2012 Strategy and Tactics - South African History Online · 2012 Strategy and Tactics nation in which the multiple identities based on class, gender, age, language, geographic location

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2012 Strategy and Tactics

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INTRODUCTION1. The 53rd Conference of the

African National Congress,2012 confirmed the Strategyand Tactics adopted at the52nd National Conference asencapsulating the transitionfrom apartheid colonialism toaNationalDemocraticSocietyand re-affirmed the centralityof theFreedomCharterasourlodestar.

2. Conferencealsoresolvedthatanoteshouldbeappendedtothe2007 edition of the Strategy and Tactics of the ANC, inthe form of this Preface, inorderto:q deepen our analysis of

the first 18 years of thetransition;

q assestheon-goingshiftinthebalanceof forces;

q reflect on the evolvingcharacterof theANC;

q characterisethenextphaseof thetransition;and

q elaborate the pillars andmajortasksof thisphase.

3. The Preface aims to assist inthe interpretation of Strategy and Tactics 2007 againstthe backdrop of the taskof ensuring decisive andaccelerated progress towardsthe eradication of the legacyof apartheid colonialism andtheconstructionof aNationalDemocratic Society. In thisregard,afullunderstandingof theobjectives andprogrammeof theANC requires that thisPreface and Strategy and Tactics 2007bereadasawhole.

4. Thereviewof Strategy and Tactics 2007 takes place during thecentenaryof theformationof theAfricanNationalCongress.Thismomentousoccasionhasafforded the ANC, its alliesand partners in the broaddemocraticfront,withinSouthAfricaandabroad,tocelebrate

Preface to the 2007 Strategy and tacticSAs Adopted by the 53Rd NAtioNAl CoNfeReNCe

16-20 deCembeR 2012, mANGAUNG, fRee stAte

Decisive and sustained action to build a National Democratic Society

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a historic achievement. It hasalso provided an opportunityfor reflection on the deepermeaning of the nationalliberation struggle duringits various phases and thechallenges going forward, asthe ANC enters the secondcenturyof itsexistence.

CHARACTER OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY5. Strategy and Tactics 2007affirms

the strategic goal of theNDR as the resolutionof thethree basic and inter-relatedcontradictions of Colonialismof a Special Type in SouthAfrica (where the colonisedand the colonial metropolislived within one nation-state):racial oppression, class super-exploitation* and patriarchalrelations of power. Theseantagonisms found expressionin ““national oppression based on race; class super-exploitation directed against Black workers; and the triple oppression of the mass of women based on their race, their class and their gender. The main content of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) therefore remains the liberation of Africans in particular and Blacks in general from political

and socio-economic bondage. It means uplifting the quality of life of all South Africans, especially the poor, the majority of whom are African and female.”

6. Ourdemocraticpoliticalsystemis founded on political, socio-economic and other humanrights which are enshrined inthecountry’sConstitution.Therealisation of these rights inactual practice requires, amongothers:q The mobilisation of the

nation around a commonvision of the kind of society we seek to attain,acting in partnershipwith each sector for therealisationof thecommongood.

q The means for citizensto exercise the full rangeof their human rights,including progressiverealisation of socio-economic rights, and forchecks and balances in alaw-governedsociety.

q Popular participation of the people in the processof development, andwithspecial focus on the poorandmarginalised.

q Building a united andinclusive South African

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nation in which themultipleidentitiesbasedonclass,gender,age,language,geographic location andreligion are a source of strength, adding to thediversity of the continentandhumanityatlarge.

7. The socio-economic characterof the National DemocraticSociety is based on theresolution of the historicalinjustice and the building of ademocracywith social content,whichincludes:q A political and socio-

economic system whichplaces the needs of thepoorandsocialissuessuchas health care, education,basic services and a socialsecurityflooratthetopof thenationalagenda;

q Accelerated growth anddevelopment in a mixedeconomy which includesstate and private capitalas well as co-operative,worker-based, communityand other forms of socialownershipof themeansof production;

q An active developmentaland leadership role of the state in the economyand the pursuit of full

employment;q A democratic develop-

mental state that leadsacceleratedandsustainablechangethroughinteractive,intensive and sustainabletransformation of thestructural causes of economic exclusion andsocial underdevelopment,including the spatialimbalances inherited fromtheapartheidera;

q Thequestforequalityandprotection of the humandignityof all;

q Sustainable utilisationof natural endowmentsand the protectionand regeneration of the environment as aninheritanceof currentandfuturegenerations;

q Strongpartnershipwiththetradeunionmovementandother mass and sectoralformations;and

q The promotion of theAfrican agenda based,among others, on thepursuitof peace,economicgrowth and development,continental integration,democracy and humanrights; and internationalsolidarity.

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THE FIRST TWO DECADES OF FREEDOM 8. The breakthrough of 1994

marked a decisive break withthe history of colonialism.SouthAfricans,ledbytheANCelected with an overwhelmingmajority as the leading ‘party’in government, had theopportunitytodeterminetheirdestiny and together realisethe ideal of a democratic,non-racial, non-sexist andprosperous society. This wasunderpinned by the adoptionof the1996Constitutionwhicharticulates a broad frameworkof the national aspiration forunited, non-racial, non-sexist,democratic and prosperousSouthAfrica.

9. The immediate strategicpriority of this phase wastherefore to rid the countryof the vestiges of apartheidcolonialism and to launchthe process of constructing aNational Democratic Society.This formed the basis of our Programme of NationalDemocratic Transformationduringthisperiod.

10. The implementation of thisprogramme during the firsttwo decades has seen majoradvances,butalsosetbacksand

challenges. Boththeadvancesand setbacks were influencedbytheprevailingdomesticandglobalbalanceof forces,aswellasbysubjectivefactorssuchasthe strategic, governance andorganisational capabilities of theANC as the leader of theforcesfortransformation.Themajoradvancesduringthetwodecadesinclude:q The establishment of a

democratic, non-racial andnon-sexistpoliticalorder;

q The introduction of democratic rights forall citizens and theestablishment of vibrantinstitutions;

q The adoption andimplementation of aConstitutionthatpromotesconsistent equalityand encompasses first,second, third and fourthgenerations of humanrights (political, socio-economic, environmentalas well as informationalrights);

q AConstitution that formsthe underlying foundationforwomen’s development,genderequalityandanon-sexist society, and giveneffect through policies,

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legislation and institutionstogiveeffecttothisvision;

q Programmes aimed atmeetingbasicneedssuchashousing, roads, and accesstoelectricity,sanitationandwater;

q Theintegrationof securityforces and improvingaccess to the criminaljusticesystem;

q Programmes to empowerwomen and to transformgenderrelations;

q Improvingaccesstohealthcare and dealing with theburdenof disease;

q The introduction of anextensive system of socialgrants, free basic servicesand other social policiesto eliminate povertyand provide sustainablelivelihoods;

q Measures to develop ourhuman resources througheducationandskills;

q Aprogrammeof economictransformation that sawgrowth and some jobcreation after decades of stagnation;

q Theintroductionof strongelements of participatorydemocracy;and

q Building mutually-beneficial relations withothernations,andworkingfor a better Africa andbetterworld.

11. Given the nature of thepolitical settlement, thedemocratic movement usedthe breakthrough of 1994as a beach-head to lay thefoundation for a systemictransitionfromcolonialismtoaNationalDemocraticSociety.

12. Despite these major achieve-ments, the structural legacyof colonialism remain deeplyentrenched as reflected in thecolonial, sexist and super-exploitative structure of our economy; the spatialpatterns of development andunderdevelopment; and thesocial, human resources andinfrastructurebacklogs.

13. This structural legacy findsparticular expression in masspovertyandextremeinequality,which were inherent tocolonialism. The followingare amongst the issues, whichcontribute to the continuedpersistenceof thislegacy:q Theconstraintsduringthe

initial years after the 1994breakthrough, informedby the need to steer the

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country throughasmoothtransition buttressedby the sunset clauses,build mutual confidenceamong the historicalcontending forces andforge wider appreciationof theimperativesof socialchange.

q Ourtransitionin1994tookplaceinaglobalclimatethatwas hostile to progressivepolicies.This,coupledwiththestagnanteconomy,deepinequalities and systemicu n d e r d e v e l o p m e n tinherited from theApartheid years, imposedlimitationstotheoptionsatourdisposaltoeffectrapidfundamentalchange.

q Whilst we made progressintransformingthestateintermsof itsrepresentativity,orientation and its role,we continue to havechallengesof statecapacity,strategic coherence, theorientation of the publicservice and the capacityto effectively implementpolicies of change andmonitorandevaluate suchimplementation, thusimpactingonourabilitytodecisively effect broadersocial and economictransformation.

q Poor conduct on the partof sections of the ANCleadership, including newexpressions of corruptionandgreed,whichnotonlyresult in the wastage of public resources, but alsoundermine confidence of our people in governmentandinourmovement.

q Thechallengeof theunityandcohesionof theANCandtheAlliance,impactingnot only on the abilityto mobilise and organisethe motive forces intransformation,butalsoonthepaceof transformation.

q Slow progress inovercoming the inheritedstructure of the economy,such that despite a periodof sustainedgrowth, therehavenotbeenfundamentalchanges in the essentialstructure of the economy.This is characterised,amongst other things, bytradeimbalanceswithahighreliance on unbeneficiatedmineral exports and theimportation of high-value capital and luxurygoods, a relatively weaklydeveloped manufacturingand industrial sector,dysfunctional spatialdistortions, high levels of

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corporate concentrationin the financial, miningand retail sectorsand the concomitantweaknesses of smalland medium enterprisedevelopment, and regionalunderdevelopment.

q Despite many commen-dable gains, the workingclass has experiencedmassive challenges,including high rates of unemployment, decline intheir shareof thenationalincome,growthof practicessuch as outsourcing andsubcontracting – all of which can have the effectof weakening workers’bargainingpower.

q Insufficient attention topromoting a non-racial,non-sexist,deliberativeandparticipatory democraticculture within themovement and societygenerally.

q Failure to address thechallenge of expandingdemocratic rights withinan inherently exploitativesystem in which access toresources plays a centralrole.

GLOBAL BALANCE OF FORCES14. Over the past few years, the

centreof economicgrowthanddevelopmenthassystematicallyshifted from the North tothe South. Huge swathes of geographic locations in Asia,Latin America and Africahave experienced high ratesof economic growth anddevelopment, with hundredsof millions extricated fromabsolutepoverty.Thischangingbalance has accelerated withthe global economic crisis,locatedmainly in countries of theNorth.

15. At the same time, after twodecades of the dominance of laissezfairemarketideology,thiscrisis has reopened discourseon the relationship betweenthe state, the market and thecitizenonaglobalscale.Alongwith this, a global movementagainst extreme inequalitywithin and among nationsis taking root, challengingthe greed and ostentationthat has characteriseddistribution of wealth andincome. This has created amore favourable climate forprogressive alternatives thanwasthecaseatthestartof ourtransition.Added to this is the

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rapid technological changeincluding information andcommunication technologiesand expanding access to someof thesetechnologiesbypeoplesof thedevelopingworld.Atthesame time, the challenge of global warming presents bothopportunitiesandthreatstothewholeof humanity.

16. The rest of the Africancontinent, South Africa’simmediateneighbourhood,haslargely been positively affectedby thechangingglobalbalanceof economicpower.Atthesametime,theconsolidationof peaceand the spread of democraticgovernance and improvedeconomic management, hascreated immense opportunitiesfor growth and development.Manycountriesonthecontinentare experiencing high ratesof growth and improvementin the quality of life of theirpopulations.

17. These developments provideuniqueopportunitiesforSouthAfricatodiversifyitseconomicrelations, exploit/build on itscomparativeadvantageson thecontinent and across countriesof the South, and integratedifferently into the globaleconomy.

EMERGENT CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES18. WithinSouthAfrica,experience

inmanagingthetransitionandexperimenting with differentapproachesandinstrumentstodrivegrowthanddevelopmentstandsthestateandthecountryingoodstead.Thisexperienceincludes the developmentand implementation of infrastructure programmes,industrial policies and humandevelopment initiatives, aswell as deployment of state-owned enterprises, exerciseof competition regulationsand testing various forums of interactions among the socialpartners.

19. The positive changes thathave arisen out of access toopportunitybyaBlackmajorityhistorically excluded frommany professions and thecommanding heights of theeconomy have generated newdynamicsintheclassstructureof SouthAfricansociety.Whilethe distributionof wealth andincome is still largely definedin racial and gender terms, asignificant section of Blackpeople have risen into themiddleandupperstrata.

20. The limited progress in thenarrowingof theracialincome

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gap has been accompaniedby growing inequality acrosssociety as a whole, with alarge section of Black people,especially youth and women,mired in income poverty. Thepersistenceof these fault-lines– evenwithminor changes inthe racial dimension – has ledtoastrongsenseof injusticeinsociety,andhasthepotentialtoundermine progress and evenderailthecreationof aunited,democratic, non-racial, non-sexistandprosperoussociety.

21. The changing class structureof South African society andof the Black community inparticular, reflected in part inthe rise of Black middle andupperclasses,isaconsequenceof state policy and of opportunitiesattachedtoaccessto political and state power.Thispresentsthedangerof aninvertedcausalityandperverseincentive in which access topoliticalandstateinstitutionsispursued as the ladder throughwhich individuals can improvetheir personal socio-economiccircumstances, thuscorruptingthe body politic. This in turncan undermine the legitimacyof the state and the politicalsystemasawhole.

22. The transition has alsocoincidedwithandcontributedto changes in the nature of capital. This sector is mostlikely to resist fundamentaltransformation, and thus therelationshipcharacterisedbyanapproachof unityandstruggleof opposites.

23. Overall, there is a growingappreciation among varioussectors of society that thecurrent configuration of thecountry’s political economy isunsustainable. Leaders of allsectors of society are at onethat the levels of poverty andinequality are unsustainable.The clamour for a nationalvision and programme tospeedupmovement to sharedprosperityiscommonlyshared.

CHARACTER OF THE ANC AND THE TASKS OF ORGANISATIONAL RENEWAL24. Any project of thorough-

going transformation requiresa united revolutionarymovementrootedamongstthepeople,withacorpsof cadresand organisational capabilitiesto strategise, coordinate andimplement the programme of

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transformation. It requiresconsistency, determinationand vigilance on the part of the movement to deal withweaknessesandthreats,tobuildonitsstrengthsandtoseizeandcreate opportunities for morerapidmovement forward. Theleadership of the movementmustreflectthesequalitiesevenmoreprofoundly.

25. Concernshavebeenraisedoverthe past fifteen years aboutthe development of thesecapabilities within the ANCand the broader progressivemovement, in the changingenvironment. This refers tosuch developments as theimpactof political incumbencyon the character and tasks of the movement, the changesamongst themotive forcesandour society brought about bythe transformation of the lasttwo decades, the global andcontinental balance of forces,andtheimpactof globalisationand the mass information andcommunications revolution ontheANCandthemotiveforces.

