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http://jom.sagepub.com/Journal of Management
http://jom.sagepub.com/content/35/6/1542The online version of this article can be found at:
DOI: 10.1177/0149206309350082
2009 35: 1542Journal of ManagementSherry E. Sullivan and Yehuda Baruch
Future ExplorationAdvances in Career Theory and Research: A Critical Review and Agenda for
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Journal of Management35(6) 1542 –1571
© 2009 Southern Management Association
DOI: 10.1177/0149206309350082http://jom.sagepub.com
Advances in Career Theory and Research: A Critical Review and Agenda for Future Exploration
Sherry E. Sullivan1 and Yehuda Baruch2
Abstract
In this review the authors critically examine the nature of contemporary careers and the direction in which careers research has developed over the past decade. Specifically, career concepts that emerged in the 1990s, including the protean and boundaryless career frameworks, as well as the next generation of career concepts, including integrative frameworks, hybrid careers, and the kaleidoscope career model, are discussed. The authors examine conceptualizations and measures of these models as well as related research. This review aims to improve our understanding of careers in today’s dynamic work environment, provide a comprehensive discussion of current discourse, and offer major directions for future research.
Keywords
career, protean, boundaryless, postcorporate, kaleidoscope
Traditionally, careers were typically defined in terms of an individual’s relationship to an employ-ing organization. These linear careers were described as taking place within the context of stable, organizational structures (e.g., Levinson, 1978; Super, 1957), with individuals progressing up the firm’s hierarchy seeking to obtain greater extrinsic rewards (Rosenbaum, 1979). These models, popularized during the 1950s and 1960s, were supported by economic and workplace environ-ments characterized by the introduction and growth of new technologies as well as social norms and structures that tended to support the male-as-breadwinner family structure (Sullivan & Crocitto, 2007). The employer-employee relationship was characterized by an exchange of worker loyalty for the firm’s implicit promise of job security (Rousseau, 1989).
Environmental changes, such as increased globalization, rapid technological advance-ments, increased workforce diversity, and the expanding use of outsourcing and part-time and temporary employees, have altered traditional organizational structures, employer-employee relationships, and the work context, creating changes in how individuals enact their career. For example, The New York Times reported that recent mass layoffs have resulted in the rise of “forced entrepreneurship” (Richtel & Wortham, 2009). Many individuals are now creating
1Bowling Green, OH, USA2University of East Anglia, Norwich, UNITED KINGDOM
Corresponding Author:Yehuda Baruch, Norwich Business School, Norwich NR4 7TJ, UNITED KINGDOMEmail: [email protected]
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Sullivan and Baruch 1543
work for themselves, using the Internet as an inexpensive tool to find business partners, market their products, and connect with suppliers (Carraher, 2005). Similarly, the credit crunch has forced some older workers to reconsider their career paths (Browning & Silver, 2008). Many of these older workers have been laid off or shifted around within their firms in response to changes in organizational strategies (Blenkinsopp, Baruch, & Winden, in press), while others have postponed their retirement plans or returned to the workforce after a period of retirement due to financial problems (Johnson, Soto, & Zedlewski, 2008; Wang, Adams, Beehr, & Shultz, 2009).
In addition to environmental changes, individuals are also changing their career attitudes and behaviors in response to many factors, including increasing life spans and hence work lives; changing family structures, including the increasing number of dual-career couples, single working parents, and employees with eldercare responsibilities; and the growing number of individuals seeking to fulfill needs for personal learning, development, and growth (Hall, 2004; Sullivan, in press). For example, some men and women are taking a hiatus from the workforce to become the primary caregiver for children or elderly relatives. These individuals are purposely using this time away from the workforce to increase their education or gain valu-able skills through volunteer work in order to build their resume and ease their reentry into the workforce (Belkin, 2008).
Others are making dramatic career changes in response to individual reflection and reevalu-ation (Ibarra, 2003) as well as in response to changing needs at midlife (Power, 2009). Some have become more self-directed in their careers, self-initiating international careers (Tharenou, 2009) or choosing lateral, or even downward, job moves to fulfill personal needs (Hall, Gard-ner, & Baugh, 2008). Increasingly, individuals are driven more by their own desires than by organizational career management practices. Thus, while organizational leaders are struggling to identify positive strategies and practices to tackle the changing work environment and work-force (Feldman & Leana, 2000; Inkson & Baruch, 2008; Luthans & Youssef, 2007), individuals are adapting to a more transactional employer-employee relationship and taking more respon-sibility for their own career development and employability (Hall, 2004; Rousseau, 1989).
While in the past careers were usually defined in terms of the employer-employee relation-ship, contemporary scholars tend to define careers much more broadly (e.g., Arthur et al., 1989; Arthur & Rousseau, 1996; Baruch & Resenstein, 1992; Hall, 1996b, 2002). There is, however, no agreement among scholars on a common definition of career (see Greenhaus, Callanan, & DiRenzo, 2008). Based on our review of the literature, we define a career as an individual’s work-related and other relevant experiences, both inside and outside of organizations, that form a unique pattern over the individual’s life span. This definition recognizes both physical move-ments, such as between levels, jobs, employers, occupations, and industries, as well as the interpretation of the individual, including his or her perceptions of career events (e.g., viewing job loss as failure vs. as an opportunity for a new beginning), career alternatives (e.g., viewing limited vs. unlimited options), and outcomes (e.g., how one defines career success). Moreover, careers do not occur in a vacuum. An individual’s career is influenced by many contextual fac-tors, such as national culture, the economy, and the political environment, as well as by personal factors, such as relationships with others (e.g., dual-career marriages).
Sullivan’s 1999 Journal of Management review of careers captured this transition from tra-ditional, linear career paths to nonlinear, discontinuous career paths. Sullivan detailed the conceptual development of the boundaryless career model, which along with the protean career concept, influences much of today’s careers literature. She noted the paucity of empirical
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1544 Journal of Management 35(6)
research on nontraditional careers and called for the increased conceptualization of these con-structs as well as the development of measures to better empirically test these ideas. She also noted that relatively little careers research had been completed in non–Western countries and little research had examined the careers of certain segments of the workforce (e.g., blue-collar workers, the disabled, minorities, the working poor). In the present review, we sought to deter-mine whether the great technological, global, and social changes that have impacted the work environment and individuals’ careers have been accurately captured by the reconceptualiza-tions of established constructs, the development of new models, and the research that has been completed since 1999.
To determine what changes had occurred in the literature, we conducted a systematic review using the keyword career in the Business Source Complete and PsycINFO databases. As we read the results of the database searches, we expanded our search by including materials refer-enced in these articles. While assembling and organizing the materials for this review of contemporary careers, it soon became clear that with the growth of publishing outlets and the increased availability of research from scholars around the globe, there were many concepts, studies, and directions for future research that page limitations would prevent us from fully exploring. Moreover, some of these topics, including work/family research (e.g., Allen, Herst, Bruck, & Sutton, 2000; Cook, 2009; Eby, Casper, Lockwood, Bordeaux, & Brinley, 2005; Friedman & Greenhaus, 2000), gender and work (Powell & Graves, 2003), executive coaching (Feldman & Lankau, 2005), telecommuting (Gajendran & Harrison, 2007), social capital (Van Wijk, Jansen, & Lyles, 2008), developmental networks (Molloy, 2006), global careers (Baruch, Budhwar, & Khatri, 2007; Dickmann & Baruch, in press), and career success (Ng, Eby, Sorensen, & Feldman, 2005), had already been the subject of reviews. Thus, we chose to focus on the theories, concepts, and models of careers and the empirical research related to these ideas that have developed in the past decade and that we think will offer the most fruitful oppor-tunities for research directions in the coming decades.
In sum, the purpose of this article is to provide a critical analysis of major career concepts and models as well as key studies that have been completed on these specific topics. We begin this examination by focusing on the protean and boundaryless career, two concepts that have had an important impact on theory development and research over the past decade. Criticisms of these concepts and advances in their reconceptualizations, measurement, and testing are discussed. Subsequently, we examine the next generation of career concepts, including inte-grative frameworks (e.g., career profiles, postcorporate careers), hybrid careers, and the kaleidoscope career model, and the related empirical research. (See Table 1 for a summary of the concepts and models of the past decade.) Based on this review and analysis, we propose an agenda for future research in the hope that this review encourages further reconceptualizations and model building as well as the increased study of contemporary, dynamic career processes.
The Protean Career OrientationAlthough Hall first wrote about the idea of the protean career in 1976, it was not until the pub-lication of his book, The Career Is Dead—Long Live the Career, in 1996 that the concept gained widespread popularity. Using the metaphor of the Greek god Proteus, who could change his shape at will, Hall described the protean careerist as able to repackage his or her knowledge, skills, and abilities to fit the changing work environment in order to remain marketable. Protean careerists are flexible, value freedom, believe in continuous learning, and seek intrinsic rewards
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1545
Tabl
e 1.
