17098880

The hybrid consumer: exploringhybrid consumption behaviour

Hanna Ehrnrooth and Christian GronroosDepartment of Marketing, Hanken School of Economics, Helsinki, Finland

Abstract

Purpose The article aims to explore hybrid consumption behaviour as an emergent consumptionpattern that may make conventional consumer stereotypes outdated.

Design/methodology/approach The study is an exploratory study in urban environments usingqualitative, semi-structured and semi-structured interviews.

Findings It is found that a continuum of hybrid consumption types exists, which includes bothomnivorous and polarised behaviour. Hybrid consumers opt for both premium and budget alternativesbut ignore midrange alternatives. Both trading-up and trading-down categories and situations areidentified. While in previous studies trading up and trading down have been considered productcategory specific, the results of this study imply that hybrid consumption transcends product categoryboundaries. Four key themes characterizing hybrid consumption are identified.

Research limitations/implications The study is explorative. However, as the phenomenon ofhybrid consumption behaviour is insufficiently studied in previous research, the article revealsunderpinning drivers of such behaviour and suggests directions of further research into thephenomenon.

Practical implications There are many practical implications of the study. As hybrid consumersdo not fall into distinct and stable categories, traditional marketing and segmentation strategies mayneed to be rethought. Consumers cannot be categorised in such a straightforward manner asconventional segmentation practices suggest.

Originality/value The authors are not aware of hybrid consumption having been studied andcategorised in this way before in academic research. New approaches to studying consumer behaviour,segmentation and marketing are implied.

KeywordsConsumer behaviour, Hybrid consumer, Retailing, Segmentation, Trading-down, Trading-up

Paper type Research paper

1. IntroductionA new phenomenon in consumer behaviour has potentially significant implications forthe marketing of both consumer goods and services. Specifically, we address theemergence of the hybrid consumer, a consumer type that does not fit into anyparticular market segment defined in traditional marketing literature. The hybridconsumer buys cheaper generics and low-end brands on some purchase occasions, andthen on other occasions trades up to premium, high-end brands and happily pays forthem. None of these consumers behaviours fit pre-specified consumer segmentationcriteria, such that would buy products and brands designed for any specific targetgroup. Accordingly, we may need to rethink the process of segmentation. Targetingthese hybrid consumers poses an interesting dilemma: If the same consumer buysgroceries at a discount store but accessories at Chanel, or flies with a budget airline toarrive and stay at an upscale hotel, how can and should marketers take the varyingconsumption behaviours into account? What drives these consumer behaviours? Andhow significant is the trend toward hybrid consumption?

The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at

www.emeraldinsight.com/0025-1747.htm

The hybridconsumer

1793

Management DecisionVol. 51 No. 9, 2013

pp. 1793-1820q Emerald Group Publishing Limited

0025-1747DOI 10.1108/MD-12-2012-0867

This positioning paper analyses the phenomenon of hybrid consumption andidentifies key themes for continued research in this emerging area. Considering theminimal research available regarding this type of consumption behaviour, we deemedan exploratory study as the most appropriate approach; thus, we do not formulatehypotheses on the basis of a literature review. Instead we derive key themes forresearch from our theoretical discussion and empirical study to conclude this article.

2. Polarization of marketsConsumer markets worldwide seem to be bifurcating or undergoing polarisation intolow-end and high-end segments. Silverstein and Butman (2006) claim that consumergoods markets are being reshaped by middle-income consumers, trading down tolow-priced products and services while they simultaneously trade up to premiumoptions but avoid the boring middle, which offers little added value that is, neithergreat prices nor unbeatable quality. Understanding the changing attitudes, behaviours,and values of middle-market consumers thus appears paramount for creatingsuccessful retail strategies.

Gabriel and Lang (2006) agree that todays consumers are unpredictable,contradictory, and unmanageable, reflecting contemporary Western consumptionthat is fragmented and volatile. Consumers income level and other demographicfactors do not define their behaviours as clearly as they once did, and the valuecalculus that guides their purchase decisions is shifting dramatically (Gabriel andLang, 2006; Silverstein and Butman, 2006; Underhill, 1999). In addition, the rapidgrowth of discount chains and the simultaneous democratisation of luxury goods arechanging the marketplace (Danziger, 2005; Demos, 2007; Eggert, 1999; Gumbel, 2007;Nueno and Quelch, 1998; Silverstein and Butman, 2006; Silverstein and Fiske, 2005).

What is especially interesting about these coinciding developments is that theycould be interrelated; the high end and the low end could support each other. Becausethere are more and better budget alternatives, consumers have increased abilitiesto save money by choosing low-cost brands, which gives them the freedom to spendconsiderably more on other products and services. Using the terminology suggested bySilverstein and Fiske (2003, 2005; Silverstein and Butman, 2006; Silverstein et al., 2006),we refer to these tactics as trading up and trading down. Furthermore, though hybridconsumption likely appears among various demographic groups, the typical hybridconsumer (or new consumer in Silverstein and colleagues terms), is often awell-educated woman with increasing disposable income. She views consumption notas a tedious chore or necessity but rather feels driven by a sense of purpose and poweras she hunts for goods and services that satisfy functional and emotional demands.

On the supply side, traditional luxury goods industries appear to be targetingmiddle-income consumers more and more. At the turn of the millennium, luxury spendingwas growing four times as rapidly as overall US spending, and similar trends appeared inEurope and Japan (Arnould et al., 2004). Sales were better than expected during the globaleconomic crisis, and the luxury industry seemed to be returning to its strong growthpatterns by 2010 (Amex BI, 2009; Felsted, 2010; LVMH Moet Hennessy Louis Vuitton,2010; PPR Pinault Printemps Redoute, 2010; Scilla, 2010; Warc, 2010). But today,emerging markets are driving sales, and China accounts for half of the luxury industrysgrowth (Scilla, 2010). At the same time, attitudes toward frugality appear to be changing.People are probably no longer negatively stereotyped as penny-pinchers or stingy when

MD51,9

1794

they shop at discount stores; rather, frugality and thriftiness now appears as a virtue,such that people are proud of being smart shoppers (Silverstein and Butman, 2006). Thediscount industry has profited, especially as the recent economic downturn pushedconsumers attitudes in increasingly positive directions (Smithers, 2009).

Several consumer behaviour experts argue that the polarisation of markets reflectsthe widening gap between rich and poor (Arnould et al., 2004; Eggert, 1999; Nueno andQuelch, 1998). According to Arnould et al. (2004), companies have responded to thiswidening gap with two-tiered marketing that encompasses brands and retail formatsthat cater to the top or to the bottom of the market. Without dismissing this point, wealso consider another explanation: Polarisation, which is occurring on a global scale,reflects not just increasing income inequality and companies responses but alsorepresents a direct outcome of revised consumer preferences and behaviours. That is,to an increasing extent, the very same consumers occupy both premium and low-costsegments. What firms probably did not expect, when they began creating more brandsand retail formats to cater to the top and the bottom of the market, is that theirmiddle-market customers would adopt both.

3. The changing meaning of consumptionSeveral researchers have acknowledged that consumption is no longer about fulfillingneeds. It is intertwined in social relations, identities, perceptions, and images. Identityconstruction increasingly relies on consumption lifestyles (Gabriel and Lang, 2006).Thus Firat (1997) emphasises the fragmented nature of modern consumer culture, inwhich a consumer experiments with a wide array of consumption alternatives andidentities. The modern consumers consumption decisions were guided by questionssuch as, Do I or dont I buy this product? Is it reasonable to buy this product? But thenew consumer instead is asking, Am I finding meaning in this? Is it enjoyable? Does itconstruct (or allow me to construct) a life experience that I would like to experienceagain? (Firat, 1997, pp. 6, 8).

According to Belk (1988), prior theories have considerably underestimated the extent towhich possessions get incorporated into self-concepts. He uses the notion of the extendedself, which comprises not only what is seen as me (the self) but also what is mine.Because trading up may be particularly common in personally important categories, thistrend could be closely linked to the self-concept and thus to identity formation. Dubois andDuquesne (1993) similarly find a strong link between a positive attitude towards culturalchange and the consumption of luxury goods, which they interpret to mean that manypeople buy luxury goods for what they symbolize consistent with notions of hedonicconsumption and extended self-personality models. In these models, the consumption ofluxuries represents an extreme form of value expression. Therefore, trading up could befocused on products and services that enable hybrid consumers to communicate theirpersonalities and values, whereas trading down likely focuses on products and servicesthat are not as directly linked to personality or values.

Dubois and Duquesne (1993) also argue that conspicuous consumption is motivatedby a desire to impress others, primarily concerned with ostentatious displays of wealth.We do not adopt this somewhat derogatory definition, because our hybrid consumercombines luxury consumption with discount consumption, so the pattern is lessstraightforward. The hybrid consumer may be equally proud of thriftiness, and hybridconsumption might relate more to the search for hedonic value, which is private, rather

The hybridconsumer

1795

than a display of wealth. Our view is in line with Lewis and Bridgers (2001) perceptionof the new consumer as one who does not seek status through consumption but ratheryearns for authenticity and attention.