26. It also refers to some of thesubjective developmentswithin our movement, all of which undermine its unity andcohesion, the extent to which

it remains rooted amongstthe people, and indeed itsability to pursue the NationalDemocraticRevolution. Thesedevelopments include abuseof state resources, factionalismanddivisions,thepoorstateof disciplineandaresultantdeclinein political consciousnessand activism. This promptedthe call by the 2007 NationalConferencefora‘sustained period of organisational renewal’. Butbeyondmoralexhortations, theANCandthebroaddemocraticmovement as a whole need todevelop a better understandingof the changing class structureof South African society,the relationship betweenthese changes and access tostate power and positions of authorityacrosssociety,andtheimpact this has on the broaddemocratic movement andsocietyatlarge.

27. This call for organisationalrenewalisevenmorerelevantasweenterthesecondcenturyof theANC’sexistence,andchartthewayforwardforourcountryforthecomingdecades.Amongthereflectionsontheoccasionof the centenary of theANCisacommonappreciationthatthe ANC survived over the

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past 100 years, due to, amongothers:q A consistent commitment

to the liberation of thepeople;

q Its deep roots andconnectionwiththepeople;

q Its vibrant internaldemocracy and collectiveleadership;

q Readiness and willingnessof its members to makesacrifices inpursuitof thecause of the people as awhole;

q Preparedness to acknow-ledge its weaknesses anddecisively address themin order to escalate andaccelerate the people’sstruggle;

q Abilitytoadapttochangingconditions and rise tothe occasion at criticalmoments;

q The engendering of the national liberationmovement, through thestruggles of women, asarticulated in the ANCWomen’s Charter of 1954and the Women’s Charterfor Effective Equality of 1994.

q Ability to uphold and

build unity across a broadfront of South Africansand progressive forces inthe world in pursuit of ahumanecause.

28. Organisational renewal isprincipally about building theANC’s resilience, enhancingits transformativecapacityanditsability toadapt tochangingsituationssothatitcancontinueto serve and lead the people.Theurgentandcentraltasksof renewalthereforeinclude:q Deepening our analysis

of the present political,economic and socialconjunctureandtheshiftsthat have happened since1994;

q Development and syste-matic implementationof cadre and leadershippolicy;

q Renewalof theANC’scorevaluesandsafeguardingitsreputation;

q Re-organising theANC organizationalmachinery to improve itsperformance in all thepillarsof transformation;

q StrengtheningtheAllianceandprogressivecivilsocietyas well as progressive

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socialmovements;q Building the strategic,

organizational andtechnical capacities of the ANC structures andcadreship to mobilizeand advance women’semancipation and genderequality; includingconsciousness raisingprogrammes for men,to empower them tounderstand and supportthe liberation of womenandgenderequality.

q Improvingthecapacityof the developmental state;and

q Improving financialsustainability and self-sufficiency of themovement.

29. This programme of renewalwillrequiresconsistentworkbythe leadership, cadreship andmembershipof ourmovementat all levels, to ensure thatwe root out the negativetendencies, and that the ANCstrengthens its capabilities asleaderof theprogressiveforcesandagentforchange.

30. Failure to do so will rendertheANC incapableof leadingsociety in moving to a newtrajectory of growth and

development. The revolutionwillstall;thesocialchasmswillwiden;andsocietywillberentapart.Assuch,if therewereanycentral factor to the progressof theSouthAfricannationinthis period of movement to anewphase, it is the quality of the ANC: its leadership, itscadreshipanditsmembership.

THE SECOND PHASE OF THE TRANSITION31. SouthAfricaisinacontinuing

and seamless transition fromApartheid colonialism to aNational Democratic Society.The interventions required tospeed up change, especiallywith regard to economic andsocial transformation, canbe understood as marking asecond phase in the transitionto a National DemocraticSociety. This second phaseof the transition should becharacterisedbydecisiveactionto effect thorough-goingeconomic transformation anddemocratic consolidation.This is critical in order toimprove people’s quality of life,butalso in thepromotionof nation-building and socialcohesion. For this to happen,the ANC, the Alliance andthe broad democratic forces

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need to renew themselves tochartthiscourseandleadinitsimplementation.

32. Atthecoreof thesecondphaseshouldbeaconcerteddrivetoeradicatepovertyandtoreduceinequality.EverySouthAfricanshould enjoy a decent qualityof life. This applies both toincome poverty and access tobasic services. The primaryfocus in this regard shouldbe higher rates of economicgrowth and social inclusion,reflected primarily in massivejobcreationskillsdevelopment,theprovisionof qualitypublicgoods and services and theexpansion of small, mediumenterprisesandcooperatives.

33. This requires deliberateefforts, among others, tobuild infrastructure, diversifythe industrial base, expandemployment opportunities,to develop a national systemof innovation to grow ourknowledge-based sectors,intensifyprogrammestoensureenvironmental sustainability,develop human resources, andimplementurgentprogrammestoeliminateyouthandwomenmarginalisation.

34. Programmestoextendaccesstobasicservicessuchaseducation,

health, water, electricity,sanitation and housing shouldbe intensified.While universalaccess should receive urgentattention, emphasis in thisphaseshouldalsobeplacedonthe quality of these services.Social grants should reach allwho are eligible; and decisivemeasures should be taken toprovidesustainablelivelihoods.

35. It is vital, on the occasionof the centenary of the1913 Land Act and given thesystematic programme of dispossession that was at thecoreof colonialism,toreiteratethe critical importance of access to land. Programmesto eradicate poverty and toreduce inequality will succeedonly if the land question issystematically addressed. Thisis recognising the importanceof landasanasset,a resourcefor economic activity andsustainable livelihoods, anindispensablemeans for socialprogrammes, a commonenvironmental inheritanceanda critical ingredient to theattainmentof humandignity.

36. The state should play acentral role in leading theinitiatives aimed at achievingadecentqualityof life for all.The programme to build a

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democraticdevelopmentalstatethat is responsive, legitimate,capableandaccountableshouldthereforebeintensified.

37. The realisation of these idealsrequires partnership acrossthe board, with the state andbusiness, labour, communityand other sectors workingtogether for the commongood.Inthisregard,thetruismthat ‘the people are their ownliberators’ remains as relevantasever,inthisnewphaseof thetransition.

38. The ANC welcomes andembraces Vision 2030 and theNationalDevelopmentPlanasacriticalbasisforunitedactionbyallSouthAfricanstobuildatrulyunited, non-racial, non-sexist,democratic and prosperoussociety. In many respects, theNational Development Planaccords with the objectivesof the ANC and its ownelaborationof thesecondphaseof the transition to aNationalDemocraticSociety.

THE PILLARS OF SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION 39. The transition from apartheid

colonialism to a nationaldemocratic society requiresthat the ANC, in theory andaction elaborates, implements

andreviewstheconcrete tasksacross the pillars of socio-economic transformation.These pillars have beenidentified in the 2007 Strategy and Tacticsdocument,asthekeystrategic terrains of struggleandtransformation:(a) Building a democratic

developmentalstate(b) Transformingtheeconomy(c) Ideological work and the

battleof ideas(d) Internationalwork(e) Mass mobilisation and

organisation.

40. The ANC should locateitself at the centre of thesepillars, improving its strategicapproaches, organisationalcapabilities and its links withthemotiveforcesineachpillar,appreciating the changingdynamics in society which arethemselves a product of theprogresssocietyhasmadeoverthepast18years.

OUR PROGRAMME OF NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC TRANSFORMATION41. What then are themain steps

that we need to take, in thesedifferent pillars, to bringus closer to the ideal of anational democratic society?

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The answer to this questionis informed by the characterof theNDR; the foundations,experiences and challenges of the first two decades; and ourreadingof thecurrentbalanceof forces.

42. In broad terms, our approachis informed by the idealscontained in the FreedomCharter, adopted at theCongressof thePeoplein1955.ThepracticalmeasurestowardsanationaldemocraticsocietyarecontainedintheReconstructionand Development Programme(RDP)adoptedbytheANC,theTripartiteAllianceandthebroadmass democratic movementin the run-up to the firstdemocratic elections. This wasfurtherupdated and elaboratedin Election Manifestos duringsubsequentelections.

CONCLUSION43. The 2007 52nd Conference

resolved that the balance of forces was shifting in favourof the forces of progress anda humaneworld order. Manyof thechangessince the52ndNational Conference confirmthebasicconclusionsreachedintheStrategy and Tacticsdocument.The central challenge remainsthatof intensifyingthestruggle

in linewith the five pillars, sothatwemakedecisiveprogressover the next two decadesin eradicating the legacy of apartheid colonialism and inbuildingaNationalDemocraticSociety.

44. More than ever before, thecapacity of the ANC toadapt to changing conditionsand to renew itself for newchallenges, will be the dividingline between revolution andcounter-revolution. While inthe trenches of anti-apartheidstruggle, the jackboot of oppressionimpelledcontinuousself-improvement,thecomfortsof access to political powerhave the insidious capacityto lull revolutionaries intocomplacency.

45. The motive forces of therevolutioncryoutforstrategic,decisive and ethical leadership.Societyyearnsforunitedactiontorealiseadecentqualityof lifeforall.Asweemergefromthis,the 53rd National Conferenceof ourmovement, takingplacein the year of its centenary,we rededicate ourselves tothe mission of freedom andservice to our people. ThusSouth Africa shall move fastertotherealisationof aNationalDemocraticSociety.

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CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION1. South Africa has entered its

Second Decade of Freedomwith the strengthening of democracy and accelerationof theprogrammetoimprovethequalityof lifeof allthepeople.Steadily,thedarknightof whiteminoritypoliticaldominationisrecedingintoadistantmemory.

2. Yet we are only at thebeginning of a long journeyto a truly united, democraticandprosperousSouthAfricainwhich the value of all citizensismeasuredby their humanity,without regard to race, genderandsocialstatus.

3. Theachievementof democracyin1994markedthebirthof ourcountry as an African nationon the southern tip of thecontinent. It provided South

Africans with the opportunityto:q setupagovernmentbased

on the will of the peopleandonpeople-centredandpeople-driven principles aspart of the process to de-racialise the economy andsocietyatlarge;

q pursue economic growth,development andredistribution so as toachieveabetterlifeforall;

q strengthen the ANC as aleaderintheimplementationof a practical programmeof social change and amovement rooted amongthepeople;

q build democracy, a cultureof humanrightsandavaluesystem based on humansolidarity;and

q work with African and

Strategy and tacticS of the ancAs Adopted by the 52Nd NAtioNAl CoNfeReNCe

16-20 deCembeR 2007, polokwANe, limpopo

Building a National Democratic Society

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global progressive forcesto advance humandevelopment in ourcountry,ourcontinentandacrosstheglobe.

4. These tasks, which are atthe core of the NationalDemocratic Revolution, haveto be undertaken in a globalenvironment of contradictorytendencies.

5. The dominance of a capitalistsystemwithminimalregulationpresents enormous challengesforsocialdevelopmentandforglobalgovernanceandsecurity.

6. Atthesametime,programmesof progressive social changeare finding pride of place ontheagendaof manydevelopingnations and some globalinstitutions. Most Africancountries have successfully setouttoresolveconflict,entrenchdemocracy and reconstructeconomies in a manner thatbenefitsthepeople.

7. This environment providesa basis for the advancementof the National DemocraticRevolution (NDR) in ourcountry.

8. However, this cannot beassumed. It depends on theability of progressive forces

to promote the positiveelementsinboththeglobalanddomesticsettingsandtoassertaprogressivevisionof theworldwewanttolivein.

FortheANC,thisalsomeansforginga corps of cadres unwaveringlycommittedto thecauseof change,andthemobilisationof themajorityof SouthAfricans to act asone inpursuitof abetterlifeforall.

CHAPTER II: Where we come from: STREAMS OF AN EMERGENT NATION

9. The South African nation is aproduct of many streams of historyandculture,representingthe origins, dispersal and re-integration of humanity overhundreds of thousands of years. Archaeological findingsinvariouspartsof thecountryand the rest of Africa havelocated South Africa and thecontinentat largeas thecradleof humankindandearlyformsof humancivilisation.

10. Fromtheearliestmanifestationsof intellectual activity; thesettlements of pastoralcommunities characterised byfoundries,artisanshipandtradeacross oceans; colonisation

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by Europeans; the slave tradeand indentured labour - SouthAfrica has emerged as one of themostdiversenationsacrosstheglobe.Thisisourcollectivenational heritage which weshouldcontinuetoresearchandengage,thebettertoappreciatewhoweareasanation.

11. Besides African inter-communal co-operation andwars of nation-formation,the greatest impact on theevolutionof theSouthAfricannation-state was made byEuropean colonial settlement.On the one hand, colonialisminterrupted internally-drivenadvancement of indigenousSouth African communitiesalong the ladder of humandevelopment. It resulted inthe subjugationof theAfricanpopulation, including theKhoiandtheSanwhoweresubjectedtogenocidalcampaigns,aswellas Indian communities andslaves from Southeast Asiaand other areas. On the otherhand, the advanced industrialbase of the colonial powerswhich made such subjugationpossible, introduced into theSouthAfricangeographicentitythe application of advancedformsof economicproductionandtrade.

12. The South African nation-state is a product of theseinteractions, characterisedbetween 1652 and 1994 byongoing and mostly violentconflictbetweentheoppressorsand the oppressed. Despitetheir heroic resistance, theAfricanpeopleweredefeatedinaseriesof warsthattookplaceover two-and-half centuriesof colonial expansion. Part of this resistance took the formof slave revolts in the CapeColony and elsewhere.Besidestheadvancedproductiveforcesat the disposal of the colonialpowers, one of the centralreasons for the defeat of indigenous communities wasdivision and conflict amongthesecommunitiesthemselves.

13. It speaks to South Africa’sstrategic geographic locationthat this territory experiencedcolonial intrusion earlierthan most African societies.The discovery of gold anddiamonds in the latter half of the 19th century laid thebasis for industrialisation, theemergence of more complexlinksof economicdependencewith Europe and NorthAmerica, and the subjectionof theBlackpopulation to theneedsof an emergent colonial

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capitalism. As a consequenceof theseandother factors, thecolonialdesignsof theimperialpowers were applied moresystematically; the Europeansettlersfoughtintenselyamongthemselves over the territory;andmostof thesesettlerscameto characterise SouthAfrica astheirhome.

14. As such,what emerged in ourcountry was Colonialism of a Special Type, with both thecoloniser and the colonisedlocated in a common territoryand with a large Europeansettler population. The dealbetween the descendants of Dutch settlers and the Britishimperial power at the end of the so-called Anglo-Boer Warformalised, in 1910, SouthAfrica’s statehood, premisedon the political oppressionand social subordination andexclusionof themajorityof thepeople.

15. TheAfricanNationalCongress(ANC)was formed in 1912 inpart as a response to this dealamong the colonisers, as wellasthedefeatof theBhambathaRebellionof 1906whichmarkedthe end of armed resistanceagainst colonial occupation.It was also a product of new

forms of African resistanceacross various parts of thecountryandtheglobe.

