shape of the modern Chinese character ya 亚 with four passageways to the interior, a form of tomb only previously known at Yinxu. Unfortunately, no skeletal remains

484 FANG HUI

of the deceased were preserved, although the remains of human sacrifi cial victims were identifi ed in the tomb.

These fi ndings resulted in much speculation about the identity of the deceased in tomb M1. From the “Ya Chou” 亚醜 inscription on the bronze yue axe, the name of the deceased could have been Chou, a person with the status of a military offi cer called ya . The oracle-bone inscriptions from Yinxu mention a xiaochen chou 小臣醜 , which could possibly be related to the inscription “Ya Chou.” Yin ( 1977 ) proposes that the deceased was the king of the Bo Gu 薄姑 state mentioned in later historical documents. Wang Shuming ( 1989 ) proposes that the deceased was from a state called zhenxun 斟鄩 or zhenguan 斟灌 , while others ( Liu Dunyuan 1984 ; Li Ling 1992 ) propose the deceased was from the Qi 齐 state during the Shang era.

Subutun was excavated again during the 1980s. Archaeologists found six more tombs, some shaped like the modern character 中 ( zhong ) with two passages to the interior, while others had one passageway, resembling the modern character 甲 ( jia ). Another important discovery was the presence of the family emblems chou 醜 , rong 融 , and ce rong 册融 on bronze objects ( Shandong Provincial Institute and Qingzhou 1989 ). Most of the inscribed bronze objects had the family emblems chou 醜 and ya chou 亚醜 . Some scholars conclude that the deceased belonged to a local, small-scale polity called rong 融 . In this case Subutun would have represented a local state in the farthest reaches of the Shang state, with its own king who also held a position in the royal court of Shang. Until more written evidence is discovered, I suggest we refer to Subutun as a ya chou state – in other words, a polity independent from the Shang at Yinxu. The capital of this state might have been at the Wosongtai 呙宋台 site, located 10 km from Subutun on the opposite bank of the Mi river, and measur-ing 80 ha in size ( Shouguang County 1989 ).

There is a consensus that the site of Qianzhangda represents a local state or fangguo in the Haidai area that was called “Xue Guo” 薛国 in the oracle-bone inscriptions and later historical texts, or “Shi” 史 in Shang bronze inscriptions ( Wang Entian 1983 ; Feng 2005 ). The fact that most of the inscribed bronzes at Qianzhangda have the shi emblem indicates that this was the family emblem of the king. Bronze objects with other emblems were probably acquired through the process of gift exchange or marriage relations with other family groups ( IA,CASS 2005 ).

The historical literature suggests that the Xue state originated in earlier times, specifi cally the era of the Xia dynasty. The earliest paternal ancestor mentioned in the Zuozhuan is Xizhong 奚仲 , a Xia dynasty offi cial from the fi rst year of Ding Gong 左传 , 定公元年 who held the title chezheng 车正 . 2 Interpreted as an administrator in charge of communication, his responsibilities included management of carriages and other forms of transportation. I think the likely antiquity of the Xue state means it also was important during the eras of the Shang and Western Zhou (see below). Therefore the deceased in the large tombs at Qianzhangda were nobles from the Xue state.

The Shang oracle-bone inscriptions from Yinxu show that relations between the people at Yinxu and the Xue state were not always friendly. Relations were good in earlier phases but some later inscriptions show that the Xue were a threat to the Shang. For example, oracle bone 137, described in the compilation called Jiaguwen Heji 甲骨文合集 , is translated as “on the day of Jiazi [ 甲子 ], someone came from the east; [someone] was killed by Xue” ( Yao 1988 : 5). Therefore, sometimes the


Xue were military targets of the Shang. Another example is an inscription on the front side of bone 947: “In the divination words of the day of Renxu [ 壬戌 ], the coming day Yiyou [ 乙酉 ] by the diviner Zheng [ 争 ], General Zhi fought with Xue, won. Divination, shouldn ’ t we fi ght Xue?” ( Yao 1988 : 40). Another example is evident from the front side of bone 6827: “Divination, won ’ t General Zhi fi ght Xue Bo [ 薛伯 ]? ” ( Yao 1988 : 171). Here, the head of the Xue was called Bo 伯 , suggesting that it was one of the recognized state-level polities of the Shang dynasty. There also is mention of the Shang king expressing his desire to hunt in Xue ter-ritory. An oracle bone inscription (2401) found in the Southern Locus of Xiaotun 小屯南地 at Yinxu asks “if not go hunting in Xue, will we regret?” (Yao1988: 75). There also are records of horses given by the Xue state to the Shang as tribute. Bone 8984 has the record: “someone tribute horses from Xue, happened in Decem-ber” ( Yao 1988 : 216).