Sum
mar
y of
Maj
or C
aree
r C
once
pts,
Mod
els,
and
Idea
s
Con
cept
or
mod
el
Prot
ean
care
er
Rec
once
ptua
lized
pr
otea
n or
ient
atio
n
Boun
dary
less
ca
reer
Rec
once
ptua
lized
bo
unda
ryle
ss
care
er
A
utho
rs/d
ate
Hal
l (19
96b)
Bris
coe
and
Hal
l (20
06)
Art
hur
and
Rou
ssea
u (1
996)
Sulli
van
and
Art
hur
(200
6)
D
efin
ition
Base
d on
the
met
apho
r of
the
Gre
ek g
od
Prot
eus,
who
cou
ld c
hang
e hi
s sh
ape
at w
ill,
the
prot
ean
care
eris
t is
abl
e to
rea
rran
ge a
nd
repa
ckag
e hi
s or
her
kno
wle
dge,
ski
lls, a
nd
abili
ties
to m
eet
the
dem
ands
of a
cha
ngin
g w
orkp
lace
as
wel
l as
his
or h
er n
eed
for
self-
fulfi
llmen
t. T
he in
divi
dual
, not
the
or
gani
zatio
n, is
in c
ontr
ol o
f his
or
her
care
er
man
agem
ent
and
deve
lopm
ent.
Rev
ised
by
defin
ing
two
dim
ensi
ons
(val
ues
driv
en a
nd s
elf-d
irec
ted
care
er m
anag
emen
t)
of t
he p
rote
an o
rien
tatio
n.
Def
ined
as
care
er o
ppor
tuni
ties
beyo
nd t
he
boun
dary
of a
sin
gle
empl
oyer
. An
indi
vidu
al
is in
depe
nden
t ra
ther
tha
n de
pend
ent
on a
tr
aditi
onal
org
aniz
atio
nal c
aree
r ar
rang
emen
t. Si
x di
ffere
nt m
eani
ngs
of b
ound
aryl
ess
care
ers
wer
e of
fere
d.
Rev
ised
by
defin
ing
vary
ing
leve
ls o
f phy
sica
l an
d ps
ycho
logi
cal c
aree
r m
obili
ty b
etw
een
succ
essi
ve e
mpl
oym
ent
situ
atio
ns.
M
easu
re
Baru
ch (
2008
) de
velo
ped
a se
ven-
item
sca
le t
o m
easu
re t
he
prot
ean
care
er. S
ampl
e ite
ms
incl
ude
“If I
hav
e to
find
a n
ew
job
outs
ide
the
orga
niza
tion,
it w
ould
be
easy
” an
d “F
or
me,
car
eer
succ
ess
mea
ns h
avin
g hi
gh le
vel o
f fre
edom
and
au
tono
my.”
The
sca
le u
ses
a 7-
poin
t Li
kert
sca
le r
angi
ng fr
om
stro
ngly
disa
gree
(1)
to
stro
ngly
agre
e (7
). H
all (
1996
b) o
ffere
d no
mea
sure
.
Bris
coe
and
Hal
l (20
05)
deve
lope
d a
14-it
em a
sses
smen
t to
mea
sure
the
tw
o di
men
sion
s of
the
pro
tean
car
eer
orie
ntat
ion.
Sam
ple
item
s fr
om t
he v
alue
s dr
iven
sca
le
incl
ude:
“I n
avig
ate
my
own
care
er, b
ased
on
my
pers
onal
pr
iori
ties,
as o
ppos
ed t
o m
y em
ploy
er’s
prio
ritie
s” a
nd “
It
does
n’t
mat
ter
muc
h to
me
how
oth
er p
eopl
e ev
alua
te
the
choi
ces
I mak
e in
my
care
er.”
Sam
ple
item
s fr
om t
he
self-
dire
cted
car
eer
man
agem
ent
scal
e in
clud
e: “
Whe
n de
velo
pmen
tal o
ppor
tuni
ties
have
not
bee
n of
fere
d by
m
y co
mpa
ny, I
’ve
soug
ht t
hem
out
on
my
own”
and
“I a
m
resp
onsi
ble
for
my
succ
ess
or fa
ilure
in m
y ca
reer
.” Bo
th
scal
es u
se a
5-p
oint
Lik
ert
scal
e ra
ngin
g fr
om to
littl
e or
no
exte
nt (
1) t
o to
a g
reat
ext
ent (
5).
Art
hur
and
Rou
ssea
u (1
996)
offe
red
no m
easu
re.
Bris
coe
and
Hal
l (20
05)
deve
lope
d a
13-it
em s
cale
to
mea
sure
th
e tw
o di
men
sion
s of
the
bou
ndar
yles
s ca
reer
. Sam
ple
item
s fr
om t
he b
ound
aryl
ess
min
dset
sca
le in
clud
e “I
see
k
(con
tinue
d)
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1546
Tabl
e 1.
(co
ntin
ued)
Con
cept
or
mod
el
No
dist
inct
ion
betw
een
prot
ean
and
boun
dary
less
ca
reer
co
ncep
ts
Post
corp
orat
e ca
reer
A
utho
rs/d
ate
Gra
nros
e an
d Ba
ccili
(20
06)
Peip
erl a
nd
Baru
ch
(199
7)
D
efin
ition
Illus
trat
ed b
y a
2 ×
2 m
odel
with
phy
sica
l m
ovem
ent
alon
g th
e ho
rizo
ntal
con
tinuu
m
and
psyc
holo
gica
l mov
emen
t al
ong
the
vert
ical
con
tinuu
m, s
ugge
stin
g th
e co
ncep
t be
vie
wed
and
mea
sure
d by
the
deg
ree
of
boun
dary
less
ness
dis
play
ed b
y th
e ca
reer
ac
tor.
Prot
ean
and
boun
dary
less
car
eers
are
re
flect
ions
of t
he n
ew, m
ore
ambi
guou
s em
ploy
er-e
mpl
oyee
rel
atio
nshi
p.
Ref
ers
to c
aree
rs t
hat
take
pla
ce o
utsi
de la
rge
orga
niza
tions
, whe
reby
indi
vidu
als
enac
t a
mul
titud
e of
alte
rnat
ive
care
er o
ptio
ns,
incl
udin
g em
ploy
men
t w
ith s
mal
ler,
mor
e ag
ile fi
rms;
self-
empl
oym
ent;
wor
king
in s
mal
l
M
easu
re
job
assig
nmen
ts th
at a
llow
me
to le
arn
som
ethi
ng n
ew”
and
“I w
ould
enj
oy w
orki
ng o
n pr
ojec
ts w
ith p
eopl
e ac
ross
man
y or
gani
zatio
ns.”
Sam
ple
item
s fr
om th
e or
gani
zatio
nal m
obili
ty
pref
eren
ces
scal
e in
clud
e “I
pre
fer
to s
tay
in a
com
pany
I am
fa
mili
ar w
ith r
athe
r th
an lo
ok fo
r em
ploy
men
t else
whe
re”
and
“I w
ould
feel
ver
y lo
st if
I co
uldn
’t w
ork
for
my
curr
ent
orga
niza
tion”
(bot
h ite
ms
are
reve
rse
scor
ed).
Both
sca
les
use
a 5-
poin
t Lik
ert s
cale
ran
ging
from
to li
ttle
or n
o ex
tent
(1) t
o to
a
grea
t ext
ent (
5). S
ulliv
an a
nd A
rthu
r (2
006)
offe
red
no m
easu
re.
Trad
ition
al jo
b se
curi
ty im
port
ance
was
mea
sure
d w
ith 3
ite
ms:
“lon
g-te
rm jo
b se
curi
ty,”
“rea
sona
ble
job
secu
rity
,” an
d “a
ttra
ctiv
e re
tirem
ent
bene
fits.”
Tra
ditio
nal m
obili
ty
impo
rtan
ce w
as a
sses
sed
with
7 it
ems,
incl
udin
g: “o
ppor
tuni
ties
to a
dvan
ce a
nd g
row
” an
d “c
ompa
ny
guid
elin
es a
nd r
esou
rces
for
empl
oyee
s w
ho w
ould
like
to
deve
lop
thei
r ca
reer
s.” B
ound
aryl
ess
trai
ning
impo
rtan
ce
was
mea
sure
d w
ith 7
item
s, in
clud
ing:
“tim
e an
d op
port
unity
to
lear
n ne
w s
kills
” an
d “o
ppor
tuni
ty t
o at
tend
tra
inin
g an
d de
velo
pmen
t pr
ogra
ms
(inte
rnal
or
exte
rnal
).” P
rote
an
wel
l-bei
ng im
port
ance
was
mea
sure
d w
ith 5
item
s, in
clud
ing:
“an
open
, hon
est,
trus
ting,
and
resp
ectf
ul w
ork
atm
osph
ere”
an
d “c
once
rns
abou
t th
e w
ell-b
eing
of e
mpl
oyee
s.” T
he
follo
win
g in
stru
ctio
ns w
ere
give
n to
det
erm
ine
impo
rtan
ce:
“Ple
ase
tell
us h
ow im
port
ant
thes
e th
ings
are
reg
ardl
ess
of
whe
ther
you
act
ually
rec
eive
the
m.”
The
sca
le n
ot im
port
ant
(1)
to e
xtre
mel
y im
port
ant (
10)
was
use
d.
