PONTIFICIO ISTITUTO DI STUDI ARABI E D’ISLAMISTICA

PISAI

المعهد البابوي للدراسات العربية وااسامية

POLITICAL SHIISM

(Al Tašayyu῾ al- siyāsī) according to Ahmed Al-Katib

Licence thesis in Arabic and Islamic Studies

Presented by

John Kipkemoi KORIR

First Moderator Second Moderator

Prof. Adnane MOKRANI Prof. Celeste INTARTAGLIA

Rome, 2014

i

Table of Contents

Dedication ............................................................................................................................................. iii

Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................................... iv

Abbreviations ......................................................................................................................................... v

System of transliteration of Arabic words and names ...................................................................... vi

Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 1

Choice of the topic .............................................................................................................................. 2

Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 2

Plan of the work .................................................................................................................................. 3

Chapter 1 Biographical notes on Ahmed al-Katib .............................................................................. 5

1.1 Life and works of Ahmed al-Katib ............................................................................................... 5

1.2 Critical Shia Scholar...................................................................................................................... 6

1.3 Works ............................................................................................................................................ 7

1.4 Ahmed al-Katib as seen by the Sunni ........................................................................................... 7

1.5 Ahmed al-Katib as seen by the Šī῾a .............................................................................................. 7

Chapter 2 The presentation of the book Al-Tašayyu῾ al- siyāsī wa- l- tašayyu῾ al-dīnī................... 9

2.1 Division of the book ...................................................................................................................... 9

2.2 General overview of text ............................................................................................................... 9

2.3 Political Shiism (Al-Tašayyu῾ al- siy s ) .................................................................................. 9

2.4. Relationship between Islam and politics ................................................................................ 10

2.5 Consultation as a political theory of the family of the Prophet ............................................... 11

2.5.1 Characteristics required of a Muslim community leader ..................................................... 12

2.5.2 Attitude of Imam Al towards Consultations ...................................................................... 12

2.6. Shiism and Consultations ........................................................................................................... 13

2.7 Š ῾a and its divisions, a confirmation of political nature of Shiism ........................................... 13

Chapter 3 Translated text ................................................................................................................... 15

Chapter 4 A critical study of the text ................................................................................................. 35

4.1 General overview ........................................................................................................................ 35

4.1 The Shiites in general .................................................................................................................. 36

4. 2 Political nature of Shiism ........................................................................................................... 36

4.3 The theory of Consultation a ‘solution’ to Succession’s ‘crisis’ ................................................. 37

4.4 Imamate as a basis of ‘religious Shiism’ ..................................................................................... 38

4.5 The views of Some Shiite’s Sects on Imamate ........................................................................... 40

ii

4.5.1 Im miyya .............................................................................................................................. 40

4.5.2 The Kays niyya .................................................................................................................... 41

4.5.3 The Zaydiyya........................................................................................................................ 41

4.5.4 The Batriyya ......................................................................................................................... 42

4.5.5 The Sulaym niyya ................................................................................................................ 42

4.6 The Š ῾a divisions confirming political nature of Shiism............................................................ 43

4.7 Šī῾a Sunni differences ................................................................................................................ 43

4.7. 1 Differences between Sunni and Š ῾a a source of conflict in the Muslim world? .............. 44

Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 47

Bibliography ......................................................................................................................................... 48

Index of names ...................................................................................................................................... 50

Glossary ................................................................................................................................................. 52

Appendix 1 ............................................................................................................................................ 53

Appendix 2 ............................................................................................................................................ 55

iii

Dedication

To my parents from whom I learnt respect for others in their differences

and to all those who have dedicated their lives to be bridges in the lives

of others.

iv

Acknowledgements

It is with great pleasure to recognize and to thank God and all those who have directly or

indirectly contributed to the realization of this work. I thank the PISAI teaching and non-

teaching staff who have supported me for a period of two years.

I thank Comboni Missionaries administration for having believed in my abilities to contribute

in my humble way towards inter-religious dialogue by giving me the opportunity to study.