16. Startingoff withpetitionstothecolonialpowers,theANCoverthe years developed evermoremilitantformsof struggle,andfinally adopted armed struggleand formed UmkhontoweSizwe in 1961, a year afterits banning. Combined witharmed actions, the ANC andother resistance movementsusedinternationalmobilisation,underground organisationand mass mobilisation tochallenge colonialism and itsapartheid derivative. In thesevarious terrains of struggle,workers, the rural masses,women, youth, students, thereligious community, theintelligentsia, professionalsand other sections of societyplayedacriticalrole.Asduringthewars of resistance and theanti-slaverevolts,theydisplayedselflessness and heroism thatwill remain an inspiration tofuturegenerations.

17. Asaresultof generalisedmassrevolt, a situation was reachedin the late 1980s in whichthe system of white minoritydomination could no longerbe sustained. Yet at the same

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time, the liberation struggleat the head of which was theANC had not as yet amassedsufficientstrengthtooverthrowtheapartheidregime.

18. Elements within the SouthAfrican ruling class and itsinternational allies startedto weigh the implications of continuing popular revolt -anditsculminationintheoverthrowof the apartheid regime -on their interests within thecountry and the region.Whileit had always accepted thehuman and material cost of protracted struggle, the ANChad, as a matter of abidingprinciple, sought a morehumane resolution of theconflictwithout compromisingthebasicobjectivesof struggle.

19. Conditions were thus createdfor a negotiations processwhich resulted in a settlementunderpinned by non-racialdemocracy, with the first everdemocratic elections held inApril1994.

20. South Africa’s colonialexperience was based on theintersection of relations of power based on class, raceand gender. These social and/or biological features havebeenused inhumanhistory to

exclude,torepressandtostymietheprogressof individualsandcommunities.

21. Acrosstheglobe,thesepracticesrepresentedandinthemainstillrepresent the exercise of rawpower as opposed to humancompassion; relations basedon subjugation as opposed tohuman solidarity; greed andself-aggrandisementasopposedto shared prosperity; religionand other belief systems usedas justification for hatred andwar as opposed to spiritualand cultural advancement; andtreatment of the world as atheatre for narrow self-interestas opposed to the collectivewell-beingof humanity.

22. Because the struggle againstcolonialismsoughttoeliminatemost of themanifestations of theseiniquitoussocialrelations,it evolved to embrace the bestinhumancivilisationandvaluesystems.

23. While the anti-colonialstruggle could easily havebeenconducted asone againsta racial group, it rose abovethesecategoriestoembracetheprinciple of non-racialism: toseehumanityasoneanddiversityas a source of strength.Whileall communities, including the

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oppressors and the oppressed,evincedpatriarchalrelationsof power, the struggle evolved toappreciatetherealandpotentialrole of women, and that theirliberation from patriarchy wasand should be an integral partof thenewdemocracy.

24. While in the early years, theliberation movement reflectedsomecharacteristicsof elitism,itdevelopedoverthedecadestoappreciatetheplaceandroleof theworkingclassandthepoorboth as a critical social forceinproductionandtradeandasa militant contingent againstapartheidcolonialism.

25. Assuch,theliberationstruggleby oppressed communities,even in the midst of bitterconfrontation,developedmoralvalues of human compassionand solidarity far beyondthe narrow confines of itsopposition to the apartheidsocial system. It representedsomething good, not justsomethingbetterthanapartheid.It asserted the humanness of the human spirit - the searchforsocietiesatpeacewithinandamongthemselves.Itdevelopedto advocate the use of humanintelligence to advancecollective social comfort andtopreservetheendowmentsof

ourplanet andouter space forthe sustenance of current andfuturegenerations.

26. Inthissensetherefore,itisbothan honour and a challenge forthe ANC to claim the legacyof the liberation struggle, tooccupy the high ground of itsmoral suasion andwield itscompass.

CHAPTER III: Vision of our collective effort: CHARACTER OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION

27. If the progress we havemadesince 1994 constitutes onlythe beginning of a protractedprocess of change, what is itthatweaimfor!Whatkindof society do we seek to create?What is the character of theNDR?

28. Colonialism of a SpecialType contained within itself contradictions that could notbe resolved through reform. Ithad to be destroyed. As such,the system we seek to createwillstandorfallonthebasisof whether it is able to eliminatethe main antagonisms of thissystem.

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29. A national democratic societyconstitutes the ideal state weaspire to as the ANC and thebroad democratic movement.Itshouldthusnotbeconfusedwith tactical positions that theliberationmovementmayadoptfrom time to time, taking intoaccount the balance of forceswithinourcountryandabroad.Circumstances in which weconduct social transformationwillchangeallthetime.Andinthe process of effecting suchtransformation, there will besuccessesandsetbacks.

30. The liberation movementshould avoid the temptationtocrowoversuchsuccesses inthese early years as if we hadalready achieved our ultimateobjective. Nor should we seektojustifymistakesandsetbacksas unavoidable, pleading afixed setof circumstances andthusleadingusintothedangerof redefining the ultimateobjective.

31. This is where the line shouldbe drawn between strategy –the ultimate goal; and tactics– themethodsandactions thatrespond tochanging immediatecircumstances. Clearly, at alltimesweshoulddeveloptacticsthataresuitableforthespecificconditions under which we

operate.Butsuchtacticsshouldbeinformedbyourcommitmenttothestrategicgoal.

32. What does thismean in actualpractice?

33. Our definition of Colonialismof a Special Type identifiesthree interrelated antagonisticcontradictions: class, raceand patriarchal relations of power. These antagonismsfound expression in nationaloppressionbasedonrace;classsuper-exploitation directedagainst Black workers onthe basis of race; and tripleoppression of the mass of women based on their race,theirclassandtheirgender.

34. The National DemocraticRevolution is defined as suchprecisely because it seeks toabolish this combination of sourcesof socialconflict.Ithasnational and democratic tasks,anditshouldstrivetorealise:q a united state based on

the will of all the people,without regard race, sex,belief, language, ethnicityorgeographiclocation;

q a dignified and improvingqualityof lifeamongallthepeople by providing equalrightsandopportunities toallcitizens;and

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q the restoration of thebirthright of all SouthAfricans regarding accesstolandandotherresources.

35. The NDR seeks to build asociety based on the best inhuman civilisation in terms of political and human freedoms,socio-economic rights, valuesystemsandidentity.

36. Suchhumancivilisationshouldbe reflected, firstly, in theconstant improvement of themeanstotakeadvantageof ournatural environment, turn it tocollectivehumanadvantageandensureitsregenerationforfutureuse. Secondly, it should findexpression in themanagementof human relations based onpolitical equality and socialinclusivity. If there were tobe any single measure of thecivilisingmissionof theNDR,it would be how it treats themostvulnerableinoursociety.

37. One of the most critical actsof theNDRisthecreationof a legitimatestatewhichderivesits authority from the people,through regular electionsand continuing popularparticipationintheprocessesof governance. Mobilised arounda clear vision of the kind of societywewishtobecome,thenationshouldactinpartnership

– each sector contributing tothe realisationof thecommongood.Themeansshouldbeputinplaceforcitizenstoexercisetheirhumanrights,andforthechecks and balances necessaryin a law-governed society. Thedemocratic state should alsohave the organisational andtechnical capacity to realise itsobjectives.

38. As with any nation, SouthAfricans will continue to havemultiple identities based onclass, gender, age, language,geographiclocation,religionandsoon.Inanationaldemocraticsociety, such diversity shouldfeedintoanoverarchingnationalidentity. In itsownuniqueway,SouthAfricashouldemergeasaunitedAfricannation,addingtothediversityandidentityof thecontinentandhumanityatlarge.

39. Themaincontentof theNDRis the liberationof Africans inparticularandBlacksingeneralfrom political and socio-economic bondage. It meansuplifting the quality of life of all South Africans, especiallythepoor,themajorityof whomareAfrican and female.At thesame time it has the effect of liberatingthewhitecommunityfromthefalseideologyof racialsuperiority and the insecurity

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attached to oppressing others.The hierarchy of disadvantagesuffered under apartheid willnaturallyinformthemagnitudeof impact of the programmesof change and the attentionpaid particularly to those whooccupied the lowest rungs ontheapartheidsocialladder.

40. Precisely because patriarchaloppression was embedded inthe economic, social, religious,cultural, family and otherrelations in all communities,its eradication cannot be anassumed consequence of democracy. All manifestationsand consequences of patriarchy – from thefeminisation of poverty,physical and psychologicalabuse, undermining of self-confidence,toopenandhiddenforms of exclusion frompositions of authority andpower–needtobeeliminated.Critical in this regard is thecreation of the material andcultural conditions that wouldallowtheabilitiesof womentoflourish and enrich the life of thenation.

41. A nation’s success dependsalsoonitsabilitytoencourage,harnessandincorporateintoitsendeavoursthecreativity,daringandenergyof youth.Thisrelates

tosuchissuesasaccesstosocialand economic opportunities,engendering activism aroundissues of development andvaluesof communitysolidarityandcreatingthespaceforyouthcreativitytoflourish.

42. Among the most vulnerablein society are children andthe elderly: and a nationaldemocratic society shouldensure their protection andcontinuous advancement. Suchisthechallengealso inrelationto people with disability -not merely as a matter of social welfare; but based onthe recognition of the rightof each individual to dignityand development and of thecontributionthateachcanmaketothecollectivegood.Inmanyrespects, there is a critical linkbetweentheobjectiveconditionof children, the elderly andpeople with disability andpoverty.

43. Implementing these correctivemeasuresrequiresmorethanjustreferences to general politicalrights. A continuing elementof democratic transformationshould be a systematicprogramme to correct thehistorical injustice and affirmthose deliberately excludedunderapartheid–on thebasis

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of race, class and gender. Theneed for such affirmativeactionwill decline in the samemeasureasallcentresof powerandinfluenceandothercriticalspheres of social endeavourbecome broadly representativeof thecountry’sdemographics.In the process, all inequalitiesthat may persist or arise willneedtobeaddressed.

44. Apartheid colonialism visitedsuch devastating consequencesonBlack communitiesbecauseit ordered the ownership andcontrol of wealth in such amannerthatthesecommunitieswere deliberately excluded andneglected.

45. Therefore, fundamental tothe destruction of apartheidis the eradication of apartheidproduction relations. This ismorethanjustanissueof socialjustice.It isalsoaboutthefactthattheserelationshadbecomeabrakeontheadvancementof technologyandcompetitivenessof theeconomy.

46. A national democratic societyshould be founded on athrivingeconomythestructureof which should reflect thenatural endowments of thecountry and the creativity thata skilled population can offer.

It should be an economy inwhichcuttingedge technology,labour-absorbing industrialdevelopment, a thriving smallbusinessandco-operativesector,utilisation of information andcommunication technologiesand efficient forms of production and managementall combine to ensure nationalprosperity. This is conditionalonensuring that thebrain andbrawn of all of society arebroughttobearonalleconomicactivity. It requires de-racialisation of ownership andcontrolof wealth,managementandtheprofessions.

47. In this regard, such a societywill place a high premium onredistribution of land in bothurban and rural areas for thebenefit of those who weredeniedaccessundercolonialism.Such access must be providedfor a variety of purposesincluding agriculture, housing,environmental preservation,mining and other economicactivity, public utilities andspaces, entertainment andother uses. In order to ensureeffective and sustainable landand agrarian reform, effectivemeasureswillbeputinplacetoassist‘emergent’andsmall-scalefarmersandco-operatives.

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48. Athrivingeconomyinanationaldemocratic society requires asefficient a market as possible,shornof theracialandgenderexclusions that characterisedapartheid colonialism, andfreed from the barriers toentry and competition thatthe economy endured undercolonial capitalism. It will alsorequire a state able to use itscapacities to direct nationaldevelopment through fiscalredistribution, utilisation of State-owned Enterprises andeffectiveregulation.

49. A national democratic societywill have a mixed economy,with state, co-operativeand other forms of socialownership, and private capital.The balance between socialand private ownership of investment resources will bedetermined on the balance of evidenceinrelationtonationaldevelopment needs and theconcrete tasks of theNDR atanypointintime.

50. Inthisregard,thestatewillrelatetoprivateownersof investmentresourcesinthecontextof thenational objective to build abetter life for all. Through itsvariouscapacities the statewillencourage socially-beneficialconductonthepartof private

business. Similarly, throughsuch capacities, it will ensurethat these investors are abletomake reasonable returns ontheirinvestments.

51. Social cohesion in a nationaldemocratic society will alsodependontheextenttowhichtherightsof thoseinthelowerrungs of the socio-economicladder are protected. Such asociety should proceed fromthe obvious premise thatworkers’ rights are humanrights; and these rights shouldfindexpressioninlaw-governedmeasurestoensuredecentjobs,job security and a livingwage.Through legislation and othermeans,thestateshouldmanagethe environment for fair andbalanced relations betweenemployersandemployees.

52. Particular attention in sucha society should be paid toconditions of the poor inrural areas. This also appliesthe life circumstances of suchgroups as citizens in informalsettlements as well as female-headedandsinglehouseholds.

53. A national democratic societyshould use the redistributivemechanism of the fiscus toprovide a safety net for thepoor. As such, built into its

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social policy should be acomprehensive social securitysystem which includes variouselements of the social wagesuch as social grants, freebasic services, free education,free health care, subsidisedpublic transport and basicaccommodation.

54. A national democratic stateshould continually implementintegrated anti-povertyprogrammes, ensuring thatthese programmes address notonly social assistance, but alsothe sustainable integration of all communities intoeconomicactivity.Thisiscriticalindealingwithpovertyingeneral,butalsoin addressing the condition of themajorityof women.

55. All these measures areimportant for social cohesion.They should be supported byjoint efforts among all sectorsof society to strengthencommunity organisation andmobilisation around issuespertaining to sport, women’srights, youth interests, thebattleagainstcrimeandsoon.Therealsoshouldbedeliberatecollective action to promote apositive role by the institutionof thefamily.Thepublicmediaalsohaveacriticalroletoplayinpromotingsocialcohesion.

56. Critical elements of a valuesystem based on humansolidarity should include pridein social activism and respectfor an honest day’s work.They should include socialdissuasion against conspicuousconsumption, ostentatiousnessandcorruption.Thisispartof theideologicalengagementthatshouldbeapermanent featureof the process of change,involving both the state andcivilsociety.

57. Whether such common socialdecency is achievable undera market-based system withits tendency to reproduceunderdevelopment andinequality,inaglobalisedworld,is an issue on which societyshould continually engage itsmind.Concretepractice,ratherthan mere theory, will helpanswer this question. Whatis clear though is that suchwas the symbiosis betweenpolitical oppression and theapartheidcapitalistsystemthat,if decisiveactionisnottakentodealwitheconomicsubjugationand exclusion, the essence of apartheid will remain, with afew black men and womenincorporatedintothecourtyardof privilege.Theoldfault-lineswill persist, and social stabilitywillbethreatened.