The
aut
hors
sta
te t
hat
no s
et o
f ite
ms
exis
ts t
o m
easu
re t
his
conc
ept
at t
he in
divi
dual
leve
l bec
ause
of t
he fl
uid
natu
re o
f th
e ph
enom
enon
and
tha
t it
is n
ot a
spe
cific
car
eer
attit
ude
but
rath
er t
hat
it re
late
s to
a w
ider
indu
stri
al a
nd s
ocie
tal
leve
l.
(con
tinue
d)
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1547
Tabl
e 1.
(co
ntin
ued)
Con
cept
or
mod
el
Boun
dary
less
pe
rspe
ctiv
e on
ca
reer
s
Car
eer
prof
iles
Trad
ition
al c
aree
r re
dux
A
utho
rs/d
ate
Gre
enha
us,
Cal
lana
n,
and
DiR
enzo
(2
008)
Bris
coe
and
Hal
l (20
06)
Ori
gina
lly
deta
iled
by
scho
lars
suc
h as
Sup
er
(195
7)
D
efin
ition
proj
ect
team
s; or
oth
er a
d ho
c ar
rang
emen
ts.
Indi
vidu
als
have
vol
unta
rily
or
invo
lunt
arily
le
ft la
rge
orga
niza
tions
bec
ause
the
y ar
e un
able
or
unw
illin
g to
pur
sue
corp
orat
e ca
reer
s du
e to
the
unc
erta
inty
tha
t is
in
here
nt in
the
m. P
ostc
orpo
rate
car
eeri
sts
have
a p
erm
anen
t ca
reer
rat
her
than
a
perm
anen
t jo
b.
The
thr
ee c
ompo
nent
s of
a b
ound
aryl
ess
pers
pect
ive
are:
(a)
mul
tidir
ectio
nal m
obili
ty
patt
erns
, (b)
car
eer
com
pete
ncie
s, an
d (c
) pr
otea
n or
ient
atio
n. E
cono
mic
fact
ors,
orga
niza
tiona
l con
ditio
ns, a
nd p
erso
nal a
nd
fam
ily c
hara
cter
istic
s ar
e an
tece
dent
s of
th
e bo
unda
ryle
ss p
ersp
ectiv
e. B
oth
posi
tive
and
nega
tive
indi
vidu
al a
nd o
rgan
izat
iona
l ou
tcom
es a
re p
ossi
ble.
The
com
bina
tion
of t
he t
wo
dim
ensi
ons
of b
ound
aryl
ess
care
er (
psyc
holo
gica
l an
d ph
ysic
al m
obili
ty)
alon
g w
ith t
he t
wo
dim
ensi
ons
of p
rote
an c
aree
r (v
alue
s dr
iven
an
d se
lf-di
rect
ed c
aree
r m
anag
emen
t at
titud
es)
yiel
ds 1
6 po
tent
ial c
aree
r pr
ofile
s.O
rigi
nally
cha
ract
eriz
ed b
y lin
ear,
upw
ard
prog
ress
ion
acro
ss o
ne o
r tw
o fir
ms
with
a
focu
s on
ext
rins
ic r
ewar
ds a
nd o
rgan
izat
iona
l ca
reer
man
agem
ent.
Toda
y’s t
radi
tiona
l ca
reer
ists
typ
ical
ly e
xhib
it m
ore
mob
ility
be
twee
n or
gani
zatio
ns.
M
easu
re
Whi
le G
reen
haus
and
ass
ocia
tes
offe
r no
mea
sure
s of
the
bo
unda
ryle
ss p
ersp
ectiv
e, t
he p
rote
an o
rien
tatio
n, fo
r ex
ampl
e, c
ould
be
mea
sure
d by
Bri
scoe
and
Hal
l’s (
2006
) sc
ales
of s
elf-d
irec
ted
care
er m
anag
emen
t an
d va
lues
dri
ven
attit
udes
.
Prof
iles
dete
rmin
ed b
y us
e of
the
val
ues
driv
en a
ttitu
de,
self-
dire
cted
car
eer
man
agem
ent
attit
ude,
bou
ndar
yles
s m
inds
et, a
nd o
rgan
izat
iona
l mob
ility
pre
fere
nce
scal
es
(Bri
scoe
& H
all,
2005
).
Age
, ten
ure
in w
orkf
orce
, or
orga
niza
tiona
l ten
ure
ofte
n us
ed a
s a
prox
y fo
r ca
reer
sta
ge. P
sych
olog
ical
mea
sure
s of
ca
reer
sta
ges,
such
as
Supe
r’s c
opyr
ight
ed c
aree
r co
ncer
ns
inve
ntor
y or
car
eer
scen
ario
s de
scri
bing
diff
eren
t ca
reer
st
ages
, als
o ha
ve b
een
used
.
(con
tinue
d)
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1548
Tabl
e 1.
(co
ntin
ued)
Con
cept
or
mod
el
Hyb
rid
care
ers
Kal
eido
scop
e ca
reer
mod
el
(KC
M)
A
utho
rs/d
ate
Emer
gent
co
ncep
t no
t sp
ecifi
cally
as
soci
ated
w
ith a
ny o
ne
scho
lar
Mai
nier
o an
d Su
lliva
n (2
005)
D
efin
ition
Car
eers
tha
t co
ntai
n as
pect
s of
bot
h th
e tr
aditi
onal
and
pro
tean
or
boun
dary
less
ca
reer
con
cept
s.
Usi
ng t
he m
etap
hor
of a
kal
eido
scop
e, t
he
KC
M d
escr
ibes
how
indi
vidu
als
focu
s on
th
ree
care
er p
aram
eter
s w
hen
mak
ing
deci
sion
s, th
us c
reat
ing
the
kale
idos
cope
pa
tter
n of
the
ir c
aree
r. The
se p
aram
eter
s ar
e: (
a) a
uthe
ntici
ty, d
efin
ed a
s be
ing
true
to
ones
elf;
(b)
bala
nce,
def
ined
as
the
equi
libri
um
betw
een
wor
k an
d no
nwor
k de
man
ds; a
nd
(c)
chal
leng
e, d
efin
ed a
s st
imul
atin
g w
ork
and
care
er a
dvan
cem
ent.
M
easu
re
Scal
es u
sed
to m
easu
re t
radi
tiona
l, pr
otea
n, a
nd b
ound
aryl
ess
care
er c
once
pts
coul
d be
em
ploy
ed t
o m
easu
re h
ybri
d ca
reer
s.
Sulll
ivan
, For
ret,
Car
rahe
r, an
d M
aini
ero
(200
9) d
evel
oped
a
15-it
em m
easu
re t
o as
sess
the
thr
ee p
aram
eter
s of
the
K
CM
. Sam
ple
item
s to
mea
sure
aut
hent
icity
incl
ude
“I h
ope
to fi
nd a
gre
ater
pur
pose
to
my
life
that
sui
ts w
ho I
am”
and
“I w
ant
to h
ave
an im
pact
and
leav
e m
y si
gnat
ure
on w
hat
I ac
com
plis
h in
life
.” Sa
mpl
e ite
ms
to m
easu
re b
alan
ce in
clud
e “I
con
stan
tly a
rran
ge m
y w
ork
arou
nd m
y fa
mily
nee
ds”
and
“My
wor
k is
mea
ning
less
if I
can’
t ta
ke t
he t
ime
to b
e w
ith m
y fa
mily
.” Sa
mpl
e ite
ms
to m
easu
re c
halle
nge
incl
ude
“I c
ontin
ually
look
for
new
cha
lleng
es in
eve
ryth
ing
I do”
an
d “I
vie
w s
etba
cks
not
as ‘p
robl
ems’
to
be o
verc
ome
but
as ‘c
halle
nges
’ tha
t re
quir
e so
lutio
ns.”
A 5
-poi
nt r
espo
nse
scal
e ra
ngin
g fr
om th
is do
es n
ot d
escr
ibe
me
at a
ll (1
) to
this
desc
ribes
me
very
wel
l (5)
is u
sed.
Sul
livan
and
ass
ocia
tes’
(2
009)
mea
sure
was
bas
ed o
n an
ear
lier
inst
rum
ent
deve
lope
d by
Mai
nier
o an
d Su
lliva
n (2
005,
200
6).
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Sullivan and Baruch 1549
from work (Hall, 1996a, 1996b). Recognizing the decreased stability and increased uncertainty in the work environment as well as changes in employment relationships, including reduced job security, protean careerists have taken responsibility for managing their own career (Hall, 2002; Hall & Moss, 1998; Mirvis & Hall, 1996).
Briscoe and Hall (2006: 8) elucidated the protean career concept by defining its two dimensions:
(1) values driven in the sense that the person’s internal values provide the guidance and measure of success for the individual’s career; and (2) self-directed in personal career management—having the ability to be adaptive in terms of performance and learning demands.