I recognize and wholeheartedly appreciate the work and basic formation of two years given to

me by the Institute of Dar Comboni in Cairo 2009 to 2011 and the guidance in translation of

the text by Mr.῾Amr Zacharia.

I also thank the librarian of the Comboni Missionaries general house library of Via Luigi Lilio

Roma, Mr. Alessandro Giovanetti who tireless offered me the service I needed to accomplish

the task. He was always available to help me get the required material in time. My special

thanks go to Professor Fr. Martin Wullobay, m.afr for his availability to go through my work

and recommend the way forward. I cannot ignore the contribution of Fr. Maurizio Binaghi

mccj who helped me in proof reading and correcting.

Special thanks Professor Adnane Mokrani who not only inspired and guided me to the choice

of the subject but also for his availability and accompaniment before and during the writing of

the paper. He ensured that I got the material in time. I thank Professor Celeste Intartaglia for

her constant support in correcting and going through the work with availability. I thank my

classmates who have given me a humble time of study and contributed in their sharing and for

their listening heart.

I thank Br. Mario Camporese mccj for the assistance in photocopying and ensuring that I got

relevant materials for my study. I thank my community of Priest and Brothers students in

Rome for their constant support.

v

Abbreviations

AD : Anno Domini ( the year of the Lord).

AH : Year of Hiğra.

AN . : Author’s Note.

b. : Ibn (Son of).

Br. :Brother as a religious title.

Cf. : Compare, see.

Fr. :Father, religious title referring to a priest.

d. : died.

i.e. : that is.

M.afr. : Missionaries of Africa.

Mccj. : Comboni Missionaries.

PBUH : Peace be upon him.

Q. : Qur’ n.

PISAI : Pontifical Institute for Arabic and Islamic Studies.

vi

System of transliteration of Arabic words and names

- ا

b - ب

t - ت

- ث

- ج

- ح

- خ

d - د

- ذ

r - ر

z - ز

s - س

š - ش

- ص

- ض

- ط

ẓ - ظ

‘ - ع

ġ - غ

f - ف

q - ق

k - ك

l - ل

m - م

n - ن

h - ه

w / ū - و

/ y - ي

hamza - ’ only in the middle or at the end of the word - ء

tā’ marbu - ة a - normally not transliterated;

– t is added when in construct states (iḍāfa);

alif maq - ى ūra -

Vowels : ــــــ - a

ــــــ - i

u - ــــــ

1

Introduction

This work is to help to better understand Islam by understanding Shiism. The general

conception is that Islam is one and hence Muslims are one. We are going to explore with the

help of the text from a book Al-Tašayyu῾ al- siyāsī wa l- tašayyu῾ al-dīnī by Ahmed al-Katib, a

part of the Muslim community who professes Islam but has a particular Identity called Šī῾a.

We will also try to see what Shiism is in general. We will not deal with all the aspects of

Shiism, instead we will just see some historical aspects of Shiism in order to analyze the

political nature of Shiism as presented to us by Ahmed al-Katib. It has been noted that, “

When the history of the Muslim world first became a subject of modern academic research in

the 19th

century, historians naturally relied primarily on the major literary sources of

mainstream Sunni Islam and adopted the Sunni historical perspective reflected in them”1. Our

text then, written by a Shiite scholar will help us to see in a critical way the political nature of

Shiism and to appreciate Islam in its entirety from a Shiite position. In understanding the

difference between Šī῾a and Sunni Muslims we will better comprehend the state of

relationship between these two big divisions of the Muslim community. This will result in an

understanding of how to relate with Muslims for the purpose of interreligious dialogue and a

harmonious living among humans.

1 Farhad Daftary, Gurdofarid Miskinzoda, The study of Shi῾ism Islam. History, Theology and Law, I.B

Tauris Publishers, London 2014, 3.

2

Choice of the topic

The interest for the topic came to me during a presentation on Islam by Professor Adnane

Mokrani. He mentioned the importance of the Š ῾a way of life having an imām as the

guarantor. After the presentation I went to him and asked if he could present the same to the

Muslims and his response was in affirmative. I asked him if I could know more about the

Imamate with my curiosity towards the twelfth Imām. I was struck by the title ‘Imām was born

dead’ by Ahmed al-Katib in his book The Development of Shiite Political Thought.