The reasons for trading up thus appear largely emotional, whereas the reasons fortrading down include feeling smart, finding no material difference across differentprice levels, having learned frugality at home, or reasoning that one can go without(Silverstein and Butman, 2006). Alternatively, buying unnecessary goods mayrequire justification for the consumption (Danziger, 2004), and consumers can find thatjustification by trading down. Silverstein and Butman (2006), whose research focusesmainly on the major trading up and trading down categories, list the following astypical: Canned foods, dry groceries, snack foods, household cleaners, and paperproducts are common trading down candidates, whereas personal computers, meat,homes, furniture, and sit-down restaurants prompt trading up.

If trading up focuses on personally important categories, there may be considerableindividual differences in hybrid consumers trading up decisions, according to theirvarying preferences and determinations of what is personally important. But ourobservations suggest that hybrid consumers mix and match expensive and cheapitems within the same categories, so a category focus seems less relevant.

Instead of greater conspicuous consumption, the emergence of hybrid consumptionthus may reflect increasing omnivorousness loosely defined as the opposite ofsnobbishness and its rigid rules of exclusion (e.g. liking a lot of different things;Warde et al., 1999). Trading up and trading down could be linked to omnivorousness inthe sense that hybrid consumers neither reject discount stores and budget brands astoo low class for their own status nor deem luxury brands as too snobby.

Omnivorousness previously has been studied with respect to cultural tastes(e.g. cultural activities, taste in music and food; Favaro and Frateschi, 2007;Garca-Alvarez et al., 2007; Lopez-Sintas and Garca-Alvarez, 2005) or the erodingboundaries between highbrow and lowbrow culture. It has not appeared in reference tothe consumption of regular consumer goods and services, in the sense applied here.

4. Relational vs transaction modes of the hybrid consumerAnother theory that has not previously been linked to hybrid consumption outlinesrelational versus transactional approaches, according to relationship marketingresearch. This line of research has identified various levels of relationships thatcustomers have with companies, ranging from product-level attraction tocompany-level commitment, as well as different levels of propensity amongcustomers towards developing such relationships (Saaksjarvi et al., 2007). AsGronroos (1997) argues, companies that adopt a relational approach and treat theircustomers in a way that makes them feel valued, regardless of whether they aremaking a purchase at any given point, are more likely to succeed in the long run.However, some customers prefer no relationship with the company, such that theyadopt a transactional mode. These customers have no interest in the active efforts ofthe firm to learn more about customers or maintain relationships with them. Incontrast, customers in a relational mode are pleased that the company makes efforts tolearn about their preferences and serve them better, so they tend to respond positivelyto such activities. The mode a customer chooses varies from situation to situationthough.

MD51,9

1796

According to Jackson (1985), who originally studied business-to-business customers,the appropriate marketing approach, transactional vs relational, differs between marketsand situations, as customers commitment levels vary based on the type of product andamount of switching costs. Customers with transactional behaviour are likely to have ashort time horizon, whereas relational behaviour implies a long time horizon. Further, ithas been found that relational and transactional customers have different motivationsfor repeat purchase and satisfaction (Jackson, 1985), and that depending on theirrelationship level with the company customers are differently receptive towardsmarketing efforts (Saaksjarvi et al. 2007). Thus, to assist companies in identifying suchmodes among their customers and in targeting their marketing actions more effectivelyit may be worthwhile to examine a possible connection between trading up and tradingdown with relational and transactional modes.

Could consumers who trade down be in a transactional mode, and those who tradeup more likely in a relational mode and willing to develop a much deeper bond with thecompany? We make this assumption because trading down by hybrid consumers oftenappears driven by price, whereas trading up seems driven by emotions. In turn, in thelatter case they should be much more involved in the purchase and more interested inmaintaining a relationship with the firm. Companies that prompt trading down (suchas discounters) also tend to be focused on price rather than superior service, whichsteers customers toward a transactional mode.

5. Personality traits and the psychology of hybrid consumptionWhat personality traits can be linked to hybrid consumption? How conscious is thisbehaviour? And how strongly do goals guide the division of consumption into tradingup and trading down categories?

Poynor and Haws (2009) have studied goal-related categorisation processes. Theysuggest that individuals choices of consumption goals are influenced by the traitself-control to the extent that when conflicts exist between the individuals traitself-control and her goals, she is likely to engage in motivated categorisation. This processmeans defining purchases as necessities or luxuries depending on which better suitsher goal or her personality with regard to self-control; A low self-control consumer mightcategorise a luxury as a necessity, thus normatively seen undermining a goal to restricther consumption. By contrast, a high self-control individual might return to morerestrictive purchase behaviour despite having the goal to indulge. The authors concludethat this implies that when individuals set goals that require them to overcome theirdefault tendencies, they might erode their chances of reaching that goal by adjusting thevery definition of the goal, either by broadening or narrowing goal-consistent alternatives.

Restriction goals could be associated with trading down and indulgence goals withtrading up. However, Poynor and Haws divide the respondents in high self-controlindividuals and low self-control individuals, i.e. the consumer is either one or the other,across different categories, which seems to rule out a shopping strategy that includesboth approaches depending on the consumption category.

According to Dijskterhuis et al. (2005), traditional explanations of consumerbehaviour rooted in cognitive psychology assume that purchase decisions are based onconscious information processing. By contrast, the authors assert that mostconsumption choices are made unconsciously or nearly unconsciously. Dijksterhuiset al. suggest that all behaviour, including consumption, is affected by our perception

The hybridconsumer

1797

of the social environment, leading to imitative behaviour. In addition, they assert thatgoal-oriented behaviour is often unconsciously influenced by the environment. Sincehybrid consumption may be considered an unconventional form of behaviour, it isespecially interesting to explore whether it is more rooted in cognitive or unconsciousprocesses, and which factors in our social environment drive it.

6. Hybrid consumption patternsWith two illustrations, we summarise the hybrid consumption pattern from a marketperspective and from the perspective of the individual hybrid consumer. Figure 1represents the market view; it illustrates how growth in various consumer markets hasshifted from mid-priced brands toward the high- and low-ends, represented by theright and left tails under the continuous, reversed bell curve. The dotted bell curve inthe middle represents the slow decline of the middle market.

Because the market picture is an aggregated version of individual behaviours, italso might be applied to individual consumers. For example, the dotted bell curve linein Figure 1 implies the division of an average or traditional middle-incomeconsumers purchases if we regard the horizontal axis as the relative price level ofpurchased goods and services and the vertical axis as volume based on the division ofthe consumers purchases. Most purchases lie in the mid-price range; both budget andpremium thin out toward the tails. This graph corresponds to a conventional view thatmiddle-income consumers mainly shop at mid-priced stores and choose mid-pricedbrands, with just a few budget and luxury alternatives.

The continuous, reversed bell curve instead represents a hybrid consumers divisionof purchases with respect to relative price. The area underneath this bell curve showsan emphasis on the tails; the middle is thinning. In this dramatically differentpurchasing pattern, the hybrid consumer is turning the old model on its head. The lefttail represents trading down and the right tail represents trading up; the illustrationshows that that the hybrid consumers consumption is concentrated in these extremes,while mid-priced alternatives are losing significant share, as we show in Figure 2.

Figure 1.Watch the Middledisappear

MD51,9

1798

The illustrations offer a somewhat overemphasised clarification. Whether the hybridconsumption trend is dramatic enough to turn the market curve upside down isquestionable. Other consumer behaviour patterns also may be contributing to thepolarisation of markets. Nor does the figure provide any scale, because it must be viewedin relation to the individual consumers income level, and thus the figure is relative.

7. The studyThe scenario we have described opens several interesting research possibilities. Withthis study, we choose to investigate possible drivers of hybrid consumption and, byidentifying typical categories and situations of trading up versus trading down, derivetentative characteristics of key themes relating to hybrid consumption, to guide furtherresearch. We focus less on major consumption categories and instead pursue a nuancedaccount of this new purchase pattern. To make the concept measurable for thepurposes of this study, we define a hybrid consumer as follows: a person whoselectively chooses to buy both budget and premium brands instead of middle-marketofferings and who exhibits this type of polarised consumer behaviour in more than oneproduct and/or service category. This important distinction establishes a keydifference of our study compared with previous research (Silverstein and Fiske, 2003,2005; Silverstein and Butman, 2006); namely, prior work analyses trading up andtrading down mainly in separate sections, instead of focusing on the combinedbehaviour that they imply. To the best of our knowledge, hybrid consumers have notbeen treated in a similar way in other academic studies.

