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7/27/2019 2013 - Catherine Hezser - The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned.pdf
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Catherine Hezser
The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the
Unlearned
Gerd Theissen has devoted a large amount of his scholarly career to the
exploration of the Jesus movement, and his hypothesis of itinerant
charismatics (Wandercharismatiker) as the earliest followers of Jesus has
been a major scholarly breakthrough.1 On the basis of Theissens work we
shall argue that Jesus and the early Jesus movement constituted a form of
Judaism which popularized biblical beliefs and practices and reinterpreted
them for the uneducated and largely illiterate masses, in contrast to the
scholarly-oriented Pharisaic and rabbinic forms of Judaism which would
have attracted a literate, educated, and mostly urban intellectual elite.
Not much is known about popular Judaism, that is, the religious life of
the mostly rural Jews of Roman Palestine in the first centuries CE, who were
not Torah scholars and would have been categorized as unlearned by
Pharisees, scribes, and rabbis. The gospels and Josephus give the impression
that the religiosity propagated by Jesus and disseminated by the early
itinerant preachers of his movement constituted one particular type of
popular Judaism. Despite a certain overlap with other Jewish groups (e.g.,
the Essenes), Jesus and his followers behaviour and teachings would have
been sufficiently different to distinguish them from other self-proclaimed
Jewish religious authorities.
Many books and articles have been written about the Judaisms of the
late Second Temple period and the emergence of the rabbinic movement
after 70 CE.2
While the Temple was still standing, the sacrificial serviceconducted by the Temple priests would have constituted the official
1 G. Theissen, The First Followers of Jesus: A Sociological Analysis of the Earliest
Christianity (London: SCM, 1978); idem,Sociology of Early Palestinian Christianity (Augs-
burg: Fortress, 1978).
2 See, for example, L.H. Schiffman, Understanding Second Temple and Rabbinic
Judaism (Jersey City, NJ: KTAV Publishing House, 2003), esp. 5: Judaism is understood
here as a broad term taking in a variety of ideologies and approaches that coexisted with and
influenced one another. The term common Judaism seems misleading because it suggests acertain homogeneity in beliefs and practices, even if this meaning is not intended by the editors,
see W.O. McCready/A. Reinhartz (eds.), Common Judaism: Explorations in Second Temple
Judaism (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress, 2011).
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74 Catherine Hezser
religion, which few Jews would have rejected entirely.3 Yet the Temple
service would have rarely affected ordinary Jews daily lives. It would have
formed the background for a variety of supplementary beliefs and practices,
which brought Judaism closer to peoples homes, families, and everyday
concerns. The Jesus movement seems to have been a form of popular Judaismwhich offered personal salvation to people irrespective of their scholarly
proficiency. In the following we shall juxtapose Jesus popular Judaism
with the scholastic model of Pharisees and rabbis and view both in the
context of widespread illiteracy in ancient Judaism of the first centuries CE.
1. John the Baptist as a Model for Salvation without Torah Study
The gospels associate Jesus with John the Baptist, whose popular preaching
seems to have focused on the atonement of personal sins through immersion
in water (cf. Mark 1:4-11 par.). The priestly Jerusalem- and Temple-based
religion was community-oriented, that is, most sacrifices were brought on
behalf of all Israel. Individual Jews must have been concerned about the
personal sins and transgressions they committed in their daily lives. John
would have recognised this problem and offered immersion as a way to allay
such anxieties. Neither the gospels nor the book of Acts or Josephus provide
information about his Torah knowledge, although he must have been familiar
with at least some biblical figures and ideas.4 Mark describes his unusual
attire, eating habits, and desert location instead. John is presented as a holy
man who had distanced himself from ordinary life.5
Johns preaching in the desert and immersion in the Jordan must have
offered something to his adherents that Jerusalem Temple service lacked,
namely, atonement and salvation on a personal scale. Catherine M. Murphy
has recently described John the Baptists activities as a purification
3 For attitudes towards the Temple see K.S. Han, Han, Jerusalem and the Early Jesus
Movement: The Q Communitys Attitude Towards the Temple (London and New York:Sheffield
Academic Press, 2002), 91: Much of the literature written during the Second Temple period
explicitly or implicitly underlines the significance of the Temple, showing that the temple
[sic!] held the allegiance of the Jewish people.
4 Josephus,Ant. 18.2.2 (117), says that John urged the Jews to practice virtue and
justice toward one another and piety toward God, but he does not specify what this teaching
was based on. Like the gospels, Josephus emphasizes Johns baptism practice as pardon for
some sins and purification of the body. According to Acts 13:24, he preached a baptism ofrepentance.
5 On late antique holy men see P. Brown, The Rise and Function of the Holy Man
in Late Antiquity,Journal of Roman Studies 61 (1971) 80-101.
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 75
movement amongst others in first-century Judaea.6 In contrast to the
Qumran community and the Pharisees, however, his purification through
baptism did not require prior study and knowledge of the Torah.7 In fact, the
salvation he offered seems to have come without preconditions, except for
repentance, that is, an awareness of ones sins (towards other human beingsand God) and the wish to rid oneself of them.8
According to the gospels, Jesus was attracted to John and visited him at
the Jordan to subject himself to the immersion ritual. Whether he became his
disciple and lived with him for some time remains unknown.9 We are not told
what exactly he learned from John, but his own sojourn in the desert (Mark
1:12), if historically trustworthy, and his belief in the imminent onset of the
end of times (Mark 1:15) may have been inspired by John. Unlike the upper-
class youth Josephus, who seems to have received both a Jewish and Greek
education,10 Jesus is not known to have made the rounds of the more
conventional first-century philosophies of the Pharisees, Sadducees, and
Essenes (cf. Josephus, Vita 10-12) but was attracted to a weird desert outlaw
instead, whose strange clothes and behaviour must have evoked both
criticism and fascination amongst the populace.
6 C.M. Murphy, John the Baptist: Prophet of Purity for a New Age (Collegeville,
MN: Liturgical Press, 2003), 109-56.
7 As C.M. Robbins, The Testing of Jesus in Q (Studies in Biblical Literature 108,
New York: Peter Lang, 2007), 30, points out: Perhaps the fruits of repentance of which John
speaks had little or no scribal basis in the Torah. There is certainly no evidence that he was a
rabbi in the technical sense of that term. The reference to the law of Moses in the speech
attributed to John the Baptist in John 1:17 has no basis in the synoptic gospels and is almost
certainly redactional.
8 The practice of immersion and purification through water had a long tradition inJudaism by the first century already, but we do not know whether and to what extent Johns
baptism recapitulated earlier forms. On this issue see J.E. Taylor, The Immerser: John the
Baptist Within Second Temple Judaism (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1997), 77, who stresses
that there were numerous kinds of ablutions and immersions in Second Temple Judaism as a
whole and among the Essenes in particular.
