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The Multiple Faces of Conflict in OrganizationsAuthor(s): Deborah M. Kolb and Linda L. PutnamSource: Journal of Organizational Behavior, Vol. 13, No. 3, Special Issue: Conflict andNegotiation in Organizations: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives (May, 1992), pp. 311-324Published by: John Wiley & SonsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2488478Accessed: 23/05/2009 16:09

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JOURNAL OF ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR, VOL. 13, 311-324 (1992)

The multiple faces of conflict in organizations'

DEBORAH M. KOLB Simmons College, U.S.A.

AND

LINDA L. PUTNAM Purdue University, U.S.A.

Introduction

Conflict is a stubborn fact of organizational life. Although conflict is a familiar part of our experience in organizations, its value and centrality to organizational theory and functioning has waxed and waned; these changes have followed the changing winds of managerial ideology and social theory. Early social theorists, such as Marx and Weber, viewed group conflict as an inevitable outgrowth of social class and organization hierarchy. Threads of conflict and its management were woven into early managerial thought, particularly in the well known tenets of the 'classical' management and human relations theories (see Lewicki, Weiss and Lewin, this issue). These latter works provided the foil for what followed them because, rather than stress the inevitability and desirability of conflict, they emphasized harmony and coope- ration in the workplace as desired and achievable ends.

After several decades of dormancy, the theme of conflict resurfaced in the late 1960s as a major area of organizational research. Eschewing the cooperative, small group-oriented stance of earlier work, this scholarship focused on the structural sources of conflict, particularly that which occurred between various functional departments, between organized interest groups, and across different levels in an organization. Works by Pondy (1967), Walton and McKersie (1965), and Thomas (1976), among others, contributed to a changing view of conflict in organizations. No longer seen as dysfunctional, conflict was now a healthy process, but one that needed to be managed and contained through negotiation, structural adaptation and other forms of intervention.

During the late 1980s and early 1990s, we are experiencing another significant turn in the development of conflict theory and practice (e.g. Kolb and Bartunek, 1992). This work suggests that the scope of conflict and its manifestation, as enacted in organizations, extends beyond previously existing models. Organizational conflicts are not always or even typically dramatic confrontations that achieve high visibility and publicity, such as strikes, walkouts or firings. Nor is conflict usually bracketed into discrete public events and sequences, where parties formally negotiate or involve officially designated third parties in the resolution of their

' The arguments in this paper are treated at greater length in Kolb and Putnam, 'The dialectics of disputing', in Kolb and Bartunek, (1992).

0894-3796/92/03031 1-14$07.00 ? 1992 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

312 D. M. KOLB AND L. L. PUTNAM

differences. Rather, disputes and their ongoing management are embedded in the interactions among organization members as they go about their daily activities. Even though some differences may be publicly aired, the vast majority occur informally and out of sight. Therefore, the formal definitions of what constitutes 'conflict', the variety and sometimes contradictory forms it takes, and the interactions between its forms and processes requires us to extend our examination of conflict into the routine and mundane activities that comprise life in organizations.

Our purpose in this paper is to challenge the currently existing frameworks about conflict in organizations, and to take a broader view. We do this by reviewing some of the more recent work in organization theory, and by incorporating it with ethnographic studies of disputing in other settings. We argue that these studies of disputing point to the need for a revised understanding of the multiple faces of conflict in organizations and the dialectical relationships among these faces.

Definitions of conflict

There are probably as many definitions of conflict as there are occasions for its occurrence. Some definitions propose that conflict exists when there are perceived differences in interests, views, or goals. Others suggest that for a conflict to exist, one party must actually behave so as to interfere with the aims of another (Deutsch, 1973). Others define conflict in terms of inconsistent claims to resources (Abel, 1982).