The fact that there exists such limited amount of documented knowledge of thetopic, and the type of knowledge sought, supports the choice of qualitative inquiry forthe study (Saunders et al., 2003). We determined that the ideal form of inquiry for thisstudy would be ethnographic interviewing (Patton, 2001), conducted in therespondents homes to create a more relaxed atmosphere and grant the possibility ofobserving respondents lifestyles in their own living spaces. The adopted method

Figure 2.Division of a hybrid

consumers consumption

The hybridconsumer

1799

involves semi-structured, in-depth interviews, whenever possible supported byethnographic observation in conjunction with the interviews in the respondentshomes. However, we do not conduct our observations over a long period of time, so themethod is not strictly ethnographic. Because observation offered a complement to thein-depth interviews, we did not consider it a significant limitation if respondents choseto meet outside their homes. Open-ended, semi-structured in-depth interviews werechosen as they are recommended for detailed understanding of complicated behaviour[and are an] excellent method for understanding consumer motivation and the why ofbehaviour (Arnould et al., 2004, p. 228).

With purposeful sampling, we conducted 42 open-ended in-depth interviews. Therespondents all lived in an urban environment. The average length of the interviewswas approximately one hour. Two-thirds of the respondents were women (28, or 67 percent) and 14 were men (33 per cent). They ranged in age between 22 and 63 years. 45.2per cent of the sample consisted of graduate students managing their own budget,while 54.8 per cent of the sample were working in a broad spectrum of professionsranking from a telephone exchange clerk to a senior executive consultant. 64.3 per centwere married or living together in the same household, and 35.7 per cent were singlehouseholds. 21.4 per cent of the respondents had children still living at home. Thissample was chosen such that central topics of hybrid behaviour can be studied withoutlimiting the results to certain demographics. To study the pattern of hybridconsumption as such, we did not limit the study to certain products or services butrather included fast-moving consumer goods (FMCGs), durables, and services andnoted any accordant differences in consumers decision-making processes.

The design of the interview guide reflected our aim to achieve a holistic understandingof hybrid consumers choices, including what certain product categories might mean to aperson and how involved he or she is in purchasing and consuming them, the emotionsassociated with products and services, how consuming certain products and servicesrelates to other consumption activities, and how consumption relates to the self or otherimportant people. We also included specific questions about bargain shopping, impulsiveversus cautious shopping styles, post-purchase sentiments, and relationships with storesand service providers. The respondents were asked to ponder how products and servicesrelate to their life and why they find spending more in certain categories or situationsmore rewarding than in other categories. The respondents were only aware of the studybeing about consumption habits in general; we did not mention the particular behaviourswe were studying, to avoid influencing their answers.

The questions were intended to reveal consumption practices and meanings.Consumption practices are the particular ways in which people understand, evaluate,use, and appreciate consumption objects across different contexts (Holt, 1997, p. 335),so they can help clarify why consumers engage in particular behaviours, beyond justwhat they consumed. Consumption meanings may have an even stronger impact onproduct use than product attributes do (Arnould et al., 2004). Finally, considering theexploratory nature of this study, we used convenience rather than random sampling,though our respondents represent various demographic groups, sufficiently varied forthis exploratory study. The sample interviewees represent the middle class in a broadsense. We chose this loosely defined target group because the concept of the hybridconsumer is not strictly defined to mean any particular type of consumer withpre-specified demographic characteristics or lifestyle elements.

MD51,9

1800

8. Results and conclusionsWe present the results together with the analysis and conclusions, because ourresearch approach causes them to be largely intertwined. To exemplify the analysisrespondents are cited[1] on several occasions. To begin, we present our main finding,namely, a classification of consumption patterns as a continuum, followed by separatediscussions of two different degrees of hybrid behaviour. Subsequently, we cover themost common categories of trading up and trading down, as well as drivers andpossible characteristics of hybrid consumption. The role of service quality and apossible link between the relational mode and trading up and the transactional modeand trading down also emerge. We specify key themes, which sum up tentativecharacteristics of hybrid consumption for further quantitative studies, and concludewith a discussion and implications section.

8.1 The hybrid consumption continuumHybrid consumption should be defined with a lesser focus on polarisation than weassumed prior to this study. In particular, we identified three general types ofconsumption patterns:

(1) traditional;

(2) omnivorous; and

(3) polarised.

Traditional in this context refers to a non-polarised, non-scattered consumption patternin which most purchases are mid-priced, relative to the persons income. The two lattertypes offer, to varying degrees, examples of the hybrid consumption phenomenon,such that an omnivorous consumer is a milder version of the polarised hybridconsumer. Both of these types mix and match expensive with cheap purchases, but theomnivorous hybrid consumer has a more scattered consumption pattern, including asignificant amount of mid-priced products and services, whereas the polarised hybridconsumer divides purchases more clearly into two camps.

Where do we draw the line between hybrid and non-hybrid behaviour? Silversteinand Butman (2006) use the expression polarisation of markets as opposed topolarisation of consumption, but we find a strong analogy to their arguments that thepolarisation of markets is caused by a consumer who increasingly buys at both ends ofthe spectrum, while ignoring the middle (p. xv, emphases added). How comprehensivedoes such behaviour need to be to earn a designation as hybrid consumer behaviour?The line is difficult to draw.

Considering the indefinite character of hybrid behaviour, it thus seems appropriateto consider consumption behaviour on a continuum. At one end are consumers whoexhibit sporadic or solitary distortions in their purchasing patterns (e.g. to support aprized hobby) that do not affect the rest of their consumption dramatically. We callthem traditional consumers. At the other end are polarised hybrid consumers, whopredominantly choose either premium or discount goods and services. Finally, betweenthese ends lies the omnivorous hybrid consumer, as we illustrate in Figure 3.

As in Figures 1 and 2, the y-axis represents volume, and the x-axis reveals therelative price of purchases, and again, we offer no fixed scale for the x-axis, because therelative price level depends on the consumers income level. In reality an omnivorous

The hybridconsumer

1801

hybrid consumers consumption pattern is not a straight line but rather contains mildervariations (i.e. flatter curves) than the two other types exhibit.

The traditional consumption pattern resembles the bell curve we discussedpreviously. Most traditional, middle-income consumers purchases take place inmid-priced categories, though they make some exceptions, such as occasional premiumand budget products or services. This pattern thus is less evidence of hybridconsumption than of occasional deviations from a mid-priced range. The polarisedpattern resembles a reversed bell curve, as we explained in conjunction with Figures 1and 2. The curves can take different shapes, whether steeper or flatter, correspondingto the continuum of hybrid behaviour. A steeper reversed bell curve implies morepolarised behaviour. Finally, the omnivorous consumption pattern implies that theconsumer mixes and matches products and services from varying price groups,including the mid-range, with a comparatively flat curve pattern.

To decide whom to classify as a hybrid consumer, we used the respondents ownevaluations of the division of their spending as a rule of thumb, but not a definite guide.If less than 50 per cent of their purchases fell in the mid-priced category, we considertheir behaviour polarised though we also remained aware that when they must givean estimate, people tend to exaggerate, one way or the other. Any strict division intohybrids versus non-hybrids also would be inaccurate because trading up and tradingdown cannot be measured in absolute terms, especially if we consider the phenomenonon a global scale. Therefore, we propose this continuum for research and segmentationpurposes. The following quotes illustrate the differences between the three types in anindicative way.

R16 (female, polarised hybrid)

I think certain stores value me as a customer, such as a brand 1 boutique ((high-endfashion)), but in other stores I can be a typical bargain hunter. I am not an ideal customer for

Figure 3.Classification ofpurchasing patterns as acontinuum

MD51,9

1802

them because I look very closely at the price. Overall, I buy quite scattered. . . In someproducts I invest a lot, whereas for other products I am not willing to spend money and lookfor the lowest price available.

Do you make a big effort to find the best value?

Well, it is a challenge. But you simply get more out of really thinking about what you buy.The more expensive products, such as handbags, are a reward for managing to be economicalin other buying contexts.

R20 (female, omnivorous hybrid)

If my economy is good, I go to company A ((upmarket delicatessen)), which is the luxuriousalternative, if my economy is moderately good I go to company B ((mid-marketsupermarket chain)), and otherwise I go to company C ((a soft discounter)).

R41 (female, traditional)

Why do you prefer mid-priced products and services?

Its probably some kind of moderateness, that you dont want to be spendthrift or too stingy.In a way it is about keeping a golden mean that you think is okay. Its driven more by I needthis and then I buy it. So I think that if I need, say, a new sweater or something, I dont wantto choose a very expensive one, as it would be spendthrift, but I also dont want to have thecheapest one, since Im afraid the quality would not be good enough. And so I end up in anatural way somewhere in the middle.

An indicative division of the respondents into the three categories on the continuumsuggests that 14 per cent of our sample is polarised, 48 per cent omnivorous, and 38 percent traditional. However, this exploratory study only aims to describe polarisedhybrid consumption behaviour, and the sampling is not representative of the generalpopulation, so these figures are merely indicative of tendencies. Considering thedemographic variation among respondents classified as hybrid consumers though, wecan anticipate that hybrid behaviour exists over various demographic clusters ofconsumers and propose consequently that a wider range of factors be considered in theanalysis, including personal tastes and goals.