9 See also D.S. Dapaah, The Relationship Between John the Baptist and Jesus of
Nazareth: A Critical Study (Lanham, ML: University Press of America, 2005), 96.
10 We do not know the exact scope of Josephus education. S. Schwartz,Josephus and
Judaean Politics (Leiden: Brill, 1990), 56-7 believes that despite his upper class origin and
claim to be an expert in Jewish law (Vita 9) Josephus education apparently did not include
careful study of the biblical text, which he undertook only after the publication ofBellum. TheGreek education he had received in Jerusalem seems to have been inadequate as well, see ibid.,
209. On Josephus education see also S.J.D. Cohen, Josephus in Galilee and Rome: His Vita
and Development as a Historian (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 106 and 129.
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76 Catherine Hezser
2. The Scholastic Model: Torah Knowledge as the Basis for
Observance
We do not know whether Pharisees (and Sadducees) actually visited John theBaptist and asked for his ritual ablution, as is claimed in Matt 3:7. In Luke
3:7 Johns speech is addressed to the people instead. While it is imaginable
that individual members of the Pharisaic movement would have approached
charismatics and holy men to underpin their aspirations for salvation, they
adhered to an altogether different model of Jewish religiosity which was
based on Torah study and observance.11 Josephus, who claims to have been a
Pharisee himself (cf. Vita 12),12 expresses their basic view in a succinct way
when saying that the Torah orders that they [children] shall be taught letters,
and shall learn both the laws and the deeds of the forefathers, in order thatthey may imitate the latter and, being grounded in the former, may neither
transgress nor have any excuse for being ignorant of them (C. Ap. 2.25,
204). Similarly, in the Testament of Levi Levi admonishes his sons: Teach
your children letters also, so that they might have understanding throughout
all their lives as they ceaselessly read the Law of God (13:2). What these
texts emphasize is that Torah observance must be based on knowledge of the
Torah, which can be acquired only through diligent Torah study. Therefore
young (male) children should be taught to read the Torah in Hebrew, even if
their everyday language was Aramaic or Greek.13
Even though we do not have first-hand knowledge about Pharisaic
practices and beliefs in Second Temple times,14 what is certain is that
Pharisees stressed the importance of Torah study, of familiarising oneself
with Torah law, as a prerequisite for proper observance of precepts which
they considered divinely inspired, that is, given by God to Moses at Sinai.
They believed that one could live a God-pleasing life only if one knew Gods
will in detail. To know how to please God through ones behaviour in
11 See also Taylor, The Immerser, 199-201, who points to an additional reference in
the Ps.-Clementines claiming that scribes and Pharisees were baptized by John (Recognitions
1.54). Nevertheless, we do not need to assume that Pharisees in general felt that way.
12 On Josephus claim that he was personally affiliated with the Pharisees see S.
Mason, Flavius Josephus and the Pharisees: A Composition-Critical Study (Leiden: Brill,
2001), 309-41.
13 On Hebrew as the holy language of the Torah and Temple see S. Schwartz,
Language, Power and Identity in Ancient Palestine,Past and Present148 (1995), 3-47.
14 Post-70 rabbis were not the direct successors of the Pharisees and rabbinic views
expressed in rabbinic documents cannot be taken as evidence of Pharisaic Judaism. See S.J.D.
Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh: Pharisees, Rabbis, and the End of Jewish Sectarianism,Hebrew Union College Annual55 (1984) 27-53; P. Schfer, Der vorrabbinische Pharisis-
mus in M. Hengel (ed.),Paulus und das antike Judentum (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1991),
125-75.
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 77
everyday life, a detailed knowledge and interpretation of His precepts was
necessary.
Baumgarten believes that members of the three Jewish schools of
thought mentioned by Josephus stemmed from an educated intellectual
elite:
... members of these groups [i.e., the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes] were likelier tocome from the economic, social and educational elite - the middling sort (to the extentthat there was such a class in antiquity) and better who could afford the luxury ofindulgence in affairs of the spirit, and who had sufficient background to become sensitiveto and interested in issues of a certain character, appropriate to their status.15
The Pharisees and Essenes emphasis on Torah study would have
presupposed literacy, at least as far as the ability to read the Torah in Hebrew
was concerned.16
Only those parents who were (a) reasonably well off anddid not require their sons participation in agriculture or other types of work,
and (b) pious, valuing Torah study above other, more worldly skills, would
have sent their sons to elementary teachers to learn Torah reading.17
Only those young male Jews who had a good foundation in Torah reading
would have been able to engage in more advanced Torah studies and in
learned discussions of the text. At least the core members of the Pharisaic
and Essene groups, that is, those who provided the ideological outlook and
the behavioural parameters for these movements, must have been well-
educated in the biblical tradition, that is, they must have been intellectuals.Since they upheld textual study as an ideal, the religiosity they proposed was
mainly geared at literate urban circles. Even if they propagated Torah study
amongst ordinary people and urged them to become more learned, their
ideals were hard to follow and their practices would have been difficult for
the uneducated masses to imitate, since they lacked the necessary leisure
time and perhaps also the interest in acquiring Torah learning.
Later rabbinic sources occasionally express scholars attitudes of
superiority towards the unlearned, even if they were wealthy. For example,
a story in Midrash Leviticus Rabbah relates that a wealthy householderinvited R. Yannai to his house (Lev. R. 9:3). The rabbi began to examine his
knowledge of Torah, rabbinic traditions, and prayer formulas during the
meal. When he found the householder deficient in learning, he called him a
dog. The host reacted by becoming angry with the rabbi, who allegedly
15 A.I. Baumgarten, The Flourishing of Jewish Sects in the Maccabean Era: An Inter-
pretation (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 47.
16 See Baumgarten,Flourishing of Jewish Sects, 114-36. On the Essenes as a studying
community see S.D. Fraade, Interpretive Authority in the Studying Community at Qumran,JJS44 (1993) 46-69.
17 On this issue see C. Hezser, Jewish Literacy in Roman Palestine (TSAJ 81,
Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck 2001), 40-89.