Recent scholarship cautions us against trying to define conflict without taking account of contextual circumstances. It is always difficult to draw a line between episodes of 'conflict' and the normal give and take of social interaction (Wrong, 1979). The definition of conflict must be fluid in any situation, as different parties bring their interpretations to both perceptions and behavior (Felstiner, Abel and Sarat, 1981; Mather and Yngvesson, 1980-1981). For our purposes, conflict may be said to exist when there are real or perceived diferences that arise in specific organizational circumstances and that engender emotion as a consequence.

Changing models of conflict in organizations

Conflict threads run through much of organization theory. Most people acknowledge that both conflict and harmony mark social interaction; yet how the role of conflict is cast, its connection to other features of behavior in organizations, and the value attached to it, varies across different school of thought. In the 1960s, works on the structure of organizations stressed the necessity for increasing functional specialization, and the inevitable conflict that results from such structural arrangements (Lawrence and Lorsch, 1967; Thompson, 1967; Walton and Dutton, 1969). What distinguished this line of inquiry from earlier studies was the explicit focus on the limited range of choices available to the manager to handle conflict, and the normatively recommended choices which were preferred under varying circumstances. For example, in managing conflict

MULTIPLE FACES OF CONFLICT IN ORGANIZATIONS 313

across functional boundaries, particularly where high stakes are involved, collaboration is usually preferred to competition (Walton and Dutton, 1969) or confrontation to smoothing and forcing (Lawrence and Lorsch, 1967; Thomas, 1976)2.

The normative perspective that underlies this line of work, and its focus on formal and institutionalized causes and processes of conflict, has been recently challenged in two major ways. First, shifts in world markets and the consequent revisions in corporate strategy and structure, have resulted in organizations that are characterized less by models of bureaucracy than by adhocracy (Drucker, 1988; Peters and Waterman, 1982). Organizations are less hierarchical, and more dominated by task forces, project teams, and product groups entities which can respond more quickly to changes in strategy, markets and technology. Conflict is an inevitable element of such organizational forms. As Mintzberg (1979) describes it, adhocracies imply conflict, 'where specialists from different professions must work together on multidisciplinary teams, and where, owing to the organic nature of the structure, the political games that result are played without rules' (p. 462). Thus, politics and political models of organizations have sup- planted those which presumed bureaucracy and formal structures.

Second, while the more traditional study of conflict presumed representative groups, engaged in institutionalized forms of conflict management such as collective bargaining, the purview has now been expanded to include other ways that technology and rule-making control the expression of class conflict (Burroway, 1979; Hill, 1981; Clegg, 1981). Political theories of organization define conflict as inherent in the structure of organizations (Bacharach and Lawler, 1980; Kanter, 1977; Pettigrew, 1973; Pfeffer and Salancik, 1978). In organizational politics, shifting coalitions (or groups), each with different interests and resources, try to establish their influence and control within constraints imposed by technology, structures, and cultures (Tichy, 1981). Propositions that specify which coalitions are of interest, and the forms of disputing that they take, vary as a function of the theory one consults. For example, decision-making metaphors of the firm (e.g. Cyert and March, 1963) emphasize conflicts among members of the ruling coalition; conflict is resolved through negotiations over goals and sequential attention to decisions. The structural mechanisms for the partial resolution of these conflicts lead to the well-known prescriptions of specialized roles, role negotiation and the use of team configur- ations (Galbraith, 1977; Lawrence and Lorsch, 1967; Miles, 1980; Thompson, 1967). However, within these teams and across units, disputes arise regularly, and are just as likely to be handled off-line as they are to be the subject of formal negotiations (Kunda, 1991; Kolb, 1989a).