I decided to translate the text on the same topic but I realized that the book had been

translated. My interested could not be put off, I asked for another book of the same author.

The topic on Shiism became my interest. I felt that it is necessary to understand the Muslim

community as a whole. The first step was to research on the foundation of Shiism for the sake

of knowing how to relate with both communities who share the principles and fundamentals of

Islam.

Methodology

Since this paper is not strictly a piece of original research, but rather an exercise in

methodology as stipulated by PISAI, we will focus on the translation of an Arabic text from

the book Al-Tašayyu῾ al- siyāsī wa l- tašayyu῾ al-dīnī by Ahmed al-Katib.

We are going to present the sections of the translated text, highlighting the most important

elements. The translation will try to respect the original Arabic text keeping in mind that no

language can be translated with the exact meaning to another.

Transliteration of Arabic words will be done according to PISAI system of transliteration,

while on the part of direct quoted words, the system of transliteration will be respected and if

change then the note will be specified with the letters ‘cf.’ which will also mean that a part of

the cited work has inspired the idea noted.

It is also worth noting that in the original Arabic text of our research are many footnotes.

Hence, on our part we will not translate nor transliterate all but just selected few. In the case in

3

which the note of the author has been put then a specification ‘A/N’ will be used, signifying

Authors Notes.

Concerning the technical terms, if the term has been taken from Arabic and is commonly

used, then it will remain as so in our paper. Any word transliterated and is originally Arabic

will be in Italic characters. On the same, are some words meaning the same but written in

different ways. We will find in our paper words like, Shia, Shi’a and Šī῾a with same meaning

but different ways of writing according to the source. The first two forms will indicate that the

way of writing from the source has been maintained; otherwise we will be using Šī῾a

according to PISAI way. The term al-tašayyu῾ will be translated to mean Shiism. Shiism in

our paper can appear as Shi῾ism as in some books, but, we will maintain Shiism.

Plan of the work

Our work will be divided in to four parts. These parts are indicated as Chapters.

We will begin by the presentation of the author, Ahmed al-Katib. It is followed by a

presentation of his biographical notes and works. His role in the scholarly field will be noted

as it introduces us to the chapter of our interest.

In the second chapter, we will be present the book in general and the presentation of

chapter one of the book in details. We will highlight the divisions making comments on most

of it if not all the divisions.

The third chapter will be dedicated to the translation. There will be a page in Arabic with

the English text following with same page numerations.

The fourth chapter will be a critical view of the text. We will go through the points

presented in the translated text giving it our interpretation confronting it with other sources.

The reflection in this section is aimed at a deeper and wider understanding of the political

nature of Shiism.

4

There will be a section of index and glossary of which will facilitate the reading and the

work done. Personal names will fall within the index, while as for the technical terms will be

in the glossary.

5

Chapter 1

Biographical notes on Ahmed al-Katib

1.1 Life and works of Ahmed al-Katib

Ahmed al-Katib (῾Abd al-Rasūl ῾Abd al-Zahr ’ ῾Abd al-Am r ğğ ab b L r ) was

born on June 13th, 1953 in Karbal ’, Iraq. He reports with enthusiasm that his father devoted

him to religious life. It is said that Ahmed al-Katib, received a traditional Shiite Islamic

education at the renowned Hawza or 'seminary' of Najaf -- Karbala's 'sister city' and burial

place of Imam ‘Al , but because of his dissenting opinions regarding key aspects of Shiite

doctrine, he was never given an iğāza.2

During the 1980s, al-Katib lived in Iran, where he not only founded and directed an Arabic-

language radio station opposing and challenging Saddam Hussein's regime during the

dragged-out Iraq-Iran war (1980-1988), but also continued his studies into the Šī῾a Islamic

heritage.

2Cf. http://sonsofsunnah.com/2013/10/19/ahmad-al-K tib -a-shia-reformist-who-refuted-the-core-of-

shiism, visited on 14/04/2014.

