2545575

Wiley and Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The International Migration Review.

http://www.jstor.org

WileyCenter for Migration Studies of New York, Inc.

Labor Migration Policy in Colombia Author(s): Lelio Mármora Source: The International Migration Review, Vol. 13, No. 3 (Autumn, 1979), pp. 440-454Published by: Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2545575Accessed: 23-10-2015 20:17 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

This content downloaded from 201.234.181.53 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 20:17:46 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cmigrations

http://www.jstor.org/stable/2545575

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp



Labor Migration Policy in

Colombia1

Lelio Marmora

International Labor Organization2

Awareness of the potential impact of emigration on the sending country has been increasing in Latin America during the 1970s. Colombia is the first country in Latin America with high emigration rates that has begun to develop a systematic immigration policy. The policy consists of programs aimed at retaining potential emigrants, channelling and regularizing migratory flows, and pro? viding assistance to migrant workers and their families. This article discusses the context and application of these programs.

In the Latin American context migration policies have traditionally been linked with the possibility of receiving migrants either to populate uninhabited areas with colonizing settlements or to provide a work force

(salaried or slave). In both cases the migration policy was meant to

provide sufficient manpower for expanding economic activities in various historic periods. Black slaves were imported for the plantations and mines

during the colonial period; this was followed by Asian workers in the middle of the last century; and, finally, there were the great migrations to South America from Europe at the end of the 19th Century.

Since the crisis of the 1930s, except for a short period immediately following World War II and with the notable exception of Venezuela, the

immigration policies outlined above have almost disappeared in most Latin American countries. Today, most Latin American countries have

immigration restrictions; and migration policies are no longer dealt with

by Departments of Economic Development or Foreign Relations but by national security institutions. Thus, the former grand immigration policies which formed a fundamental part of national economic develop? ment projects have now been reduced to the simple mechanism of

accepting or not accepting migrants. The changing orientation of migratory flows and the corresponding

governmental replies have not resulted only in the ending of great

translated by Pura Justiniano 2Project COL/72/027?Labour Migrations

440 IMR Volume 13 No. 3



LABOR MIGRATION POLICY IN COLOMBIA 441

population-absorbing projects. The effects of relative overpopulation, improved communication facilities, and urban industrialization have

produced a redistribution of population in Latin America in the last

thirty years. This redistribution started as a rural-urban movement within national boundaries and subsequently began to transform itself into an international migratory movement. In this new situation there appear Latin American countries which produce migratory flows, either to

neighboring countries or to the developed areas of the Continent. Colom? bia is one of these countries.

This exodus of unskilled workers and even technicians and profes? sionals at first was not considered a problem by the governments which looked at it with a certain sympathy since it was considered a solution for

high unemployment rates. However, governments began to view emigra? tion more negatively as they evaluated the cost of training technicians and

professionals who were eventually to migrate to more developed coun? tries. In addition, governments discovered that their emigrated country? men (skilled or not) often formed an illegal work force subject to

precarious working and living conditions in the countries of reception where they constituted a marginal sector or at best were "second-class citizens"; and felt the impact of a lack of available manpower in certain

key sectors and occupations of their economies. The optimistic view? "the more people leave, the higher will be the per capita income"?began to change. Once again the need to act upon the migration phenomenon became apparent?no longer in the sense of looking for cheap labor for an expanding economy?but rather in terms of regulating migratory flows.

This paper describes the general characteristics of Colombian

migration?both internal and international. Some of the impacts of these

population flows on the Colombian social structure are discussed and the

programs developed by Colombia to channel, regularize, and ease the collective and individual impact of the process are described.

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF COLOMBIAN MIGRATION

As in other Latin American countries, Colombian migration has gone through the following phases: rural-rural, rural-intermediate urban centers, and migration to large urban centers. However, Colombian

migration has now entered a new phase characterized by large-scale seasonal migration as well as emigration to neighboring countries and the United States (See Figure 1). The principal areas where the migrants come from are rural areas characterized by small production units

(minifundia), especially those with exhausted soils, excessive fragmenta-



442 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

Figure I: Colombia Internal and External Migratory Movements 1964 ? 1973

ECUADOR

/'

Key: 0 to 5,999 population -^

6,000 to 99,999 population GSMSMISffi>

100,000 to 259,000 population

above 260,000 population

PERU

SOURCE: Censo Nacional de Poblacion, Table 16 (Torales, 1978) COLOMBIA




tion of plots, and overpopulation. In addition, the introduction in the last 10 years of modern agricultural techniques and the establishment of new modes of production have started a process of rural proletarianization resulting in either temporary or permanent migration. Finally, from the urban centers there is a constant flow of migrants of all occupations and skills to neighboring countries, particularly to Venezuela.