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58. Anationaldemocraticsocietyis,bydefinition,madeupof variousclasses and strata. The NDRseeks to eradicate the specificrelations of production thatunderpinned the national andgender oppression and super-exploitation of the majorityof SouthAfricans. Itdoesnoteradicate capitalist relationsof production in general. Itshould therefore be expectedthat in a national democraticsociety class contradictionsand class struggle, particularlybetween the working classand the bourgeoisie, will playthemselves out. As such, anational democratic state willbe called upon to regulatethe environment in whichsuch contradictions manifestthemselves, in the interest of nationaldevelopmentincludingfundamental socio-economictransformation.

59. Inbroadterms,theNDRseeksto ensure that every SouthAfrican, especially the poor,experiences an improvingqualityof life.Itseekstobuildadevelopmental state shaped bythehistoryandsocio-economicdynamics of South Africansociety. Such a statewill guidenationaleconomicdevelopmentand mobilise domestic andforeigncapitalandothersocial

partnerstoachievethisgoal.Itwillhaveattributesthatinclude:q capacitytointerveneinthe

economyintheinterestof higherratesof growthandsustainabledevelopment;

q effecting sustainableprogrammes thataddress challenges of unemployment, povertyand underdevelopmentwith requisite emphasisonvulnerablegroups;and

q mobilising the people as awhole, especially the poor,toactastheirownliberatorsthrough participatory andrepresentativedemocracy.

60. The ANC therefore seeks tobuild democracy with socialcontent. Informed by ourown concrete conditions andexperiences, this will, in somerespects, reflect elements of the best traditions of socialdemocracy, which include: asystemwhich places the needsof the poor and social issuessuch as health care, educationandasocialsafetynetatthetopof thenationalagenda; intenserole of the state in economiclife;pursuitof fullemployment;quest for equality; strongpartnershipwiththetradeunionmovement; and promotion of internationalsolidarity.

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CHAPTER IV: Progress in changing society: SHIFTING DOMESTIC BALANCE OF FORCES

61. How far then have wemovedup theroad towardsanationaldemocratic society? In whatwayshasthebalanceof forceschanged since the advent of democracy?

62. Our starting point in thisregard is that revolutionarydemocrats shall notfind socialrelations of the new orderripe and ready for harvestingat the point of transfer of power. A national democraticsocietyisaconsciousconstruct,dependentonconsciousactionbypoliticallyadvancedsectionsof society.

63. A mere decade-and-a-fewyears after the democratictransitionin1994,theliberationmovement can claim greatprogress towards a democraticandprosperoussociety.

64. Butwearenotsatisfiedwiththecurrent order of things. Overtheyearsof democraticrule,wehavebecomeevenmorekeenlyaware that we should not beblinded by form: the fact thatblacks are, for the first time,occupying the highest political

offices in the land; as distinctfrom content: the reality thatcolonial relations in somecentres of power, especiallythe economy, remain largelyunchanged.

65. It is possible in nationalliberation processes to marktime, tinkering with socialrelations under the veneer of formalpoliticaldemocracy.Yetaswithallhistoricalphenomena,to mark time is to move inreverse. The consequence iseither gradual regression, witha self-satisfied elite unsighted;or a rapid collapse of socialcohesion under the weight of povertyandlawlessness.

66. The political transition of theearly 1990s was premised ona few basic principles: firstly,that the outcome of thenegotiations process wouldnot be a compromise betweenapartheid and democracy butwould as rapidly as possibleresult in democratic majorityrule. Secondly, the InterimConstitution prescribedthe need for a multi-partygovernment at national andprovinciallevels.Thirdly,itwasconsidered prudent to ensureorderlymanagementof theexitof senior functionaries of theapartheidstateandgraduallaw-

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based transformation of stateinstitutions such as the army,thepolice,intelligenceagenciesand the judiciary. Fourthly,changes in local governmentwereintroducedinstages,withfully-fledged democracy beingachievedonlyintheyear2000.

67. During negotiations, repre-sentativesof thepreviousordersought anoutcome thatwouldleave many elements of theapartheid system intact. Onthe other hand, the liberationmovementsuedfordemocraticmajority rule as understoodthroughout the world. Thetransitionalmeasureswereseenby the liberation movementas necessary compromises toensure the broadest possiblelegitimacy of the new orderand to use the advancesmadeas a beach-head to a trulyunited, non-racial, non-sexist,democratic and prosperoussociety.

68. At the point of change of government in 1994, the statewasmannedatallsenior levelsby apartheid functionaries; theeconomywas almost totally inthe hands of whites;many of thepartiessoughtconstitutionaloutcomesthatwouldguaranteewhite privilege; and networksof apartheidandextremeright-

wing destabilisation remainedburrowed, or had multiplelinks, within the state. Theseand other realities impactedon the manner in which theprogrammes of change wereintroduced.

69. Howhasthesituationchangedsincethen?

70. SouthAfricaenjoysasystemof vibrant multi-party democracy,withaprogressiveBillof Rightswhichrecognisespolitical,socio-economic and environmentalrightsandobligations,andwithseparationof powersamongtheexecutive, the judiciaryandthelegislatures.Beyond the formalprocesses of regular electionsand legislatures, various formsof legislatedandother forumsensurepopularparticipation.

71. The Constitution enjoys therespect of the overwhelmingmajority of the population,and it is seen as the canvassupon which South Africans’freedom of spirit can findexpression.While somewithinthe ranks of those who wereprivilegedunderapartheidmayharbourill-feelingstowardstheprocess of change and evinceracist attitudes, virtually all of them accept that their aimsand views should be pursuedwithin the constitutional

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and legal framework. Whilepockets of ethnic chauvinismand regionalism still manifestthemselves and may take newformsunderthenewconditions,our society has made massiveprogressinensuringacommonnationalidentity.

72. We have started to transformstateinstitutionsthroughpolicyframeworks and practicesthat guide them as well asimprovements in their racialand gender profiles. A stateentity has emerged that enjoyssuch allegiance that only themostfanaticalcandarefrontallytochallengeit.Yet,muchmoreneeds to be done further totransformstateinstitutions,andconsolidate their legitimacy intheeyesof society.

73. The ANC must continue toexercise maximum vigilanceagainst forces which seek tosubvert social transformation.Indeed, there are continuingattempts by forces connectedto the old apartheid orderand international reactionto undermine the stateand to disorganise, weakenand destroy the liberationmovement through clandestinemeans, including all kindsof manipulation within andoutside its ranks. In addition,

marginalisation and destitutioninherited from apartheid andthe kind of greed representedby organised crime do createfertile ground for lumpenelements whose actions canhave counter-revolutionaryimplications.

74. Thesameappliestoweaknesseson the part of governmentacrossall spheresprogressivelyto fulfil its responsibilities tocommunities, including serviceprovision and consultations,which can generate upheavalsthat may be taken advantageof by forces opposed tofundamental change. Further,weaknesses of organisationand political coherence withinthe ANC and its broad alliescan open up space whichcan be exploited by counter-revolutionaryforces.

75. Many short-comings remain inensuringthatallcitizensareableinactualpracticetoexercisetheirrights; in the efficiency of thestate; and in changingmindsetswithinvarious state institutions.However, as a broad canvass,the Constitution and the statesystem provide the requisitewherewithal to implementobjectivesof theNDR.

76. Sincetheadventof democracy,a new polity has emerged,

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with the liberation movementled by the ANC at its head.This movement has graduallymastered the science and artof electoralpoliticsandgrownin experience as the leadingforce ingovernment.Thishas,however,beenaccompaniedbyadecliningpresenceinthemassterrain.

77. Theachievementof democracyhas opened up critical spacefor organisations of civilsociety to flourish. This findsexpression in the growthand activism particularly of the labour movement andsome community-based andother non-governmentalorganisations dealing withgeneric or single-issuecampaigns.However,this‘socialmovement’ has manifestedcontradictory features underdemocracy. This is partlydue to the haemorrhaging of experienced cadreship, andtendencies towards mechanicaloppositionism in relation togovernment or towards anexclusive focus on narrowself-interest. The question of the role of progressive tradeunionism within the state, inrelation to broader issues of providing services to citizens,thefightagainstcorruptionandrevolutionary transformation

of thestateitself hasnotbeenadequatelyaddressed.

78. While a battery of legislationand programmeshas been putinplacetotransformthesocio-economic dynamics of SouthAfrican society, the changes inthissphereillustratethedistancethat stillhas tobe traversed toachievenationaldemocracy.

79. Theremovalof theglassceilingof apartheidhas created spacefor many Blacks to rise intothe middle and upper strataof society.Itisinthesemiddlesectors where the greatestdynamism in income mobilityis to be found. However,the improvement in Blackand female ownership andcontrol of wealth and accessto management and manyprofessionsisstill limited,withoverall proportions which areinverselyrelatedtothecountry’sdemographics. This is morestarkly reflected in terms of landownership.Assuch,whileprogressiveforceshaveattainedpolitical power, economicpower remains largely in thehandsof thewhiteminority.

80. Even more critically, trendsdo indicate a persistence of the poverty trap – a form of marginalizedSecondEconomycommunity excluded form

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the advanced First Economymainstream – afflicting mainlyBlackpeople,especiallywomen.

81. Majorimprovementshavebeenregistered at the turn of theSecond Decade of Freedomin terms of the economy’srate of labour-absorption andgenerationof self-employment.Butthesehavenotmatchedtheneeds of society. At the sametime, while the achievementof macroeconomic balanceshas released huge resourcesfor social and economicexpenditure by government,this has not translated intoratesandqualityof investmentneeded todealwith the legacyof apartheid.

82. Combined with this is therestructuring of the economy,which has resulted in higherlevels of competitiveness andbetteraccesstoworldmarkets;but also in the ascendancyof the services sector whichrequires fewer, skilled jobs. Atendency has also developedin the period since 1994for the informalisation of jobs, contracting out andutilisation of labour brokersaffecting particular sectorsof the economy. While theachievementof democracyhasresulted in a better regime of workers’ rights, this tendency

has undermined the quality of jobs, job security and unionactivismintheaffectedsectors.

83. Theperiodsince1994hasalsoseen other macrosocial trendsthatinclude:q rapidratesof migrationto

areaswithbettereconomicpotential, with resultantsprawls of informalsettlements in the majorcitiesandtowns;

q greaterself-assertionbytheyouth in taking advantageof professionsnowopenedup and opportunities inthe arts and other areas;butalsomarginalisationof millions of young peoplewhodonothave theskillsrequiredbytheeconomy;

q bettergenderrepresentationin the legislatures andother organs of state; butalso slow progress in theprivate sector and seriousmanifestations of povertyandwomenabuse;

q betteradvocacyandaccessin relation to the rightsof people with disability,but a huge legacy of marginalisation;and

q greater focus on therights of children, but stillunacceptablelevelsof childpovertyandabuse.

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84. The state has massivelyexpanded access to welfaregrants; and the social wageincludes such elements for thepoor as free and compulsoryeducation, free health care,free basic services, and assetprovision through the housingand land reform programmes.Steadyprogresshasbeenmadein the battle against crime.However, the reach of suchprogrammesisstillconstrainedby access to information,availability of resources andcapacityof thestate.

85. The gradual reduction in lifeexpectancy at the turn of the 21st Century is a matterof great concern; and it isinfluencedmainlybytheimpactof HIVandAIDS.Atthesametime, we need to address thechallengeof crime,particularlyuniquefeaturessuchasrandomviolence, disrespect for humanlife, as well as women andchild abuse. These are inpart a consequence of socialconditions, gender stereotypesandnegativevaluesystemssuchasgreed.

86. The legitimacy of the statesystem is reflected partly inthe growing number of SouthAfricans of all colours whoview their national identity

as the primary form of self-identification. In the middlerungs of the socio-economicladder, there is much inter-racial acculturation especiallyamong the youth. But themajority of South Africansstillremainseparatedbyawidechasmof income,skills,assets,spatial settlement patternsand access to opportunities.The majority of the poor aredisproportionately Black andfemale.

87. Combined with this chasmand high levels of inequalityis a value system withinsociety that encouragesgreed, crass materialism andconspicuous consumption.These are tendencies thatgo beyond the necessaryspirit of entrepreneurship,ambition, daring, competitionand material reward that areinherent to a market-basedsystem and perhaps to humandevelopmentingeneral.Relatedtothisisthefactthatthemeansof ideological discourse aredominated by forces with anoutlookthatiseitherambivalentor hostile to principles of human solidarity. Among theconsequences of all this arevacuous media discourse,corruption in state institutions

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andcorporategreedreflectedinoutrageous executive packages,short-termism in the conductof business and private sectorcorruption.

88. Overall,since1994,thebalanceof forceshas shifted in favourof the forces of change. Itprovides thebasis for speedierimplementationof programmestobuildatrulydemocraticandprosperous society. The legaland policy scaffolding for thisis essentially in place.Most of society wants this to happen.At least in public discourse,exceptforatinyminority,thoseapprehensive about changeexpresstheirconcernsmore intermsof paceandscale ratherthansubstance.

89. Thecriticalquestionsthereforeare: is society mobilised for faster progress?! Does the liberation movement have the cadreship able not only to withstand the pull of negative values but also to lead society along the road towards a caring nation that a national democratic society should be?!

CHAPTER V: Drivers of change: MOTIVE FORCES OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION

90. Who then are the drivers of change?

91. TheANCseekstomobiliseallSouth Africans to contributeto the ongoing transformationof our country. In doing this,we strive to appeal to andfoster a common sense of SouthAfricannessandasharedresponsibility for our commondestiny among all citizens of SouthAfrica,blackandwhite.

92. Yet,anymajorhistoricalprocessof socialtransformationhastobe driven by a core of classesandstratathatobjectivelystandto benefit from and have thecapacity together todrive suchchange.

93. It should be emphasised,though,thatthemereprospectof objective benefit doesnot necessarily translate intorevolutionary consciousnessand resolve to act in thecollective interest. Nor doesthe factof belonging to eitherside of the divide remove thepossibility of individuals fromtheseclassesandstrataaligningthemselveswiththeantagonists.

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94. Italsostandstoreasonthattheextentof receptivenesstoideasof change and commitmentto take part in struggle wouldin broad terms depend on therole in the production processandthedepthof subordinationand exclusion. In otherwords,among the classes and stratasuing for change, therewill beconcentriccirclesorahierarchyof involvement.

95. Historically,theliberationmove-ment characterised Africans inparticular andBlacks ingeneralasthemotiveforcesof theNDR.Thesecommunitieswere,bylaw,defined outside of the politicalsystem except as servants of white minority domination. Inclass terms, theyweremadeupof workers and the rural poor,themiddlestrataincludingsmallbusiness operators, and real oraspirantcapitalists.

96. The liberation movementdefinedtheenemy,ontheotherhand, as the system of whiteminority domination with thewhite community being thebeneficiaries and defenders of thissystem.Theseinturnweremade up of workers, middlestrataandcapitalists.Monopolycapitalwasidentifiedasthechief enemyof theNDR.Itwasalsoemphasised that apartheid wasnotinthelong-terminterestof

thewhitecommunity.