From all of these records, we can see that the Xue state was quite independent from the Shang royalty, even though sometimes they paid tribute to the Shang. The styles of most grave goods from Qianzhangda, especially the bronze and jade objects representing noble status and family identity, are not different from typical Shang objects. Some objects found at Qianzhangda, however, are clearly the result of contact with other areas. The youtao 釉陶 glazed pottery and yinwen yingtao 印纹硬陶 pottery decorated with a hard impressed-pattern, were likely imported from southern China. I propose that the people ruling Qianzhangda had more freedom in their relations with the Shang royal family at Yinxu. Their settlement was located further away from the capital at Yinxu than Daxinzhuang. They also had the freedom to establish relations with peoples to the south who lived in territories the Shang did not control. This would explain the reason for the repeated rebellions of the Xue state.

Therefore, although the sites just described are referred to archaeologically as belonging to the Shang culture, they vary with respect to the nature of their relation-ship to the Shang dynasty at Yinxu. Daxinzhuang was a political and military center established by the Shang people to expand their power towards the east and south for the purpose of protecting and supporting the capital at Yinxu. Through Da -xinzhuang, resources from the east were continually sent to the capital, while pres-tigious goods from the capital were redistributed from Daxinzhuang to local allies. Qianzhangda and Subutun were only allies of the Shang. Their status and power were symbolized by largesse from the royal court and exchange of ritual objects.

RELATIONS WITH THE EASTERN YI

The greatest threat to the Shang dynasty was not from its allies such as the Bo Gu 薄姑 and Xue 薛 peoples but from the Eastern Yi 东夷 (Dong Yi) peoples in the area referred to as Yi Fang 夷方 in Shang oracle-bone inscriptions and later historical documents. Such written records suggest that the main enemies to the Shang dynasty during the early part of late Shang period lived in areas to the west and northwest. At the time of King Wu Ding 武丁 , the battles with the Eastern Yi were only small in scale. The records indicate that fi ghting on a large scale occurred later during the reigns of the late Shang kings Di Yi 帝乙 and Di Xin 帝辛 .

486 FANG HUI

The Eastern Yi people do not represent a single united polity. They seem to rep-resent multiple groups of people living in relatively small-scale societies, perhaps resembling tribes, who threatened the rule of the Shang dynasty and its allies. Oracle-bone inscriptions and inscriptions on bronze objects show that at least four leaders of the Eastern Yi were captured by the Shang or its allies. One leader named Wuwu 无敄 is mentioned in inscriptions on two separate bronze vessels: on a yan 甗 steamer (indicating a person named Ban who was a high offi cial called zuo ce 作册般 ) ( Zhang Yachu 2001 : 26) and on a ding tripod ( Shi 1985 ). The name of the second leader is Wu mentioned on what has been called the bronze Wang Gui 网簋 bowl ( Luo 1983 : 855) and the Pang You 夆卣 jar (Zhang Yachu 2001:107). The names Wang and Pang refer to the individuals who commissioned the production of the vessels. The name Wu is known from oracle-bone inscriptions, too ( Shen 1974 ). Chen Mengjia (1956: 305) identifi ed the name of a third leader that can be translated as “a captured leader deprived of his helmet.” The name of the fourth leader is Yong Bo 雍伯 , as seen in what is called the Hua He 华盉 tripod pitcher from the Qianzhangda cemetery ( IA,CASS 2005 ).