8.2 The polarised hybrid consumerConsidering the characteristics of the polarised hybrid consumers in our sample, weperceive them as a fairly distinctive lifestyle group and possible opinion leaders, incontrast with the typical bargain-hunting, middle-market consumer as characterisedby Silverstein et al. (Silverstein and Fiske, 2003, 2005; Silverstein and Butman, 2006).The polarised hybrids are young, urban, generally well-educated, lively, and creativepeople who value design and want to stand out from the crowd rather than blend in. Todo so, they express their individual style through fashion and clothing, which seemimportant to all of the respondents who fall in this category. Their strong, outgoingpersonalities fit their bold purchasing patterns. These characteristics, combined withbroad social networks, could make them opinion leaders.


I love handbags and accessories and jewelry and its allowed to show. And these labels are. . .often they represent a certain type of person, so its part of my personality. And when itcomes to cheaper products, I dont see any added value in staples and basics. If a detergent

The hybridconsumer

1803

works, its just fine. . . .Okay, maybe it has something to do with status as I dont exactlycommunicate lowdly what detergent I use at home ((laughing)).

R38 (male, polarised hybrid)

I like everything that is unique in clothing and other things. . . in everything. Such as thebrand 2 vase ((premium design)), which I have several of. Some of them are made with theoriginal mold. They are collectors items. And these ruby red ones have the most valuablematerial. Unique pieces are distinctive. And I dont go along with the crowd in any matter, notin any way. I certainly prefer to spend more money on personally important things ratherthan scattering my money in every direction. Because expensive is expensive, you need toget the money for it from somewhere ((i.e. by trading down)).

They also can be characterized as so-called self-fulfillers, in that they enjoy shopping,shop fairly often, and regard it as a reward. Shopping makes them feel good, and theygenerally do not regret their purchases or feel guilt for buying luxuries ? which is notto imply that they are spendthrifts, because they also continuously trade down. Theyfind this purchasing pattern rewarding, because it allows them to spend more onthings that matter.


I guess its because I want to invest in myself that I am willing to pay a premium. I think it isimportant. . . well, its important to me that I invest in myself. It makes me feel good. I meanI dont buy anything in between. No, I buy the cheap alternative and then I buy the expensiveone. Thats the way it is. Maybe I am quite like my mother as a consumer such that I ameconomical but then invest in certain things.

Do you save in order to be able to buy premium or for the sake of saving?

No, no! I save in order to be able to invest in other things! So I dont save for the sake ofsaving. I know that if I save here then I can buy the expensive and more exquisite product.

Our results cannot indicate whether polarised hybrid consumers tend to bespontaneous or cautious, because we find both types represented. No conclusiveindication can be found with regard to the trait self-control, and more research isneeded to determine any correlation between this trait and hybrid consumption, orindeed motivated categorization into trading up and trading down (Poynor and Haws,2009). It would be beneficial to combine the personality trait and category approachesin order to better determine their possible interplay and influence on hybridconsumption. Is there a link between the trait low self-control and compensatorybehaviour via trading down? Or is hybrid consumption rather a form of behaviourrequiring high self-control? How disciplined are hybrid consumers in their division ofconsumption categories?

In general though, the hybrid consumer appears attentive to prices, such that he orshe considers purchases carefully, but also makes spontaneous decisions in response toemotional factors. These consumers in our sample thought about their consumptionmore thoroughly than other respondents; they did not have difficulties describing theirconsumption habits, whereas other respondents often struggled. The fact that manyrespondents had difficulty in describing their purchase decisions and the informationprocessing that went into it, suggests that they may actually not have engaged in muchconscious information processing, offering some support for Dijskterhuis et al. (2005).

MD51,9

1804

If there existed a stereotype of a hybrid consumer an utter paradox for a notion soelusive it would embrace the I love Aldi Prada slogan (found printed on clothingin Germany). Young fashionistas are more inclined to polarised hybrid behavioursthan average consumers. Design seldom comes cheap, so if they do not have thefinancial means to buy whatever they want, these consumers make more compromiseselsewhere to obtain it. Without being asked specifically, many of our polarised hybridrespondents talked about fashion and style as an important interest, which leads us tosuggest that polarised forms of hybrid consumption are more likely to be found amonga lifestyle group with fashion focus.


For instance, compared to other textile shoes brand 3 shoes ((premium street fashion)) aredisproportionately expensive, and I dont even know if they have better quality. But the wholething, the label itself, is so much more. Its street credibility, a certain style, rock spirit.

The omnivorous hybrid consumer. Is the postmodern consumer in general omnivorous?How do the varying degrees of omnivorousness, identified in a different context byGarca-Alvarez et al. (2007), apply to the hybrid consumer? In this section we providesome initial responses to these questions. Previous research has focused mainly oncultural taste (e.g. arts, music, cuisine), so it is of somewhat limited use in a widerconsumption context. For example, the link between higher social class andomnivorousness does not appear to apply in our findings; we find, for example,cross-over behaviour, such that people with relatively low incomes reach for luxuriesby saving on staples.

Initially, we began by regarding omnivorous hybrid consumption as a lessarticulated version of polarised hybrid consumption. But in fact it might be appropriateto talk about the phenomenon of omnivorousness in consumption as a main trend, withpolarisation as an extreme form, instead of the other way around. The primarydifference between the two appears to be a convenience orientation of the omnivoroushybrid consumer, who is not on a mission to find the best value every time. Thisconsumer values convenience and considers it too much work to undertake acontinuous bargain hunt. Or perhaps these consumers exhibit a somewhat lesser desirefor luxuries, which creates a lesser need to trade down.

Our study results indicate that omnivorous hybrid consumers make distinctionswithin product and service categories. Several respondents referred to the concept ofvalue for money in varying ways, implying hierarchies based on a value-for-moneycalculation rather than those based on categories or situations. Thus hybridconsumption appears less category specific than previously believed and we propose itoccurs within categories, not just between them, and that it is necessary to amend theprevious category focus with analysis of situational and value for money-considerations. Further, we propose that omnivorous hybrids instead might bedescribed as explorers rather than bargain hunters. They are delighted to find bargainsbut are not willing to exert continuous efforts to obtain them. They trade up inindividualistic ways, as part of their identity formation and to gain experiences. Inother words, they seek to influence their identity formation through explorativeconsumption. This form of identity formation, whether consciously or subconsciously,could be influenced by aesthetisation (Matthiesen and Phau, 2005; Sulkowska, 2008)and experience seeking, trends that have become more dominant in media and society.

The hybridconsumer

1805

R26 (male, omnivorous hybrid)

Well, its mostly the experience that influences ((the choice of trading up)). Economically, onpaper, its about buying products that are more durable, which they also are, but when you goand make the purchase, its pretty much the experience and the service that count.


The looks influence the choice the most ((speaking of buying furniture)). If we like the designof the cheaper alternative, then we take it, otherwise not.

The reason this behaviour seems so unpredictable also could be explained by thesimultaneous existence of multiple life themes and projects, related to these consumersidentity formation, such as striving to be a good mother, an attractive wife, and acompetent career woman all in one goals that may be challenging to unite, and evenconflicting at times. This insight links to Firats (1997) arguments about thepostmodern consumer who experiments with a wide array of consumption alternativesand identities. Our hypothesis of an omnivorous explorer therefore offers an interestingavenue for further research.

8.3 Trading-up and trading-down categoriesWe find patterns of trading up and trading down in the sample. In general, respondentswith polarised or somewhat polarised purchase behaviours saved on groceries andother household staples and utility items, but they traded up for products and servicesthat expressed their personal style and taste. High-involvement durables andcategories of discretionary spending are more common trading up categories; low-risk,low-involvement, fast moving consumer goods (FMCG) dominate trading downexamples.

We find commonalities in the categories listed as typical for trading up versustrading down, compared with those of Silverstein and Butman. However, though themost common trading-down categories largely match those provided by Silversteinand Butman, we find more variation in the trading-up categories compared with theirexamples: Clothing, shoes, accessories, cosmetics, and hobbies top the list in our study.If clothing, shoes, and accessories constitute a single category (e.g. wardrobe), thiscombined classification becomes clearly the most common trading-up category for theconsumers in our sample. In contrast, Silverstein and Butman consider clothing andaccessories typical trading-down categories.


I scant on groceries. Ive started using mostly brand 4 ((private brand products)), because Idont want to pay for the advertising of, say, ketchup.

How would your partner describe you as a consumer?

He would say that I am stingy when it comes to food, but then very generous in a shoeboutique, for instance. And its true; you allow yourself to splurge on those things that areimportant to you and in other things you are frugal.

More traditional respondents traded up for smaller indulgencies and little luxuries thatthey could consume without much guilt (Danziger, 2004), such as weekend food(more expensive meat or fish, good wine), cosmetics, perfumes, and hobbies. They didnot buy lifestyle luxuries (i.e. products that offer utility combined with prestige and

MD51,9

1806

image) or aspirational luxuries (i.e. products used to express values, interests, andpassions and that primarily satisfy emotional needs; Danziger, 2004). This distinctionseparates them from hybrid consumption respondents.