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78 Catherine Hezser
claimed a monopoly on a religious heritage which belonged to all Israel and
not to scholars only. When R. Yannai became aware of the householders
good moral conduct, he eventually made peace with him. The story indicates
that later rabbis were aware of the gulf of learning that divided them from the
majority of their co-religionists, even if the latter had a high social status andstanding within the local communities. Although they continued to uphold
their scholarly ideals, they devised means to enable ordinary people to
partake of their scholarship.18
It is likely that Pharisees maintained a similar attitude of superiority
towards the unlearned. Such an attitude was also held by Hellenistic
philosophers, who were keen to distinguish themselves from the unlearned
masses, the so-called , , orindocti.19 Like the Pharisees and laterrabbis, Stoics, Cynics, and Epicureans held up a scholarly ideal in which the
study and practice of wisdom became the most or even the only acceptable
way of life. What is important is that just as in Josephus statement above,
knowledge and practice were closely interlinked with knowledge forming
the basis of the right practice, as it was defined differently by each group.20
Those who did not subscribe to this ideal, irrespective of whether or not they
had a high socio-economic status in society, were considered inferior to the
intellectual elite. Palestinian Jewish sages of the first centuries CE need to be
understood within this Hellenistic context of scholarly self-awareness and
self-distinction from the foolish masses.21
3. Was Jesus Illiterate?
Not much is known about Jesus educational background. What is certain,
though, is that he was not a Pharisee and did not stress Torah study as a
religious ideal. According to Mark, he went and gathered his own disciples
immediately after Johns imprisonment (Mark 1:14-15); that is, the onlyreligious education Mark mentions, before Jesus started his own preaching,
was his association with John. Shortly afterwards, however, Mark claims
that they went to Capernaum; and when the Sabbath came, he entered the
18 For example, by providing hospitality to sages or by listening to their sermons.
19 See U. Wilckens/G. Fohrer, , , , TDNT7 (1970), 465-526, esp.
472-3. E.g., Cicero, De nat. deor. 1.2.5 distinguishes between the unlearned (indocti) and
educated men.
20 See, for example, Cicero, On Goals 3.24: And we do not think that wisdom is like
navigation or medicine, but rather like the craft of acting or dancing...; thus its goal, i.e. the[proper] execution of the craft, depends on it itself and is not sought outside itself.
21 On this issue see also C. Hezser, The Social Structure of the Rabbinic Movement in
Roman Palestine (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997), 130-7.
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 79
synagogue [or: congregation] and taught. They were astounded at his
teaching, for he taught them as one having authority [], and not as thescribes (Mark 1:21-22). This passage is interesting in a number of respects.
Firstly, we know very little about synagogues and their functions in the first
century CE. Almost all buildings that can be identified as synagogues inRoman Palestine are nowadays dated to the fourth to sixth centuries CE.22
Earlier excavation sites that were identified as synagogues in the past (e.g.,
Gamla, Massada, Herodium) do not show any specific features that would
indicate a religious use.23 They may rather have been gathering places for
various functions, which could but need not necessarily have included
Torah reading or other kinds of religious practices. The Palestinian synagogue
as the central religious place of the local community is an early Byzantine
phenomenon.24 This does not exclude the possibility that Torah reading,
study, and interpretation as a communal ritual took place at various locales in
earlier times already.25
Mark does not say that Jesus read from the Torah or that the Torah was
read by others when he entered the synagogue.26 He merely states in a very
general way that Jesus taught, without specifying the content of the
teaching. What he emphasizes, though, is that he taught as one having
authority and distinguished himself in this regard from scribes teaching
practices. It is unlikely that Torah exegesis as it was practiced by Pharisees
and Torah scholars is associated with Jesus here. That he taught with
probably refers to direct inspiration from God, like prophetic teaching, in
contrast to teaching that was text-based. That Jesus had Torah learning or
that his teaching consisted of his Torah interpretation in dispute with Jewish
Torah scholars is not suggested here. On the contrary, Jesus knowledge is
said to have been of an entirely different origin and nature than that of Torah
sages.
Matthew, who multiplies Jesus synagogue teaching activity (Jesus went
throughout Galilee, teaching in their synagogues, 4:23) states that he
proclaimed the good news () of the kingdom, an idea whichMark already tells us he took over from John (cf. Mark 1:14). The content of
22 See D. Milson, Art and Architecture of the Synagogue in Late Antique Palestine
(Leiden: Brill, 2007).
23 My former doctoral student, Lidia Matassa, has recently finished a Ph.D. thesis on
this subject, which was submitted to Trinity College Dublin in 2010.
24 See especially S. Schwartz,Imperialism and Jewish Society, 200 B.C.E. to 640 C.E.
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004) 215-39.
25 The practice is mentioned by Philo and Josephus as well as in the so-called
Theodotus inscription from first century CE Jerusalem. See Schwartz,Imperialism and JewishSociety, 221-5, for references.
26 The Torah is also not mentioned in Mark 6:2, where another occasion of teaching in
a synagogue on the Sabbath is related.
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80 Catherine Hezser
his initial teaching, as stated by Mark and Matthew, consisted in the
proclamation of the nearness of the end of times and perhaps not much else,
except for urging others to prepare themselves. The urgency of this
eschatology would not have left much time for close textual study and
discussion. The Pharisees and later rabbis, on the other hand, studied theTorah to provide guidance in the longue dure of human existence, that is, to
their contemporaries as well as later generations of Jews.
Only one passage in Luke presents Jesus as opening a biblical scroll and
perhaps also reading from it aloud.27 According to Luke 4:17, he was handed
a scroll of Isaiah in the synagogue of Nazareth on the Sabbath. Passages
from prophetic books would be read as part of the so-called Haftarah (ad-
ditional readings from the prophets) after the main Torah reading.28 Jesus is
said to have pointed to a messianic prophesy (Isa. 61:1), subsequently
presenting his own interpretation by identifying himself with the text (Luke
4:21). The parallels in Mark and Matthew (cf. Mark 6:2 par. Matt 13:54) lack
this reference to the scroll, however, and point to Jesus special powers and
miracles instead. Luke seems to have been familiar with Jewish liturgical
practices of his own time and place and associated them with Jesus. From the
perspective of a literate person who lived in a Hellenistic milieu at the end of
the first or beginning of the second century CE, Jesus is presented as a person
with reading skills and knowledge in the prophetic books of the Bible here.
The connection between prophesy and fulfillment (cf. v. 21) clearly points to
a redactional construction of this unit.
Scholars have already stressed that at least a large proportion of the
gospels scriptural quotations and the connections drawn between Jesus
teachings and the Hebrew Bible must be seen as indications of the gospel
authors or editors own learning rather than that of Jesus and his early
27 For references to books and scrolls in the New Testament in general and the gospelsin particular see H. Hearon, The Interplay Between Written and Spoken Word in the Second
Testament as Background to the Emergence of Written Gospels, Oral Tradition 25 (2010),
57-74, on pp. 62-3.
28 It is uncertain when and where the practice of Haftarah originated. The passages in
Luke 4:16-17 and Acts 13:15 (Paul in the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia) constitute the
earliest references to it. Perhaps the practice originated in Hellenistic Jewish communities of
the Diaspora. Rabbis of the Mishnah seem to have known the ritual (cf. m. Meg. ch. 4). On the
obscure origins of the Haftarah see M. Fishbane, Haftarah, in J. Blumenthal/J.L. Liss (eds.),
Etz Hayim Study Companion (New York: The Rabbinical Assembly, 2005) 376-84, esp. 380;
on traditional theories concerning the origins of Haftarah see S.N. Koenig, Haftarah - Sidrah:
Mirror Images, in M.A. Shmidman (ed.), Turim: Studies in Jewish History and Literature,presented to Dr. Bernard Lander, vol. 1 (Jersey City, NJ: KTAV Publishing House and Touro
College Press, 2007) 57-68, on pp. 57-62. In Jewish-Christian synagogues the prophetic
reading may have replaced the Torah reading altogether.