For the last thirty years there has been a constant internal migratory flow from the provinces of Boyaca, Caldas, Cundinamarca, Tolima, Huila, Risaralda, Quindio, Magdalena, Choco, Cauca, Narino, and Santander to Bogota, Antioquia (Medelhn), Valle (California), and, starting in the 1950s, to the provinces of Meta and Cesar. More recently, Guajira and Norte de Santander have become poles of attraction because of their proximity to Venezuela. Within these migratory flows, both rural- urban and rural-rural migration occur. Rural-urban migration is clearly reflected in the urban growth of the last decades. While in 1938 there was not a single city in Colombia which had more than half a million

inhabitants, by 1951 Bogota had 639,000, while in 1964 both Cali and Medelhn had over 500,000, with Barranquilla reaching this figure in 1973. The population growth between 1951 and 1973 in the cities with over

500,000 people was 782 percent, according to the National Statistical Institute (DANE, 1976). This urban growth was largely due to migration.

A significant amount of rural to rural migration has also occurred. The seasonal movements which are directly linked to the harvest periods of the crops should be noted. With the exception of the sugar harvest, which requires about 25,000 workers year round, the other crops show

great variations in manpower needs. Cotton, for instance, requires between 260,000 and 300,000 men in the Atlantic Coast in December and

January; and coffee requires around 600,000 workers during the October to December harvest and around 385,000 during the April to June planting (Kalmanovitz, 1978).

The patterns of Colombian emigration are not exactly known given the predominantly illegal nature of the movement. The available data are

inadequate and based on tenuous estimates. Nevertheless it is possible to outline some general characteristics of the movement. Since 1950 Colom? bian emigration has been on the increase with the major countries of destination being Venezuela, Ecuador and the United States. While the

emigration to Venezuela and Ecuador consists largely of peasants and unskilled workers, in recent years there has been an increase in the number of technicians and professionals. Emigration of skilled workers is

especially intense to the United States and, more recently, Venezuela. The

major causes of these movements are structural unemployment, low salaries and lack of career opportunity in Colombia. On the basis of data




provided by DANE it is estimated that the number of Colombians (legal and illegal) in Venezuela, the United States, Ecuador, Panama, Peru, Canada, Chile, and Bolivia during the period 1963-1973 amounts to

556,683, of which 383,696 were men and 172,987 women.

During the last 25 years there has been a steady flow of peasants from the border areas and the Atlantic coast to Venezuela. Since these move? ments are mostly illegal, no reliable data exist as to the number of persons involved. According to the Venezuelan census the number of Colombians in Venezuela increased from 45,969 in 1951, to 102,314 in 1961, and to 180,144 in 1971. However, although clearly showing an increasing immigration, these data are not realistic since large numbers of the

migrants are undocumented and would not appear in census data.

According to population estimates in the Colombian provinces of major emigration to Venezuela for the 1964-1973 period, 441,831 Colombians

emigrated to Venezuela of which 337,644 were undocumented. All present estimates lead to the conclusion that this number is no longer valid. Some even accept a figure of one million Colombians in Venezuela as realistic

(Potter, 1976). On the basis of a survey of Colombian migrants deported from

Venezuela to Cucuta and Maicao during early 1977 it was possible to

identify two streams of Colombian migrants to Venezuela. The migrant workers from the Atlantic coast and Antioquia go to the border state, Zulia, while those from the Santanderes, Cundinamarca, Boyaca, Huila, and the Andean region, go to Tachira, Barina, Portuguesa, Carabobo and other states and provinces in the interior of Venezuela, including Caracas

(Bermudez, 1978). Until a few years ago, migration from Ecuador to Colombia was more

common than the reverse flow. The recent development of the Ecuadorian oil industry and improvements in the agricultural sector have led to a reversal of that trend. Colombian migration to Ecuador is concentrated in the provinces bordering Colombia such as Carchi and Esmeraldas and is

primarily composed of peasants coming from Narino. According to the 1964 Census there were only 10,000 Colombians in Ecuador while at

present it is estimated that the number of undocumented Colombian workers in Ecuador surpasses 25,000, out of a total of 74,000 Colombians who migrated to Ecuador between 1963 and 1973.