6

His position especially on Imamate which contradicted the position of the Supreme

leaders of Iran made him to leave Iran in 1990 to the United Kingdom where he continues

with his reflection on issues touching Islam3.

1.2 Critical Shia Scholar

Ahmed al-Katib kept in his heart the promise made by his father that his son has to be

religious, but he did not betray his conscience accepting the doctrines in a wholesale way. He

interrogated the doctrine through research. "Based on his research in Tehran and at the

Hawza's in Qom and Mashhad, he articulated a very critical rereading of received knowledge

in the Š ῾a tradition, questioning the core of its doctrinal positions”4.

His studies did not make him less Shiite instead they gave him the tools to positively

criticize some positions held by the Shiites. He went even to the point of concluding that the

existence of the twelfth Imam whom the twelvers hold dear never existed and he ironically

said the twelfth Imam was born dead. This is not taken lightly by the proponents of the theory

of occultation of the twelfth Imam. “According to al-Katib, by casting doubt on the very

existence of this Last Imam, the entire theory of the Imamate is underminded [ for

undermined]. This also affects the claims made by successive generations of Š ῾a clerics to

being the guardians or custodians of this legitimate authority, otherwise Known as wilayat al

fiqih”5.

Even though his conclusions are based on the studies of the Shiite heritage, he is seen to be

against the Shiites. Ahmed Al-Katib’s position on some Shiite’s doctrines earned him some

degree of acceptance by the Sunnis.

3Cf. http://sonsofsunnah.com/2013/10/19/ahmad-al-K tib -a-shia-reformist-who-refuted-the-core-of-

shiism/, visited on 26/01/2014. 4 http://caroolkersten.blogspot.it/2009_09_01_archive.html, visited on 19/10/2013.

5 http://sonsofsunnah.com/2013/10/19/ahmad-al-K tib -a-shia-reformist-who-refuted-the-core-of-

shiism/, visited on 14/04/2014.

7

1.3 Works

“Most of Ahmed al-Katib 's publications are only available in Arabic and Persian, but an

English translation of The Development of Shiite Political Thought”6 is available on line. This

is one of the important works of Ahmed al-Katib which will help us to understand some

elements uniquely present in the book Al-Tašayyu῾ al- siyāsī wa l- tašayyu῾ al-dīnī.

Among the books he has written are:- awla wu ūd al-mahdī and Ta awwur al-fikr al-

siyāsī min al-šūrā ilā wilāyat al-faqīh.

1.4 Ahmed al-Katib as seen by the Sunni

“According to Sunni traditions the likes of Ahmed Al-Katib would be referred as Tafdhili

Shias, a term referring to the early Shias who according to Islamic (Sunni) traditions are not

considered to be heretics (unlike the later Shiites, such as the Twelvers today), this is because

their main trait was favoring ‘Al Ibn Abi Talib over all other companions”7. As mentioned

above, some Sunni Muslim scholars regard him as Shiite reformist who should not be

categorized with the heretics. This is because he disputes some Shiite’s doctrines after having

done profound research on Islamic heritage.

1.5 Ahmed al-Katib as seen by the Šī῾a

His views on the Imamate especially on the doctrine of the twelfth Imam, shakes the

foundation of the Shiite thought and as a consequence disturbs the political thought of the

supreme leader of Iran. Ahmed Al-Katib in his book awla wu ūd al-mahdī and Ta awwur

al-fikr al-siyāsī min al-šūrā ilā wilāyat al-faqīh. (The_Development_Of_Shī'ite_Political

Thought: From Shūrā to wilāyat Al-Faqīh) says;

As a result of limiting the Imamate in (the infallible and the occulted Twelfth Im m), and due to their waiting for his appearance, Twelver-Im m Sh ’ite thought, is marked by political isolationism and absolute negativism, till the birth of the idea of public representation of Im m Al-Mahd by the Jurists, and its later development to Wilāyat Al-Faqīh (Guardianship of the Jurist-Consult), whereby

6 http://caroolkersten.blogspot.it/2009_09_01_archive.html, visited on 19/10/2013.