Based on different combinations of these two dimensions, they suggested four primary career categories: dependent (low values driven, low self-direction), rigid (high values driven, low self-direction), reactive (low values driven, high self-direction), and protean or transformational (high values driven, high self-direction). To empirically examine this clarification and the four primary career categories, Hall and his colleagues developed (Briscoe & Hall, 2005) and validated (Briscoe, Hall, & DeMuth, 2006) a 14-item scale to measure the protean career orientation.1
Research on the protean career orientation has supported most of the basic tenets of the concept (e.g., Sargent & Domberger, 2007). For instance, Briscoe et al. (2006), using multiple samples of undergraduate and MBA students (total n = 493), found protean attitudes were posi-tively correlated with proactive personality, career authenticity (e.g., feeling true to oneself in one’s career role), openness to experience, and mastery goal orientation (e.g., emphasizing learning and embracing challenge). There was no significant relationship between the self-directed dimension and job changes, but there was a significant negative relationship between the values driven dimension and job changes, suggesting individuals may have a more protean career orientation without exhibiting high physical mobility. Briscoe and Finkelstein (2009), testing the assumption that protean careerists will be less committed to their employing organi-zation, found that self-directed career management and values driven attitudes have no significant relationship to affective, continuance, or normative commitment.
Research has also examined whether there are gender differences in the protean career ori-entation. While some studies (Agarwala, 2008; Briscoe et al., 2006; Vigoda-Gadot & Grimland, 2008) have found no gender differences in protean orientations, others have found some differ-ences (Ng, Burke, & Fiksenbaum, 2008). For instance, Segers, Inceoglu, Vloeberghs, Bartram, and Henderickx (2008) reported no gender differences in self-directedness, but did find that women scored higher on the values driven dimension than men.
Relatively little research has been conducted on the protean career orientation and cultural differences (Agarwala, 2008; Baruch & Altman, 2008). In a fascinating example of multina-tional research, Segers et al. (2008) reported that individuals living in low masculine cultures (e.g., higher focus on relationships and quality of life over extrinsic rewards and competition) were more values driven. They also found that those in low power distance cultures were more self-directed in their own personal career management. Because individuals living in low power distance cultures are typically expected to find their own path and are less influenced by author-ity, these individuals are more likely prefer to control their own career management rather than rely on their employers’ career management systems. The findings of Segers and associates’
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1550 Journal of Management 35(6)
study illustrate the importance of considering contextual factors, like culture, when studying career orientations.
Likewise, relatively little research has examined the potential negative aspects that may be associated with protean and other nontraditional careers (see Vardi & Kim, 2007, for an excep-tion). Writing on the protean career has tended to emphasize the “winners” in today’s changing workplace (Baruch & Quick, 2007; Hall, 1996a), such as individuals who find their true calling (i.e., the work they are destined to do; Hall & Chandler, 2005) or form a new working identity (Ibarra, 2003). Few studies have focused on those who have not found success in this nontradi-tional, global, technology-driven working environment (Baruch, 2004a).
Instead of enjoying increased job success and satisfaction, some workers have found them-selves lost, shaken by the changing rules of the workplace, and unable to regain their footing (Peiperl & Baruch, 1997; Power, 2006). Expecting to enact a more traditional career, individu-als may be reluctant to embrace new career attitudes and behaviors (Baruch, 2004a) or may be cynical about organizations in general (Reichers, Wanous, & Austin, 1998; Wanous, Reichers, & Austin, 2000). Instead of technology reducing work/family conflict, the use of technology may have increased an individual’s stress as the boundaries between work and nonwork become more blurred. People may feel like they are always “on call,” even during vacations, holidays, and weekends (Boswell & Olson-Buchanan, 2007).
Individuals may not possess the necessary transferable knowledge to be hired by different employers or may be unable to swiftly grasp the essentials of their new work setting (e.g., orga-nizational culture, norms) in order to effectively perform (Blenkinsopp & Zdunczyk, 2005; van Emmerik & Euwema, 2007). It may be difficult for individuals to allocate sufficient time and energy to cope with the demands imposed by increased learning or increased mobility (Sommerlund & Bautaiba, 2007). For example, Mallon and Walton’s (2005) exploratory inves-tigation of the development of individuals both in and outside of organizations found that less learning was occurring than expected and certainly less than is anticipated in nontraditional career models. The professionals studied agreed in principle that workers are responsible for their own career management; they intended to engage in learning activities, but were unsure of how to accomplish such learning. Furthermore, those inside of organizations were passive about their own career development, while those outside of organizations reported they lacked the time needed for such learning activities. Much additional research is needed on the potential negatives of protean and nontraditional careers.2
In sum, Hall has written extensively about the protean career for academic audiences as well as detailing the practical implications of the concept and how it can be applied to help managers and organizations navigate the changing context of the contemporary workplace (see e.g., Baruch & Hall, 2004; Hall & Moss, 1998; Lips-Wiersma & Hall, 2007; O’Connell, McNeely, & Hall, 2008). It is clear that the protean concept has had a major impact on the careers field. We expect the concept will continue to greatly influence careers research, especially now that the major criticism of the concept, the lack of a protean career measure, has been addressed (Baruch, 2008; Briscoe et al., 2006; Briscoe & Hall, 2005). In the next section, we examine the boundaryless career concept.
The Boundaryless Career ConceptIn response to the “boundaryless organization” theme of the 1993 Academy of Management con-ference, the term boundaryless career was coined to offer a new perspective on contemporary
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Sullivan and Baruch 1551
careers (Arthur, 2008). The concept was subsequently popularized by Arthur and Rousseau’s (1996: 6) book, The Boundaryless Career, which offered the following definition of the term: “one of independence from, rather than dependence on, traditional organizational career arrangements” involving “opportunities that go beyond any single employer” (DeFillippi & Arthur, 1996: 116). In addition, Arthur and Rousseau (1996) offered six different meanings, discussing boundaryless careers like: (a) the stereotypical Silicon Valley career, in which indi-viduals move across the boundaries of separate employers; (b) those of academics or carpenters, that draw validation and marketability from outside the present employer; (c) those of real estate agents, sustained by external networks or information; (d) those that break traditional organizational assumptions about hierarchy and career advancement; (e) those in which the indi-vidual rejects existing career opportunities for personal or family reasons; and (f) those based on the interpretation of the career actor, who may perceive a boundaryless future regardless of structural constraints.
Although initial research based on the boundaryless career concept tended to focus on physi-cal movement, many of these studies failed to distinguish among different types of physical mobility and did not specify the cause (voluntary or involuntary), origin (company or self-directed), direction (up, down, lateral), and, if appropriate, duration of movement in and out of the work-force (Feldman & Ng, 2007; Ng et al. 2007). Distinguishing among different types of physical mobility is important because these differences may explain conflicting research findings. For instance, the literature on expatriate careers offers insights into differences in outcomes related to origin (company vs. self-initiated) of the transition (see Baruch & Altman, 2002, Bozionelos, 2009). Recent research has found that individuals who self-initiate an expatriate career transi-tion tend to move to roles that pay less and are less challenging than their previous role. Similarly, when self-initiated expatriates return to their home country, that transition is usually to a position with less pay and challenge. In contrast, company expatriates tend to move to roles with more responsibility than their previous role. When the company expatriates return home, that transition is usually to a position at a comparable level of responsibility and salary (see Tharenou, 2009, for a review).
Most of the research on physical mobility continues to focus primarily on upward movement (Ng et al., 2007). Few studies have been conducted on the less prevalent types of mobility, such as downward movements, as well as why certain types of mobility occur more often than others, factors that may constrain mobility, and why individuals may choose not to engage in physical movement (Ng et al., 2007; Sargent, 2003). Relatively little research has been conducted on changes in psychological boundaries (Arthur, Khapova, & Wilderom, 2005), defined as “the capacity to move as seen through the mind of the career actor” (Sullivan & Arthur, 2006: 21). Research has probably focused on physical over psychological mobility for two major reasons. First, physical movement is easier to measure (e.g., count the number of job changes, count the number of national borders crossed) than psychological changes. Second, until recently, there was no measure of psychological mobility available to researchers (Briscoe et al., 2006).
Some scholars, however, have answered the repeated calls for more research on the bound-aryless career concept (e.g., Baruch, 2004b, 2006; Sullivan, 1999) by studying the interplay between physical movement and psychological changes (e.g., Marler, Barringer, & Milkovich, 2002; Peiperl, Arthur, Goffee, & Morris, 2000; Valcour & Tolber, 2003). For example, Kirchmeyer (2002) reported that women experienced more career interruptions (i.e., physical mobility) due to family demands (i.e., rejecting career opportunities for personal or family reasons) than men; men’s career interruptions were more likely due to job loss. Similarly, Ibarra (2003) provided
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1552 Journal of Management 35(6)
detailed case studies of how individuals changed their identity by using trial and error and self-reflection, with some making often dramatic physical movements across the boundaries between occupations (e.g., from psychiatrist to Buddhist monk).