Another neighboring country receiving Colombian migrants in Pan? ama. According to the 1970 Panama Census there were 12,128 Colombi? ans in Panama; in addition 4,200 illegal migrants are estimated. The

migration of Colombians to Panama was initially caused by the construc? tion of the Panama Canal, but once finished most Colombian workers returned home. It was not until 10 to 15 years ago that migration to




Panama once again became important. Most of the present day migrants are illegal and come from the Atlantic coast and Choco and go to Panama

City where they settle in a neighborhood known as Maranon. These

emigrants go to Panama by boat through Choco and the Darien region. The U.S. Bureau of the Census states that the number of Colombians

in the U.S. increased by 50,954 persons between 1960 and 1970. This

migration is not only important because of the large number of persons involved, but also because most of these migrants are highly skilled workers and professionals. According to DANE the number of legal Colombian migrants to the U.S. in the 1963-1973 period amounted to

53,227 persons, with an estimated 81,671 undocumented migrants during the same period.

COLOMBIAN LABOR MIGRATION POLICY PROGRAMS

Colombia is the first country in Latin America with high emigration rates that has started since 1975 to develop a systematic and planned migration policy. This policy is based on the premise that emigration results from

push factors in the place of origin, particularly from the inability of the

productive structure to absorb all available manpower. Thus, the Colom? bian labor migration policy has been oriented toward regulating the

supply of labor rather than the demand. It is assumed that other socioec? onomic programs affect the demand for labor. Among the most important socioeconomic policies affecting labor demand are, of course, the large- scale public investment schemes, such as the Integrated Rural Develop? ment Program, credit schemes for small and medium industries, and

public works programs. On the other hand, the regulation of the labor supply, which corre?

sponds to what might be called cyclical labor migration policies, is being executed by the National Employment Service (SENALDE) of the Minis?

try of Labor and Social Security in coordination with other public and

private institutions, and with the international technical cooperation of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA). The Colombian labor

migration policy has two basic goals: to try to retain, to the extent

possible, potential migrants in their place of origin; and to provide assistance to the Colombian migrant worker once the migratory process has taken place to assure an easier insertion in the labor market at the

place of arrival, both at the national and international level. On the basis of these general goals for its migration policy, Colombia has developed the following programs: retention of potential migrants in their place of

origin; channeling and regularizing migratory flows; and socio-laboral assistance to the migrant worker and his family.




CHANNELING MIGRATORY MOVEMENTS

The programs channeling migratory movements try to affect the migra? tory flows either directly in terms of the imbalances of the labor markets, or indirectly through specific population policies and/or more general socioeconomic development policies.

The special conditions of the migratory movements within Colombia

led, starting in 1975, to the organization of programs channeling the flow of migrant workers. An important previous experience in this sense was obtained during the cotton harvest of 1970/71 when the National Em?

ployment Service (SENALDE) coordinated the transfer of 25,000 workers to the Atlantic coast (Garzon, 1978). The programs developed since 1975 were premised on a more active intervention by SENALDE in the imbalances of the country's labor markets (especially the seasonal ones), thus directing the labor force supply to those areas where a demand existed. Regional offices of SENALDE were mandated to detect existing demands, and, in coordination with management, direct workers to these areas.

SENALDE analyzes the actual manpower needs in the demand areas since there have been cases where the demand was based more on the need for cheaper than locally available labor but not on an actual lack of

manpower. In these cases, and in those where working and living conditions offered to the migrant workers are not acceptable, SENALDE does not get involved, thus avoiding competition which would harm

local manpower, or otherwise result in migrants working under inade?

quate conditions.