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 81
followers themselves.29 In Jesus and his early followers case, knowledge of
Scripture may have been gained primarily or even exclusively through oral
means of communication rather than through textual study, and it is likely to
have been limited.30 Thus, James Dunn writes: It is certainly quite likely
that a disciple such as Matthew, the toll collector, could read and write. Butthe only other profession or trade that we hear of in connection with the other
close disciples of Jesus was fishing. And if Jesus disciples were typical of
the peasants, tradesmen and fishermen of Galilee, we can safely assume that
the great majority of the disciples were functionally illiterate. We cannot
exclude the possibility that Jesus himself was illiterate, or only
semiliterate....31 Werner Kelber has correctly stressed the fundamental
difference between the Essenes as a studying community and the early Jesus
movement: Qumrans Teacher of Righteousness was presumably of
Zadokite lineage and an accomplished student of Scripture, as was the core
group of his original followers. By contrast, neither the founding figure of
the Christian movement nor the nucleus of his early followers enjoyed the
educational privileges that the members of the Essene community
possessed.32 The implications of mass illiteracy amongst Palestinian Jews of
the first centuries CE and the oral cultural context of the early Jesus
movement will be explored in the next section.
4. First-Century CE Judaism and Illiteracy
The large majority, that is, more than ninety percent of Jewish men and
almost all Jewish women who lived in Roman Palestine in the first centuries
CE would have been illiterate, that is, unable to read and write. For various
29 R.N. Longenecker,Biblical Exegesis in the Apostolic Period(Grand Rapids, MI:
Eerdmans Publishing, 1999) 41 points to divergent scholarly positions concerning quotationsand scriptural allusions in the gospels: one might consider scriptural quotes attributed to Jesus
as reflections of the scriptural interpretations of the writers respective communities (or of the
writers/editors themselves); others might see the gospels as credible reports of Jesus and his
preaching and the quotes as reflections of his own use of Scripture. Obviously, each passage
needs close and detailed analysis to determine the use of Scripture at the redactional and pre-
redactional levels. Even if a pre-redactional use can be determined, it does not necessarily
reflect Jesus own scriptural knowledge.
30 For emphasis on the mnemonic nature of Scriptural knowledge in Mark and Paul
see W.H. Kelber, The Oral and the Written Gospel: The Hermeneutics of Speaking and Writing
in the Synoptic Tradition, Mark, Paul, and Q (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press,2
1997), 12 and 197.31 J.D.G. Dunn, Jesus, Paul, and the Gospels (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans
Publishing, 2011), 22.
32 Kelber, The Oral and the Written Gospel, 16.
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82 Catherine Hezser
reasons, illiteracy would have been higher amongst the Jewish provincial
population than amongst Romans, who had a much larger administrative
system and a greater need for literacy skills.33 The large majority of
Palestinian Jews worked in agriculture, which did not require such skills. In
both Jewish and Graeco-Roman society writing was a technical skillaccomplished by trained scribes. There is also no evidence that Hebrew
reading skills were widespread in Jewish society. We do not have evidence
of an organised elementary school system in Roman and early Byzantine
Palestine.34 Josephus and Pharisees insistence that fathers should teach their
sons Torah reading would have been heeded by the pious and economically
well-off sectors of the population only. Torah reading, reciting, and
memorisation required special training and had no economic benefits. In the
early first century CE those few Jewish males who could recite the Torah in
public probably belonged to the Pharisaic movement or were professional
scribes who wrote Torah manuscripts. Such scribes are mentioned as
elementary teachers in later rabbinic sources.35 Throughout the Roman and
early Byzantine period the main responsibility to teach their children rested
with parents, most of whom would not have considered Torah reading skills
necessary, unless they were Pharisees or rabbis themselves.
What does this widespread illiteracy mean with regard to Jewish
religiosity? At the time when the Temple still existed, illiteracy would not
have constituted a grave problem, since collective atonement was achieved
through sacrifices brought by priests on behalf of all Israel. Few people
would have felt the need to familiarise themselves with the Torah themselves
in order to live a religious life. Whatever religious knowledge they had
would have been transmitted orally and through practice within the family
and local community.
We do not know much about the popular Judaism of the first centuries
CE. It is possible that it mainly consisted of the observance of the Sabbath,
festivals, circumcision, food laws, and certain purity rituals,36 all of which
would have been performed in accordance with family habits and localcustoms, that is, in rather diverse ways. Half a century ago Goodenough
claimed that the use of images and symbols characterised the popular
Judaism of the masses in contrast to the aniconic, text-oriented Judaism of
33 On this issue see Hezser,Jewish Literacy, 496-504.
34 On Jewish education in antiquity see C. Hezser, Private and Public Education in
C. Hezser (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Jewish Daily Life in Roman Palestine (Oxford: Ox-
ford University Press, 2010), 465-81, esp. 469-71.
35 On scribes see Hezser,Jewish Literacy, 48, 118-26.
36 These are the practices which are most often mentioned by Greek and Romanauthors on Jews and Judaism, see S.J.D. Cohen, Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According
to Josephus in idem, The Significance of Yavneh and Other Essays in Hellenistic Judaism
(Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010), 187-209, on pp. 206-7.
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 83
the (Pharisees and) rabbis.37 He maintained that the most fundamental
beliefs of the Jews revolved around the ideas of mysticism and salvation,
issues which were also addressed by Greek and Roman religions.38 While
Jewish art with its mixture of biblical and pagan images evolved in late
antiquity only and the main Jewish mystical works were written in theMiddle Ages, a popular Jewish interest in personal salvation and in the
various charismatics, mystics, and healers who advertised it, seems entirely
plausible.39
Such individuals would have filled the gap left by the rather distant and
abstract Temple service on the one hand and the intellectual aspirations of
scholars and sages on the other.40 In this context the early Jesus movement
can be seen as a form of popular Judaism geared towards the unlearned,
illiterate masses, especially the rural population of the Galilee.41 It offered
them a way to gain personal salvation without Torah learning. It emphasised
healing and explained basic moral ideas in an illustrative and easily
understandable way. Whereas the Pharisees maintained that the Torah could
be properly followed only after it had been carefully studied, interpreted, and
applied to everyday life situations, Jesus and his followers claimed that the
gist of the Jewish religious tradition was evident and understandable by
everyone. They obviously emphasised whatever they considered most
important, stressing morality, belief, and salvation, rather than aiming at
comprehensiveness and complexity, as the later rabbis did.