97. More than ten years intodemocracy,doesthisstillapply?To answer this question weneed to examine the strategicobjectives of the NDR andchanging socio-politicaldynamicsunderthenewsystem.

98. As indicated earlier, thecharacterof theNDR–intermsof thesocialcontradictionsthatitseekstoresolve–remainsthesame.Theprogressmadesincethe attainment of democracyis such that we are still someway from the ideal societyof national democracy. Theownership and control of wealthandincome,thepovertytrap, access to opportunityandsoon–areallinthemaindefined,asunderapartheid,onthebasisof raceandgender.

99. Assuch,thecentraltaskinthecurrentperiodistheeradicationof thesocio-economiclegacyof apartheid; and thiswill remainso for many years to come.However, the establishmentof agovernmentbasedon thewill of thepeople, progress inthetransformationof thestate,the codification of rights andimplementation of progressivesocio-economic programmesrepresentamajorchangeinthesocio-politicalenvironment.

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100. Given all these factors, howthendowedefine thedriversof changetoday:whicharetheforcesthattheANCreliesontoachieveitsobjectives?

101. To the extent that the socio-economic legacy of apartheidcontinues to manifest innational terms, to that extentare Africans in particular andBlacks in general the motiveforcesof theNDR.Profoundself-interest impels them toactinthecollectiveinteresttorealise the strategic objectivesof the NDR. They are thedrivers of reconstruction anddevelopment. As in the pastwhen they rose above thepolitics of race hatred, thesecommunities do carry theresponsibility of leading theprocess of nation-buildingandreconciliationtoo.Criticalfor them to play this role isthedefenceandconsolidationof unity across ethnic andracial divides, to fight racismand tribalism whenever andwherever they rear their uglyhead.

102.Inclassterms,theseforcesaremade up of black workers:employed and unemployed,rural and urban. The earlyand extensive developmentof capitalism in South Africa

ledtotheemergenceof blackworkers as the majority inour society. They are locatedstrategically at the heart of modern production andservices. Because of and inadditiontothis,theirsenseof organisation and mobilisationlocates them as the mainmotiveforceandtheleaderof theprocessof change.

103.Theirtasksinthisphaseof theNDR include: advancing thestruggle for quality jobs andjobsecurity;buildingclassandnational solidarity among allsectors of workers includingcausalised, informalised andunemployedworkers;ensuringa strategic contribution bypublic sector workers to thetransformation of the stateand efficient provision of services to the population;directing the employment of institutional capital in whichworkers have a large staketowards developmental goals;and leading in the definitionof a common vision and inimplementing a commonprogramme of action amongall the motive forces and thenationasawhole.Inadditionto leading in mass struggles,theworkingclasswillcontinueto enjoy the confidence of the rest of themotive forces

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and advance its own interestsif it is also able to wield theopportunitiesandinstrumentsprovidedbydemocracy–botheconomic and political – toadvancesocialtransformation.

104. A significant part of theworking class in our countryare the rural poor, mostlyunemployed, landless,engaged in self-employmentthrough survivalist micro-entrepreneurial activity orfarm-workersininsecurelow-payingjobs.Landdispossessionandmarginalisation destroyedany semblance of an Africanpeasantry in our country,reducingtheseruralareasintoreserves for cheap labour.In addition to the strategicchallenges that face workersin general, these ruralmassesface tasks that include: takingactive part in defining andimplementing strategies forrural development; enhancingthestruggleforruralworkers’rights; advancing the landreform programme; andmobilising for the optimalutilisationof agricultural landand other activities in theagriculturalvaluechain.

105.Aspartof themotiveforces,theblackmiddlestrataconstituteacritical resourceof theNDR.Theyincludetheintelligentsia,

small business operators andprofessionals. Besides theirvariedidentificationwitheitherof themainclasses,thesestrata–especiallytheintelligentsia–not only provide professionalskills,butalsoarecriticalinthedetermination of culture andvaluesystems.Theyarecalledupon toplayanactive role inthe provision of a variety of services to the population;in fostering a culture of searching for new and betterways of doing things; andin promoting progressiveintellectual discourse throughthemedia, the arts and otherplatforms.

106.Theachievementof democracyin1994hasseenthedramatic,if still exceedingly limited,emergence of the blackcapitalistgroup.Thisgroupisinmostrespectsaproductof democratic change, a directcreation of the NDR. Thecontinued advancement of the revolution, particularlythe necessary de-racialisationof ownership and control of wealthand income, is in theirobjectiveinterest.Inthissensethey are part of the motiveforces,with greatpotential toplayacriticalrole inchangingthe structure of the SouthAfrican economy: developing

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national forces of productionin line with the characterof the national democraticsociety including an extensivemanufacturing base, researchand development, localeconomic development, job-creation,skillsdevelopmentaswellasnationalandcontinentaleconomicintegration.

107. However, because their riseis dependent in part on co-operation with elements of established white capital,they are susceptible to co-option into serving itsnarrow interests – and thusdeveloping into a compradorbourgeoisie. Because theiradvancement is dependenton a variety of interventionsand,aswithallprivatecapital,on opportunities provided bythe state, they are constantlytemptedtousecorruptmeansto advance their personalinterests–andthusdevelopinginto a parasitic bureaucraticbourgeoisie. The liberationmovementmustguardagainstandcombatthesetendencies.

108.Whataboutthevariousclassesand strata within the whitecommunity?

109.VirtuallyallSouthAfricanspayallegiance to theConstitution.Increasingnumbers, including

among thewhites, entertain asense of collective belongingto South Africa. It can beargued thatmost in thewhitecommunity have come torealise that, indeed, non-racial democracy is in theirimmediate and long-terminterest. This, combined withthesocialdynamicswithinthemiddlestrataandacculturationreferred to earlier, brings tothefore thequestionwhethermerelybydintof beingwhite,this community still can bedefined as antagonists of NDR!

110. In terms of practicalexperiences especially inthe private sector, publicdiscourseandvotingpatterns,itseemsthatmanyinthewhitecommunitystillhavetorealisethatthepovertyandinequalityspawnedby apartheid arenotintheirlong-terminterest,andthatblackpeopleareascapableas anyone else to lead andexerciseauthorityinallspheresof life. This derives in partfrom historical socialisationbased on the false ideologyof racism, which needscontinuallytobecombated.

111. But, unlike before, whenantagonists across theapartheid divide were

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locked in mortal combat,engagement around issues of transformationinademocracyforms part of legitimatediscourse and electoralpolitics. Those who continueto resist change within theconstitutional framework areopponents in a democraticorder.Theirpoliticalandotherorganisations are legitimateexpressions of a schoolof thought that should bechallenged, but at the sametime accepted as part of democraticengagement.

112. It behoves the liberationmovement to persist inclarifying the long-termself-interest that the whitecommunity shares in riddingour society of the legacy of apartheid. Indeed, formalpolitical democracy includingthe new human rights regimewould be imperilled if conditions of abject povertyandmassiveinequalitypersist.

113. In this regard, the liberationmovementmust lead each of theclassesandstratawithintheBlackcommunityinnarrowingthe racial chasm.This appliesmoreso to the working classwhich,by reachingout acrossthe racial divide within thisclass, should be the lightning

rod to the emergence of inclusive nationhood. Butit also does apply in largemeasure to the middle strataespecially the intelligentsia,andthecapitalistclass.

114. What about the place androle of monopoly capital?There are fundamental areasof divergence between theobjectives and value systemsof the ANC and thoseof monopoly capital. Inparticular, there is much inthe nature and behaviour of privatemonopoliesthathastheeffect of constraining higherrates of growth and skewingdevelopment. These includemonopoly pricing and otherforms of rent-seeking, selfishimport parity pricing, barrierstoentryinsomeindustriesandavaluesystembasedongreedandcrassmaterialism.

115.Theapproachof theliberationmovement to privatecapital, including monopolycapital, is informed by ourunderstandingof thenationaldemocraticsocietyasasystemthat encourages competition,promotes sustainable labour-absorbingactivity,discouragesrent-seeking in the form of super-profits arising frommonopoly control and other

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selfishadvantagesandsoon.

116. The relationship between thenational democratic state andprivate capital in general isone of ‘unity and struggle’,co-operationandcontestation.On the one hand, thedemocratic statehas tocreatean environment conducivefor private investments fromwhich the investors canmake reasonable returns, andthrough which employmentand technological progresscan be derived. On theother hand, through state-owned enterprises, effectiveregulation, taxation andother means, the state seeksto ensure redistribution of income, to direct investmentsinto areas which will helpnational development, to playa central role in providingpublic goods and broadly toensure social responsibility.The balance between ‘unity’and ‘struggle’ will be dictatedtobythestrategicimperativesof theNDR.

117.As such, the democratic stateshould have the strategiccapacity and the instrumentsto deal with these negativetendencies, while at the sametimemobilisingprivatecapitalin general to partner it in

increasingratesof investmentandsustainablejob-creation.

118. Across all these class andnational permutations areto be found women in theirvarious capacities.Asworkersthey bear the greatest burdenof super-exploitation andpoverty. As survivalist micro-entrepreneurs, they are calledupon to provide use-valuestoworking class communitiesunder unbearable conditions.Asmiddlestrataandbusiness-persons, they are compelledto hew theirway through thejungle of male-dominatedprofessionsandenvironments.In the home, they carry theburden of nurturing familiesand are forced to reproducerelations of patriarchy. Inchallenging these anomaliesalong with progressive men,women form, in genderterms, the bedrock of theconstruction of a caringnation.

119. These then are the core, thereal and the potential driversof change in the NationalDemocratic Revolution.Muchclearer thanbefore, theconcentric circles of unitedaction are taking shape, withBlackworkersatthecoreandBlackcommunitiesbroadlyas

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themotiveforces.

120. Unlike before, when whitesupport for non-racialdemocracy and socialtransformation was anexception to the rule,large sections within thiscommunity accept at leastthe imperatives of theNational Constitution. Assuch,taperingoff towardstheouteredgesof theconcentriccircles of drivers of changeis thebalanceof thenation’smajority – made up of allraces–steadilyforgingasocialcompactof commoninterest.

121. Across these circles theintertwining of Black andwhiteinterestsistakingshape,with the definitions of thepaststartingtofade.Asthesecircles intertwine and thecurrents across them flowinto one another, so will theobjectives of the NDR bereaching maturity. Commoninterests will increasinglybe forged across the racialdivide within the varioussocial classes and strata.Andso, other defining issues inpursuit of other strategicobjectives may become theparamount driving forces forcontinuingchange.

CHAPTER VI: Organisational leader of change: CHARACTER OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

122.Giventhevisionof anationaldemocratic society and themotiveforcesof change,whatshould be the character of the movement to lead socialtransformation?

123.To carry out theNDR in thecurrent phase requires aprogressivenationalliberationmovementwhich:q understands the inter-

connection betweenpolitical and socio-economic challenges inoursociety;

q leadsthemotiveforcesof theNDRinpursuingtheircommon aspirations andensuringthattheirsectoralinterests are linked to thestrategicobjective;

q masters the terrain of electoral contest, utilisespoliticalpowertoadvancetheobjectivesof theNDRand wields instrumentsof state in linewiththeseideals as reflected in theNationalConstitution;

q organises and mobilisesthe motive forces

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and builds broaderpartnerships to drive theprocessof reconstructionand development,nation-building andreconciliation;and

q conductsitself,bothinitsinternal practices and inrelationtosocietyatlarge,in line with the idealsrepresented by theNDRand acts as a microcosmof thefuture.

124.TheAfricanNationalCongressissuchamovement.Overtheyears,itledthestruggleof thepeopleof SouthAfricafortheachievement of democracy.In turn, during successiveelections since 1994, it hasresoundinglybeenreturnedtooffice.

125.Theprimary taskof theANCremains the mobilisation of all the classes and strata thatobjectively stand to benefitfrom the cause of socialchange. The dictum that thepeoplearetheirownliberatorsremainsasrelevanttodayasitwas during the days of anti-apartheidstruggle.

126. The dynamics within SouthAfricansociety,resultingintheconcentric circles describedearlier,imposeontheANCthe

responsibilitymoreintenselytoworkamongallsectorsof thepopulationand toensure thattheyjointhepeople’scontractto change South Africa forthe better. This includes allthe class forces from withinthe white community, eachof which can and shouldmake a contribution to theconstruction of a bettersociety.

127.ThevisionthattheANCpursuesisinformedbythemoralityof caring and human solidarity.The kind of democracy itpursues leans towards thepoor; and it recognises theleading role of the workingclass in the project of socialtransformation. Recognisingthe reality of unequal genderrelations, and the fact thatthe majority of the poor areAfrican women, the ANCpursues gender equality in allpracticalrespects.

128. In this context, the ANC isa disciplined force of theleft, organised to conductconsistent struggle in pursuitof acaringsocietyinwhichthewell-beingof thepoorreceivesfocussed and consistentattention.Intermsof currentpoliticaldiscourse,whatitseekstoputinplaceapproximates,in

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many respects, a combinationof the best elements of adevelopmentalstateandsocialdemocracy. In this regard,the ANC contrasts its ownpositionswiththoseof:q national liberation

struggles which stalledat the stage of formalpolitical independenceandachievedlittleintermsof changing colonialproduction relations andsocial conditions of thepoor;

q neo-liberalism whichworships the marketabove all else andadvocates rampantunregulated capitalismandaminimalistapproachto the role of the stateand the public sphere ingeneral;and

q ultra-leftism whichadvocates voluntaristicadventures includingdangerousleapstowardsaclassless society ignoringthe objective tasks ina national democraticrevolution.

129. In order for it to exercise itsvanguard role, the ANCputs a high premium on theinvolvement of its cadresin all centres of power. This

includesthepresenceof ANCmembers and supporters instate institutions. It includesactivism in the mass terrainof which structures of civilsociety are part. It includesthe involvementof cadres intheintellectualandideologicalterrain to help shape thevalue systems of society.This requires a cadre policythat encourages creativityin thought and in practiceand eschews rigid dogma.In this regard, the ANC hasa responsibility to promoteprogressive traditions withinthe intellectual community,including institutions such asuniversities and the media.Playing a vanguard rolealso means the presence of members and supportersof theANC in business, thebetter to reshape productionrelations in line with theoutlook of a nationaldemocraticsociety.

130. The activism of the ANCamong the motive forcesshould be a responsibility of members and leaders alike,informedbyacoherentcadrepolicythattakesintoaccountcareer-pathing among itsactivists. And wherever theyaretobefound,ANCcadresshouldactasthecustodiansof

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theprinciplesof fundamentalsocial change; winningrespect among their peersand society at large throughtheir exemplary conduct.They must be informed byvaluesof honesty,hardwork,humility,servicetothepeopleandrespectforthelawsof theland.

131. As a multi-class massmovement, the ANC isrequiredtomasterthescienceand art of crafting long-and short-term commonplatformstoensurethatallthemotiveforcespullinthesamedirection.Wedoacknowledgethat,attimes,thenarrowself-interest of a particular classorstratumorgroupmaynotnecessarily coincide withthat of other motive forces.In some instances, as withthe working class and thebourgeoisie, these interestsmayevenbecontradictory.