To channel the movement of migratory workers going to Venezuela, SENALDE has, first through contacts with employers' organizations of that country and later with the Venezuelan Employment Service, been able to direct the migration of over 4,000 workers, both rural and urban,

through individual and collective fixed-term contracts. The contract conditions are approved by the Colombian Ministry of Labor and Social

Security, and are controlled by the Venezuelan Ministry of Labor during their application.

Currently, a study is being made by the Colombian government of a contract for about 2,000 construction workers who would temporarily migrant to Middle Eastern countries under conditions similar to those

recently established by the government of El Salvador, where collective contracts have been signed for Salvadorean workers to work in urban construction in Saudi Arabia (Marmora, 1978). This form of temporary, fixed-term migration would include a special savings scheme for the

migrant worker. Under this scheme 20 percent of the worker's salary




would be invested in programs for the construction of low-income

housing, with the workers having first choice in case they do not own their own house. This obligatory savings system would be guaranteed by the Colombian government and upon his return to Colombia the migrant worker may either withdraw his investment or reinvest it in similar attractive programs. This mechanism would accomplish various socioec? onomic goals: the migrant worker will save a large amount of his salary; a

capital fund is formed which permits a considerable investment in the construction sector, thus creating employment; the housing problem of the migrant worker and his family is being solved; and the migrant worker is encouraged to return home.

One of the basic conditions for the development of the labor programs was the organization of an adequate infrastructure. In this regard it should be mentioned that in mid-1976 offices of SENALDE were esta? blished in the regional capitals, which apart from functioning as tradi? tional employment agencies have become crucial for the implementation of the Labor Migration Policy. Complementary to these regional offices and primarily with an eye toward international migration, SENALDE has also established Border Offices for Employment and Labor Migrations in Arauca, Cucuta, Maicao (border with Venezuela), Ipiales (border with

Ecuador), and Leticia (border with Brazil and Peru). Another element in the organization of an adequate infrastructure

consists in the reorganization of the statistical system used to record

migrations with an eye to establishing adequate methods for data collec?

tion, processing, analysis, and information dissemination (Jones, 1976; Commission Interministerial, 1976). The new system is oriented toward

overcoming present weaknesses such as under-registration of the number of Colombians and foreigners entering and leaving the country; lack of information about skills, duration of stay and amount of money spent by foreigners in Colombia; duplication and lack of comparability in data

gathering; and inadequate checks and controls on entrance and leave

permits, including illegal migration. The reorganization of the migration statistics system was brought about by an interdepartmental committee set up by SENALDE and composed of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the National Security Department (DAS), the National Statistical Institute

(DANE), and the National Tourist Corporation, each of which needs reliable migration statistics.

Apart from the reorganization of the migration statistics it has been

necessary to develop research which permits the analysis of labor market

dynamics, since the labor channeling program acts upon these markets. This has been done by setting up a research group at SENALDE. At

present there are two lines of research. The first deals with a diagnosis of




the push/pull factors of rural labor markets in areas of minifundista and

agro-industry economies (Urrea, 1978), while the second deals with the labor market situation in the border areas with Venezuela (Kierbel, 1979; Vidal, 1979; Lizarralde, 1979), Panama (Torrales, 1978), with Ecuador (Pi Ugarte, 1979), and with Peru and Brazil (Pardo, 1979).

Regulation of Migratory Flows

Migrant regulation attempts to affect the insertion of the migrant worker in the receiving labor market, focussing in particular on the protection of

migrant human rights and the provision of adequate working conditions. This program has concentrated on Colombian migrant workers abroad, since this situation is usually of an illegal nature, either because of illegal entry or because of expiration of the work entry permit. Illegal migration occurs in two ways. First, the migrant worker may enter the receiving country with a border permit, tourist visa or agricultural card? documents which either do not permit work in the receiving country or in case they do permit work it is of a temporary nature and the permit is not renewed. Second, in the majority of cases, the migrant worker enters the

receiving country without any valid documentation or identification. This situation has led to the exploitation of migrants, both by employers taking advantage of cheap labor and by groups who seek to sell fraudu? lent documents at high prices.