In addition, an inscription on one oracle bone from an early collection made by the Canadian missionary James Menzies states: “Zuyi fought . . . some leader from Yi Fang.” Li Xueqin ( 1959 ) concludes that this leader is Wuwu. All of these leaders mentioned in the inscriptions were captured by the army of the Shang or their allies. Some leaders such as Wu submitted to the Shang dynasty and turned against the Eastern Yi ( Fang 2004 ). It is diffi cult to estimate the actual population of the Eastern Yi peoples. Judging from the oracle-bone inscriptions, the Eastern Yi had their own particular rituals, spirits, religious objects, and ceremonies, such as sacrifi cing sheep to a spirit called Xi 析 ( Fang 2004 ). The Shang only won a partial victory in the war against the Eastern Yi. As the Zhou power to the west increased in strength, the Shang had to quit the war against the Eastern Yi without completely winning. Com-plete conquest of the east was not achieved until the middle Western Zhou period.

THE WESTERN ZHOU PERIOD IN SHANDONG

Recent research has shown that the Zhou conquered the Shang dynasty in 1046 BC , and the Zhou dynasty was subsequently established ( Expert Team 2000 ). The Han dynasty (206 BC – AD 220) historian Sima Qian ’ s text, Shi Ji 史记 (see the 1975 version) concludes that in order to appease the conquered Shang people, the Zhou king Wu Wang 武王 permitted the son of the last Shang king Di Xin, named Wu Geng 武庚 , to survive and serve as a local leader. King Wu Wang also sent his two young brothers, Guan Shu 管叔 and Cai Shu 蔡叔 , to be Wu Geng ’ s prime ministers ( Shiji 3:108–109). 3

At the beginning of Zhou dynasty, Zhou power over the lands in the east was rela-tively weak. King Wu Wang passed away in the second year after conquering the Shang, and his youngest son Cheng Wang 成王 , with the assistance of his uncle, prime minister Zhou Gong 周公 , succeeded to the throne. In the same year, the two brothers of the Zhou king, Guan Shu and Cai Shu, who lived in the former lands of the Shang, suspected that Zhou Gong was not loyal to the Zhou dynasty. Guan Shu and Cai Shu joined forces with Wu Geng and peoples in the east to rebel against the


Zhou royal court. Zhou Gong led the troops by himself and defeated them in three years. This campaign has been called the Zhou Gong Punitive Expedition to the East. This war is recorded in some bronze inscriptions, such as the Bao You 保卣 vessel, the Ran Fang Ding 方鼎 tripod, and the Shi Lu Din g 师旅鼎 tripod. The inscrip-tions also indicate that another prime minister named Shao Gong 召公 participated in the military campaign. The rebelling states in the east also are mentioned in Shang bronze vessel inscriptions and later historical documents ( Huang 1982 ). Huang ( 1982 ) concludes that these states were named Bo Gu 薄姑 , Xu 徐 , Yan 奄 , Xiong 熊 and Ying 盈 . It seems that these Eastern Yi polities still existed in the early Zhou period and became a major threat to the dynastic power.

Interestingly, the location of Bo Gu, regarded as the strongest rebel state in north-ern Shandong, is close to the Shang period cemetery at Subutun. Therefore some scholars argue that Subutun represents an earlier phase of the independent Bo Gu state ( Yin 1977 ). This conjecture is reasonable, since the Subutun cemetery was not used in the early Zhou period.

It also is interesting that the Xue state 薛国 known from southern Shandong during the Shang era was not on the list of rebellious states during the early Western Zhou period. The historical text Shi Jing 诗经 (written around the 7th century BC ) states that the Xue and Zhou were allies during the late Shang period. Also, a princess of the Xue state named Zhizhong Renshi 挚仲任氏 even married a prince from the Zhou royal court ( Shijing 16.1:507). 4 This situation helps explain why the Qianzhangda cemetery was used continuously to the middle Zhou period. It seems that people from the Xue state did not join the rebellion with other local polities against the Zhou dynasty. Some archaeologists suggest instead that Qianzhangda represents the second big state of Yan 奄 which probably was located in the modern Qufu 曲阜 area, not far away from Tengzhou 滕州 where the Qianzhangda cemetery is located ( Hu 1990 ; Zhang Changshou 2011 ). The long period in which the Qianzhangda cemetery was used, however, does not support this interpretation.