A growing number of studies on the boundaryless career have been conducted outside of the United States and United Kingdom (e.g., Bagdadli, Solari, Usai, & Grandori, 2003; Dany, 2003; Power, 2007; Segers et al., 2008). Haunschild (2003) explored the interorganizational, contin-gency employment system in a German not-for-profit repertory theater. He described how the great mobility within the project-based theater system was reinforced by standardized basic qualifications and the ease of evaluating actors’ qualifications, social networks based on loyalty to the profession rather than a specific organization, and the segmentation of the workforce between ensemble employees with longer term contracts (i.e., 3 years) and freelancers con-tracted for single plays or seasonal engagements. He also detailed the impact of labor market characteristics on interorganizational mobility, as in the case when a theater manager moves to another theater. When the manager moves, typically about one-third of the actors in the ensem-ble move with him or her, one-third of the actors remain with the ensemble, and one-third don’t have their contracts renewed. Another example is Yamshita and Uenoyma’s (2006) study of two segments of employees within Japan’s hotel industries. One segment was composed of those who wished to develop organizational knowledge and become managers but were hindered by human resource policies that limited within-firm advancement. The other segment was com-posed of those who focused on transferable skills and moving across the boundaries of different hotels, thus building relatively little firm-specific knowledge and reducing the likelihood of advancement from within one firm.
The boundaryless career concept has also had an important impact on how scholars have reconceptualized some well-established career topics, including retirement (Wang et al., 2009), plateauing (Bown-Wilson & Parry, 2009), learning and development (Gentry, Griggs, Deal, & Mondore, 2009), work/nonwork conflict (Greenhaus & Powell, 2003, 2006), career renewal (Baruch & Quick, 2007; Power, 2009), and expatriate assignments (Mezias & Scandura, 2005; Richardson & Mallon, 2005; Sanchez, 2000; Tharenou, 2009), in light of the increased perme-ability between boundaries. An excellent example of how the boundaryless career perspective influenced a reconsideration of a long-studied area can be readily seen in the evolution of men-toring research. Initially, mentoring was conceptualized as a one-on-one, intense relationship between an experienced employee (i.e., the mentor) and a newer, usually younger employee (i.e., the protégé) within the context of one organization (Kram, 1985; Levinson, 1978). Recogniz-ing the increasing mobility of workers, especially among firms, as well as growing performance pressures, scholars suggested that a single mentor relationship was no longer sufficient to meet the increasing needs of many protégés (Baugh & Fagenson-Eland, 2005; Baugh & Scandura, 1999; Baugh & Sullivan, 2005; de Janasz & Sullivan, 2004; Higgins, 2000, 2005b). In addition to dyadic, within-firm mentoring relationships, scholars began to study sequential and simulta-neous multiple mentoring relationships that could occur across many boundaries (Baugh & Sullivan, 2009). In today’s more boundaryless career environment, individuals are seeking other forms of guidance and support from developmental relationships in addition to mentoring (Higgins & Kram, 2001; Molloy, 2006), including networking both in and outside their organi-zation (Arthur, Claman, & Defillippi, 1995; Forret & Dougherty, 2004; McCallum & Forret, 2009; Wolff & Moser, 2009).
Although the boundaryless career concept has influenced thinking on many topics and is very popular, it is not without its critics (e.g., Pringle & Mallon, 2003). There are two major
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Sullivan and Baruch 1553
criticisms of the concept that deserve further examination. First, scholars have called for the further clarification and conceptualization of the construct (Eby et al., 2005; Greenhaus et al., 2008; Inkson, 2006; Pringle & Mallon, 2003; Sullivan, 1999). Second, questions have been raised about how to measure the concept (Briscoe et al., 2006; Sullivan, 1999). The next two sections examine how these criticisms have been addressed.
Clarification of the ConceptTo clarify the concept, Sullivan and Arthur (2006) suggested that a boundaryless career be defined by varying levels of physical and psychological career passages between successive employment situations. They offered a 2 × 2 model with physical movement along the horizontal continuum and psychological movement along the vertical continuum. Thus, in contrast to some previous studies that characterized boundarylessness as an either/or proposition, this refinement recommends the concept be viewed and measured by the degree of boundarylessness displayed by the career actor, along both physical and psychological dimensions. Although Sullivan and Arthur recommended that both physical and psychological passages, as well as the interplay between them, should be recognized and measured, they offered no such measurement.
Sullivan and Arthur (2006) did, however, extend the concept by detailing a number of pos-sible “boundaries” or obstacles to a boundaryless career (e.g., gender discrimination, cultural differences, individual competencies), further emphasizing that while boundaries in general have become permeable, the ease of passage between boundaries is not the same for all indi-viduals. They suggested that in general, women would have higher psychological mobility, perhaps because they are more likely to have discontinuous careers and are better able to see multiple career paths than men. In contrast, men would have higher physical mobility because they face less job discrimination. Segers et al. (2008) provided empirical support for these pro-posed gender differences in mobility as well as for physical, but not psychological, mobility differences due to age (i.e., lower physical mobility with increased age).
Other scholars (Gunz, Peiperl, & Tzabbar, 2007) have also discussed potential obstacles to a boundaryless career, including learning how to work in new teams and with new coworkers each time an individual makes a career transition (van Emmerik & Euwema, 2007); the lack of sponsors who offer access to opportunities (Judge, Kammeyer-Mueller, & Bretz, 2004; Skilton & Bravo, 2008); perceptual boundaries, such as those that have been found to prevent women from engaging in entrepreneurship (Malach-Pines & Schwartz, 2007); and structural factors, such as economic, societal, and cultural factors as well as industry and firm staffing policies (Ng et al., 2007; Pang, 2003). For instance, Dany (2003) detailed how a number of factors, including the importance of academic qualifications in the French labor system, employees’ preference for high salaries and job security, and focus on vertical professional advancement, limit the occurrence of boundaryless careers among French workers. Likewise, Bagdadli and colleagues (2003) found that top managers in Italy encountered two major obstacles to a more boundaryless career: competency based (e.g., lack of industry knowledge) and relation-based (e.g., lack of professional networks with former coworkers and business partners).
Measurement IssuesQuestions about how to measure the boundaryless career concept were addressed by Briscoe and Hall’s (2005) development of a 13-item scale of boundaryless career attitudes. The instrument is
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1554 Journal of Management 35(6)
composed of two subscales. One subscale measures the boundaryless mindset (8 items), or “one’s general attitude to working across organizational boundaries.” The other scale measures organizational mobility preferences (5 items), or “the strength of interest in remaining with a single (or multiple) employer(s)” (see Table 1).
Based on the results of a multisample, three-study validation project, Briscoe et al. (2006) found no relationship between actual mobility and the boundaryless mindset (Study 3), sug-gesting that physical mobility should not be used as a proxy measure for boundaryless career attitudes. They also reported that the boundaryless mindset and mobility preferences were sig-nificantly and positively correlated with proactive personality, career authenticity, openness to experience, and mastery goal orientation. The validation and use of this measure by Briscoe and associates (2006) is a major advancement in the study of boundaryless careers because it offers researchers a consistent way to measure the concept so that findings across studies can be more easily compared and used to inform practice.
In sum, we have witnessed a dramatic increase in research on boundaryless careers (see e.g., Valcour, Bailyn, & Quijada, 2007) as well as research on how we may study many well-established career topics (e.g., mentoring; e.g., Lentz & Allen, 2009) within a boundaryless context. The boundaryless career concept offers a foundation for exploring how careers are evolving in today’s complex work environment. For instance, increased globalization has not only brought a flow of people, knowledge, information, ideas, and products across national borders, but it has also influenced how individuals perceive and enact their career (Tams & Arthur, 2007). For many individuals, enacting a global, boundaryless career reflects physically crossing national borders while simultaneously crossing cultural and psychological borders. For others, enacting a global career may require no physical crossing of national borders, but may instead require a psychological reorientation to how they perceive their career. These indi-viduals may find themselves learning how to work more effectively using technology to connect with individuals from various nations and cultures as well as recognizing that they may be competing for jobs with workers from different parts of the globe.
While the boundaryless and protean concepts have dominated much of the research on careers over the past 10 years, the past decade has also witnessed the rise of the next generation of career concepts. These newer conceptualizations of careers are discussed in the next section and are summarized in Table 1.
The Next Generation of Career ConceptsA number of new concepts and models have recently been offered to explain the variety of career patterns that are being enacted in today’s dynamic work environment. Some of these newer conceptualizations, which we call “integrative frameworks,” represent attempts to com-bine various ideas from the protean and boundaryless concepts. Some of these newer concepts emerged based on the interpretations of research findings (e.g., hybrid careers). Other models (e.g., kaleidoscope) offer conceptualizations that are not an extension of either the protean or boundaryless concept, but instead offer an alternative lens by which careers can be examined.
Integrative FrameworksDespite the research on the protean and boundaryless careers, there continues to be questions as to the relationship between the two concepts. Granrose and Baccili (2006), for example, did
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not distinguish between protean and boundaryless careers. Instead, they suggested that the two concepts are a reflection of the new, more ambiguous employer-employee relationship. Green-haus and associates (2008: 285) noted the lack of consensus in a definition of the boundaryless career, suggesting it is difficult to “determine where boundarylessness ends and protean begins.” While some argue that the two concepts are complementary (e.g., Inkson, 2006) or are distinct but overlapping (Briscoe & Hall, 2006), others have called for the integration of the protean orientation and the boundaryless career into a more comprehensive model of careers (e.g., Peiperl & Baruch, 1997). In response to this debate, three major integrative frameworks have been offered to clarify the relationship between the protean and boundaryless career concepts.