Throughout the gospels, Jesus is said to have preached orally to whoever
was ready to listen.42 With the exception of one probably redactional text
(Luke 4:17, see above), the gospels do not contain scenes in which he opens
a Torah scroll and expounds a text passage. What he knew of the Hebrew
Bible would have been heard, memorized, and readapted to his audiences
circumstances. According to John 7:15, when Jesus taught in the Temple, the
audience said: How does this man know letters, having never learned?
John obviously wanted to stress Jesus spiritual authority, similarly to the
37 See E.R. Goodenoughs seminal work,Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period
(8 vols, Princeton: Princeton University Press,1953-68), referred to by L.I. Levine, Judaism
and Hellenism in Antiquity: Conflict or Confluence? (Washington, DC: University of
Washington Press, 1998), 8.
38 Levine,Judaism and Hellenism, 8.
39 On various popular movements in the first-century see R.A. Horsley/J.S. Hanson,
Bandits, Prophets & Messiahs: Popular Movements in the Time of Jesus (Harrisburg, PA:
Trinity Press, 1999), esp. the chapters on prophets and messianic pretenders.
40 As a third movement one might point to the zealots and rebels who were
economically and politically motivated. There is not much reference to an anti-Roman political
stance or protest in the gospels.41 See also Horsley/Hansen,Bandits, Prophets, xxv and 92.
42 See C. Hezser, Oral and Written Communication and Transmission of Knowledge
in Ancient Judaism and Christianity, Oral Tradition 25 (2010) 75-92, esp. 78.
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84 Catherine Hezser
accentuated by Mark. Yet this may also be a reminiscence of the lackof text study that was turned from a deficiency into an ideal by Jesus and his
followers. His adherents probably had some acquaintance with biblical
stories and images.43 The wandering charismatics of the early Jesus
movement would have memorized and transmitted various versions ofstories about Jesus and sayings attributed to him.
5. Popular versus Scholastic Literary Forms
One of the greatest differences between post-70 rabbinic literature and the
gospels is that the latter are written for lay people and contain popular
literary forms whereas the former are scholarly works written for fellow-scholars: even the smaller literary forms that are integrated in these
documents are, for the most part, scholarly, transmitted by generations of
rabbinical scholars and students.
The thematic units of the Mishnah, Tosefta, and Palestinian Talmud
consist of scholarly discussions of particular halakhic issues. With their
allusions to biblical texts and concise formulation the halakhic statements,
case stories, and disputes would have been understandable by fellow-scholars
only. Even the exegetical and homiletical Midrash collections do not contain
sermons that could be recited in synagogues. They are much too dense and
allusive to have been useful to a general audience or readership. They may
ultimately be based on public sermons, and scholars may have used them to
construct public speeches, but they cannot be considered transcripts of the
sermons themselves.44 A lot of embellishing, restructuring, and reformulation
would have been necessary before certain parts of a Midrash could have
been presented in front of a non-scholarly audience.
As David Kraemer has argued with regard to the Babylonian Talmud, the
intended reader is the fellow-scholar with a comprehensive knowledge of the
43 Horsley/Hansen,Bandits, Prophets, 92.
44 On the relationship between homiletical Midrash and sermons see especially D.
Stern, Midrash and Theory: Ancient Jewish Exegesis and Contemporary Literary Studies
(Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1998), 55-63. Stern argues that the chapters of a
homiletical Midrash such as Lev. R. possess literary coherence based on shared exegetical
strategies (see p. 57). Yet we do not know what practical purposes or functions these
collections served. If they were meant to be handbooks or sourcebooks for preachers, the
redactor may have wished to give his professional readers a choice of petihtaot from which
they could select one as the basis for their Saturday-morning sermon (62). On the necessary
distinction between Midrash and sermon see also J. Townsend, The Significance of Midrashin L.M. Teugels et al (eds.), Recent Developments in Midrash Research: Proceedings of the
2002 and 2003 SBL Consultation on Midrash (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2005) 17-52, on
p. 17.
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 85
Torah and an understanding of rabbinic traditions and argumentation. Only
such a reader can make the necessary connections and fill in the blanks in
order to ultimately continue the discussion: The Bavlis authorship
fashioned a work that constantly demands the readers contribution to its
final communication. The Talmud is replete with ellipses and other gaps, itsarguments often based on unstated logical associations or contrasts....45
Therefore the intended reader was clearly a member of a schooled elite who
understood Scripture in its original language, committed much of Scripture
to memory, and was able to apply certain specialized methods to its
interpretation.46 The intended audiences of the gospels, on the other hand,
would have been the local (house) communities, lay people whose literate
members would read out or perform the texts in front of their friends.47 Most
of these lay people would have been familiar with some sayings and
characters of both the Old Testament and the Jesus tradition, but they
would not have studied the texts themselves.48
With regard to the smaller units integrated into the larger genres, the
gospels contain more popular traditions in contrast to the mostly scholarly
rabbinic traditions. The term tradition is used instead of form here,
because we have to assume that these units were mostly transmitted orally.
Rabbinic traditions were based on oral teaching sessions and discussions
with colleagues, rabbinic practices observed in daily life, and oral advice
given to lay people.49 In the case of Jesus and the early leaders of the Jesus
movement, they were based on the observation of healings and moral
instruction and preaching to lay people.
45 D. Kraemer, The Intended Reader As a Key to Interpreting the Bavli,Prooftexts
13 (1993), 125-40, on p. 127.
46 Kraemer, Intended Reader, 128.
47 On the New Testament as performance literature see D. Rhoads, Biblical Per-
formance Criticism, Oral Tradition 25 (2010), 157-98. Rhoads stresses that the gospels would
have been presented orally in front of assembled audiences, probably in their entirety in one
performance. They may have been read aloud or recited from memory, perhaps withvariations and different emphases, depending on the social composition of the audience. On
this issue see also the articles in R.A. Horsley/J.A. Draper/ J.M. Foley (eds.), Performing the
Gospel: Orality, Memory, and Mark(Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress, 2011).
48 For a reconstruction of the intended reader of the gospel of John see R.A.
Culpepper,Anatomy of the Fourth Gospel: A Study in Literary Design (Philadelphia: Fortress,
1987), 224.
49 On this issue see M.S. Jaffee, The Oral-Cultural Context of the Talmud Yerushalmi.
Greco-Roman Rhetorical Paideia, Discipleship, and the Concept of Oral Torah in P. Schfer
(ed.), The Talmud Yerushalmi and Graeco-Roman Culture, vol. 1 (TSAJ 71, Tbingen: Mohr
Siebeck, 1998) 27-61. Jaffee argues for an oral-written continuum in which oral traditions
were eventually committed to writing and then re-used and re-shaped orally (p. 45); he providesexamples of rabbinic oral instruction underlying the amoraic texts (pp. 46-53). See also idem,
How Much Orality in Oral Torah? New Perspectives on the Composition and Transmission
of Early Rabbinic Tradition, Shofar10 (1992), 53-72.