Pluralist versions of organizations theory focus on interest group coalitions who hold each other in check through a system of countervailing power, akin to a miniature state (Hyman, 1978). While relationships between management and workers have been described as pluralistic

2 Conflict in organization theory, particularly in the management specialities, is described as being managed structurally, procedurally and situationally. Formal structures of organization, its hierarchy, division of labor and differentiation by task and function are means to regulate conflict (Weber, 1968; Cyert and March, 1963; Thompson, 1967; Lawrence and Lorsch, 1967). Conflict is contained through both structure and through organizational rules and procedures (Weber, 1968; Edwards, 1979). In the employment relationship, conflict between employees and employers is managed within a 'web of rules' that prescribe the ways workers and managers are to deal with each other (Dunlop, 1958). Grievance or complaint procedures are meant to handle those disputes that arise in the daily working relationships (Scott, Nystrom and Starbuck, 1981). These procedures serve to channel conflict into certain legitimate forms, and thus minimize strikes and other forms of labor action (Kocham, 1980).

Situational models of conflict management shift the locus of conflict management from the systems level down to the particular occasions when disputes break out between organizational members. These models are intended to assist would-be conflict managers in ways to diagnose the conflict situation and to adopt the conflict resolution mode most likely to achieve their goals (Deutsch, 1973; Thomas 1976; Rahim and Bonoma, 1979). At times, this may mean encouraging or intensifying conflict in order to enhance the performance of a social system (Robbins, 1974; Brown, 1982).


(Kerr, 1955), particularly in unionized firms, the label has been more recently used to describe relationships between groups and units at the same hierarchical level (Morgan, 1981). Negotia- tion is the process most associated with managing conflict in pluralistic entities3. Those whose research derives from this tradition are concerned with sources of power available to different coalitions, how these sources are mobilized and used in negotiations, and with what consequences (Bacharach and Lawler, 1980; Kanter, 1977; Mintzberg, 1985; Pfeffer and Salancik, 1978). Again, the relationships between organized negotiation and the coexisting and disorganized processes of conflict expression are not considered in this work.

Third, changing demography and demand for labor has resulted in a workforce that is consider- ably more diverse than a comparable cohort 10 years ago. As new groups enter the workforce and move up the organization, conflicts rooted in class, gender, race and ethnicity have become more prominent, and are more likely to be enacted in the workplace. Societies' conflicts are imported into organizations and these diversity-based conflicts have also become of more concern to scholars and practitioners (Burroway, 1979; Hearn, Sheppard, Tancred-Sheppard and Burrell, 1989; Kanter, 1977; Marshall 1984). Diversity-based conflicts challenge some of the central assumptions of organizational pluralism, namely that interested coalitions organize quickly and efficiently, and have equal access (if not equal opportunity) to sources of power (Lukes, 1974; Hyman, 1978). Blacks, women, ethnic minorities, and other interest groups may cluster into support groups, caucuses, or networks, but these groups generally lack the kind of voice and clout that characterize unions or other formally and legally sanctioned employee groups. One key problem for pluralist theories, therefore, is to explain disparities of power in organizations, and how structure and culture enable some groups to control and dominate others by defusing some kinds of political influence while strengthening others (Braverman, 1974; Burrell and Morgan, 1979; Burroway, 1979; Edwards, 1979; Goldman and Van Houten 1977; Kunda, 1986). If the key processes for managing conflict is structural in the first strand, and bargaining in the second, the third or changing strand is suppression by those in power and avoidance by those without it (Black, 1987). Those who feel their lack of power often choose to deal with conflict in the few 'acceptable' ways that remain open to them. However, in doing so, they often reproduce the marginality of their positions (Baumgartner, 1988; Crozier, 1964; Mechanic, 1962; Scott, 1985; Sheppard, Lewicki and Minton, 1992).

Summary In the early strands of organization theory, especially in its more applied forms, the management of conflict whether by force or consensus is central to the smooth, integrated functioning of organizations. Whether conflict is managed through structures and rules (Lawrence and Lorsch, 1967), or normative appeals to culture and values (Kunda and Barley, 1988; Schein, 1985), or by learning more expert negotiation strategies (Bazerman and Neale, 1983; Lax and Sebenius, 1986), and/or by rites and rituals (Trice, 1984; Trice and Beyer, 1984), the implications are similar. Effective conflict management, which may include both fostering and preventing conflict (cf. Brown, 1982), leads to higher performing organizations.