First, Peiperl and Baruch (1997) offered the postcorporate career concept as a means of integrating ideas from the protean and boundaryless concepts. They suggested that postcorpo-rate careerists are self-directed, take responsibility for their own career management, perceive a variety of career options, and are willing to cross multiple boundaries to fulfill their needs for intrinsic job satisfaction as well as financial rewards. Postcorporate careerists tend to be those individuals who voluntarily or involuntarily leave large organizations to work in a variety of alternative employment arrangements, including working as independent contractors and tem-porary workers, or working for a small firm that provides professional services to large organizations. The idea of the postcorporate career has been applied in a number of research settings (Kelly, Brannick, Hulpke, Levine, & To, 2003; Mihail, 2008; Özbilgin & Healy, 2004).
Second, Greenhaus et al. (2008) offered the boundaryless perspective, which integrates the major themes of the boundaryless and protean career literatures. This framework has three major components. The first component is mobility patterns, which differs from the traditional career in that they are multidirectional (Baruch, 2004b; e.g., between firms, between employment forms, i.e., from full-time to part-time work). Greenhaus and associates noted that mobility pat-terns also include the rarely discussed idea of job crafting, defined as the actions taken by an individual to change and redefine his or her job. Job crafting can occur by physically changing the job (e.g., nature and number of tasks), psychologically changing the way the job is perceived, and/or changing whom one interacts with on the job. The second component is career competen-cies. Career competencies are manifested in people’s beliefs and identities (knowing why), knowledge and skills (knowing how), and network or relationships (knowing whom; DeFillippi & Arthur, 1996). The third component is the protean orientation (e.g., self-directed career man-agement and values driven attitudes; Briscoe & Hall, 2006). This framework also delineates the antecedents (e.g., economic factors, organizational conditions, personal characteristics) and pos-sible individual and organizational outcomes of the boundaryless perspective.
Third, Briscoe and Hall (2006) combined elements of the protean orientation with the boundaryless career to produce 16 different career profiles. Each profile is based on the two protean dimensions (self-directed career management and values driven attitudes) and two boundaryless career dimensions (psychological and physical mobility), and each profile is described as being high or low in each of these four dimensions. For example, Briscoe and Hall defined the solid citizen profile as having low physical mobility but high psychological mobil-ity as well as high self-directed career management and values driven attitudes. In contrast, the fortressed profile is defined as having a high values driven attitude but low self-directed career management as well as low physical and psychological mobility.
To empirically test these 16 combinations, Segers et al. (2008) examined the career profiles of 13,000 individuals from nine European countries. They identified 3 of the 16 profiles pro-posed by Briscoe and Hall (2006) as well as 1 profile, the curious/wanderer, which combined
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aspects from 2 of the profiles. Segers and associates found that 30% of the respondents were protean career architects (i.e., they are values driven, self-directed in their career management, and psychologically and physically mobile); 22% were trapped/lost (i.e., they don’t emphasize inner values and don’t see possible alternative career options); 21% were hired gun/hired hand (i.e., they are physically mobile and adaptive but aren’t good at defining and acting upon their own values); and 27% were curious/wanderer (i.e., they are physically and psychologically mobile but not values driven or self-directed). Interestingly, Segers et al. found contextual factors influenced the presence of these career profiles. Specifically, the protean career archi-tect profile was overrepresented in the Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands, while the hired gun/hired hand was underrepresented in both. Italy had a higher proportion of individuals with hired gun/hired hand profiles, whereas Belgium had a higher proportion with the curious/ wanderer profile. Likewise, the protean career architect profile was more likely to be found in the industrial sectors of health and social work, counseling, science and research, marketing, and government. The hired gun/hired hand profile was found predominantly in sales. The curi-ous/wanderer profile was more likely to be found in the education, health, and sales sectors. The trapped/lost profile was evident in industries including construction, manufacturing, trans-portation and logistic, and Internet/new technologies.
Traditional Careers ReduxFor many years, scholars emphasized careers within the confines of traditional organizational structures. Beginning in the mid-1990s, an increasing focus was placed on careers outside of organizations. Career scholars, however, may be guilty of shifting from one extreme to another. Numerous studies have reported that individuals in their samples exhibited a more traditional career path (e.g., Cabrera, 2009; Mainiero & Sullivan, 2006; Sargent & Domberger, 2007; Smith-Ruig, 2009).
For example, P. McDonald, Brown, and Bradley (2005) found that while most employees, especially women, were following nontraditional career paths, some still had traditional careers (e.g., predictable organizational advancement). The individuals following traditional career paths had infrequent job or firm changes and most had worked for their organization for 10 or more years. The organization had some policies that supported a traditional career path, includ-ing mechanisms for rewarding long tenure (e.g., 3 months of paid leave after 10 years of continuous service). Likewise, O’Neil, Bilimoria, and Saatciogle (2004) also found that while most of the women in their sample exhibited nontraditional career paths, 38% had externally directed careers with linear, ladder-like advancement patterns. Skilton and Bravo (2008) also found that while many individuals in the film industry had short tenures (i.e., 61% of the per-sonal assistants left the industry in the 3-year study period), some individuals followed a more traditional career path from personal assistant directly to producer, with few roles in between. These individuals often remained with the same production company even when they were producers themselves and could have established their own firm.
Hybrid CareersEmerging from the findings from several studies is the idea that some individuals enact “hybrid” careers that are characterized by elements of both traditional and nontraditional career concepts. For example, Granrose and Baccili (2006) found that most workers in their sample desired the
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traditional career outcomes of job security and upward mobility but also wanted nontraditional outcomes such as “boundaryless training” (i.e., training that could be used both in and outside the firm) and “protean well-being” (i.e., an open, trusting, and respectful work atmosphere). O’Neil et al. (2004) found that 34% of the women in their sample had an orderly career and were focused on upward advancement, but were also self-directed in their career management. Moreover, Skilton and Bravo (2008) reported that some film industry employees followed an “up the ladder” path that had elements of both a traditional and nontraditional career. These individuals assumed multiple roles while advancing up the hierarchy, but also moved back and forth between projects in which they had different levels of control (e.g., some they produced, others they directed).
The Kaleidoscope Career ModelOne of the next generation of career concepts, the kaleidoscope career model (KCM), was developed independently from the protean or boundaryless concepts. Instead, the KCM is based on the results of five different studies (interviews, focus groups, and three surveys) of more than 3,000 U.S. professional workers (Mainiero & Sullivan, 2006). Like a kaleidoscope that produces changing patterns when the tube is rotated and its glass chips fall into new arrangements, the KCM describes how individuals change the pattern of their career by rotating the varied aspects of their lives to arrange their relationships and roles in new ways. These changes may occur in response to internal changes, such as those due to maturation, or environ-mental changes, such as being laid off. Individuals evaluate the choices and options available to determine the best fit among work demands, constraints, and opportunities as well as rela-tionships and personal values and interests. As one decision is made, it affects the outcome of the kaleidoscope career pattern.
Just as a kaleidoscope uses three mirrors to create infinite patterns, individuals focus on three career parameters when making decisions, thus creating the kaleidoscope pattern of their career. These parameters or motivators are: (a) authenticity, in which the individual makes choices that permit him or her to be true to himself or herself; (b) balance, whereby the indi-vidual strives to reach an equilibrium between work and nonwork (e.g., family, friends, elderly relatives, personal interests) demands; and (c) challenge, which is an individual’s need for stimulating work (e.g., responsibility, autonomy) as well as career advancement. These three parameters are simultaneously active over the life span, with the strength of a parameter to shape a career decision or transition dependent on what is going on in that individual’s life at that particular time. Over the course of the life span, as a person searches for the best fit that matches the character and context of his or her life, the kaleidoscope’s parameters shift in response, with one parameter moving to the foreground and intensifying as that parameter takes priority at that time. The other two parameters lessen in intensity and recede to the background, but are still present and active, as all aspects are necessary to create the current pattern of an individual’s life/career.
Research has supported the basic tenets of the KCM (Godshalk, Noble, & Line, 2007; Smith-Ruig, 2009). For example, Cabrera’s (2007) study of 497 professional women found evidence of the existence of the three career parameters of authenticity, balance, and challenge. She found that these three parameters did indeed influence career decision making. Also, as suggested by the KCM, 62% of her sample reported that their career focus changed over time. Research on the KCM has found gender differences in career enactment. Sullivan and Mainiero
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(2007a, b) found most men (84%) followed an alpha kaleidoscope career path (focus on chal-lenge from early to midcareer, then authenticity, and then balance later in the career) while most women (83%) followed a beta pattern (challenge early in the career, then balance, and finally authenticity). There were, however, some men who exhibited a beta career pattern. The men following a beta pattern tended to be younger and expressed a desire for greater work-life bal-ance. Cabrera (2009) also found support for the beta career pattern among women based on in-depth interviews with 25 participants.