132. However, guided by theideals of the NDR, theANC has to ensure thatthese forces appreciate thecommon strategic interest.It should strive to manage‘contradictions among thepeople’insuchamannerthatthey do not undermine the

long-term goal of nationaldemocratictransformation.Inattending to these issues, theANCshouldremainsteadfasttoprinciple,andguardagainstattemptsbyanyforcetoturnit into a hostage of narrowsectoralinterest.

133. Our approach to all theseresponsibilities derives fromthe understanding that anational democratic societyhas to be systematicallyconstructed. It is not foundready-made at the pointof transfer of politicalpower. Nor can it emergespontaneously through theagency of the ‘hidden hand’of the market. What thismeans is that members of the ANC should continuallyimprovetheircapacity -bothpolitical and technical -toact as the most advancedelementsof society.

134. As such, the ANC cannotconduct itself as an ordinaryelectoral party. It cannotbehave like a shapeless jelly-fishwithapoliticalformthatisfashionedhitherandthitherby themultiple contradictoryforces of sea-waves. Thereshouldbeclearvaluesystemsthatattachtobeingamember

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and a leader of the ANC,informed by the strategicobjectivesthatwepursue.

135. In essence, theANC is facedwithtwooptions:eithertoactas a party of the present, anelectoral machine blinded byshort-term interest, satisfiedwithcurrentsocialrealityandmerely giving stewardshipto its sustenance. Or it canbecomeapartyof thefuture,using political power andharnessing the organisationaland intellectual resources of societytoattainthevisionof anationaldemocraticsociety.

136. This arises in even bolderrelief giventhenewterraininwhich we operate. In actualfact, the world of the ANCchanged drastically at thepointof the1994democraticbreakthrough. On the onehand,anewcriticalinstrumentof struggle, state power,one of the prime prizes of resistance, was attained. Onthe other, this instrumentof power and status canimpact innegativewaysonarevolutionarymovement.

137. Many leaders and cadres of the movement are foundin positions of massiveinfluence in the executive,

the legislatures and stateinstitutions. By breaking theglassceilingof apartheid,theliberation movement openedup enticing opportunities foritscadresinbusinessandtheprofessions. Even within thetrade union movement andstudents’, youth, women’sand other mass democraticorganisations, unprecedentedopportunities for individualmaterial gain have openedup.Allthiscreatesaproblemof ‘social distance’ betweenthesecadresof themovementand ordinary members andsupporters, the majority of whom are working class andpoor.

138. Political incumbency alsopresents a myriad of problems in themanagementof relations within theorganisation. Patronage,arrogance of power,bureaucratic indifference,corruptionandotherillsarise,undermining the lofty corevaluesof theorganisation:toservethepeople!

139.HowtheANCnegotiates thisminefield will determine itsfuturesurvivalasaprincipledleader of the process of fundamental change, an

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organisation respected andcherishedbythemassof thepeople forwhat it representsandhow itconducts itself inactualpractice.Anumberof principlesneedtobeobservedindealingwiththischallenge.

140. Firstly, the critical importanceof political power as aninstrument to address theills of colonialism needs tobe fully appreciated. In thisregard, politics and publicservice need to be treated asa callingwith requisitemoralstatus, in which any of themotive forces can take part,either as a profession or astime-boundservice.

141.Secondly,theANCshouldgivestrategic leadership to thoseof its cadres in institutionsof government, throughConferences, Councils andBranchGeneralMeetings. Inthisrespect,itneedstoactasthe ultimate strategic ‘centreof power’foritsmembers.

142.Thirdly,inordertoensurethatitsstrategicmandateiscarriedout,theANCneedsmassivelyto strengthen its monitoringand evaluation capacity.This will ensure that cadresdeployedinvariouscapacitiesareabletoimprovetheirwork

in meeting set objectives. Atthe same time, these cadresshould have sufficient spacetoexerciseinitiativewithinthestrategicmandate rather thanbeing subjected to micro-management.

143. Fourthly, systems of infor-mation-sharingwithin leader-shipstructuresandacrosstheorganisation should affordthoseoutsideof governmentsufficient data to makestrategic interventions. Inthe same measure, all cadresshould apply themselvesseriously to governanceissues, practically to addstrategicvaluetotheworkof government.

144.Lastly,initsconductinrelationtothestate, theANCshouldbeguidedbyitsownprinciples,andactwithintheframeworkof theNational Constitutionand relevant legislation. Inthis regard, it shouldmanagethe state as an organ of thepeopleasawholeratherthanapartypoliticalinstrument.

145. WithintheANC,theWomen’sLeague (ANCWL) is taskedwith the responsibility of helping theANC tobroadenitsmassbase,asitchampionsthe aspirations of a section

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of oursocietywhichoverthedecades, has been oppressedandexploitedas“anation”,asaclassandaswomen.Itshouldcontinue to be the voice of ANCwomenmembers,butitshould also be at the cuttingedge of the Broad Women’sMovement, spearheadinggender transformationand the advancement of awomen’sagendainallareasof socialendeavour.

146. In a similar vein, the ANCYouth League (ANCYL) is acritical toolof SouthAfrica’syouthinpursuitof abetterlifefor all. It should continue tofunction as an organisationaland political preparatoryschool of young activists of our movement, informedby our strategic and tacticalpositions. The organisationalautonomy of the ANCYLalwaysprovidesorganisationalvibrancy and the youthfulpolitical debate imperative toa revolutionary organisation.Itshouldcontinuallybroadenitsbaseanddeepenitspoliticaland organisational strength.It must strive to galvanise,and place itself at the centreof, the broadest spectrumof youth organisationsfor reconstruction and

development.147. As part of the process of

preserving its values andculture, while adapting themto concrete conditions inwhich it operates, the ANCplacesahighpremiumonthecontribution that veteransof thestrugglecanmake.Inthisregard, the Veterans’ Leaguehasacentralroletoplaybothby force of example and inpractical organisational andideological work within andwithout the ranks of thebroaddemocraticmovement.

148.Historically, the three streamsof the national liberationstruggle in our country - therevolutionarydemocratic, thesocialist and the trade unionmovements - have foundcommon cause in pursuit of the objectives of the NDRas commonly understood.This Tripartite Alliance,currently made up of theANC, the South AfricanCommunist Party and theCongress of South AfricanTrade Unions, is thereforenotamatterof sentiment,butan organisational expressionof the common purposeandunityinactionthattheseforces share, and continuejointly todefineand redefine

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in the course of socialtransformation.Itisastrategicalliance aimed at eliminatingthe legacy of colonialism inits various manifestations,and not a coalition based ontactical considerations orthe subjective mood of themoment. As a leader of theNDR,theANCwillcontinueto work for strategic unityamong all components of this Alliance, in pursuit of anationaldemocraticsociety.

149. In line with its responsibilityto lead the motive forcesof change, the ANC willcontinue to encourage theformation of, and to workwithin, progressive civilsociety: organisations of communities,students,youth,women,peoplewithdisability,traditional leaders, businessand other non-governmentaland community-basedorganisations. It will alsocontinue to reach out toreligiousandotherinstitutionsto ensure commonapproaches to challenges of transformation. The ANCwill conduct such masswork taking into accountthe dynamic changes takingplace in the social structureandvariedlifestylesof South

Africansociety.150. The character and strength

of the ANC must continueto reside in and derive fromitsmass base.As the leadingforceingovernment,theANCshouldcontinuallyimproveitscapacityandskilltowieldandtransformtheinstrumentsof power.

CHAPTER VII: The global balance: CHARACTER OF THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION

151. The ANC was formedand it evolved as part of progressive forces acrossthe globe in thefight againstcolonialism, racism, poverty,underdevelopment andgender oppression. It drankand continues to drink fromthewell of theseprogressiveglobal experiences. Thestrategic objectives of our National DemocraticRevolution reflect some of the best values in humancivilisation.

152.Initsconductof struggle,theANC takes into account theglobal balance of forces, thebettertohelpcreateandtakeadvantage of opportunities

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for decisive advance and toavoidpitfallsof adventurism.In this regard, we proceedfrom the understanding thatitisthetaskof revolutionarydemocrats and humanistseverywhere to recognisedangers; but more critically,to identify opportunities inthe searchof a just, humaneandequitableworldorder-aworld with greater security,peace, dialogue and betterequilibriumamongallnationsof the world, rich and poor,bigandsmall.

153.Whatthenisourassessmentof themajortrendsintheworldinwhichwelive?

154.Today,thesystemof capitalismholds sway across the world;and it is underpinned bythe unique dominance of one ‘hyper-power’. Thissituation of unipolarityalso has secondary multi-polar features reflected ingeopolitical blocs amongdeveloped and developingcountries, and the historicalresurgence of China, India,Brazil and Russia as centresof growth and development.These multi-polar featuresrequire continuing researchandengagement.

155. The world-wide system of capitalism is characterised byglobalisation, which has seenimpressive advances in thedevelopment and utilisationof technology, integrationof production and managementprocesses across oceans,massive trade in financialinstrumentsandexpansionof tradeingoodsandservices.

156. But beyond this its technicalexpression, globalisationhas also been shaped bythe agenda of dominantglobal forces. These includetransnational corporationscontrolling trillions of Rand of humanity’s wealth,alliances around one ‘hyper-power’ whose dominance isreminiscent of empires of a bygone era, and culturaldominationreflectedintrendstowards homogenisation of media content and the arts.A critical consequence of allthisistheunderminingof thesystemof globalgovernance.

157. At the political level, thedominant imperialist powershavehistorically usedvariousmeans to assert their geo-political and economicinterests. This findscontemporary expression inunilateralism and militarism

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which have reared theirugly head on a scale hardlywitnessed in recent history.In intellectual and policydiscourse, notions of empireand benevolent colonialismfind respectable articulation.Inmanyrespects,thecurrentglobalbalanceisevocativeof the situation inprevious erasof dominant empires andcolonialismwhenbruteforcewas the currency of geo-politicalintercourse.

158. In a situation in which anexploitative socio-economicsystem rules the waves,the danger should not beunderestimated of wideningwars of conquest and othermore sophisticated meansof subversion in search of resources, markets and geo-political advantage. Indeed,notions of ‘pre-emptivewars’ and ‘regime change’are becoming the politicalstock-in-trade. This imperilssovereignty of smaller andweakernations.

159.Attached to thisphenomenonis the assertion of shallowand populist ideologies suchas the so-called ‘clash of civilisations’ premised onvariedexpressionsof religiousfundamentalism, which seek

tojustifypoliticalcrusadesof blood and gore. By-productsof thismindset includeracialprofiling,theunderminingof ruleof lawboth indomesticand global conduct andsystematicviolationof humanrights.

160. The growing threat of terrorism on a global scale,conducted by state and non-state agencies alike, formsan indistinguishable part of thisphenomenon.Maskedasresistanceagainst imperialismor a fight against so-called“forces of evil”, terrorism- which is the deliberatetargetingof civiliansinviolentconflict-isbothinhumanandrepugnant. Militarism andterrorism feed one another.They are two sides of thesamecoin.

161. However, these dangersmanifest themselves in aperiod in which humanity iskeenlyawareof thedisastrousconsequences of war andthe dehumanisation that canresultfromwarpedideologiesof race hatred and religiousintolerance.Ordinarycitizensacross the globe are findingvarious ways of resistingthe encroachment of therapacious licence of empire.

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Through mass mobilisationand progressive politicalparties, and through thepowerof thevote,continuousprocesses of self-correctiondoassertthemselves.

162. At the socio-economic level,the wonder of technologyincluding computing,geneticsandnano-technologycontinues to broaden thehorizonsof humancivilisationand create possibilities thatonlyafewdecadesagoexistedonlyinthewildestof humanimagination.Itistheironyof ouragethatsuchpossibilitiesfortheresolutionof problemsof health, environmentaldegradationaswellaspovertyand under-development areappropriated for the benefitof a few, and are seen toimpress mainly in the shockandaweof war.

163. Technological advancementhascreatedaglobaleconomicsystem that increasinglyworks as ‘a unit in realtime on a planetary scale’.The advantages of this arelimitless.

164. On the other hand, theseopportunities can be abusedthrough financial systems inwhich paper money begets

paper money: with newingenious ways found toextract so-called shareholdervalue that has little bearingon actual production. Thisalso creates an environmentforapervasiveshort-termismthat can hold back thedevelopment of productiveforces. Related to this is thegrowing tendency to sustainandjustifystaggeringpackagesand astonishing lifestyles of corporate executives andso-called celebrities, withlevels of inequality that arereminiscent of the eras of slaveryandfeudalism.

165. Globalisation also impelsthe search for the lowestin human deprivation tolocate production andextract maximum returns,with developing countriesencouraged to bid oneanotherloweronacatwalkof mutual beggaring. Combinedwith this is the utilisation of economic power to rip openfrontiers of protectionismamong the weak, whiledoing the opposite indevelopedcountries.Allthesedevelopmentsandotherssuchasrapidandunregulatedcapitalflows that include complexderivatives and private equity

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takeovers negatively impactthesovereigntyof developingcountries.

166. These are some of thefundamentalshortcomingsof arampantandpoorlyregulatedmarket-based system. Thissystem perpetuates under-development and deepensinequality within and amongnations, creating what are infacttwoglobalvillages.Itfuelscorruptiononamassivescale.It also precipitates migrationfrom poor to rich countries,resulting in a debilitatingbrain drain and illegalescapadesthatheighteninter-state tensions. In addition,this system entrenchespatriarchy, including thevicious exploitation of female labour, trafficking inwomenandchildrenandpoorrepresentation of women inglobalpositionsof authority.

167.Globalised capitalismhas alsogeneratedcarelessexploitationof natural resources,endangering the long-termsurvivalof thehumanspecies.The wanton destruction of the environment, the threattobiodiversityandthedangerof global warming are all agrave challenge that shouldreceive priority attention.

These developments takeplace in an era in which oilreserves as a non-renewablesource of energy aredecliningatarapidpace,andsources of potable water arediminishing relative to socialand economic needs. At thesame time, food productionis not keeping pace with theneeds of humanity and foodstocks such as fish are beingsenselesslyplundered.

168.Paralleltotheseshort-comingshasbeenthewideningaccessto modern technology andforeign markets across theglobe.Nationswhichorganiseand position themselves totake advantage of this areadvancing at a rapid pace.New economic growthcentresareemerging–inAsia–andAfricaispoisedtojointhetrend.

169.Itisameasureof thechangingglobal economicbalance thatthe fastest growing regionsof the world are located indeveloping countries. Theirshare of global productionhas increased dramatically,with profound implicationsfor global economics andpolitics. In various partsof the ‘developing world’,including Latin America,

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there is a growing assertionof national and collectivesovereigntyandaprogressivedevelopmental agenda. As aconsequence,thevoiceof theSouth isgrowingstrongerbytheday.Both from thepointof view of their commonhistorical experiences andcommon current interests,countries of the South needto strengthen co-operationamongthemselves.Theyneedto build people-centred andpeople-driven systems andpooltheirsovereigntythroughstrategicpartnerships.