Wars during the Zhou period resulted in many deaths and the relocation of people. Another later historical text, the Zuozhuan (probably written about the 4th century BC ), records that during the fourth year of king Ding Gong 定公四年 of the Lu state, after Zhou Gong defeated the rebellious forces, the royal court of Zhou sent people from conquered Shang households as a gift to new leaders in the Lu state allied with the Zhou ( Chunqiu Zuozhuan Zhengyi 6: 146–153). 5 This act would have brought obvious changes to the political landscape. Archaeological fi eldwork in the Haidai area does reveal big changes in settlement patterns from the late Shang to the early Zhou period, especially in northern areas.

Another important change was the shift in location of some regional centers. The former Shang period sites of Subutuan and Daxinzhuang did not continue as regional centers during the Western Zhou period. Some minor sites such as Shijia 史家 and Tangshan 唐山 in Huantai 桓台 county, Liujiazhuang 刘家庄 in Lixia district 历下区 , and Xiaotun 小屯 in the Changqing district 长清区 also were abandoned by the Western Zhou period. New political centers developed such as Chenzhuang 陈庄 in Gaoqing 高青 county ( Shandong Provincial Institute 2011 ) and Guicheng 归城 in Longkou 龙口 city ( Sino-American Team 2011 ). These were the earliest walled cities in the area that can be traced back to the early or middle Western Zhou period. Both

488 FANG HUI

of them were built in newly established areas. Even small settlements such as Wangfu 王府 in the Huaiyin district 槐荫区 ( Shandong Provincial Institute 2000 ) and Ning-jiabu 宁家埠 ( Shandong Provincial Institute 1993 ) in Zhangqiu 章丘 city were established in the early Western Zhou period. The same pattern of the Zhou estab-lishing settlements in areas not formerly settled by the Shang can be seen in southern Shandong, as well, at sites such as Xiwusi 西吴寺 in Yanzhou 兖州 city.

In sum, at the end of the Shang dynasty and the beginning of the Western Zhou dynasty, there were major changes in settlement patterns that can be understood by referring to more than one kind of historical record from China. Some polities such as Bo Gu, Yan, and Xu were conquered, forcing people to move to other locations, while a few polities such as Xue had a submissive attitude towards the Zhou dynasty in order to avoid being devastated.

The Zhou period Zhenzhumen culture of eastern Shandong Finally, it is important to mention the local archaeological culture of the Jiaodong peninsula and the Tai-Yi mountains called the Zhenzhumen 珍珠门 culture. The consensus among scholars is that these people represented a local lineage of the Eastern Yi. After the great conquest of the east by the Zhou took place, these people were fi nally merged into the mainstream culture.

The Zhenzhumen culture is named after the Zhenzhumen site in Changdao 长岛 County ( Beijing University 1983 ). Only small portions of a few sites such as Zhishui 芝水 in Yantai 烟台 ( Beijing and Yantai 2000 ), Yaoguanzhuang 姚官庄 ( Shandong Provincial Institute et al. 1981 ), Huiquanzhuang 会泉庄 in Weifang 潍坊 ( Shandong Provincial Institute 2000 ), and Louzizhuang 楼子庄 in Longkou 龙口 ( Wang Fuqiang 2006 ) have been excavated. Therefore our current knowledge is limited. Sites from this culture are found on the Shandong peninsula to the east of the Wei river 潍河 , in the Tai–Yi hinterland, and along the sea coast of southern Shandong.

We can say that the Zhenzhumen culture has some unique characteristics. Remains from Zhenzhumen culture sites are quite simple: they include house foundations, storage pits, burials, and sacrifi cial offerings. House foundations were found only at Zhenzhumen and Louzizhuang. The circular houses were semi-subterranean, 2–3 m in diameter, and with straight walls. There has been some speculation that the struc-tures do not represent a permanent settlement. Circular storage pits, 2–3 m in diam-eter, are the most common features. In one of the storage pits at Louzizhuang, there were piles 5–10 cm high of carbonized millet.

One typical Zhenzhumen culture grave is M3 from Yaoguanzhuang. The shape of the grave is not clear. The deceased was lying on one side with bent legs, head pointed to the north, straightened arms, and lower limbs bent at an angle of 60–70°. The only grave good is one undecorated ceramic li 鬲 tripod.