7 http://sonsofsunnah.com/2013/10/19/ahmad-al-K tib -a-shia-reformist-who-refuted-the-core-of-

shiism/ , accessed on 14/04/2014.

8

the Sh ’ite thought was able, through the leadership of Im m Khomeini, to establish an Islamic

Republic in Iran, at the end of the Fourteenth (14th) Century AH8.

He was seen as a threat to the political stability in Iran and for his presence as scholar who

did not stop searching for what is beneath the belief, hence making his life difficult. He ran

away in 1991 to United Kingdom.

8 Ahmad Al-K tib, The_Development_Of_Shī'ite Political Thought : From Shūrā To Wilāyat Al- Faqīh,

Al-Shura Publishing House For Research And Information, Bayrūt, 1997, 3.

9

Chapter 2

The presentation of the book Al-Tašayyu῾ al- siyāsī wa- l- tašayyu῾ al-dīnī.

2.1 Division of the book

The book Al-Tašayyu῾ al- siyāsī wa- l- tašayyu῾ al-dīnī has fifteen Chapters. Our text is in

the first chapter of the book.

The chapter is divided into four parts as follows: Political Shiism which will deal with: its

origin and the nature, Relationship between Islam and politics, Consultation as a political

theory of the family of the Prophet and Š ῾a and Consultation. We are going to present in

details each and every four parts. The text in this first chapter develops the theory on political

nature of Shiism as a positive way of expressing the division within the Muslim community.

2.2 General overview of text

The text introduces us to the political nature of Shiism in an effort to reconcile the

understanding of the difference between Š ῾a and Sunni Muslims. Here we are dealing with

the political nature of Shiism keeping in mind that the Shiite’s divisions in the texts expresses

some slight doctrinal differences rather than political, Ahmed al-Katib has chosen a few of the

Shiite sects in order to present the popular Shiite unawareness of the doctrine of the imamate.

His aim is not a comparative study, rather a profound link between Sunni and Š ῾a despite

their practical difference to the adherence to Islamic faith.

2.3 Political Shiism (Al-Tašayyu῾ al- siyāsī)

“Historians agree that the term al-tašayyu῾9 first appeared in the lifetime of Imām ‘Al , the

fourth caliph, cousin and son in-law of Mu ammad, assassinated in 39/95910

. The situation

around that time was the result of the untimely death of Prophet Mu ammad and the

9 The term will subsequently translated in the text as Shiism.

10 Cf. Virginia Vacca, Vite e detti dei santi musulmani, Tipografia Cane & Durando, Torino 1968, 35.

10

subsequent succession. When Abū Bakr was elected as Caliph, some immigrants and

supporters protested and refused to pay the allegiance to him claiming that to do so after ‘Al .

This, in fact, the dispute on the nature of Shiism in the first era of Islam; whether it was

political, spiritual or religious and if all of the above, then which is the order.

On this are two opinions, those who hold that Shiism was religious, the position of the

imāmiyya as a result of the commandment of Prophet and the second opinion of some

historians who hold that Shiism was at first political and gradually developed in to a religious

Shiism (dogmatic or spiritual) after a number of decades11

.

2.4. Relationship between Islam and politics

This part explores the texts dating back to the period of ‘Al and the presumed period of the

appearance of Shiism with aim of understanding “the attitude of Islam towards politics in

general and whether the political system was part of the religion or not as well as the nature of

Prophetic experience itself”12. It was to know also, the attitude of the great Prophet

Mu ammad towards the Muslim political systems of the time in order to establish Islam as the

religion associated with ruling.

The theory which is presented and that the author will try to justify is that Islam right from

its founder distinguished between politics and religion. He attributes this conclusion to the

disinterested attitude of Mu ammad toward political leadership and leaving untouched the

political systems of the time.