3 The focus on negotiation has eclipsed the many other ways that conflicts are dealt with in highly political organizations. The study of negotiation has become a major growth industry. In major academic enclaves across the country, various schools have developed a variety of perspectives on the negotiation process. These theoretical approaches include: behavioral decision theory (Lax and Sebenius, 1986; Raiffa, 1982; Walton and McKersie, 1965), psychological decision theory (Bazerman and Neale, 1983; Neale and Northcraft, 1989), individual differences (Rubin and Brown, 1975; Gilkey and Greenhalgh, 1986), structural approaches (Pruitt, 1981) and communications (Putnam and Poole, 1987). Its suitability to mathematical formulation and to structured simulation in the laboratory may explain some of this popularity.


While there are strong pulls toward the integration of these strands, a contrasting perspective highlights the disintegrative tendencies of conflict in organizations, based on differences in occupations, gender, ethnicity, and culture. These forces pull the organizations in separate and different directions, and may eventually lead to more disintegration than unity (Edwards, 1979; Kunda, 1991; Morgan, 1981; Weick, 1979). Conflict is seen as a perennial feature of organizations, always present in the crevices and crannies and just below the surface, bubbling up occasionally as disputes in certain places are enacted according to particular conventions and rule, across cultures and across diverse populations. What emerges from this recent scholarship is a picture of the modern organization as rife with conflict - conflict which has its roots in the individual, social, organizational, and cultural relationships that overflow the existing descriptive and normative topologies (Pondy, this issue). What is needed are different theoretical frameworks and methods to capture these added dynamics of conflict in contemporary organizations. Ethnographic studies of disputing have much to contribute in moving us forward into new directions.

A disputing perspective on conflict management

'Disputing' is the social scientist's way of talking about institutional conflict within legal and quasi-legal procedures. To focus on a dispute(s) as the unit of analysis is to emphasize the behavior of various parties as conflict unfolds over time, and to study the ways that the conflict issues are made meaningful and dealt with as the conflict is resolved (Nader, 1965; Sarat, 1988). The notion of 'disputing' implies a complex interaction of issues, players, context, and dispute processes as the nexus for understanding how conflicts are managed in different settings.

A disputing perspective specifies a limited number of ways for the parties to deal with their differences. The basic forms of conflict management include self-help (force, vengeance), avoidance (withdrawing from the relationship), 'lumping it' (tolerating the situation without public comment), negotiation, and the involvement of third parties as mediators, arbitrators, and/or adjudicators (Black, 1987; Nader and Todd, 1978). The availability of all of these basic forms presupposes multiple tracks in the dispute that are pursued depending on who is involved, how the social drama is orchestrated and the form dispute resolution takes (Burroway, 1979; Yngvesson, 1978). For example, when complainants feel that a satisfactory outcome has not been achieved, they may try again for a different resolution, using different tactics or placing blame elsewhere. As grievances accumulate, the aggrieved engage in more defiant acts to show the strength of their protest (Salipante and Fortado, 1988). Similarly, managers tend to treat conflict and potential disputes as problems that can be solved through better decision-making or improved communication (March and Simon, 1958; Kreisberg, 1973). These actions serve to 'mask' the conflict (Kolb, 1989a) by allowing work to proceed according to traditional decision-making rules, and by preserving working relationships which might be threatened by more overt forms of disputing (Yngvesson, 1978).

Implications of a disputing perspective

By highlighting these multiple forms of dispute processing, it becomes possible to identify some of the less obvious and less public forms of dispute resolution, such as avoidance, vengeance, gossip, and other forms of self-help (see Morrill, 1987). Further, if we assume that these private, non-confrontational approaches exist in great number in organizations, we can then account


for the relative infrequency of publicly articulated, high visibility 'conflicts' in organizations which are directly handled through negotiation and third party intervention (Miller and Sarat, 1980-1981).