Several sacrifi cial pits of the Zhenzhumen culture were found at Louzizhuang. The opening of the pits is circular, which is the same as storage pits; however they con-tained one human and one horse skeleton at the bottom. These skeletons were purposefully laid out in an orderly fashion in the pit. It is reasonable to hypothesize that pits like this are sacrifi cial pits. Previously, the only known early Bronze Age site with pits containing horse sacrifi ces was the Shang site of Yinxu. Clearly the horse


sacrifi cial pit in this area is the result of some kind of interaction with people from the Shang culture.

Zhenzhumen culture remains are mainly ceramic, stone, and bone objects. Most of the ceramics have a plain brown surface and were made by hand with inclusions of sand or mica ( yunmu 云母 ) and steatite ( huashi 滑石 ). Various decorative tech-niques were used, but only a small proportion of the pottery is gray with the typical Shang cord-marked decoration ( shengwen 绳纹 ). The major forms of vessels include li tripods, yan 甗 steamers, guan 罐 jars, weng 瓮 jars, and large qigai 器盖 lids. Only a few forms of vessels such as z un 尊 jars, dou 豆 stemmed dishes, and gui 簋 bowls are made with fi ne paste. Common stone objects include double-holed, crescent-shaped dao 刀 knives, fu 斧 axes, zao 凿 chisels, and mao 矛 spear points. The bone objects include chan 铲 shovels, zhui 锥 awls, mao spear points, and ge 戈 dagger-axes. The only bronze objects are mao spear points and small decorative objects for the heads of horses. A bronze object found many years ago in the area probably also belongs to the Zhenzhumen culture rather than the Yueshi culture as scholars fi rst thought. This was a bronze yan 甗 steamer from Longkou city ( Li Buqing and Lin 1989 ). Given that there is no evidence for casting bronze vessels at Yueshi culture sites, this bronze steamer probably was made by people from the Zhenzhumen culture during the Western Zhou period.

The few Shang-style ceramic sherds and pits with horse sacrifi ces found at Zhen-zhumen culture sites reveal interactions of some kind with the Shang people. In contrast to Shang sites, however, there currently is no evidence for regional centers or social hierarchy in the Zhenzhumen culture. It appears there were multiple small-scale polities such as chiefdoms rather than states. People from this seemingly under-developed culture fought off attacks by people from the Central Plain for several centuries.

CONCLUSIONS

Archaeological research in combination with careful assessment of the diverse kinds of historical records available is shedding light on the peoples who lived in the Haidai area during the Shang and Zhou periods. The Shang and Zhou dynasties went to considerable effort to control different parts of the Haidai area, with varying degrees of success. The archaeology of this area requires more research on the diverse sites inhabited by indigenous peoples who interacted with people from the dynastic powers to the west.

NOTES

1 Shangshu Zhengyi 尚書正義 (Commentaries on the Venerated Documents ). In Shisan Jing Zhushu 十三經注疏 (Commentaries on and Annotations of the Thirteen Classics ), ed. Ruan Yuan 阮元 (1764–1849): 6.146, Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1980. See Shao Wangping 邵望平 , 禹貢九州的考古學研究：兼說中國古代文明的多源性 (An Archaeological Study on the Nine Regions of China in the Tribute of Yu with an Additional Analysis of Multi-Origins of Chinese Ancient Civilizations), Jiuzhou Xuekan 九州學刊 2.1 (1981): 11–30. [JW]

490 FANG HUI

2 Shisan Jing Zhushu , ed. Ruan Yuan: 27.1911. Modern scholars have proposed different dates for the Commentary of Mr Zuo . Some hold that it was compiled during the Warring States period with a compilation date not later than 389 BC , others believe that it was compiled in the Former Han period. [JW]

3 Sima Qian 司马迁 ( c. 145–90 BC ), Shiji 史记 (Records of the Grand Historian), Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1975.

4 Shijing 詩經 (Classic of Poetry). In Shisan Jing Zhushu ed. Ruan Yuan. [JW] 5 Chunqiu Zuozhuan Zhengyi 春秋左傳正義 ( The Commentary of Mr Zuo on the Spring and

Autumn Annals ). In Shisan Jing Zhushu ed. Ruan Yuan. [JW]

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