In addition to gender differences, research has noted generational differences in the need for authenticity, balance, and challenge. For instance, Sullivan, Forret, Carraher, and Mainiero (2009) found that members of Generation X (born 1965-1983) had significantly higher needs for authenticity and balance than Baby Boomers (born 1946-1964), with no significant differ-ence in the need for challenge between the two generations. The KCM has also been used to help explain the careers of women entrepreneurs in Japan (Futagami & Helms, 2009) and the work-life integration experiences of midcareer professionals in Ireland (Grady & McCarthy, 2008). The KCM has been applied to a number of different topics, including human resource development programs, work stress, family-friendly organizational programs, and career coun-seling (Sullivan, in press; Sullivan & Mainiero, 2007a, 2007b, 2008).
In sum, the KCM highlights the importance of potential gender differences in career paths, suggesting that other nontraditional models should consider whether men and women enact careers differently (e.g., Segers et al., 2008). Like the protean and boundaryless concepts, the KCM also highlights the importance of relationships on career decision making as well as the effect of contextual factors on careers (Sullivan, in press). As scholars have investigated the potential linkages between the protean and boundaryless careers (Briscoe et al., 2006; Segers et al., 2008), future research may also find such linkages between the protean and boundaryless concepts and aspects of the KCM. Much more research is needed, however, to test this model. Recent refinements to a measure of the three parameters of the KCM (Sullivan et al., 2009), however, should help to increase the research being conducted on this model (Table 1).
In this review, we have examined the continued evolution of two predominant career con-cepts, the protean career orientation and the boundaryless career, which have had an important and lasting impact on the careers literature. We have discussed the next generation of career conceptualizations, including the integration of the protean and boundaryless concepts as well as hybrid careers and the KCM. Table 1 provides a summary of these major concepts, frame-works, and ideas.
These newer conceptualizations suggest many intriguing avenues for further study. Based on this review and critical analysis, in the next section of this article, we set an agenda for future research on careers.
Agenda for Future ResearchOur review indicates that scholars have made great strides in better understanding nontradi-tional, nonlinear career concepts since the publication of Sullivan’s (1999) review. Particularly notable is the introduction of measures (e.g., Baruch, 2008; Briscoe et al., 2006; Sullivan et al., 2009) so that the protean, boundaryless, and kaleidoscope career concepts can be subject to even greater empirical examination. In addition to the development of measures of these concepts, we also note the increase in career research in a number of areas that Sullivan recom-mended. There has been clarification and further conceptualization of the protean orientation
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and the boundaryless career and greater attention paid to gender differences in careers. There has also been an increased recognition of the influence of contextual factors on careers, includ-ing the effect of cultural and national differences on career enactment.
Although there has been increased research in a number of areas as recommended by Sulli-van (1999), our current review of the literature suggests additional areas for future research. First, the further development of the protean career concept as well as the creation and valida-tion of related measurement scales should better enable scholars to empirically examine some unresolved and underexplored issues. For instance, there are conflicting results as to whether there are gender differences in the protean career orientation (e.g., Agarwala, 2008; Ng et al., 2008) and little research has been completed on potential cultural or national differences in protean orientations (Segers et al., 2008). Not only can more empirical studies be completed, but the adoption of common measurement scales should facilitate the use of meta-analysis techniques in future reviews of the protean career literature.
Second, there is still concern that the writings and research on the protean, boundaryless, and other nontraditional career concepts have tended to emphasize the positive aspects with little mention of potential negative outcomes (Currie, Tempest, & Starkey, 2006; Sullivan, 1999; Van Buren, 2003; Vardi & Kim, 2007). Continued research on the potential negatives of newer career forms is needed at the individual, organizational, and national levels of analysis. At the individ-ual level, personality traits, for example, may be an obstacle to an individual’s ability to reenvision career options or may influence a successful transition from a traditional, linear career to a nontraditional career orientation. For example, Eby, Butts, and Lockwood (2003) reported that individuals who are proactive, flexible, open to new experiences, and acknowledge personal strengths and weaknesses tend to manage better in today’s workplace than those who do not pos-sess these personal characteristics. Similarly, Forret and Dougherty (2001) found that individuals who were higher in extraversion and self-esteem were more likely to engage in networking behaviors, which should help them better navigate nontraditional careers.
Although some individuals may find themselves outside of the permanent, full-time work-force through job loss, others may proactively choose to engage in alternative, short- term job assignments or project work. In either case, individuals may move more freely across many organizational boundaries, but may also find themselves stigmatized by the temporary worker label (Boyce, Ryan, Imus, & Morgeson, 2007). These temporary and project workers may be more likely to experience negative work outcomes such as sexual harassment and discrimina-tion (Goldman, Gutek, Stein, & Lewis, 2006; Sullivan, 1999) or abusive supervision (Tepper, 2007; Wu & Hu, 2009). Organizations may not consider it worth the time and money to inves-tigate complaints from workers who will be employed by the firm for a relatively short time period. Temporary and project workers, fearful that filing a complaint will earn them a negative reputation, may fail to report problems that may not only impact their current level of perfor-mance, but may also influence their long-term employability.
At the organizational level, the shift from the long-term–based employer-employee rela-tionships into more transactional, short-term–based employer-employee relationships (e.g., Rousseau, 1989) can create increased ambiguity and uncertainty for managers and those design-ing and implementing human resource management polices (Baruch, 2004a, 2004b). Under the more traditional, long-term–based relationship, the vast majority of recruitment, socialization, and training processes were focused on the lower ranks, with employees rising through the hierarchy due to internal opportunities and a combination of talent and tenure. Under the newer, more transactional employer-employee relationship, employees enter and leave organizations
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at different career stages and different levels within the organization, making the recruitment, socialization, training, succession planning, and other processes more varied and complex (Baruch, 2004a, 2004b). In addition, increased globalization makes the development and implementation of policies more complicated, especially in the case of multinational firms with workforces located in different countries throughout the world (Becker & Haunschild, 2007; Dickmann & Baruch, in press).
As boundaries between countries become more permeable, laws regarding employment relationships, including discrimination and business conduct (e.g., what is and is not bribery), may become increasingly difficult to apply and enforce (see the special issue of Human Resource Management edited by Baruch, Altman, & Adler, 2009, for a more detailed discus-sion). Technology has increased the permeability of country borders, but many organizations lack sufficient knowledge to effectively manage workers from different cultures who may have widely different career needs and may be motivated by many different career factors (e.g., Segers et al., 2008). While a number of articles have offered suggestions to organizations on how to manage expatriation and repatriation (Baruch & Altman, 2008; Baruch, Steele, & Quantrill, 2002; Benson & Pattie, 2008; Bossard & Peterson, 2005; Dickmann & Harris, 2005; Doherty & Dickmann, 2009), relatively little research has offered suggestions on how to help employees from different locations across various country borders effectively work with each other via technology.
At the national level, the shift from long-term–based to short-term–based employment rela-tionships impacts educational processes, labor market systems, and government policies and programs (Baruch, 2004a, 2004b). For example, universities that prepared their students for life-time linear employment within one or two firms need to consider strategies to prepare students for alternative, multidirectional career paths. Vested pension systems and similar programs may need to be reevaluated and changed to more transferable and fluid systems. As organizations outsource work across country boundaries, the reduction of within-country job opportunities may decrease the power of organized labor and influence trade agreements and safety standards between countries. Politicians and government leaders may find themselves under increasing pressure to enact laws to protect the jobs and products of their constituents.
New technologies that have eliminated the need for some jobs and professions may increase budgetary pressures on government social programs, including efforts to retrain displaced workers. While technology has aided in the increased globalization of the workforce and the increased creation of new virtual careers (e.g., Internet reporters, Web designers, virtual coaches), the opportunities for the misuse of technology have increased. As has been the case with Inter-net (e.g., legalities of employers monitoring employees’ e-mail and computer files), Web-based businesses (e.g., exploitation of children by adult pornography sites), and cyber crime (Benjamin, Gladman, & Rundell, 1998; Chen, Chung, Xu, Wang, Qin, & Chau, 2004), governments may need to increasingly intervene and enforce penalties for the misuse of technological advances. In sum, greater research into the potential negative aspects associated with nontraditional careers at the individual, organizational, and national levels is needed.
Third, the further clarification of the boundaryless career concept (Sullivan & Arthur, 2006) and the introduction of the boundaryless mindset and the organizational mobility preference scales (Briscoe et al., 2006) should encourage greater study of underresearched topics, including the potential gender and country differences in the enactment of a boundaryless career. Some studies, for example, have indicated the importance of national culture on boundaryless careers, suggesting that certain economic and cultural elements may act as boundaries or obstacles to the
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boundaryless career and may instead reinforce more traditional career models (Bagdadli et al., 2003; Dany, 2003). Additional research on potential obstacles to a boundaryless career is needed.