The regulation programs have been shaped by the Andean Instrument of Labor Migrations which was ratified by the Board of the Accord of

Cartagena in February, 1977, and by the governments of Colombia and Venezuela in 1978. The Andean Instrument foresees the exchange and utilization of regional manpower by the countries which might need it and establishes the mechanisms (labor migration offices), procedures and

arrangements applicable to all migrants, including undocumented work? ers. Since the application and execution of the arrangements of the Andean Instrument had to be adapted to the particular border situations of the countries concerned, a series of bilateral meetings have been held since 1977 between the governments of Colombia and Ecuador, and Colombia and Venezuela to discuss and establish regulatory mechanisms. One of the results of these meetings has been the "Agreement to regulate the traffic of persons and vehicles between Colombia and Ecuador", which focuses on undocumented migrants. These meetings were organized jointly by the Ministries of Labor of both countries but other ministries with interest in the matter?Foreign Affairs, National Security, and

Planning?also participated. To provide a basis for government policy, research has also taken

place in this program area. For example, there is a continuing survey of




Colombian migrant workers deported from Venezuela, which makes it

possible to study their characteristics (Mansilla, 1979); and there have been analytic studies of the administrative and organizational systems of Colombia and Venezuela with an eye to reorienting the institutional

organizations necessary for the application of the Andean Instruments of Labor Migration (Brusa, 1978).

To prepare a comprehensive law which covers the regulation of the Colombian Migration Policy and overcomes the problem of multiple decrees and laws, a survey was conducted in 1976 of all existing regula? tions (SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project, 1976). This resulted in a Migra? tory Statute Project which not only incorporated the arrangements applicable to foreigners coming to Colombia (as is the case with all Statutes which exist in other Latin American countries about the matter), but also deals with internal migration and Colombian emigration abroad

(SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project, 1977). Finally, with an eye to initiating analyses which permit further action in the field of regulating the

working and living conditions of the internal migrants, studies have been made of the fulfillment of the labor legislation in rural areas characterized

by high out-migration (Gomez, 1976). This investigation, together with those about the work force in the coffee sector (Urrea, 1976) and in the cotton sector (Bermudez, Hernandez, and Marmora, 1976) forms the basic information not only for the program of migratory regulation but also for that of social welfare services for the migrant worker and his family.

Retention of Potential Migrants

This program has as its principal objective the retention of potential migrants in those areas or sectors which have a high potential for

migration. It constitutes one of the principal components of the Colom? bian Labor Migration Policy, responding to the steady exodus of skilled and non-skilled workers, both to the big cities and abroad.

The basic instrument of the Retention Program is the creation of

cooperatives in areas with high emigration rates. These cooperatives focus on the creation of jobs at low cost and utilization of appropriate technologies requiring small investments. The cooperatives are located in areas of high emigration and form an immediate answer to the problem of under and unemployment. This program also permits SENALDE to work not only as a center for information and orientation but also to

organize actively the available manpower in cooperatives, thus actually creating jobs.

Identification of the high emigration areas comes from various sources: regional offices of SENALDE; other governmental institutions on the national, provincial, or municipal level; or from research conducted




by SENALDE or a local university (Velosa, 1978). Once an area or group is identified for cooperative development, a pre-feasibility study is con? ducted by SENALDE (Murrain, 1978). Following approval of the propo? sal by SENALDE further study is made and the training phase may start. This training is generally coordinated by the National Training Service

(SENA), except for the training in management of the cooperative, which is done either directly by SENALDE or by the National Superintendency of Cooperatives. Within the framework of this program between August 1977 and August 1978, 54 service and production cooperatives were

formed, creating about 5,000 jobs. Though these cooperatives are mainly located in rural areas there are also a few in marginal urban areas with

high emigration rates. The rural production cooperatives work with raw materials from the area, either producing handicrafts or making basic

products such as coffee bags, bricks, leather goods for the shoe industry, banana flour, etc.