The most often mentioned trading-down category was groceries and other daily useproducts bought at grocery stores and supermarkets, such as paper products, soaps,and detergents. Trading down for selected grocery items was very common, thoughthe degree to which the respondents traded down varied significantly. It also was veryselective, concentrated on canned and dried food and selected dairy products. Therespondents reported high levels of price consciousness with regard to mobile deviceservices and airline tickets too. In both these categories, they make active pricecomparisons and choose on the basis of price.


I buy a whole lot of really low-budget items, such as daily things that I dont even think aboutmuch, I just buy them. I try to get those for the lowest price possible. So I definitely buycertain things in the low-budget category, but then there are other things that are meant tolast longer, and those are certainly somewhere in the premium end.

The results show that buying cheap(er) durables is not necessarily perceived as saving,so the notion of saving by buying cheaper alternatives focuses mainly on FMCGs. Incontrast, durables by definition should be durable, and many respondents use thisjustification (Danziger, 2004) to trade up in several durable categories. The divisionbetween durables and FMCGs often reflects the high- versus low-involvementdistinction: Hybrid consumers seem to trade up in selected high-involvementcategories and trade down in most low-involvement categories. Their behaviourimplies trading down for necessities to be able to spend on discretionary consumption.Of course, we need to consider high-involvement necessities as well, such as housing;they do not seem to be typical trading-down categories, perhaps due to the perceivedrisk involved. Higher-risk goods mean higher involvement, in which case they are notsubject to trading down.


I try to choose the cheaper alternative, whenever its available, but in such a way that qualityisnt compromised too much. As I said, I save consistently in order to be able to buy otherexpensive things. I guess its easier to choose cheaper groceries because you know its stillmore or less the same thing.

We find another correlation between trading up for public goods and trading down forprivate use products, such that the public nature of a product may incite trading up.The importance of the distinction between public and private presumably varies fromculture to culture. It may be particularly prominent in cultures that prioritize savingface (e.g. Asian nations), though this aspect was not further explored in our study.Further, the pattern is less straightforward than it may appear at first, because thisbehaviour is mixed even within categories, as we discuss next.

8.4 Hybrid consumption transcends category boundariesAccording to Silverstein and colleagues, consumers trade up in product categories thatare personally meaningful to them and trade down in categories of little importance,such that the division of products into categories must be relevant. But we find thathybrid consumers do not trade up in a specific category all the time or trade down in

The hybridconsumer

1807

another all the time; the pattern seems much less consistent. They often prefer topurchase both high-end and low-end goods in the same categories of products. Oneinterpretation then implies that in different situations purchased products and serviceshave different meanings for consumers or represent different aspirations. The lack ofcategory consensus in an individual hybrid consumers consumption choices has notbeen explored previously; we attempt to explain it more thoroughly in this study.


I mix a lot of quite cheap and expensive ((speaking of furniture)). But when I buy somethingexpensive it needs to be of lasting value. And what serves the purpose; a table or closetfrom company D ((furniture soft discounter)) can be quite acceptable, but with bad luck itsalready broken from the start. At company D I buy basic stuff that you dont necessarilynotice in the interior decoration. Then when I want an object to be eye-catching or beautiful Iinvest in it ((e.g. antique candleholder)). If Im looking for a storage system to put inside acloset then I dont have huge demands. One is more economical with things that arent soeye-cathing.

The considerable variation and inconsistency in purchase behaviour we find withincategories even contrasts somewhat with theories about important versus lessimportant categories. Silverstein and Butman (2006, p. 10) claim that consumers areeagerly spending less (often much less) on a wide variety of goods in many categoriesso they can acquire more of what they need and want in a few categories of significanceto them. Their surveys also focused on categories, such that they expressly countedthe number of categories in which their consumer respondents traded up or down.Because we find that hybrid consumers may trade down in categories they list as veryimportant, we posit that their behaviours are even more mixed than Silverstein andcolleagues realized. In particular, the mainly trading-up categories seem to includetrading down while mainly trading-down categories are more consistent.

The most common categories of trading up and trading down surely have someindicative value, but our study shows that consumers increasingly mix and matchexpensive with cheap within categories and transcend category boundaries, especiallyfor clothing, cosmetics, and home decor; the behaviour was even more common amongomnivorous respondents. Hybrid consumers, for example, might trade down for basicclothing, such as t-shirts, but trade up on shoes and accessories that have a greaterimpact on their style. In other words, they do not trade up for clothing as an entirecategory, though they often cite it as the most important trading-up category.Similarly, hybrid consumers may mix antique or designer furniture withmass-produced mainstream furniture (e.g. IKEA) or trade down on flight tickets tohave more money to spend at their travel destination, whether on a better hotel, nicerestaurants, or shopping. Because these nuances get lumped together into singlecategories, such as home decor or travel, they get lost in Silverstein and colleaguesanalysis, ranked solely as important categories for trading up. We instead suggest thata category focus would require very fine-tuned definitions of specific (sub)categories tobe adequate.

To sum up, in Figure 4, we present three presumably interrelated dimensions thatmay influence trading-up and trading-down hybrid behaviour: category, situation, andvalue-for-money perceptions.

MD51,9

1808

8.5 Drivers of hybrid consumer behaviourIn analyzing the drivers of trading up and trading down, we focus principally onpolarised hybrid consumption, the main object of our study, though these trends alsohave relevance for omnivorous consumers. The behaviour we assess relatesspecifically to consumers who trade up and down, not just one or the other. InFigure 5 we depict the most common categories of trading up (left side) and tradingdown (right side) that we have identified, as well as a categorisation based on theirpotential drivers. That is, to the left of the behaviour columns, we indicate thepresumed main driver for the choice. To the right, we link the trading-up andtrading-down behaviours to our discussion in the previous section (summarised inFigure 4) and further explain the connection to the main drivers.

Drivers of trading up. Several different drivers induce various trading-up situations.Taking care of oneself and connecting with others emerge as potentially overridingdrivers, as these manifest in the other drivers. For example, self-actualisationrepresents a form of taking care of oneself; aesthetics and the expression of personalstyle and taste can be ways to connect with others. We find that the trend towardaesthetisation in everyday life (Matthiesen and Phau, 2005; Sulkowska, 2008) has a

Figure 4.Three dimensions relatingto trading up and trading

down

Figure 5.Classification of trading

up and trading down

The hybridconsumer

1809

seemingly profound impact on consumption decisions. These drivers also relate toidentity formation and lifestyle consumption. Our findings are in line with Belks (1988)views on the incorporation of possessions into the self-concept and extended self,which we interpret as making purchases of emotional significance.

The need to express oneself and personality through symbols of consumption alsomight relate to individualisation in society (Veenhoven, 1999), which seemsparticularly evident in the trading-up categories. Many of these typical forms areindividually oriented, related to looks and personal well-being. Such individualisationmay result from the because youre worth it ideology so common in the marketing ofconsumer goods and services. It could reflect the distortion in the sample towardyounger respondents who have relatively fewer obligations. In comparison,respondents with children (24 per cent of the respondents) frequently traded up tobuy something for their offspring. None of these respondents, not even the youngparents, exhibited a polarised hybrid consumption pattern. Their behaviour may belinked to the construction and maintenance of a key role and identity as a responsibleparent, which shifts the focus of consumption away from the self and toward thefamily, especially children, who become the primary recipients of trading up.

R42 (female, traditional)

Im always lost when my friends talk about what labels they use. Im not willing to pay extrafor a certain logo. When it comes to groceries and other daily products, I dont buy thecheapest quality just to get the lowest price. For instance with diapers I buy the brand thatIve found to be good, even though they are somewhat more expensive. I dont spend muchmoney on myself so I allow myself to spend on daily products as much as I see fit, withoutlooking at every penny. Shopping needs to be fast and easy. And since I know the store andits aisles, I even prepare my shopping list accordingly.

Only one respondent with a child could be classified as omnivorous; the rest weretraditional. In this case, Silverstein and Butmans (2006) argument about thepolarization phenomenon being led by working mothers does not appear to hold as ageneral rule. Rather, it seems much more common among young, urban socialites,though the consumption pattern can persist, at least to some extent, as consumersgrow older. However, in more general terms, Silverstein and Butman also founddemographics to influence trading-up and trading-down behaviour; the results of ourstudy indicate that this influence is plausible.

In addition to expressing individual styles, consumers might try to enhance theirsocial life by trading up for products and services that they believe will help themconnect with the people around them, probably linked to a need for affiliation(McClelland, 1958; Murray, 1938), a basic human motivation. In some situations, thisneed emerges as an expression of social identity through purchases, such as fashion; inothers it implies spending quality time together, such as over a special dinner.


I prefer to invest in my looks and clothing. And everything that enables me to be sociallyactive. Everything that I invest in needs to be sharable with other people, whether its looks,wellbeing, clothing, or going out.