170. Globalisation also meansgrowing inter-dependenceamong nations, reflectedamong others in productionand trade, financial flows,environmental challenges,health issues and migration.Further, improved platformsof mass communicationhelp laybare theadvances inhumancomfort and thus theunfairness of massive globalinequality.

171. The global mass movementsaround these and otherissues attest to the impactof these factors on globalhuman consciousnessand conscience. Publicopinion is steadily turning.

Progressive parties, workers’and women’s organisations,popular campaigns aroundlocal development andenvironmental issues,associations of professionalsand movements of peoplewith disability, indigenouscommunities, the homeless,the landless and so on -allhave resolved to challengethe negative effects of globalisation.

172. It is in part a result of thesetrends that the UnitedNations Organisation (UN)has put high on its agendathe notion of humansecurity as encompassingissues of poverty andunderdevelopment.Whatevertheir limitations, initiativessuch as the UN MillenniumDevelopment Goals, theprogramme for sustainabledevelopment, and thedevelopment round in globaltrade negotiations do reflectthe positive impact of aprogressive global paradigm.At the same time, the voicescalling for democratisationof the UN and othermultilateral institutions andtherestructuringof theglobalexerciseof poweraregrowing.

173. South Africa’s interests in a

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complex and unpredictableglobal environmentnecessitate the building of capacity for strategic as wellasrapidresponsestochangesinour region,Africa and theworld. Within this context,our global strategy for thecoming years will remainfirmly anchored on theAfrican continent and thedevelopingcountries.

174.Africa has the best possibilityinthismilieutoemergefroman era of political and socialdecline into a renaissance of hope and social progress. Itcan on a massive scale turnadversity into opportunity. Anew spirit is abroad on thecontinent, and thepeople of Africa are determined to usetheirnewly-harnessedenergy,pride and self-assertivenessto chart their own courseof development and extricatethemselves from the lowestrungsof humandevelopment.

175. Most of the conflicts onthe continent have beenresolved. Democracy isspreading. Economic growthis accelerating. And there isa collective determinationto turn Africa into oneof the centres of rapidindustrialisation and social

development.

176.Whilehistoricalexperiencesof subjugationhavemuchtodowithAfrica’scurrentposition,it is Africans themselvespartneredbyothers,whocanbring about the renaissanceof their nations and theircontinent.

177. The most immediatechallenges in this regardconsistinthedevelopmentof infrastructure for economicactivity and social services,the deepening of democracyand mass participation andimprovedpublicservice.Alsocrucialareregionalintegrationand assertion of nationaland collective continentalsovereignty in pursuitof a higher trajectory of development and in relationtoglobalpartners.

178. The ANC forms part of theglobal forces - includinggovernments, politicalparties and civil societyorganisations in developingand developed countries –campaigning for a humaneandequitableworldorder.Initshistory ithasgainedfromand contributed to a cultureof human solidarity acrossthe globe. It is informed

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in its international work byvalues of internationalism,promotion of humanrights against all abuses andviolations, and support fornational liberation. In thisregard, the ANC supportsthe right of all peoples tofight against oppression andtyranny.

179. The ANC will continue towork with other countriesand progressive forces topromote the transformationof theglobalorderawayfromunilateralism and conflict. Itwillcontinuetoseekapathof hopeandhumansolidarity,topursue resolution of conflictthroughdialogueandpeacefulmeansandtopromotemutualfriendship amongpeoplesof the world. This we shall do,proceeding from thepremisethatallnationshaveasharedresponsibility collectively toimprovethehumancondition.

180. Our standpoint on thesematters is both a matter of profound self-interest andan issue about the humanityof our own outlook. Wewill continue to build andstrengthen progressivealliancesandnetworksacrossthe globe, including inter-state, party-to-party and

people-to-people relations inAfrica and further afield inpursuit of an equitable andhumaneworldorder.

CHAPTER VIII: Steps towards the vision: PROGRAMME OF NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC TRANSFORMATION

181.What then are themain stepsthat we need to take, in theprogrammeof thedemocraticstate in the currentphase, tobringusclosertotheidealof anationaldemocraticsociety?

182. The answer to this questionis informed by the characterof theNDR, actual practicalexperiencesince1994andourreadingof thecurrentbalanceof forces. In broad terms,our approach is informed bythe ideals contained in theFreedomCharter, adopted attheCongressof thePeoplein1955.The practicalmeasurestowardsanationaldemocraticsociety are contained inthe Reconstruction andDevelopment Programme(RDP) adoptedby theANC,the Tripartite Alliance andthe broad mass democraticmovement in the run-up tothefirstdemocraticelections.

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This was further updatedand elaborated in ElectionManifestosduringsubsequentelections.

183. What we outline hereunderarethemainemphasesintheworkof theANCgovernmentinthecomingdecade.

Constitution and governance

184.TheNationalConstitutionsetsout the framework withinwhich to manage socialrelations. Some of the basicprinciplesinclude:multi-partydemocracy; the doctrine andpractice of separation of powers in a constitutionaldemocracy;equalhumanrightsand access to opportunity;freedom of speech and of the media; equality of allbeforethelaw;respectfortherights of linguistic, religiousand cultural communities;social equity and practicalcorrective action againstracial,genderandotherformsof discrimination.

185. In order to ensure popularinvolvement in the processesof change, the ANC willcontinuetobuildpartnershipsacross society. Practically,the ANC will strengtheninstitutions and practices of

popular participation andencourageefforts tobuildanenduring people’s contract -for each sector to contributetothecommonobjective.

186.Therewillbecontinuingworkto improve the legitimacyof the democratic state,encourage national identityandtheroleof thestateasaninstrumentof socialcohesion.Informed by this legitimacy,thestatewillalsoensurethatitscollectivenationalauthorityasregulatorof socialrelationsisrespected,inthecontextof ruleof law.

187. The ANC will consistentlyimprove the role playedby legislative organs of government as tribunes of the people, and as platformsto monitor and advance theprogramme of change. Itwill continue to promotethe transformation of thejudiciary and to consolidatethe legitimacy of thisimportantarmof thestateina constitutional democracy.Informed by the doctrine of separation of powers, theANC will encourage mutualrespectamongthethreearmsof the state – the legislature,theexecutiveandthejudiciary– in dealing with matters of

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commoninterest.

Building a developmental state

188. The first attribute of adevelopmental state inour conditions should beits strategic orientation:an approach premised onpeople-centred and people-driven change, and sustaineddevelopment based on highgrowth rates, restructuringof the economy and socio-economicinclusion.

189. The second attribute of ourdevelopmental state shouldbe its capacity to lead in thedefinition of a commonnational agenda and inmobilisingallof societytotakepart in its implementation.Therefore,suchastateshouldhave effective systems of interaction with all socialpartners, and exerciseleadership informed by itspopularmandate.

190.Thethirdattributeshouldbethestate’sorganisationalcapacity:ensuringthatitsstructuresandsystems facilitate realisationof a set agenda.Thus, issuesof macro-organisationof thestate will continue to receiveattention. These includepermutations among policy

and implementation organswithineachsphere,allocationof responsibilities acrossthe spheres, effective inter-governmental relations andstability of the managementsystem.

191. The fourth attribute shouldbe its technical capacity: theability to translate broadobjectives into programmesand projects and to ensuretheir implementation. Thisdependsamongothersontheproper training, orientationand leadership of the publicservice,andonacquiringandretainingskilledpersonnel.

192. The ongoing transformationof the state is meant toensure that these capacitiesare attained; and the processof identifying weaknessesand correcting them will beintensified. This includesengendering new doctrines,cultureandpracticesaswellasensuringthatstateinstitutionsreflect the demographicsof the country, includingappropriate representationof women and people withdisability.

193. This applies to the publicservice in its totality as wellas specialised institutionssuch as the judiciary, the

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police, intelligence agenciesand the defence force. Allthese organs should servethepeopleinanefficientandimpartialmanner.

Accelerated and shared growth

194. Central to the country’seconomic challenges in thecurrent phase is to buildan integrated and growingeconomy from which allSouthAfricanscanbenefit.

195. The ANC will continue tostrive for macro-economicbalances that supportsustainable growth anddevelopment.This applies tosuch indicatorsas thebudgetdeficit, inflation and interestrates. In other words thesebalances shall not be treatedas things-in-themselves, butas requirements that ensurehigher rates of growth,labour-absorption andpoverty-reduction.

196. Government action willbe guided by an industrialstrategy and a correspondingprogrammewhichcontinuallyidentifies and addressesconstraintstoinvestment.Thiswillhelpbuildaneconomythatischaracterisedbyhighlevels

of manufacturing activity,modern services, expandingtrade,cuttingedgetechnologyand a vibrant small businessandco-operativesector.Stateand private capital as well asresourcesandcapacitiesinthehandsof communitieswillbemobilised for this purpose.During various periods,specific industries will beidentified for concertedjoint action by all economicpartners. A critical elementof this strategy will be acomprehensive programmeof landandagrarianreform.

197. To ensure that benefits of growth are shared by all,therewillbefocusoncreatingdecent jobs and ensuring animproving quality of life forworkers. Government willimplement programmes toeliminate economic dualismand exclusion. These includeskills development, specificattentiontoindustriesthatlendthemselvestoinvolvementbymarginalized communities,access to micro-credit andsmallbusinessassistance,landreform,publicworksprojectsandpromotionof sustainablelivelihoodsatcommunityandhouseholdlevels.

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198.Thegovernmentwill intensifybroad-based programmes toempower those previouslyexcluded from mainstreameconomic activity, includingwomen. To ensure balancedand sustainable spatialdevelopment, systematicanalysis will be conductedof economic potential andincidence of poverty invarious geographic areas,and the three spheres of government will integratetheir development plans toaddresstheseissues.

Macrosocial tasks - meeting social needs

199.Thecentralobjectiveof socialpolicy should be to preserveanddevelophumanresourcesandensuresocialcohesion.

200. To achieve this objective,the ANC government willcontinuously improve serviceto society, through enhancedpublicinfrastructure,efficientsystems and requisitepersonnel. We approachthese issues proceeding fromthe premise that the statehas a critical role to play inproviding public goods suchashealth,education,housing,public transport, educationandsocialsecurity.

201. The ANC will implement acomprehensivesocialsecuritysystemwhichbringstogetherinitiatives such as freebasic services for the poor,passenger transport subsidy,socialgrants,expansionof theassetbaseof thepoorthroughhousing, small business andland reform programmesas well as private retirementsavings, unemploymentand accident insurance andmedicalaids.

202. Government will alignand integrate the variousprogrammes – economicand social – directed ateradicating poverty with theaim of ensuring effectivenessand better monitoring andevaluation.Giventherealityof feminisationof poverty,centralfocusinthisregardwillbepaidto the conditions of women,especially in rural, ‘township’andinformalsettlements.

203.Centraltothepreservationof human resources is the issueof the nation’s health profileand causes of death. TheANC government will strivemassively to reduce cases of TB, diabetes, malnutrition,maternal deaths and malaria,as well as violent crime androad accidents. Over and

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above this, the impact of the pandemic of HIV andAIDS requires a massivejoint effort of the state andallsectorsof societysoastoreverse and finally eradicateit. Government will intensifyits implementation of thecomprehensive strategyagainst this pandemic andmobilise all sectors and allcitizenstoplaytheirrole.

204. The ANC government willimplement a comprehensivehuman development strategywhich includes: improvementof the general educationsystem; intensification of educationinmathematicsandnaturalsciences;promotionof socialsciencesthathelpbuildsocialcohesion;expansionof the nation’s artisanship base;improving throughput andresearch in the universities;and an effective adult basiceducationprogramme.

205. Specific programmesof redress such as landrestitution and follow up tothe recommendations of theTruth and ReconciliationCommissionwillcontinue.

Building social cohesion - promoting values of a caring society

206. The government led bythe ANC will consolidatepartnerships across societyto strengthensocial cohesionand ensure that our nationachievesthevaluesof acaringsociety, inspired by the traitsof humancompassionwhichinformedourstruggleagainstcolonialism. Indeed, theneed to build co-operationamong all South Africansapplies more so to mattersof spiritual sustenance suchas beliefs and moral values,which are as communal astheyareprofoundlypersonal.

207. This we shall do, proceedingfrom the understandingthat comprehensive socialtransformation entailschanging the materialconditions of all SouthAfricans for the better; butalso ensuring that we forgea nation inspired by valuesof human solidarity. It is thecombinationof these factorsthat describe the civilisationof national democracy thatweseektobuild.

208. Liberation also meansengendering freedom of the

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human spirit to search forbetter ways of doing things,to express oneself freelyand to enjoy the creativeendeavoursof humanity.But,informed by the precepts of the country’s Constitution,including the Bill of Rights,wedorecognisethatattachedto individual freedom isindividual responsibility;attachedtocollectivefreedomiscollectiveresponsibility.

209.We will work with all sectorsof society to promote anoverarching South Africanidentity, recognising thediversity of the country’speople. We will promoteprideinourheritageincludinggeographic and place names,our African identity and ourcommon humanity as globalcitizens.

210.Inthisregard,weshallensurethat the content of theeducation system encouragesthe inculcation of thesevalueswhileatthesametimepromotingcriticalthought.

211. In promoting intellectualdiscourse,mediafreedomanddiversity of views, the ANCwill encourage appreciationby the media fraternity andtheintelligentsiaasawholeof

the role that theycanplay inpromoting human solidarityandacaringsociety.Thesameapplies to the arts includingmusic, the oral and writtenword,crafts,theatreandfilm.

212. The ANC government willencourage development andpromotionof languagesusedbySouthAfricans.Traditions,religious expressions andother belief systems whichareconsistentwiththevaluesof thecountry’sConstitutionform a critical part of thenation’s collective resourcein thepromotionof humanevalues.Inthisregard,wewillseektoemphasisethatwhichiscommonandgood.

213.Byencouragingapositiverolefor the institution of thefamilyandcommunity, youthinvolvement in a variety of social endeavours, patriotismand civic responsibility,communityactivism,sportingandothersocialactivities,wewill seek to promote healthylifestyles, moral integrityand role models informedby human compassion,generosity, incorruptibilityandaccountability.

214. While encouraging individualinitiative, drive and

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entrepreneurship, we shallalso promote appreciationof the responsibility on thepartof thosewhocommandpolitical, social, materialand other forms of powertowards poor and vulnerablesectors of society. In thisregard, we will fight againstall manifestations of racism,super-exploitation, patriarchy,ethnic chauvinism, religiousand political intolerance, andabuseof womenandchildren;discourage greed and thearrogant display of wealth;and campaign against theabuseof drugsandalcohol.

215.Centralinthisendeavourwillbethemobilisationof all SouthAfricans to strengthen thenation’smoralfibreinformedby the ideals of humancompassionandsolidarity.