Scholarship in disputing has not only permitted us to identify a wider variety of conflict processes in organizations, but has also alerted us to variations among these processes and their use. Existing research suggests that what procedure is employed in a dispute will depend upon the relationships between the parties (Gluckman, 1955; Felstiner, 1974; Galanter, 1974; Yngvesson and Mather, 1983), the kind of issues in dispute (Starr and Yngvesson, 1975; Silbey and Merry, 1987) and the culture in which the procedures are embedded (Nader and Todd, 1978; Merry, 1987; Greenhouse, 1986). Despite the use of similar terms to describe conflict procedures, empirical study suggests that the procedures take different forms in different contexts. Mediation, for example, varies in form as a function of differences in practitioner, setting, problem type, relationship of the parties to each other and to the mediator, the institutional location of mediation, and the timing of mediation relative to other procedures (Kolb, 1983, 1989a; Silbey and Merry, 1987).

The recent study of mediation within organizations provides a good example of the blurring of different processes as a result of the failure to clearly define boundaries across disputes. Mediation has been advocated as an effective and fair method for resolving disputes. Studies of mediation in simulated organizational contexts suggest that people find it fairer and more satisfactory than other, more controlled forms of intervention (Karambayya and Brett, 1989; Lewicki and Sheppard, 1985; Sheppard 1984). Despite these desirable attributes, recent research suggests that managers are not natural mediators (Kolb, 1989a; Sheppard, 1984). There are occasions when managers will mediate disputes, particularly when it is important to maintain a working relationship between the parties. But to the degree that managers are held accountable for particular decisions, are concerned about precedent, and overly personalize the basis of the disagreement, they are far more likely to adopt adjudicative or inquisitorial approaches to conflict management (Lewicki and Sheppard, 1985; Sheppard, Blumenfeld-Jones, Minton and Hyder, 1990). These tales from the field suggests that a superior's management of conflict with subordinates looks more like the exercise of authority than third party facilitation, and hence suggests that we must effectively bound the conditions for 'mediatable' disputes in organizations from other organizational forms.

The disputing perspective makes another significant contribution to our understanding of conflict management: it places emphasis on the interpretive processes that underlie and surround the emergence of a dispute, and the ways these processes are articulated at different times and places4. There is nothing inherent in the definition of a 'dispute', per se. It is a performance to which different audiences attach meanings, meanings that often change over time (Felstiner et al., 1981). Depending on the audience and the forum in which it is expressed, the same

The study of disputes has not been without its critics. Some argue that a disputing focus displays a bias toward order and harmony because it fails to consider the reasons why people are reluctant to go public with their disputes and engage those in authority (Cain and Kulscar, 1982; Engel, 1980). Others suggest that by extending the concept of 'dispute' to include activities that occur outside the law, disputing has come to encompass much of dyadic interaction (Silbey and Sarat, 1988). Kidder (1980-1981) observes that dispute studies have become, in essence, microstudies of the management of conflict where individual perceptions, interpretations, responses and strategies become the focus of research, with little attention to systematic outcomes such as access to justice. From a socio-legal perspective, these critiques may be problematic. However, in contexts where conflict is seen to be an ongoing feature of organizational life, and where it is difficult to demarcate conflict from other forms of social interaction (Turner, 1969; Wrong, 1979), this perspective focuses attention on the micromanagement of differences, which is a new and fresh approach to the study of conflict in organizations. As Turner (1957) observes, one of the best ways to study social systems is to locate and isolate those points where conflict is to be found, and to consider the ways the social drama is played out (see also Kunda, 1991).


dispute can be phrased in any number of different ways (Smith, 1989). How disputes are defined - as rights that are violated, interests that could be served or power that is exerted - is a matter of choice and custom (Silbey and Sarat, 1988; Ury, Brett and Goldberg, 1988). In other words, the issues and problems in dispute have no meaning apart from the context in which they are enacted:

A dispute is not a static event which simply 'happens', but ... the structure of disputes, quarrels, and offenses includes changes or transformations over time. Transformations occur because participants in the disputing process have different interests in and perspectives on the dispute; participants assert these interests and perspectives in the very process of defining and shaping the object of the dispute. What a dispute is about, whether it is even a dispute or not, and whether it is properly a 'legal' dispute, may be central issues for negotiation in the dispute process. (Mather and Yngvesson 1980-81, pp. 776-77).