The texts concludes that “the Islamic vision on politics or more precisely political systems

is a civil and not a religious one, that is to say, not regarded as a part of religion, then its vision

11 Cf. Ahmed Al-K tib , Al-Tašayyu῾ al-siyāsī wa- l- tašayyu῾ al-dīnī , Al-Intiš r, Bayrūt 2009, 25.

12 Ahmed al-K tib , al-Tašayyu ‘, 25.

11

on the Caliphate will not be religious either. For Imām ‘Al , therefore, it is a civil and a

conventional political issue, Shiism and not a religious one”13.

2.4.1 Caliphate is political and not religious

The text tries to show that the claim to the caliphate is more political than a deserving right

as appointment to the caliphate by God or by the Prophet. The claim would affect the authority

of the political leaders who for long have been seen as willed by God and at a point of time

could act with impunity. The later developments of the abolishment of the caliphate would

give credit to this claim.

2.4.2 Effects of Allegiance to ‘Alī The text affirms that political Shiism reached its climax when allegiance was paid to ‘Al

after the death of ῾U man and it is not seen as religious but political authority.

The imamates claim that Shiism has a long religious tradition, citing a Prophetic text that

our writer dismisses: he says that the Prophet did not plan to appoint Imām ‘Al as Caliph or

propose him as imām. Al-’Abb s b. ‘Abd al-Mu alib is accused of having had the desire to

have the caliphate passed on to Prophet’s family from which he would have had a share, but

did not claim divine appointment as caliph. Al-’Abb s b. ‘Abd al-Mu alib was asked if he

could pay the inheritance and fight the enemies of Mu ammad and he refused saying: Oh

Messenger of God, You are better than my parents. Indeed I am an old man and I have many

children but with little money.

The same question is said to have been posted to ‘Al who replied affirmatively and took to

himself the responsibility voluntarily.

2.5 Consultation as a political theory of the family of the Prophet

The text confirms the political nature of Shiism owing it to the fact the imams of the

Prophet’s family believed in the right of the nation to be consulted and the right for all

Muslims to be nominated and elected to the caliphate. This position would go against many

13 Ahmed al-K tib , al-Tašayyu‘ , 27.

12

Shiite’s sects who claim that Imamate should be from the Prophet’s household. Imām ‘Al as

per the texts presented by the writer seems to accept consultations. He even gives the

requirements of an Imām.

2.5.1 Characteristics required of a Muslim community leader

The Muslim community has a right to elect a righteous, pious, and knowledgeable man. An

Imām should be acquainted with judgment and sunna. He should be from a good family and

bloodline and must have good judgement. He should be kind and not greedy neither should he

be ignorant lest to lead the Muslims astray for his lack of knowledge. He should not take

bribes from them, he should not neglect their rights and he should respect the traditions. With

all this requirements, there is no an explicit mention of the Prophet’s family or ‘Al ’s family.

2.5.2 Attitude of Imam Alī towards Consultations

The author made hypothetical conclusion that would lead a reader to the reasons that made

him to assert that Shiism in the first period of Islam was political and not religious. He notes

that:

Im m ‘Al , of the Prophet’s family and the Shia in general in the first century AH, adopted the idea of consultation. They were not acquainted with the texts which imamates cited about the

theory of the imamate or maybe, their misunderstanding of it, since the early proponents of

Shiism understood Shiism as a mere political loyalty to the Prophet’s family at least until the beginning of the second century AH

14.

When people came to Imām ‘Al after the murder of ‘U m n to offer him allegiance, he said

to them: Do not be in a hurry, indeed ‘Umar (Ibn al- a b) was blessed because he ordered

that the Caliphate should be chosen by consultation, so take your time until the people

assemble and carry out the consultation.

The texts refer to other sayings pointing out to the availability of Imām ‘Al and his

acceptance and readiness to pay allegiance to anyone among the Muslims who wished to be a

14 Ahmed al-K tib , al-Tašayyu‘ , 27.

13

caliph and when some insisted on choosing him, he demanded a hundred percent approval

from all the Muslims.

Imām ‘Al believed in the role of the Islamic community in choosing the caliph. He did not

thing that the imamate was associated with prophecy. He entrusted the choice of his successor

in the hands of all Muslims in the consultation. It is said that he advised his sons to let the

people choose and whoever they choose and are pleased with him, they should keep silent.