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In the various oral contexts one and the same rhetorical form could
have had quite different functions. Even if the later rabbis used forms that
also appeared in popular contexts, such as parables and apophthegmata,
they seem to have used them mainly for scholarly instruction and collegial
discussion rather than for popular edification.50 Rabbinic documentsmainly contain halakhic traditions, though, that is, legal rulings, case stories,
and disputes, which would have interested and been understood by scholars
only. These traditions would have been memorized and transmitted by rabbis
own students, who would have used and adapted them in their own
educational practice, in collegial discussions, and legal advice to clients.
The traditions would have been transmitted from one generation of scholars
to the next, a phenomenon which the attributions indicate, even if they cannot
be considered historically reliable.51
While the gospels also contain traditions and speeches which may have
been directed primarily at professionals, that is, the itinerant charismatics
of the Jesus movement who lived a life of poverty and homelessness (cf.,
e.g., the speech to the apostles in Matt 10:5-41),52 most of the traditions seem
to be directed at the general public. Jesus is repeatedly said to have taught
before the people, to whoever came to listen to him (see, e.g., Mark 2:2,
2:13, 3:7, 3:20 etc.). Although the gospel editors would have constructed
these bridging statements in order to connect individual traditions and
collections of traditions and to give the impression that Jesus had a large
popular following, it is clear that Jesus and the leaders of the early Jesus
movement mostly talked to hoi polloi rather than to a scholarly elite.
50 On the midrashic use of parables see D. Stern,Parables in Midrash: Narrative and
Exegesis in Rabbinic Literature (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 21994) esp. 46-
47 on the occasions in which parables may have been used. While these occasions may have
included sermons and contacts with lay-people and non-Jews, the literary sources suggest that
they were also widely used in scholarly contexts, whether eulogies for fellow-sages, exegetical
illustrations for students, or reminiscences about certain practices. On the apophthegmata see
C. Hezser, Die Verwendung der Hellenistischen Gattung Chrie im frhen Christentum undJudentum,Frankfurter Judaistische Beitrge 27 (1996), 371-439; eadem, Apophthegmata
Patrum and Apophthegmata of the Rabbis inLa Narrativa Cristiana Antica. Codici Narrativi,
Strutture Formali, Schemi Retorici (Rome: Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, 1996), 453-
64.
51 On the (un)reliability of attributions see D. Kraemer, On the Reliability of
Attributions in the Babylonian Talmud,Hebrew Union College Annual60 (1989), 175-90; J.
Neusner, Why We Cannot Assume the Historical Reliability of Attributions: The Case of the
Houses in Mishnah-Tosefta Makhshirin, in A.J. Avery Peck/J. Neusner (eds.), The Mishnah in
Contemporary Perspective, vol. 2 (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 190-212.
52 On the itinerant charismatics see G. Theissen, Wir haben alles verlassen (Mc. X.
28). Nachfolge und soziale Entwurzelung in der jdisch-palstinischen Gesellschaft des 1. Jah-rhunderts n. Ch. in idem, Studien zur Soziologie des Urchristentums (WUNT 19, Tbingen:
Mohr Siebeck, 1983), 106-141. Theissen points out that these early followers of Jesus formed
certain circles (zusammenhngende Kreise) of independent missionaries (p. 109).
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 87
Neither the wandering charismatics nor the audience to whom Jesus preached
are presented as scholars. Therefore rhetorical forms and images are used
which illustrate morals and ideas in an easily understandable, narrative and
proverbial way, with examples from daily life and from the experiences of a
mostly rural Galilean population.Gerd Theissen has already pointed out that the legend about John the
Baptists death is not the only popular tradition in the Gospels; miracle
stories contain direct indications that they were widely told, that is,
transmitted by a wide range of people not limited to the early leaders and
followers of the Jesus movement:53 ... the Markan community found
traditions about Jesus circulating beyond its own circle, among all the
people.54 Rumours about Jesus would have spread amongst the general
population and various versions of stories would have circulated. This
transmission of miracle stories and other narratives about Jesus stands in
contrast to the rabbinic transmission of rabbis (halakhic) practices. Rabbinic
example stories address issues which would have interested rabbis students
and colleagues only. Healing and miracle stories, on the other hand, are very
rare in rabbinic documents.55 Stories about charismatics were subjected to an
editorial process in which the supernatural powers of such individuals were
suppressed, criticised, or ridiculed.56 Such traditions stood in conflict with
the notion that rabbis authority was based on text study rather than on
visions, prophecy, and healings, and that each rabbi was equally close to
God.
The parables of the gospels can be considered another rhetorical form
that would have been transmitted orally and spoke directly to the unlearned,
even if the present written form would have been the result of literary editing.
As B.B. Scott has emphasised, We have no parable of Jesus as he performed
it. All extant parables ascribed to Jesus show the traces of performances by
others.57 A certain basic structure would have been retold in different forms
53 See G. Theissen, The Gospels in Context. Social and Political History in theSynoptic Tradition (Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1991) 97.
54 Theissen, Gospels in Context, 102.
55 H.M. Zellentin,Rabbinic Parodies of Jewish and Christian Literature (TSAJ 139,
Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck 2011), 216-225 discusses a long rabbinic passage in y. Moed Qatan
3:1, 81c-d which contains two miracles, of an uprooted carob tree and burning wheat, which he
sees as rabbinic reactions to analogous Christian miracle stories used in doctrinal arguments
... characteristic of late antique Christianity (p. 219), that is, the stories may have been told as
a satirical parody (p. 216) of the Christian (use of such) stories, for internal scholarly reasons.
At an earlier stage, the stories about Eliezers miracles may have been transmitted by his
students or were based on rumours that circulated more broadly.
56 On this process of rabbinisation see, e.g., B.M. Bokser, Wonder-Working andRabbinic Tradition: The Case of Hanina ben Dosa,JSJ16 (1985), 42-92.
57 B.B. Scott, Hear then the Parable: A Commentary on the Parables of Jesus
(Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1990) 40. See also M.C. Moeser, The Anecdote in Mark, the
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and settings. The storytellers reshaped and adapted their narratives for each
individual performance, probably using details from their environments.58
The meaning and function of the parables would have changed in accordance
with the respective audiences.59 Parables use images and characters from
daily life and are a part of folklore. They are concrete rather than theoretical,entertaining rather than scholarly. Yet a certain ambiguity remains: on the
one hand, parables, a primitive communicatory force, invoke elementary
passions and short-circuit the path to understanding; on the other hand, they
baffle the mind with their allusive meanings.60 The other sphere remains
mysterious and cannot be fully circumscribed by scenes based on this-
worldly reality. While rabbinic parables serve to explain the rabbinic
understanding of the Torah,61 the parables of the gospels are meant to reveal
much more general theological and moral truths.