Thus, there is an interaction between disputes and how they are interpreted and phrased and the ways they are dealt with (Mather and Yngvesson, 1980-198 1; Sarat, 1988).

A third contribution of the disputing perspective is that it encourages us to go behind the public scene and observe both rational and non-rational processes. An emphasis on the public and formal setting has also led to conceiving management as if it were a rational process. While the domains of public and formal conflict center on the place or locale where conflict occurs, rationality focuses on the orientation to conflict or on the way disputes should be handled. A rational approach to conflict views it as a conscious, premeditated activity guided by individual decision and choice (Raiffa, 1982). Rationality captures the preconceived, logical, and systematic side of conflict. This approach underscores the planning of manoeuvres and the making of strategic choices in managing disputes (Lax and Sebenius, 1986; Robbins, 1974). Departures from rationality are handled through prescriptive advice and through effective train- ing (Bazerman and Neale, 1983).

A non-rational orientation to conflict stands in opposition to the dominant perspective (Merry and Silbey, 1984). This approach accents the unconscious or spontaneous aspects of disputing, ones that are driven by impulse and by the feelings of participants, not simply their cognition (Martin, 1992). Emotional reactions such as venting feelings, expressing displeasure, and feeling hurt become means of conflict management rather than irrational displays that hinder logical thinking (Morrill, 1987). Non-rational orientations also call attention to different forms of conflict management such as gossip, rituals, and personalized accounts (Trice, 1984; Trice and Beyer, 1984). Instinct, sensitivity, and situational adaptiveness become the guiding principles for conflict management. Non-rational approaches to conflict are sometimes denigrated as the ones exhibited by disputants who do not know better or who have not learned the appropriate social responses. They are often equated with a feminized, and hence less valued, style of conflict management (Bartunek and Reid, 1992; Kolb, 1992).

Finally, scholarship in disputing challenges certain normative assumptions about conflict resolution. In most conflict theory, the last stage focuses on conflict resolution. In disputing, conflicts are rarely resolved; instead, they are dealt with and/or processed in ways that rephrase, repress, or redefine them and so they continue to surface again in different ways (Merry and Silbey, 1984; Smith, 1989). In other words, the outcomes of most disputes are other disputes with only temporary respites in between (Abel, 1982). Further, dispute resolution processes not only affect the dispute itself but also influence the structures in which they are embedded. Negotiation and informal third party procedures (e.g. mediation) tend to individualize conflict and grievances, and so make systemic change less likely (Abel, 1982; Kolb, 1987). Indeed, in the absence of legal or quasi-legal intervention, these works suggest that when disputes


are settled by informal means, power relationships will remain unchanged. This pattern occurs because dispute resolution processes tend to take on predictable forms that mobilize power imbalance inherent in existing relationships and institutions (Bacharach and Baratz, 1962; Lukes, 1974; Galanter, 1974; Kolb, 1983). Thus, conflict management is intimately connected to processes of social control and change.

As stated earlier, studies of disputing have been primarily performed in legal and quasi-legal contexts. In these settings, the focus on disputes enabled researchers to move out of the formal and structured settings of the courts, in order to look more generally at the private and less formal occasions of conflict processing (Silbey and Sarat, 1988). There is a major distinction,