Safety and Security

216. The national struggle forfreedomwasthecriticalover-archingvehicletobringaboutpeace,securityandstabilitytoour society. In dealing withissues of crime, the ANCproceeds from the premisethatarisingqualityof lifealsomeans improvement in thesafetyandsecurityof citizensin their homes and environs

where they live, work andengageinextramuralactivity.

217.Threeprinciplesarecritical inaddressing the challenge of crime, especially its uniquelyrandomandviolentnatureinourcountry.

218. The first of these is that thebattle against crime cannotbe separated from thewar on want. In the main,incidents of contact crimesuch as murder, grievousbodily harm and rape occuramongacquaintancesinpoorcommunitieswherelivingandentertainment environmentsdonotallowfordecentfamilyandsociallife.

219. Secondly, specific mindsetsand historical conditionsdrive elements of the crimeproblem. These are theproliferationof firearmsinthehands of civilians, greed andconspicuous consumption,thepsychologyof patriarchalpower relations and attitudestowards weaker members of societyespeciallychildren.

220.Thirdly,thenetworksof crimehavegrownintheirreachandsophistication acrossnationalboundaries. These includesyndicates that deal withmoney laundering, human

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smuggling as well as drugtraffickingandabuse.

221. The overall programmeof national democratictransformation will graduallyeliminate some of theconditions that breedsocial crime. So shall ourcontribution to creatingan environment of peace,stability, economic growthand social development inSouthernAfrica and the restof thecontinent.

222.Critically,focusmustbeplacedonmobilisingsocietytomakelifedifficultforcriminalsinourmidst.Thisshouldincludeanoverhaulof genderandfamilyrelations and intolerance of abuse within communities.The transformation of institutionsdealingwithcrime,includingintegratedefficiencyis also critical. This appliesto management, expansionof personnel, utilisation of latest technology, enhancedintelligence capacity,commitment to work withthe people and eradicationof corruption within the‘criminal justice system’. Italso applies to the efficientregulation of the privatesecurity industry to ensurethat its various capacities,

integrity of its recruitmentpractices and employees’conditions of service are inline with the requirementsof what is otherwise animportantpartof ournation’ssecurityestablishment.

223. Government will continueto expand and deepenco-operation among law-enforcement agencies in theregion and further afield. Atthesametimewewillenhanceoursystemsof bordercontroland improve the capacityof our defence force andintelligenceagenciestosecurethe integrity of our nation-state.Wewillcontinuetopayattention to any remainingnetworks from apartheid’s‘dirtywar’someof whichareanintegralpartof thecriminalnetworks.

CHAPTER IX: CONCLUSION

224. Contained in this outline of our Strategy and Tactics istheANC’sassessmentof theenvironmentinwhichweliveand the immediate and long-term tasks thatwe face. It isour collective view of thetheory of the South Africanrevolution.

225. During the First Decade of

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Freedom, we were able toconsolidate and deepenour democratic system andintroducecriticalprogrammesfor social transformation.The progress we have madeis commendable; and thedecisive actions in the earlyyears of the Second Decadeof Freedom hold out thepromise of faster progresstowards our ideals. But weareonlyatthebeginningof aprotractedprocessof change.

226. The ANC celebrates the endof the first century of itsexistence wielding politicalpower-acriticalplatformtoimprovethequalityof lifeof SouthAfricansandcontributeto building a better world.Thestrategictaskremainsthesame.Buttheenvironmentinwhichithastobepursuedhaschanged significantly for thebetter.

227. In this phase of nationaldemocratic transformation,the ANC commits itself tointensifying its work aroundthe five pillars of socialtransformation:q thestate,q theeconomy,q organisationalwork,

q ideologicalstruggle,andq internationalwork.

228. We will undertake thesetasks conscious of ourresponsibility as one of thebattalionsof theglobalarmyforprogressivesocialchange,adisciplinedforceof theleft.

229. The ANC is confident thatSouthAfricanswillpersist inbuildinganenduringnationalpartnershipfurthertochangeour country for the better.Working togetherwith them,weshallspareneitherstrengthnorcourage,untilthestrategicobjectivehasbeenattained.

230. The struggle continues!

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African People: The indigenousinhabitantsof thecountryprincipallycomposedof theZulu,Xhosa,Pedi,Sotho,Tswana,Tsonga,Swazi,Venda,Ndebele,KhoiandSan.

African Renaissance: Aprogramme to renew and rebuildthe African continent, fromunderdevelopment, poverty andAfro-pessimism.

Anglo-Boer War:Awar foughtbetween the Afrikaners and theBritishbetween1899and1902.

Apartheid Colonialism: Avariant of colonialism that existedin South Africa where the coloniserandthecolonisedsharedonecountryApartheid: An oppressive systembased on white minority-rule overall other population groups - Blacksin general andAfricans in particular-thatstartedlongago,butwasgiventhis name and consolidated into aviciousstatepolicyof theNationalistPartyGovernmentsince1948.

Archeological findings:The study of ancient civilizationsby scientific analysis of physicalremains found in the ground as inMapungubwe,Cradleof HumankindandTaung.

Autonomous Leagues: Theprinciple that the ANCYL and theANCWLoperateindependently,nexttoandinadditiontoANCstructures

but within the framework of theconstitutionandpoliciesof theANC.

Balance of Forces: A powerbalance between contending forcesin a conflict: the strengths andweaknessesof eachcontenderateachmoment.

Battalion: Asectionof thearmy

Bedrock: Foundation stone.Cornerstone.

Black People: These are thepeople in our country who sufferedfrom apartheid generally composedof Africans,ColouredsandIndians.

Bureaucracy: A civil service of thestate.

Bureaucratic Bourgeoisie: Acapitalist class that depends for itsexistence and survival on the statethrough tenders, corruption and soonBygoneera:Pastperiod

Capitalism: A system that makesprofitbyexploitingpeoplewhoworkforawage.

Chasm:Abiggap.

Classes: Large groups of peopleinvolved in social production, whodifferfromeachotherbytheplace

Codification:Madeintolaw

Cold War:Asituationof uneasinessin some instances involving armsrace,contestforspheresof influenceand propaganda warfare, that never

GLOSSARY

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involveddirectphysicalconfrontationbetween the Soviet Union and theUnitedStatesandtheiralliessincetheendof theSecondWorldWar.

Colonialism of a Special Type: A variant of colonialismwhere both the coloniser and thecolonisedsharethesameboundaries,withinsameterritoryof onestate.

Colonialism: When countriesestablish their rule in other partsof the world outside their nationalborders.

Colony: A country or territoryforcibly deprived of political andeconomic independencebyaforeignstateandexploitedforthebenefitof thatothercountry.

Communication and technological revolution:Significant advancements in thecomputer field, that resulted in thedevelopment of robotics, cellulartelephones, digital networks and theInternet.

Comprador bourgeoisie: Apseudo-capitalist that is a front, apublicfaceorarepresentativeof therealbourgeoisie,localortransnational.

Concentric Circles: Anarrangement where the centreisthe core and the less connected tothe centre, the more to the outerperiphery,thelesssignificant

Consensus:Agreementof almosteveryoneinvolved.

Corruption:Dishonestyespeciallyoffering and/or accepting bribes forperformanceof somefunction

Cradle of Humankind:Aplacewhere because of archeological andpalaeontological findings indicatesthat human evolution from its earlystagesflourished.

Currency speculation:Plottingand foreseeing how currencies arelikelytoperforminthestockmarketand taking advantage of this byplayingthemarket.

Developmental State: Anactiviststatethatintervenesdecisivelyin the economy with a generallyprogressiveagenda

Eliminate:Bringtoanend

Emancipation: Liberation frombondage, and the obtaining of theright to determine a community ornation’sdestiny.

Endogenous factors: Factorsthat influence the balance of forcesfromwithin.

Endowments:Benefits

Epoch: An important stage in thedevelopmentof societywithhistoricalimplicationsbothdomesticallyandataninternationallevel.

Evolution: Gradual developmentthat leads to change overtimeExogenous factors: Factors thatinfluencethebalanceof forcesfromoutside.

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Feminisation of poverty:When women personify poverty.When women carry the burden of povertyinapatriarchalsociety

Feudalism: Landlordism. Aclassdividedsocietyof biglandownersandserveswhoworkedonthefarms

Fratricidal ethnic groups:Ethnic groups that wage intra-communalwarfare.

Freedom Charter:Adocumentcontainingtheessentialpolicyof theANC,adoptedbytheCongressof thePeople in 1955 and adopted by theANCin1956.

Galvanise: Conscientise andmobilise

Gender relations: Relationsthatof economic,politicalandotherformsof socialpowerbetweenmalesandfemales,andinrecentcenturiesithasbeenreflected inthedominationof men and the subordination of women.

Genocide: Deliberateextermination of people on a largescale

Globalisation: Theinternationalisation of production,exchangeanddistributionof wealth,aswellascultureandcommunication,which is currently reflected in theexpansionof capitalismanditsrulesandmethodsacrosstheworld.

Harare Declaration:ACharterof the OAU Sub- Committee onSouthern Africa, meeting at Harare

in August 1989 which outlined thestepstobetakentofindanegotiatedsettlementinSouthAfrica.

Hemorrhaging:Bleedtodeath

Historical injustice: Unjustrelations in Society that haveaccumulatedoveraperiodof time.

Human civilisation: Theexistence of a human race on earthand its advancement in all areas of socialactivity.

Hyper-power: An ultra super-powerliketheUSaftertheColdWar

Ideological Struggle: A battleof ideas Imperialism: A stage of capitalism characterised by thehigh degree of concentrationand centralisation of production,emergence of giantmonopolies andeffortstodominatetheworldbythecapitalistpowers.

Insurrection: An intense massuprisingthatcanleadtotake-overof statepower.

Intelligentsia: The intellectuals.Theeducatedcropof society

Legacy: An inheritance of thosewhocamebeforetothosewhocameafter Macro-social trends: Thosemajor movements that are takingplace within society like migration,urbanisation,etc.

Marginalisation: A feeling of being an outsider, not engaged ordisregarded,bothrealandimagined

Metropolis:Thecolonialpower.A

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state that extends itspower tootherpartsof theworldoutsideitsnationalborder.

Millennium: A period of athousandyears.

Motive forces:These forces thatbenefitwhenarevolutionisvictorious,andoftenpushforitssuccess.

Multilateral institutions:Those institutions that governinternational inter-state relations,involving a large number of states,such as the United Nations and itsagencies.

Multilateralism: The use of international organisations andagenciesliketheUN,WTO,etc.

Multi-polar:Morethanonecentreof power

Myriad: Large numberNation: A historical communityof people established on the basisof a common economic life, livea common territory and share acommonidentityaboutthatterritory.

National Democratic Revolution:Aprocessof strugglethat seeks to transfer power to thepeople and transform society intoa non-racial, non-sexist, united,democratic one, and changes themannerinwhichwealthisshared, inordertobenefitallthepeople.

National Liberation Movement: An array of forcesorganised to achieve politicalfreedom: inSouthAfrica it took the

form of the Tripartite Alliance, theMass Democratic Movement andothersectoralforces,ledbytheANC.

National Oppression: Thesystem which suppressed anddiscriminated against the Africanpeople in particular and Blacksin general. Neo-liberalism: Seeglobalisation.

Oppression: A situation wherea category of people are held ina subservient position of totalinequalitybyanother.

Ostentatiousness: Negativedisplay of wealth and possessionsintended to impress people ormake them envious; like flashy cars,expensivehouses,labeledclothes,hotfurniture,datedalcoholandjewelry.

Paradigm:Pattern

Parasitic bourgeoisie: Acapitalist class that depends for itsexistence and survival on the Statethrough tenders, corruption and soon.

Pastoral Communities:Those communities in the ruralareas dependent on livestockand subsistence farming for theirlivelihoods.

Patriarchal: A system of maledomination.

Patriotic bourgeoisie: Thosepeople who own businesses andindustriesintheCountryandremainloyaltotheobjectivesof societyasawhole.

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Peaceful forms of resistance:Formsof struggle such as petitions,demonstrations, strikes and boycottssuch as pursued by the ANC from1912 to 1961. This policy changedwiththeadoptionof armedstrugglein1961.

Peasantry: Those people whodependonlandfortheirlivelihood

Perception: A concrete andsensual image of objects of realityresultingfromtheirdirect impactonsense organs. Socially, it means aninterpretationof eventson thebasisof concrete experience or of theinfluenceof others.

Political incumbency:Being instatesystem

Political liberation: Toget freedom to elect your owngovernment, be represented in allbodiesthatmakelaws,tohaveanewflagandanewanthem.

Protracted:Takingalongtime

Pseudo:Afalseorunreal.

Racial superiority: A backwardmentality of imagining that someraces are superior and better thanothers

Rampant:Unrestrained

Rapacious:Greedywith desire torobandplunder

Revolution: Fundamental changeinsociety.

Ruling bloc:Thoseforcesthatholddecisive elements of state controldirectly and indirectly by variousmeans.

Slave revolts: Uprising by slavesagainstthesystemof slavery

Slavery:Aclassdividedsocietyof slaveownersandslaveswholivedandworkedunderinhumanconditions

Social Cohesion: A feeling of beingtogetherasone

Social Distance: A real andimagined distance in lifestyle,interaction and even geographybetweendeployedcadresorleadershipandthemassesof ourpeople.

Socialism:Asocialsystemmidwaybetweencapitalismandcommunism

Sovereignty: State independenceand official status for its decisions,bordersandexistence.

Statist:PuttingtoomuchfocusontheStatebothintheoryandpractice

Stoicism: Extraordinary bravery,courageandsteadfastness.

Strategic objective: The finalaim to be achieved by the freedomstruggle, to establish a non-racial,non-sexist,united,democraticsociety.

Strategy:The long-termobjectiveandhowtoarrivethere.

Stratification:Divisionintolayerseachwithadifferentstatus.

Subjugation: To be put in aninferiororoppressedposition

Survivalist micro-entrepreneurial activity:Thosemethodsof living fromhandtomouth,fromdaytodaySymbiosis: A mutual relationshipof benefitingfromeachother

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Tactics: Theimmediatethingsthatare done depending on objectivesituationtoarriveatthestrategicgoal.

Terrorism:Deliberatetargetingof civiliansinconflicttheyoccupyinthatsystemof socialproduction.

Tripartite Alliance:AnAllianceof thenationalliberationforcesasledby the ANC, composed of workingclassorganisationsintheformof theCommunist Party and a progressivetradeunionmovement.

Triple Oppression: Theoppressionof womeninSouthAfricathat usually take the form of class,raceandgender

Ultra-leftism: Excessivesubjectivism that confuses what isdesirable with what is objectivelypossiblehereandnow.

Unilateralism: When onesuperpowerby-passesandunderminestheUNandothermultilateralbodiesand takes action on its own in theworld,almostasaglobalpoliceman.

Unipolar World:Thecollapseof theColdWartwoblocworldsystemandtheascendanceof theU.Sastheonlysurvivingsuperpower.

Documents

2012 Strategy and Tactics - South African History Online · 2012 Strategy and Tactics nation in which the multiple identities based on class, gender, age, language, geographic location