In contrast to the popular forms of the miracle stories and parables,
apophthegms may reflect discussions amongst leadership figures themselves.
Rabbinic apophthegms can be considered part of school traditions in that
they focus on a particular rabbis poignant saying or striking practice and
would have been transmitted by rabbis students. The apophthegms of the
gospels would have been transmitted by Jesus early followers and reflect
their controversies with other self-declared authorities. Theissen has already
pointed to the confrontational aspects of some of these narratives: they
reflect a controversy between Jesus and Pharisees, scribes, and Sadducees.62
He assumes that they were handed on ... by teachers, preachers, missionaries,
and itinerant charismatics, confirming (Jewish-)Christian group identity
within the various Jewish groups of the late first and early second centuries
CE.63
Classical World and the Rabbis (London and New York: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002) 44.
58 See Scott,Hear then the Parable, 40-41.
59 A Jewish-Christian audience would have understood a parable differently than agentile audience and readers of the later written gospels. See also G. Carey, Luke and the
Rhetorics of Discipleship: The L Parables as Case Study, in J.D. Hester/D. Hester (eds.),
Rhetorics and Hermeneutics: Wilhelm Wuellner and His Influence (New York: T & T Clark
International, 2004) 145-74, on p. 160.
60 G. Safran Naveh,Biblical Parables and Their Modern Re-Creations: from Apples
of Gold in Silver Settings to Imperial Messages(Albany, NY: State University of New York
Press, 2000) 7. See also ibid. 5 on the wide use of parables in the oral tradition of many
different cultures.
61 C. Thoma, Literary and Theological Aspects of the Rabbinic Parables, in C.
Thoma/M. Wyschogrod (eds),Parable and Story in Judaism and Christianity (Mahwah, NJ:
Paulist Press, 1989) 26-41, on p. 27.62 Theissen, Gospels in Context, 114.
63 Theissen, Gospels in Context, 114-5. After their integration into the gospel of Mark
they would have been used to distinguish Christian groups from Judaism as a whole (p. 116).
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 89
6. The Role of Intermediaries
The populace lacked an immediate access to the vestiges of the holy, whether
it was found in a particular space, such as the Jerusalem Temple, in a
traditional text, such as the Torah, or in particular human beings, such as
charismatics or holy men. Priests, text scholars, and early Christian
missionaries served as intermediaries who enabled their contemporaries
access to the holy by, at the same time, claiming a monopoly on their function
as doorkeepers.
Before 70 CE the Jerusalem Temple was the official centre of the holy
and the priests were its administrators. Except for those who outrightly
rejected the Temple priests authority, other means of access to the Divine
were supplementary. Neither the Pharisees nor Jesus and his early followersabrogated the validity of the Temple and sacrifices.64 Yet they claimed that
there was another way to know and fulfill Gods will, namely through Torah
study and observance (Pharisees) or through an ascetic life of healing and
supporting others (Jesus and his early followers). In both cases, the
requirements were so rigorous that they could only be practiced by a few
individuals: only few wealthy and educated male Jews would have been able
to read, memorize, and discuss the Torah; only a few (probably exclusively
male)65 Jews would have voluntarily chosen a life of poverty, homelessness,
and itinerancy.66Although only a few lived the ideal, others sympathised with them and
sought their instruction and counsel. Pharisees (and later rabbis) gave advice
on the basis of their Torah knowledge; the itinerant charismatics of the early
Jesus movement told stories about Jesus, performed healings, and provided
moral and theological instruction through parables, proverbs, and other
64 Criticism of Temple practices and the priesthood, attributed to Jesus in the gospels,
does not necessarily imply rejection of the institution as such. For a detailed analysis of therespective passages see C.A. Evans, Jesus Action in the Temple: Cleansing or Portent of
Destruction? in B. Chilton/C.A. Evans, Jesus in Context. Temple, Purity & Restoration
(Leiden: Brill, 1997), 395-440.
65 Although some women may have been sympathisers of Jesus during his lifetime,
they did not belong to his group of disciples and are unlikely to have led an itinerant lifestyle.
66 For associating asceticism with Jesus and the early Jesus movement see S.J.
Patterson, Askesis and the Early Jesus Tradition in L.E. Vaage/V.L. Wimbush (eds.),
Asceticism and the New Testament (New York and London: Routledge, 1999), 49-70. He
suggests that asceticism is an appropriate framework for understanding what the early Jesus
movement was all about (p. 50) and discusses Gerd Theissens work on Wanderradikalismus
(pp. 52-56). An interpretation which combines asceticism with gender issues is presented by H.Moxnes,Putting Jesus in His Place: A Radical Vision of Household and Kingdom (Louisville,
KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2003), 73, who sees the asceticism of Jesus, his call to
leave male space, as a challenge of the standards of masculinity in antiquity.
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90 Catherine Hezser
forms of folklore wherever they went.67 Unlike the Pharisees, they did not
ask their fellow-Jews to become Torah scholars themselves. All they required
of them was belief in Jesus special power and a morally responsible lifestyle.
In both cases the lay sympathizers were dependent on the self-proclaimed
religious authorities to provide them with guidance on how to live their livesin holiness.
7. Was the Jesus Movement an Anti-Scholastic Form of Judaism?
Obviously, scriptural study and adherence to charismatic individuals were
not mutually exclusive practices in ancient Judaism, as the example of
certain Diaspora Jews such as Paul (from Tarsus, Acts 9:1) and Apollos(from Alexandria, Acts 18:24-25) shows. These individuals came from a
learned Hellenistic Jewish background which would have differed from the
Palestine-centred Pharisaic (and later rabbinic) movements, even though
Paul, like Josephus (Vita 12), claims to have sympathised with Pharisaism
(Phil. 3:5: as to the law, a Pharisee). As Saldarini has already pointed out,
Paul is the only diaspora Jew identified as a Pharisee.68 As in the case of
Josephus, his self-identification with Pharisaism may serve rhetorical
purposes, indicating his (pre-Christian) Torah observance here.69 Unlike
Pharisees, he would have studied the Bible in Greek rather than in Hebrew
and he would have been familiar with Hellenistic modes of interpretation.
He came from an entirely different milieu than the itinerant charismatics of
the early Jesus movement, which explains the lack of references to miracle
stories and parables in his letters to local Christian communities.
Connections between Torah scholars and charismatics or messianic
pretenders also occasionally appear in the later rabbinic texts, but they are
generally judged negatively. In some traditions R. Aqiva may be presented as
67 I include here both the disciples of Jesus who followed him during his lifetime and
itinerant charismatics who missionised on his behalf after his death and before 70 CE. For
distinguishing between different groups of followers see E.W. Stegemann/W. Stegemann, The
Jesus Movement: A Social History of Its First Century (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1999), 187.