5 however, between disputing in the shadow of the law and that which occurs within organizations5. Law is not the predominant mode of social control within organizations. While federal and state law permeates the boundaries of organizations and influences increasingly broader domains of managerial activity (Scott et al. 1981; Selznick, 1970), organizational action is bounded by the bureaucratic procedures, administrative orders and rules which are, of necessity, incomplete and partial (Thompson, 1967). Labor-management relations, the rights of minorities, and the discretion to hire, promote, and fire employees are circumscribed by legislation and court decisions, but are largely driven by bureaucratic procedures and rules which are organiza- tionally designed and dictated. Partially in response to the increasing legalization of the workplace, organizations have installed complaint systems that are intended to give employees voice in the expression of their grievances (Hirschman, 1970; Ewing, 1977; Rowe, 1987; Westin and Feliu, 1988; Ury et al. 1988; Ziegenfuss, 1988; Edelman, 1990). Open door programs, ombudsmen, peer complaint boards and multi-step grievance procedure are often instituted as means to keep conflicts contained within the organization, to avoid litigation and to keep the govern- ment's legal arm out of the organization's human resource management affairs (Westin and Feliu, 1988).

These formal dispute resolution systems are analogous to the adjudicative, arbitral, mediated, and negotiated forms of dispute resolution procedures that exist in communities and have developed as alternatives to litigation (Goldberg, Green and Sander, 1985). The future study of disputing in organizations might well focus on the cases that are processed within these formal but non-legal systems. Empirical inquiry about organizational complaint procedures has been rather narrow, limited primarily to formal descriptions of procedures (Foulkes, 1982; Ewing, 1977; Rowe, 1987; Westin and Feliu, 1988; Ziengenfuss, 1988) and some evaluation of satisfac- tion, and cost (Ury et al., 1988). The few studies that have looked into these systems in detail discover that relatively few disputes find their way into the formal channels, and that negative consequences (performance evaluations and promotions) accrue to those who use them (Lewin, 1987; Kolb, 1987). This is not surprising. Given the existing power structures in contemporary organizations and the norms against public claiming (in the absence of unions, it is unlikely that these formal channels constitute the only, or even the major location where conflict and grievances are worked out (Kolb, 1987; Sheppard et al., 1992). Thus, to comprehensively study disputing in organizations, we must extend the scope of research to examine the less public

5 In legal disputes, the law obviously influences the forms of dispute processing. When legal scholars consider negotiation and other alternative dispute resolution procedures, they do so with reference to 'the shadow of the law' (Mnookin and Komhauser, 1979). The point is that the channels of dispute processing what preceded negotiation or mediation and what is likely to follow it influences the structure and form of these procedures (Harrington, 1985; Silbey and Merry, 1987). In the context of grievance mediation, Kolb (1989b) describes how the previous steps of a grievance procedure, and the possibility that arbitration will follow, influences the ways problems are framed and the forms of agreement used in the mediation process. Conflict in the shadow of authority is meant to suggest that the ways conflicts are managed in organizations are likewise influenced by the structure and context in which they occur.


forums in which disputes are processed, so that we can delineate the dynamic relationship between disputing in both the private and public domains.

Summary By taking a disputing perspective, it is possible to uncover the other faces of conflict processes in organizations. Since a disputing perspective bridges public and private domains, it provides a basis for examining the links between bipolar opposites or the different faces of conflict in organizations (Kolb and Putnam, 1992)6. In most studies of conflict, the public, the formal, and the rational face of conflict have dominated the literature; this perspective has driven out, or submerged, consideration of the private, the informal, and non-rational aspects of disputes.

Theories of organizational conflict (see, for example, Pondy (1967) and Thomas (1976) have centred primarily on public conflicts that are sanctioned, authorized, or labeled as disputes. Conflicts between labor and management, functional departments, and superior-subordinate are public and visible (Kochan, 1980; Robbins, 1974). The preferred choices for managing these disputes, namely confrontation, can be observed. Confrontation refers to overt discussion of the conflict and underlies such alternatives as negotiation, collaboration, and mutual problem- solving (Thomas, 1976; Walton and McKersie, 1965). In public conflicts, the norms and procedures for reaching an equitable settlement surface through formally derived laws, written documents, and public norms. For example, collective bargaining and grievance systems are governed by public laws and written contracts (Dunlop, 1958; Kochan, 1980). Public norms regulate employee rights and responsibilities and disputes between organizations (Brown, 1982; Ewing, 1977).