Trading-up purchases also contain an aspect of pampering and taking care of the self,such that they might be classified as hedonic rather than utilitarian thoughconsumers often use utility aspects, such as high quality and longevity, as

MD51,9

1810

justifications (Danziger, 2004). The desire for personally important goods is so strongthat it causes consumers to distort their spending to obtain them. These goods/brandsseem to create an emotional connection with the consumer or simply make theconsumer feel good, thus providing emotional satisfaction. The purchase is not theresult of a careful estimation of the functional qualities of the good but rather is drivenmainly by emotions and hedonic motivations. We draw this conclusion because somepurchases (e.g. $800 handbag) move far beyond any necessity level, have few practicalor functional components (see technical appliances), and rely heavily on design aspects(as exemplified by the use of adjectives such as cool or good-looking byrespondents, which are linked to hedonic value; Vigneron and Johnson, 1999). None ofthe respondents mentioned the word practical when talking about their trade ups.

Many needs are wants in disguise (Danziger, 2004). For example, our respondentsoften used high quality and longevity as justifications for buying something moreexpensive than necessary; some even viewed their trading-up purchases asinvestments, especially when they required distorting budgets considerably. In mostcases, these purchases were not investments in a literal sense (no intention to sell forprofit) but rather in the sense of lasting value, which made the expenditure seem morereasonable. In addition, the self-care justification applies to a myriad of purchasedecisions, and trading down gives another means to justify trading up; luxurypurchases represent rewards for being economical in other situations, which may relateto a motive based on a sense of achievement (Murray, 1938).

Polarised hybrid consumption in particular seems to mix conspicuous consumptionand consumption as a form of statement. A visible mix of expensive and cheappurchases signals that the consumer is proud of being price conscious and smart,someone who weighs carefully what is worth paying a premium for and what is thebest value in the budget segment. Yet many trading-up products and services arepublicly consumed (i.e. convey social status and image) and involve prestigious,well-known brands, so there could be some element of conspicuous consumption aswell. Although we note some stereotypical differences between men and women, suchthat men trade up on electronics and women on accessories, we cannot identify anymajor motivational differences from our data.

In addition, Roche et al. (2008) identify four very similar drivers for trading up: needto care for oneself, desire to have a personal style, need to connect with others, andquesting desire (i.e. experience seeking). These studies were conducted more or lesssimultaneously and independent of each other, which contributes to the externalvalidity (generalizability) of our cohesive results.

Drivers of trading down. The clearest reason for trading down seems to be that theconsumer perceives no relevant difference in the quality of the product or service. Whypay extra for average? Alternatively, hybrid consumers may be less particular aboutquality considerations in some categories or situations. They therefore look fortrading-down options for which the compromise is minimal, with purchases focused ongoods and services that are not emotionally significant, as is evident in the mundanecategories in Figure 5.


I feel like its the same quality, just the label is missing. Or maybe it is that the quality isntthat important to me. There may be a difference, but at least I havent noticed, and Id ratherspend the money on appearance or design.

The hybridconsumer

1811

Many respondents claimed they save just for the sake of saving, though more polarisedhybrid consumers tended to express a different goal: They save to be able to put moremoney into things that matter most to them. The main driver of trading down for polarisedhybrid consumers thus is the facilitation of trading up, or compensatory behaviour thatlinks trading up and down, supporting Silversteins stream of theory. Perhapssurprisingly, this link was not a conscious one for most respondents though, whichsupports the theory of Dijskterhuis et al. (2005) regarding unconscious consumptionchoices, nor was it similar across them. Whereas some respondents viewed trading downas a habit learned from their parents, others saw it as a conscience-soothing temporaryactivity; these two perspectives clearly differentiate the various degrees of hybridbehaviour. Overall though, these polarised hybrid respondents seem to view frugality lessas a virtue (i.e. save for the sake of saving) than as a way to be smart.

Some less polarised respondents mentioned a suffering conscience after their moreexpensive purchases; polarised hybrid consumers had no such qualms from luxurypurchases, because they consider themselves economical in so many other areas. Insome categories, the polarised hybrid consumer thus allows her- or himself to spend.Among traditional and omnivorous respondents, these subcategory divisions were notas clear, and many used expressions such as psychological limits or moderation todescribe their luxury purchases.

In conclusion, our study indicates that the drivers for trading down are similar tothose proposed by Silverstein and Butman (2006). More polarised hybrid consumerstend to have a clearer connection between trading up and trading down than doomnivorous hybrids, among whom the arguments are more mixed.

8.6 Relational vs transactional modeWhen trading down, customer seem mainly driven by price and an evaluation of valuefor money with a focus on the functional benefits of the product, as opposed toemotional benefits to which we found no association with trading down. We discern apossible link between the transactional mode and trading down; attitudinal bonds withstores in which respondents trade down tended to be weak. Yet the lack of attitudinalbonds when trading down are not immediately evident, because the consumers areprice as well as convenience oriented, so they frequently visit the same stores withoutbeing actually relationship oriented. In the context of low-involvement productcategories and low switching costs, it may be more appropriate for companies to thinkin terms of trading down behaviour and use a transaction marketing approach.Investments in building long-lasting customer relationships in such cases may not beprofitable. This corresponds to Jacksons (1985) analysis.

As trading up was linked to higher-risk purchases, it is more likely to incite arelational mode among customers: higher-risk purchases tend to imply higherinvolvement by the customer and tend to have higher switching costs (which is part ofthe risk), and higher switching costs make a longer-term approach suitable for both thecustomer and the company (Jackson, 1985). Several respondents reported specialcustomer relationships with certain companies or being willing to pay a premium forproducts available elsewhere, just for the sake of shopping at certain stores. Manyrespondents had grown to trust retailers with generous, flexible guarantee policies,which offered special value when they purchased luxuries or traded up. Theserelationships have been built over many years, and respondents most mentioned the

MD51,9

1812

reliability value they offered. Further research on the topic is needed to explore thesetentative findings.


The extended product in the form of a guarantee such that I can rely on the company, such ascompany A; I can be certain that even after six months, if something is wrong with theproduct, they will take care of it.


In the low budget category the service does not make a big difference. You pay for what youget. But if the product is more expensive, the service needs to be up to that standard. Whenbuying more expensive things, I often go to the same place where the service has been on areally good level. They remember me from earlier visits. Such as company E; both myfather and I often buy shirts and suits there and there is someone who remembers whatyouve used to buy and presents new models accordingly. This is what youve usually had.This is whats available now. They remember you and send you Christmas cards and thingslike that. So that incites you to have a good relationship with them as a customer.

Squeezing a deal out of every dollar? Convenience plays a crucial role in determining theshopping behaviour of respondents in our study so much so that it often overrides aninterest in finding bargains. Being a bargain hunter requires active, continuousawareness and diligence, which is hard work. Thus the typical consumer seems toappreciate convenience more than thriftiness. Most respondents do not seem thatinterested in squeezing a deal out of every dollar (Betts, 2006), and shopping for dailynecessities represents a chore rather than a bargain hunt with emotional appeal. Thisfinding contrasts with the arguments by Silverstein and Butman (2006). For example,working mothers in our sample refer to shopping for daily necessities as a routine to getdone with quickly and efficiently, not a bargain hunt or pastime to which to devote timeor effort. They lack enough time on their hands to make it worthwhile to expend effort toplan purchases according to special offers or regular visits to a discounter. Workingmothers would rather spend that time with their families.

Whether bargain hunting really takes more time than routine shopping is debatable;consumers can make bargain hunting a routine too. However, it feels that way to theserespondents, who are not eager hybrid consumers. They also avoid hard discounters asa reaction to the meager interiors. That is, most respondents were not willing tocompromise regularly on convenience and the amenity of comfortable surroundingsjust to find cheaper prices. Given the contrasting findings, we suggest that differencesin mentality across cultures be accounted for when considering universal claims ofhybrid consumption.

Trading-up consumers sometimes mention a foreign brand origin as a valueaddition, in terms of coolness and desirability, but we also note a general lack of trusttoward foreign budget brands. Thus we suggest that the hybrid consumer holdsuniversal values of luxury when trading up but appears nationally oriented whentrading down, inviting further research on this point.

9. Key themes of hybrid consumptionHybrid consumption, patterns, and consumers remain relatively new topics forresearch, and ongoing studies remain necessary. This article lays the groundwork forthose further studies. In particular, omnivorous hybrid consumers are topics of great

The hybridconsumer

1813

interest, in that they constitute a larger group than polarised hybrid consumers, butdue to spatial and temporal limitations, we could not explore them thoroughly in thisstudy. We summarise the results of the study in four key themes.

9.1 Key theme 1: a continuum of consumer behaviour typesThe first key theme identifies the existence of various degrees of hybrid consumptionthat induce varying degrees of polarisation in consumption patterns. For research andsegmentation purposes, consumers can be classified along a purchase patterncontinuum into three consumer types:

(1) traditional;

(2) omnivorous; and

(3) polarised.