68 A.J. Saldarini, Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society: A
Sociological Approach (Wilmington, DE: M. Glazier, 1988), 134-5.
69 The reference to Jesus being born under the law in Gal. 4:4 does not refer to his
upbringing in the Jewish Law, as C.L. Blomberg, Jesus and the Gospels: An Introduction
and Survey (Nashville, TN: B&H Publishing Group, 2009), 441 maintains. Paul rather
emphasizes Jesus birth in a Palestinian Jewish society for which the Torah and Torahobservance was important. He may merely refer to Jesus Jewish origin. The text (Gal 4:4-5) is
complicated and has received many different interpretations which cannot be reviewed in
detail here.
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 91
an adherent of Bar Kokhba.70 As Peter Schfer has shown, however, rabbinic
literature generally reflects the negative attitude of the Rabbis towards both
Bar Kokhba himself and his activities.71 Similarly, a certain R. Eliezer is
presented in a rabbinic story as a sympathiser of Jesus, but the storytellers
clearly condemned Christian ideas as heresy.72
While there may have been a certain overlap between popular-charismatic
and scholarly forms of Judaism in the first centuries CE, the respective
emphases would have been different. As the later rabbinisation of charismatic
figures such as Honi the circle drawer and Hanina b. Dosa indicates, sages
were generally opposed to those who claimed direct inspiration independent
of Torah study. Such individuals may have had a more or less large popular
following, however, and rabbis therefore tried to integrate them into their
own ranks by domesticating them.73
Jesus does not seem to have chosen his disciples on the basis of their
learning and he preached before an indiscriminate group of people, that is,
anyone who was willing to listen to him.74 Most of the traditional material,
even in its later edited and reworked form, is geared towards a popular
audience with people from different socio-economic strata (the rich were not
necessarily more learned than the poor), rather than being specifically
targeted at scholars. Reading skills and a large amount of Torah knowledge
are not necessary to understand the sayings, stories, and parables transmitted
in Jesus name.
In the early Jesus tradition a lot of emphasis is put on actions - healings,
miracles, exorcisms - rather than words. These actions are supposed to show
Jesus special powers and distinguish him from other teachers and holy
men.75 Whether or not Jesus intention was to reach the illiterate and
70 We do not know whether R. Aqiva actually was a follower of Bar Kokhba. For a
discussion of the relevant texts see P. Schfer, Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis in P. Schfer (ed.),
The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt (TSAJ
100; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 1-22.
71 Schfer, Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis, 7.72 On this story which is transmitted in T. Hul. 2:24 see Hezser, Social Structure, 76.
Again, the historicity of the story is doubtful. On the later rabbinic debate with Christian ideas
and practices see especially P. Schfer, Jesus in the Talmud(Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 2009).
73 On Hanina see S. Freyne, Hanina Ben Dosa, A Galilean Charismatic in idem,
Galilee and Gospel: Collected Essays (WUNT 125; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2000), 132-59.
On Honi see J.L. Rubenstein, Honi the Circle-Drawer: The Holy Man and Rain in idem,
Rabbinic Stories (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 2002), 128-32. On both of them see also
Stegemann/Stegemann,Jesus Movement, 164-5.
74 This is sometimes explicitly said, e.g. Luke 6:27: But I say to you that listen.
Usually the audience remains an unanimous crowd, e.g. Mark 2:13, Matt 19:2, Luke 7:11etc.
75 Josephus (Ant. 18.3.3, 63-64) presents Jesus as a doer of wonderful works and a
teacher of truth. He mentions him alongside other holy men such as John the Baptist (Ant.
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92 Catherine Hezser
unlearned masses who could not fulfill Pharisaic standards of Torah learning
and observance, it is likely that he gained most of his followers from those
segments of society. The itinerant preachers of the early Jesus movement
probably followed in his footsteps, telling miracle stories and parables and
adapting them to their audiences particular interests and needs. According toSchwartz, this was a movement in which the Torah was not ignored (it
could not possibly have been) but was definitely of secondary importance.76
The written gospels must be seen as reflections of a later stage, when
local communities in Syria-Palestine and the Diaspora had solidified and
were composed of unlearned and learned, poor and rich, Jewish and gentile
individuals.77 The antitheses of the Sermon on the Mount (Matt 5:17-44),
although based on earlier material, probably belonged to this stage.78 Some
house communities would have engaged in the study of the Bible, whether in
Hebrew or Greek.79 Perhaps literate hosts, who must have been rather well-
off to accommodate even small groups of correligionists in their houses, read
or recited the texts in front of their fellow-Christians.
The structure of the gospels with biblical quotations, paraphrases,
allusions, and interpretations would have been the outcome of this later stage
in which Jesus teaching and activity was linked to the Jewish Bible and
presented as the fulfillment of its prophesies. This connection served early
Christians to define their own identity in continuation of and distinction from
the Judaism Jesus came from. The ascetic miracle worker Jesus, who had
believed in the closeness of the end of times and attracted a popular audience
with his folkloristic teachings, was turned into a Torah teacher who competed
with Pharisees and scribes. The latter probably represented the rabbis of the
post-70 CE gospel writers own times. A reflection of this development is
also evident in the much later Babylonian Talmud, where there is anindirect
18.5.2, 116-119), who taught virtue and righteousness, and Theudas (Ant. 20.5, 97-99). On
these see Schwartz,Imperialism and Jewish Society, 89.76 Schwartz, Imperialism and Jewish Society, 91.
77 See also Theissen, Gospels in Context, 282 and 289.
78 On this text see H.D. Betz, The Sermon on the Mount: A Commentary on the Ser-
mon on the Mount, Including the Sermon on the Plain (Matthew 5:3-7:27 and Luke 6:20-49)
(ed. A. Yarbro Collins; Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995) ad loc.; H.W.M. Van der
Sandt, Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish-Christian Milieu?
(Assen: Van Gorcum, 2005) 100 calls the Sermon on the Mount in Matt 5-7 the Matthean
masterpiece of redaction. Matthew seems to have combined Q material with material from
other pre-redactional collections here to construct a speech which reflected his own commu-
nitys value system. The antitheses which juxtapose biblical verses with new interpretations
would be based on the editor(s) own scriptural learning.79 On Christian scriptural study from the mid-first c. CE onwards see A. Hilhorst,
Biblical Scholarship in the Early Church in J. den Boeft/M.L. van Poll-van de Lisdonk
(eds.), The Impact of Scripture in Early Christianity (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 1-19.
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The Jesus Movement as a Popular Judaism for the Unlearned 93
reference to Jesus as a Torah teacher disputing halakhic issues with rabbis.80
Babylonian rabbis of late antiquity may have been aware of Christian
attempts to project their own literacy and knowledge onto Jesus and the early
church.
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