Another goal of the Retention Program seeks to retain or encourage the return of migrants with certain skills. In the past, the majority of technicians and professionals who emigrated went to the United States

(Arias and Chaparro, 1970). Today, however, skilled emigrants go mainly to Venezuela and secondly to Ecuador. Skilled workers are in demand in these countries; Venezuela will need around 800,000 skilled workers, technicians and professionals between 1976 and 1980 as a result of the enormous investments in industry and construction, according to esti? mates made by the National Human Resources Council of Venezuela. The causes of emigration of skilled workers are complex and should be seen in the socioeconomic and educational context of the country. However, the major cause is the poor fit between the educational system and employment realities, which makes it difficult to obtain work for which one has been trained at appropriate salary levels.

Policy measures have been taken to stem the emigration of skilled workers. A joint action program is being developed by SENALDE and the "Colombian Fund for Scientific Investigations and Special Projects" (COLCIENCIAS) which tries to identify the causes of the exodus of

skilled workers and to promote measures to retain these technicians and

professionals or encourage their return to the country (Mesa, 1978). The first phase of this program consisted of the critical evaluation of an earlier

program on "Repatriation of Talent". The second phase of the program consists of an analysis of the potential and actual supply and demand on a national level for those occupations most affected by emigration.

Socio-laboral Assistance to the Migrant Worker and his Family The fourth program of the Colombian Labor Migration Policy attempts to provide various basic social welfare services to internal and interna? tional migrant workers and their families. In the case of the international




migrants, these services are concentrated in the Reception Centers for

Migrant Workers, where permanent assistance is provided to Colombian workers deported from neighboring countries. In the case of the internal

migrants, assistance is provided to improve the living and working conditions of the more than one million migrant workers during seasonal harvests (Osoria and Velez, 1978).

In recent years, the problem of deported workers has become worse as a result of the increase in illegal emigration to Venezuela and the lack of a coordinated policy between the two countries. Between 1970 and 1977 over 60,000 Colombian workers were deported to Arauca, Ciicuta, and Maicao, creating serious social, economic and security problems in the border areas. To deal with this phenomenon. SENALDE has developed a

joint action plan to retain and relocate the deported migrant workers by settling them in areas where they will find acceptable living and working conditions. A first phase of this action plan deals with areas characterized

by high emigration rates along the Atlantic coast.

Presently, Reception Centers for Migrant Workers exist in Cucuta and Maicao along the border with Venezuela, and Ipiales along the border with Ecuador; future Centers will be located in Arauca (border with

Venezuela) and Puerto Asis (Ecuador). The center in Cucuta was opened in 1973 at the initiative of the Bishop of Cucuta and President of the Pastoral Social Commission of Colombia, Monsignor Pedro Rubiano, while those in Maicao and Ipiales were opened in 1976 and 1978, respectively. These centers provide lodging, food, and medical assistance to the deported migrant workers for a period of 4 and 7 days. During their

stay at the center, SENALDE tries to relocate them in the interior of the

country through its regional offices. In Cucuta, there have also been

special training courses in construction work. These centers also gather information about the characteristics of the migrant workers by means of various surveys. During 1976 and 1977 the Reception Centers for Migrant Workers in Cucuta and Maicao alone have assisted around 12,000 workers

deported from Venezuela.

Assistance to the seasonal migrant workers was started in 1976 and involves the installation of Mobile Assistance Centers in the harvest areas, which provide services such as basic health care, and information on nutrition and employment. However, only in 1978 did these plans become

reality when the United Nations Fund for Population Activities approved funds for a project entitled "Rural Integrated Service Centers" (CERSI). The objective of the CERSI project is to improve the living and working conditions of the seasonal migrants who, because of their special charac? teristics (highly mobile population and marginally employed) do not

enjoy the benefits of social legislation or other welfare programs which are directed toward a stable population.




The CERSI program opened three centers in the coffee and cotton areas during the 1978/79 harvest, while 12 more centers are planned for the 1979/80 harvest season. The CERSI program should cover about

90,000 persons by the end of 1979. It should be noted that the program operates on the basis of agreements between SENALDE, regional health

services, and the federation of coffee or cotton growers in each area. Activities are also coordinated with other governmental institutions such as provincial secretariats for community development and cooperatives, the Agricultural Marketing Institute (IDEMA), SENA, the National

Sports Organization (COLDEPORTES), and the National Family Wel? fare Institute (ICBF).