Omnivorous hybrid consumers seem to be more convenience oriented than polarisedhybrid consumers, which makes their purchase patterns to a less extreme. Indeed, as itseems the latter is more commonplace, polarised hybrid consumption may be bestanalysed as a subcategory of omnivorous consumption behaviour.

We propose a continuum of consumer behaviour types as a model for analyzinghybrid consumption. It is applicable to the other key themes we raise and is thus anoverriding concept, which we hope will prove useful for future research, and for futureanalysis of hybrid consumption behaviour.

9.2 Key theme 2: categories of trading up and trading downRegarding categories of trading up and trading down, there are similarities betweenour findings and those of Silverstein et al. However, we propose a more nuancedapproach to categorizing the types of hybrid consumption behaviour in terms oftrading up and trading down, such that the possibilities to transcend categoryboundaries are taken into account.

Typical trading up categories seem to include high-involvement products andservices that feel more personal and are more closely tied to personal taste and identitythan other categories. They also tend to be discretionary, higher-risk, public goods,including clothing, home decoration, hobbies, gourmet food, and selected travelservices. By contrast, typical trading down categories tend to be low-involvementproducts and services that are not closely linked to the person and do not directlyexpress the consumers personality and taste. They tend to be low-risk necessitiesconsumed privately, such as groceries and other staples (e.g. canned food, pasta, flour,rice, dairy products, detergents, paper products) and other products and services thatrepresent commodities (e.g. airline tickets).

Trading up and trading down are probably not as category specific as previouslybelieved. They can occur within the same category, according to categories defined asin previous research. We propose that the hybrid consumer makes distinctions on afiner level than generally defined categories such as clothing, food, or travel. Decisionsto trade up or down are based on the consumers personal evaluation of the best valuefor money, which relates to the personal importance of various categories to theconsumer, as well as to the products relative importance in a given situation. Inaddition, the value-for-money calculation incorporates value in relation to cost, taking

MD51,9

1814

into account both fact-based aspects of quality and durability and emotion-basedaspects of aesthetic and experience value.

For all three types of consumption behaviour it seems as if buying cheap(er)durables is not necessarily perceived as saving Hence, trading down is mainly relatedon fast moving consumer goods. Durables by definition should be durable, whichjustifies trading up in several such categories.

9.3 Key theme 3: drivers of hybrid consumption behaviourThe third key theme evolves around the drivers of hybrid consumption. According toour results, taking care of oneself and connecting with others are two overridingdrivers for trading up. These are supplemented by self-actualisation,experience-seeking, pampering, and aesthetics. Overall these drivers mirror currentmegatrends as discussed in this paper, and it is interesting to observe how thesemegatrends translate into changes in consumer behaviour. In our view omnivoroushybrid consumers are explorers rather than bargain hunters: they seek influences foridentity formation through explorative consumption. Lifestyle is increasinglyintertwined with symbols of consumption, and the hybrid consumer is influenced bythe increased aesthetics and individualisation of consumer society.

Trading down, on the other hand, is motivated by devoting more money to whatmatters most, that is, to facilitate trading up, not to buy more average-priced goods orsave for the sake of saving, especially among the polarised hybrid consumers. Thisseems to be a mix of compensatory behaviour and a form of consumer smarts; gettingthe most for your money and feeling a sense of pride about it. Thus, we propose thatpolarised hybrid consumption could combine conspicuous consumption andconsumption as a form of statement such that it communicates choices, values orpersonal style. At the same time hybrid consumption may not necessarily be aconscious choice. Consumers may not be aware of a connection between trading up andtrading down in their consumption choices. Is this a contradiction? Or can this type ofidentity formation through consumption be consistent, despite being subconscious?These drivers need to be studied in more detail.

9.4 Key theme 4: demographics of hybrid consumptionLastly, we propose further research on the demographics of hybrid consumption as thefourth key theme emerging from this study. This pattern of consumption seems tooccur in different demographic groups, yet the different individual styles of hybridconsumption, accounting for different tastes and priorities, reflect demographics onlyto a limited extent.

Our results imply that families tend to have less polarised consumption patterns, infavour of more traditional ones, whereas polarised hybrid consumption is more typicalamong a distinctive lifestyle group of young, urban socialites with a sense of fashion.We propose that polarised hybrid consumers are generally well-educated, outgoingself-fulfillers, who do not try to blend in and may be opinion leaders for their referencegroups. They are more involved in active consumption than are traditional consumers.The distinction as a lifestyle oriented group was made based on these respondentsbeing far more interested in buying lifestyle or aspirational luxuries, whereas therespondents in the more traditional end of the spectrum mostly bought smallerindulgencies that they can consume without much guilt.

The hybridconsumer

1815

Sometimes contradictory hybrid purchase patterns may be explained by thesimultaneous existence of multiple life themes and projects, related to identityformation. Different life themes dominate in different purchase situations. Further,differences in the mentalities of different cultures affect the shape of the phenomenon.There is no universally valid list of the most important categories of trading up, nor dohybrid consumers everywhere enjoy bargain hunting.

10. Discussion and implicationsTo a certain extent, our study results align with the notion of the new consumer(Silverstein and Fiske, 2003, 2005; Silverstein and Butman, 2006). Yet we also notesome important discrepancies and reveal some new findings regarding hybridconsumer behaviour. By taking into account the fine-grained differences in consumersvalue calculations and concentrating on underlying drivers and variations amongrespondents, as opposed to general categories of consumption, we have sought topresent a more nuanced pattern of hybrid consumption.

However, we acknowledge our debt to work by Silverstein and his colleagues as acomparative basis for our theory generation and development of propositions forfurther research. Many sources have recognised and reported on Silversteins,Butmans, and Fiskes views (e.g. Betts, 2006; Danziger, 2005; Miller, 2008; PRNewswire, 2004, 2006; Sheban, 2005; Stern, 2006; Waters, 2006; Wen, 2007), withoutchallenge or question. To accommodate the lack of competing theories, we have drawnon a range of theories and trends in consumer behaviour that might relate to thephenomenon. Of course, the lack of challenge to the new consumer theory also reflectsthe newness of the phenomenon, which reemphasises the need for further research. Inthis article, we have delved deeper into aspects not previously studied, which enablesus to question some previously presented arguments and conclusions.

Although polarised hybrid consumer behaviour does not seem widespread on aglobal scale, omnivorousness as a less articulated version of hybrid consumptionemerges as a significant purchasing pattern for postmodern consumers. Ifalternatives in the high- and low-ends of the market start proliferating globally,adding more options for trading up and trading down, then consumers increasinglymight make use of this new shopping strategy. The pattern could spread to largergroups of consumers. Yet a comparison of the most commonly cited trading-downcategories we find (groceries/staples, mobile device operators, air travel) withbusinesses that have been most active in their price-oriented advertising prompts aquestion of which was there first: Is advertising focused on price a response toprice-sensitive consumers, or have the companies taught consumers to demandlower prices in these markets?

For companies that do not wish to compete on price, these findings indicate thatthey increasingly should concentrate on the emotional value of their product or service.These companies need to work to turn needs into wants by differentiating theiroffering, not just technically but also on an emotional dimension, which may requireconsideration of how the product or service gets delivered. If they wish to reachtrading-up consumers and improve their margins and competitive positions, thesefirms must engage consumers emotionally or find ways to turn something mundaneinto an experience and luxurious necessity. The concept of a luxurious necessity is ofcourse controversial, but so is todays marketplace.

MD51,9

1816

For firms in the discount segment, a strategic focus on price and furtherimprovement of the no-frills alternative through cost effectiveness and quality controlsseems the best option. Escaping the middle, as recommended by Silverstein andButman (2006), may be somewhat overdramatic advice though; that which constitutesa trade up is relative to the consumers individual income level. This factor becomeseven more pertinent if we consider a global scale: Trading up in developing countries,for example, might entail mid-priced brands by Western standards. Nevertheless, themiddle market is likely to become a harder place to operate for undifferentiatedproviders that cannot contribute to a hybrid consumers identity formation.

A more in-depth look at the possible link between relational modes and trading up,versus transactional modes and trading down, could provide useful insights. The lackof clear category consistency with respect to trading up and down in individual hybridconsumers consumption patterns also provides an interesting starting point forresearch into the drivers of their purchase decisions. Further, an analysis of whethercertain personality traits can be linked to hybrid consumption could prove useful inprofiling hybrid consumers.

Finally, further studies should attend more closely to segmentation and targetingissues. The seemingly unpredictable, erratic, hybrid behaviour of postmodernconsumers indicates that the conventional methods of segmentation and targetingare dated. Can consumers continue to be grouped into homogenous segmentsaccording to their common characteristics? The need for, and trend toward, morefine-tuned segmentation has gained widespread recognition, and the targeting ofever smaller segments is now possible through Internet and information technologytools and advances (e.g. technology-based customer relationship management). Howcan marketers take hybrid consumption behaviour into account better when theydesign marketing campaigns and select target groups for their products andservices? How can companies better target hybrid consumers, who seem to occupymyriad segments?