Furthermore, the recent reconceptualization of the boundaryless career concept (Sullivan & Arthur, 2006) as encompassing both physical and psychological mobility opens new avenues of research, while also suggesting the greater need for the clarification of what exactly is being measured and studied. In terms of physical mobility, scholars need to identify the specific type of mobility being examined by specifying direction (e.g., up, down, lateral), cause (i.e., volun-tary or involuntary), origin (i.e., self or company initiated), and whether multiple boundaries are being crossed during the same transition (e.g., firm, occupation, country). Obstacles to physical mobility (e.g., geographical immobility due to being a member of a dual-career couple or elder-care responsibilities) as well as the influence of individual (e.g., personality, values, past positive and negative mobility experiences) and structural (economic, societal, industry, and organiza-tional) factors on mobility decisions need to also be considered (Ng et al., 2007). Past research has found that some women (Cabrera, 2007; Mainiero & Sullivan, 2005) and older workers (Wang et al., 2009) move in and out of the workforce numerous times over their careers. Career patterns characterized by voluntary and involuntary multiple movements cycling in and out of the workforce are worthy of further examination. At the level of the organization, the effect of increased mobility on the transference of organizational culture and knowledge from one firm to another (see Higgins, 2005a) as well as the loss of organizational memory when employees retire or otherwise leave their organizations warrants additional study.
In terms of psychological mobility, more research attention needs to be paid to how individuals may change psychological perspectives and attitudes about a work situation. Such psychological changes are clearly more difficult to study than physical transitions. Whereas actual physical passages between jobs and organizations can be readily identified and enumerated, changes in how an individual perceives his or her career would ideally involve longitudinal research with data collected at multiple intervals. Relatively little research attention has been devoted to psy-chological mobility, especially when individuals’ career perceptions are altered but no associated physical movement has occurred. There are numerous situations, such as periods of personal crisis (e.g., heart attack, loss of loved one) or assuming primary care for a child or elderly rela-tive, in which perceptions of a boundaryless future and alternative career options may be impacted. For instance, while an individual who has a heart attack may return to the same job at the same firm, that individual’s job perceptions and career aspirations as well as his or her rela-tionship with work associates and number of hours devoted to work may dramatically change. In addition to the use of recent measurement advances, career scholars may benefit from applying models and theories from related fields (e.g., Salancik & Pfeffer’s [1978] social information perspective) to better understand the processes underlying psychological mobility.3 Changes in physical and psychological mobility, however, should not be studied independently of each other. We join Arthur and associates (2005) in recommending that additional research be completed on the complex interplay between physical and psychological passages.
Fourth, despite the popularity of the protean and boundaryless career concepts, it is impor-tant that scholars recognize that the traditional linear career is still being enacted by some workers and is more prevalent in some organizations, industries, and countries than in others. Because studies have found many different types of careers, including traditional, hybrid, and kaleidoscope careers, we recommend that scholars first identify the career orientation of the individual being studied and then consider the individual’s attitudes and behaviors within that career context. Just as past research tended to assume that individuals were enacting traditional
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careers, scholars should take care not to assume that all study participants are enacting similar, nontraditional career patterns. Along the same line of thought, the further study of how organi-zational policies and firm culture influence career paths should not be overlooked (P. McDonald et al., 2005). Some firms, for example, may encourage more traditional career attitudes, behav-iors, and expectations through such policies as reliance on promotion from within and benefits associated with increased seniority or firm-specific training. The effectiveness of different organizational strategic human resource management decisions, policies, and programs on the attitudes and behaviors of employees enacting different types of careers (e.g., hybrid as com-pared to protean or more traditional career) should be investigated.
Fifth, several authors have offered conceptualizations that integrate the protean and bound-aryless career concepts (e.g., Peiperl & Baruch, 1997) with the career profiles combination (Briscoe & Hall, 2006) already being tested by other scholars (Segers et al., 2008). These inte-grative models provide not only insights into how the protean and boundaryless concepts may be related or combined, but they also offer guidance on what contextual variables should be considered when conducting empirical studies of these ideas. For example, Segers and associ-ates’ (2008) study illustrated the importance of gender, industry, culture, and nation, while Greenhaus et al.’s (2008) conceptual integration highlighted the effect of economic, personal, and family factors on careers. Potential integrations of the protean and boundaryless career concepts with newer career models (e.g., KCM) have yet to be tested.
Sixth, although the developers of the kaleidoscope career model have completed a number of studies on the model and have used relatively large sample sizes (e.g., Mainiero & Sullivan, 2006, n > 3,000; Sullivan et al., 2009, n = 908) as well as a variety of methods (e.g., surveys, interviews), further research from independent scholars must be completed. The KCM and related research suggests that there may be important gender as well as generational differences in career attitudes and behaviors that merit future research. The increased study of generational differences in career perspectives may be especially important given the declining number of members from the Greatest Generation (born prior to 1946) in the workforce and the grow-ing number of the younger workers (born after 1965), who are much more technically savvy and may be motivated by different factors than previous generations of workers (Callanan & Greenhaus, 2008; K. S. McDonald & Hite, 2008).
Seventh, we repeat Sullivan’s (1999) call for greater research on potential differences in career enactment due cultural and national differences. Studies of workers in non–Western countries that recognize the economic and societal influences on careers are especially impor-tant because most of what we know about careers is based on studies conducted in the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia, making Western models the de facto “standard” against which careers in other countries are compared. In-depth analyses within understudied national contexts, such as Pang’s (2003) compelling analysis of first- and second-generation Chinese workers in Hong Kong and Great Britain, Zhao and Zhou’s (2008) examination of careers in Taiwan, and Khapova and Korotov’s (2007) study of career attitudes in Russia, should be con-tinued. Although it may be difficult to gather data from multiple countries, especially from countries under strict government control (e.g., China), research that spans different nations provides much needed insights into the application of career theories and models developed in Western countries in non–Western contexts. Segers and associates’ (2008) use of a large database drawn from nine European countries as well as the organization of consortia of scholars who work together to study common variables across multiple countries (Malach-Pines, Ozbilgin,
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& Burke, 2008) are two strategies that could be emulated to obtain samples across multiple nations.
ConclusionTo paraphrase a Chinese proverb, we live in interesting times, times in which established ideas about work and careers are continually being challenged. Traditional theories of careers (e.g., Super, 1957) were based on a system of clear, hierarchical organizational structures and a grow-ing economy. The blurring of organizational, industry, and occupational boundaries; the escalation of technological developments; and rapid globalization have all contributed to a new work context, requiring fresh and innovative ways of examining careers. As predictability and stability diminished, scholars realized that long-held theories of the traditional, linear career no longer adequately explained the realities of many individuals and new, more dynamic concepts arose. These concepts reflected the change from individuals relying on organizations for career development to individuals assuming responsibility for their own career management and employability. Individual competencies, resiliency, and adaptability became more important than organizational commitment as job security decreased.
Sullivan’s (1999) review captured the transition from traditional thinking to the growing interest in the nonlinear, discontinuous careers. In this review, we have examined the further development and clarification of established concepts as well as newer concepts and models that have developed over the past decade. While the previous review found relatively little research on the boundaryless career concept and little research in non–Western countries, we found a growth in research on boundaryless, protean, and other nontraditional career concepts as well as an increase of research in non–Western countries. The previous review called for the greater conceptualization of nontraditional career concepts as well as the development of measures that capture these concepts. This review reported on the evolution of concepts, the development of new ideas, and the creation of instruments to measure these attitudes and highlighted the impor-tance of studying the various types of careers (e.g., protean, hybrid) in today’s complex workplace. Scholars should be cautious, however, and not overestimate the extent to which indi-viduals are enacting nontraditional careers. Due to many factors, including gender and contextual variables (e.g., nation, culture), some individuals are still enacting more traditional paths. Com-paring our review to Sullivan’s (1999) review, we note that a number of topics still remain underresearched. More research is still needed on underrepresented populations, such as blue-collar workers, immigrant workers, the disabled, and minorities, as well as on those making major transitions (e.g., midlife career changes, moving from the military to civilian life). Addi-tional investigation of how nonpaid work (i.e., volunteerism) contributes to people’s careers is also needed.
In this review, we have examined the progress and trends of the past decade as well as detailed directions for future research. We hope this review offers greater insights into the careers literature and encourages further research on the changing nature of careers.
Acknowledgments
We thank Mike Arthur, Shawn Carraher, Madeline Crocitto, Tim Hall, Matt Quigely, Howard Tu, and Hetty van Emmerik for their useful comments on early conceptualizations or drafts of this article. We appreciate the helpful suggestions of JOM Action Editor Mark Griffin and two anonymous reviewers. We especially wish to thank Gayle Baugh and Monica Forret for providing insightful comments and construc-tive feedback on numerous versions of this article. This article is dedicated to the memory of our colleague and great friend, Howard Tu.
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Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.
Notes
1. Baruch (2008) also developed a seven-item scale to measure the original conceptualization of the protean career (see Table 1). The Baruch scale has been employed in a number of studies and has dem-onstrated strong validity and reliability in the United States, United Kingdom, and Vietnam (Baruch, 2008; Baruch, Bell, & Gray, 2005; Baruch & Quick, 2007; Pham, Baruch, & He, 2009).
2. Initial conceptualizations and research on the boundaryless career concept also has focused on positive career outcomes with little recognition of potential negative outcomes.
3. Thanks to an anonymous Journal of Management reviewer for suggesting the application of the social information perspective to study psychological mobility.
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