SUMMARY

The nature and the consequences of the increasing internal and interna? tional migratory movements led the Colombian government in 1975 to

develop a Labor Migration Policy. This policy is the first such effort of this magnitude in Latin America. To develop this policy an administra? tive infrastructure was set up in the form of a National Employment Service (SENALDE) in the Ministry of Labor and Social Security. It has also been necessary to restructure the information system which registers the movement of people into and out of Colombia and to elaborate new

legal instruments which permit the regulation of the various programs resulting from this policy.

These programs are oriented toward: channeling the work force to meet the existing labor demands both inside and outside the country; regulating the living and working conditions of the migrant worker; retaining potential migrants in areas with high emigration rates by creating production and service cooperatives which generate new jobs; and providing social welfare assistance to the internal seasonal migrant and the migrant workers deported to Colombia from abroad.

REFERENCES

Arias, O. and F. Chaparro 1970 La Emigracion de Profesionales y T'ecnicos Colombianos y Latinoamericanos

1960-1970. Bogota: Colciencias.

Bermudez, S.D. 1978 Caracteristicas de los Migrantes Colombianos Deportados desde Venezuela. Bogota:

SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project.

Bermudez, S.H. Hernandez, and L. Marmora 1976 Migracion Laboral en la Cosecha del Algodon en elDepartamento del Cesar. Bogota:





Brusa, M. 1978 Articulacibn Institucional y Eficiencia Administrativa en una Politica de Migraciones

Laborales. Medellin: SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project.

Commission, Interministerial 1976 Replanteamiento del Sistema Estaditico sobre Migraciones Laborales. Bogota:


DANE 1977 Boletin Mensual de Estadistica, 314.

Gomez J. 1976 El Cumplimiento de la Legislacibn Laboral en Zonas Rurales de Predominante Mano

de Obra Migrante. Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project.

Jones, P. 1976 Organizacibn y Puesta en Marcha del Sistema de Estadisticas Continuas Migratorias

Externas. Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project.

Kalmanovitz, S. 1978 "La Fuerza de Trabajo Rural y la Distribucion del Ingreso" in La Agricultura en

Colombia 1950-1972. Bogota: DANE.

Kierbel, J. 1979 Mercado de Trabajo y Migracibn Fronteriza en Arauca. Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-

ILO Project.

Lizarralda, I. 1979 Mercado de Trabajo y Migracibn Fronteriza en Maicao. Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-

ILO Project.

Mansilla, L. 1979 Insercibn Sociolaboral del Migrante Colombiano en Venezuela. Bogota:


Marmora, L. 1978 Bases para una Politica Nacional de Migraciones Laborales en El Salvador. San

Salvador: UNFPA Consultancy.

Mesa, G. 1978 La Migracibn de Profesionales y los Programas Oficiciales. Medellin: SEN?

ALDE/UNDP-ILO Project.

Murrain, V. 1978 Manual para la Capacitacibn en Formas Asociativas de los Funcionarios de SENALDE.

Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project.

Osorio, I. and M.E. Velez 1978 Estudio Sociolaboral sobre la Situacibn del Trabajador Migrante en la Zona Rural del

Municipio de Palestina. Manizales: University of Caldas.

Pardo, C. 1979 Mercado de Trabajo y Migracibn Fronteriza en Leticia. Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-

ILO Project.




Pi Ugarte, R. 1979 Las Migraciones Laborales en la Frontera de Colombia con Ecuador. Bogota:


Potter, J. 1976 "The Completeness of Enumeration in the 1973 Census of the Population of Colom?

bia", Population Index, 42 (3): 377-403. 1976 Recopilacibn de la Legislacibn Migratoria de Colombia. Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project. 1977 Proyecto de Estatuto Migratorio. Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project.

Torales, P. 1978 Las Migraciones Laborales en la Frontera de Colombia con Panama. Bogota:


Urrea, F. 1978 Metodologia para el Analisis de los Mercados de Trabajo y Flujos Migratorios. Bogota:


Velosa, M.F. 1978 Lugar de Residencia antes de Emigrar de los Deportados Colombianos desde Venezu?

ela. Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-ILO Project.

Vidal, H. 1979 Mercado de Trabajo y Migracion Fronteriza en Ciicuta. Bogota: SENALDE/UNDP-

ILO Project.



Documents

2545575