Note

1. Explanations of the symbols used in the transcripts: () Empty brackets indicate thetranscribers inability to hear what was said. (word) Text in single brackets means possiblehearings. (()) Double parentheses contain authors descriptions rather than transcriptions.word Underscoring a word indicates some form of stress, via pitch and/or amplitude.

References

American Express Business Insights (Amex BI) (2009), The New Consumer, available at: www.americanexpress.com/businessinsights, July.

Arnould, E., Price, L. and Zinkhan, G. (2004), Consumers, International Edition, 2nd ed.,McGraw-Hill, New York, NY.

Belk, R.W. (1988), Possessions and the extended self, Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 15No. 2, pp. 139-169.

Betts, K. (2006), Michael Silverstein Interview, Time, Fall supplement Style & Design, p. 48.

Danziger, P.N. (2004), Why People Buy Things They Dont Need: Understanding & PredictingConsumer Behaviour, Dearborn Trade Publishing, Chicago, IL.

The hybridconsumer

1817

Danziger, P.N. (2005), Let Them Eat Cake: Marketing Luxury to the Masses As Well as theClasses, Dearborn Trade Publishing, Chicago, IL.

Demos, T. (2007), Does bling beat the market?, Fortune Europe Edition, Vol. 156 No. 5,pp. 67-68.

Dijskterhuis, A., Smith, P.K., van Baaren, R.B. and Wigboldus, D.H.J. (2005), The unconsciousconsumer: effects of environment on consumer behaviour, Journal of ConsumerPsychology, Vol. 15 No. 3, pp. 193-202.

Dubois, B. and Duquesne, P. (1993), The market for luxury goods: income versus culture,European Journal of Marketing, Vol. 27 No. 1, pp. 35-45.

Eggert, U. (1999), Mega-Trends im Verkauf Was Sich in Gesellschaft, Handel und VertriebAndert, Metropolitan Professional, Dusseldorf.

Favaro, D. and Frateschi, C. (2007), A discrete choice model of consumption of cultural goods:the case of music, Journal of Cultural Economics, Vol. 31 No. 3, pp. 205-235.

Felsted, A. (2010), Spending on luxury goods holds up, Financial Times, available at: www.ft.com/cms/s/0/5f3d4710-929d-11df-9142-00144feab49a.html (accessed 18 July 2010).

Firat, A.F. (1997), Educator insights: globalization of fragmentation a framework forunderstanding contemporary global markets, Journal of International Marketing, Vol. 5No. 2, pp. 77-86.

Gabriel, Y. and Lang, T. (2006), The Unmanageable Consumer, 2nd ed., Sage Publications,London, (originally published 1995).

Garca-Alvarez, E., Katz-Gerro, T. and Lopez-Sintas, J. (2007), Deconstructing culturalomnivorousness 1982-2002: heterology in Americans musical preferences, Social Forces,Vol. 86 No. 2, pp. 417-443.

Gronroos, C. (1997), Value-driven relational marketing: from products to resources andcompetencies, Journal of Marketing Management, Vol. 13 No. 5, pp. 407-419.

Gumbel, P. (2007), Mass vs Class, Fortune Europe Edition, Vol. 156 No. 5, pp. 52-56.

Holt, D.B. (1997), Poststructuralist lifestyle analysis: conceptualizing the social patterning ofconsumption in postmodernity, Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 23 No. 4, pp. 326-350.

Jackson, B.B. (1985), Build customer relationships that last, Harvard Business Review, Vol. 63No. 6, pp. 120-129.

Lewis, D. and Bridger, D. (2001), Die Neuen Konsumenten Was Sie Kaufen und Wie Man Sie alsKunden Gewinnt, Campus Verlag, Frankfurt/New York, NY.

Lopez-Sintas, J. and Garca-Alvarez, E. (2005), Four characters on the stage playing three games:performing arts consumption in Spain, Journal of Business Research, Vol. 58 No. 10,pp. 1446-1455.

LVMH Moet Hennessy Louis Vuitton (2010), Key Figures, available at: www.lvmh.com/comfi/pg_repere.asp?rub7&srub3 (accessed 25 April 2011).

McClelland, D. (1958), Methods of measuring human motivation, in Atkinson, J.W. (Ed.),Motives in Fantasy, Action and Society, Van Nostrand, Princeton, NJ, pp. 12-13.

Matthiesen, I. and Phau, I. (2005), The Hugo Boss connection: achieving global brandconsistency across countries, Brand Management, Vol. 12 No. 5, pp. 325-338.

Miller, S. (2008), The Middle of Nowhere, Brandweek, Vol. 49, pp. 18-20.

Murray, H.A. (1938), Explorations in Personality, Oxford University Press, New York, NY.

Nueno, J.L. and Quelch, J.A. (1998), The mass marketing of luxury, Business Horizons, Vol. 41No. 6, pp. 61-68.

MD51,9

1818

Patton, M.Q. (2001), Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods, 3rd ed., Sage Publications,Thousand Oaks, CA.

Poynor, C. and Haws, K.L. (2009), Lines in the sand: the role of motivated categorization in thepursuit of self-control goals, Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 35 No. 5, pp. 772-787.

PPR Pinault Printemps Redoute (2010), Key Figures, available at: www.ppr.com/en/node/759(accessed 25 April, 2011).

PR Newswire (2004), New survey shows that Americans continue to trade up (and down) intheir purchase patterns, PR Newswire, 2 December.

PR Newswire (2006), American consumers are saving over $100 billion a year by shoppingsmart, PR Newswire, 8 May.

Roche, C., Silverstein, M.J. and Charpilo, N. (2008), Trading up and down around the world,Boston Consulting Group Report, September.

Saaksjarvi, M., Hellen, K., Gummerus, J. and Gronroos, C. (2007), Love at first sight or along-term affair? Different relationship levels as predictors of customer commitment,Journal of Relationship Marketing, Vol. 6 No. 1, pp. 45-62.

Saunders, M., Lewis, P. and Thornhill, A. (2003), Research Methods for Business Students, 3rd ed.,Prentice Hall, London.

Scilla, H.S. (2010), Emerging markets to drive growth in luxury spending, Investment Week,available at: www.investmentweek.co.uk/investment-week/analysis/1649773/emerging-markets-drive-growth-luxury-spending (accessed 24 May).

Sheban, J. (2005), High-end goods favored by Americas middle class, Knight Ridder TribuneBusiness News, Washington, 20 January.

Silverstein, M.J. and Butman, J. (2006), Treasure Hunt: Inside the Mind of the New Consumer,Portfolio, Penguin Group, New York, NY.

Silverstein, M.J. and Fiske, N. (2003), Luxury for the masses, Harvard Business Review, Vol. 81No. 4, pp. 48-57.

Silverstein, M.J. and Fiske, N. (2005), Trading Up (Revised Edition) Why Consumers Want NewLuxury Goods & How Companies Create Them, Portfolio (Penguin Group), New York,NY.

Silverstein, M.J., Butman, J. and Klara, R. (2006), A field guide to the new consumer,Brandweek, Vol. 47 No. 18.

Smithers, R. (2009), Recession sees consumers switch from green to budget products,The Guardian, available at: www.guardian.co.uk/business/2009/jul/06/shoppers-survey-fairtrade-green-budget (accessed 6 July).

Stern, S. (2006), Middle-class hunters of bargain bounty, Financial Times, 31 May.

Sulkowska, M. (2008), Aesthetization of aesthetic values?, The Yearbook of PhenomenologicalResearch: Beautys Appeal Measure and Excess, Tymieniecka, A. (Ed.), Vol. 97, Springer,New York, NY, pp. 75-84.

Underhill, P. (1999), Why We Buy: The Science of Shopping, Simon & Schuster, New York, NY.

Veenhoven, R. (1999), Quality of life in individualistic society; a comparison of 43 nations in theearly 1990s, Social Indicators Research, Vol. 48, pp. 157-186.

Vigneron, F. and Johnson, L.W. (1999), A review and a conceptual framework ofprestige-seeking consumer behaviour, Academy of Marketing Science Review, No. 1.

Warc (2010), Luxury spending set to rebound in US, available at: www.warc.com/News/TopNews.asp?ID27011 (accessed 26 July).

The hybridconsumer

1819

Warde, A., Martens, L. and Olsen, W. (1999), Consumption and the problem of variety: culturalomnivorousness, social distinction and dining out, Sociology, Vol. 33 No. 1, pp. 105-127.

Waters, R. (2006), The Hummer and the Mini Navigating the Contradictions of the New TrendLandscape, Penguin Group, New York, NY.

Wen, D. (2007), Manufacturers can learn from US firm coach, China Daily North AmericanEdition, 14 March, p. 15.

Corresponding authorChristian Gronroos can be contacted at: [email protected]

MD51,9

1820

To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: [email protected] visit our web site for further details: www.emeraldinsight.com/reprints

Documents

17098880