Unlike the public arena, private disputes occur as covert or hidden conflict, often fused with other activities. Consequently they are rarely labeled or sanctioned as disputes (Mechanic, 1962). Indeed they may be read as sabotage and disloyalty (Burroway, 1979; Hyman, 1978). The preferred modes of conflict management in the private sphere include avoidance, accommo- dation, tolerance, or 'behind the scenes' coalition building (Morrill, 1992). Disputants choose to ignore one another or forget about the grievance. They may think they cannot change the system; hence they rely on private grievances as the primary mode of conflict management. In the private arena, norms and rules for appropriate conflict behavior arise from the situation rather than from public standards or bureaucratic rules (Bartunek and Reid, 1992).

Private forms of conflict management, however, are not independent of public ones. Indeed, private forms of disputing enable public debates, formal negotiations, and grievance hearings to function smoothly. The private chats outside meeting rooms, the coalition building at the lunch room or on the golf course, and the gossip sessions in the halls make the formal meeting look rational and cooperative (Van Maanen, 1992).

Formal, like public, conflicts are governed by organizational and social structures. Formal systems institutionalize conflict management. In formal disputes, individuals often have officially sanctioned conflict management roles such as ombudsmen, human resource personnel, negotia-

6 A dialectical approach is a way of considering the relationship between traditional features of organizational conflict and their opposites. What might appear as a distinct phenomenon can be understood only with reference to its opposite, even when the opposite concept is not visible. For example, what may seem as 'unstructured' contains the seeds of structured; what is labeled as an 'individual phenomenon' implies the collective as well (Mitroff and Mason, 1981). Additionally, the private management of conflict operates within the public arena, just as the public scene depends on the private realm.

A dialectical approach looks at the way such bipolar opposites coexist, interact, and evolve in a conflict situation (Putnam, 1990; Rawlins, 1989). More specifically, a dialectical approach seeks to uncover the nature and types of dualities that exist for given phenomena, the way they surface in a dispute, and how they change and evolve over time (Mitroff and Mason, 1981).


tors, mediators, and employee relations specialists (Ewing, 1977; Kolb, 1987; Rowe, 1987). Formal disputes also work within the legal system through official procedures, appropriate topics, and protocols for grievances (Goldberg, et al. 1985). In contrast, informal disputes center on the actions and processes of organizational members rather than on the functions of conflict management officials. Rank and position may be treated with less esteem and norms tend to arise from the organizational culture. For example, informal norms of conflict management might sanction hidden agendas, 'bitching', ignoring requests and other idiographic practices (Friedman, 1992). In the informal setting, everyday practices govern the way issues evolve and the way conflict roles emerge to manage these issues (Kolb, 1992).

In effect, the dual faces of public-private, formal-informal, and rational-non-rational underlie all organizational conflicts7. Even though most disputes contain some elements of each face, traditional conflict theories have attended to only one face - the public, formal, and rational aspects of disputes. Relationships between the understudied aspects of these dualities and their counterparts introduce issues of power and change. Although power is operative in each aspect of these dualities, the relationship between the formal and informal or the public and private reveal different ways that power and authority function in conflict situations. For example, avoidance and tolerance may keep disputes below the surface and make it more difficult than public conflicts to change existing structures and systems. By emphasizing how these multiple faces surface in conflict situations, theorists cannot only explore the understudied faces of conflict but also determine how power relationships and structures are altered or reaffirmed through the disputing process.

7 However, taking a dialectical approach to disputes in organizations raises its own set of problems. For example, when conflict is viewed through the lens of duality, it is opposition and difference that is emphasized at the expense of similarity. In addition, the dual focus tends to reify oppositional categories and treat them as something more than the social constructions they inevitably are. We must be sensitive to these possible problems.

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