This position will be against what the Imamates hold. This position of Imām ‘Al would cost

him his life. Those who did not share his position would see him as lenient to the point of

accepting arbitration on his dispute for the caliphate.

2.6. Shiism and Consultations

This section of the text aims at proving the political nature of Shiism and in a way we can

say it is the conclusion of chapter one of the book. The writer claims that, the paying

allegiance of some important and prominent people in the Islamic community to the caliphs

proposed and chosen through consultation confirms the early centuries’ political nature of

Shiism. For instance, the choice of Sulaym n b. urad al- uz ῾ after the murder of al-

usayn in the principle of consultation shows the central role played by the community in the

imamate succession based on political principles and not religious.

2.7 Šī῾a and its divisions, a confirmation of political nature of Shiism

The writer recognises the fact that the popular Shiism was not acquainted to the divine

imamate theory seen as the basis of religious Shiism. The text presents a number of breakaway

groups following a certain figure who might have disagreed to some form of governance,

among them are; Al-Kaysāniyya, al-Baydiyya who were an extension of the al-‘Alawiyya

ḥPolitical” Shiism. Three of them adopted the theory of consultation to a certain extent. The

main ones are al-Batriyya, al-Ğārudiyya and al-Sulaymāniyya; al-Zaydiyya who were an

extension of the al-‘Alawiyya ḥPolitical” Shiism.

The fact that they upheld the theory of consultation is a clear sign that they were not yet

aware of the text attesting the theory of divine imamate. Al-Batriyya, Believed in the rule of

14

‘Al as well as of Abū Bakr and ‘Umar even though they preferred ‘Al . Their doctrine of the

imamate is the same as that of the Sulaim niyya, except that they do not commit themselves

on the question as to whether ‘U m n is a believer or an unbeliever15

.

The multiplicity of the sects supports the idea that the great division of the Muslim

community has a political nature. His research convinced Ahmed al- Katib to believe that

Shiite Sunni divisions are political in nature.

15 Cf. Shahrast n , Mu ammad b. ῾Abd al-Kar m, Muslim sects and divisions (al-Milal wa-al-ni al),

translated by A.K. Kazi and J.G. Flyn, Kegan Paul International, London1984, 137.

TRANSLATION

POLITICAL SHIISM

(Al Tašayyu῾ al- siyāsī) according to Ahmed Al-Katib

15

التشيع السياسي: الفصل اأول

لإمام علي حياته، سواء " التشيع"ا يوجد خاف بن امؤرخن على ظهور مصطلح يوم السقيفة حيث اعتصم فريق من امهاجرين واأنصار بيته ورفضوا البيعة أ بكر

مل، أو بعد عودته من معركة صفن اء حرب ا . ح يبايع، أو بعد مقتل عثمان، أو أثاف يا؟ ولكن ا ل كان سياسيا؟ أم روحيا دي و حول طبيعة التشيع الزمن اأول

ما يقول الشيعة اإمامية إن التشيع اأول كان يا"وأيهما اأقدم؟ فبي بسبب وصية " دي، يقول امؤرخون اآخرون ( ص)الرسول اأعظم لإمام علي بن أ طالب باإمامة من بعد

ن، إ تشيع " سياسيا"إنه كان البداية تشيعا أو " )دي"م تطور بعد ذلك بعشرات الس (.عقدي أو روحي

العاقة بين اإسام والسياسة

ا من صوص الواردة الي ية وال ا ماحظة امؤشرات التار در ب وللتعرف على حقيقة اأمر قبة، والتعرف أوًا على موقف اإسام من السياسة عموما، ظام ا كان وفيما إذتلك ا ال

ضا؟ اً السياسي جزء ا بوية نفسها وفيما إذا كانت دي من الدين؟ أم ا؟ وطبيعة التجربة المد ا وُملكا؟ وموقف الرسول اأعظم من اأنظمة السياسية امسلمة ال ( ص)أم دي

ه . كانت قائمة زم

مد و ه م يؤسس مارس السياسة بشكل معن،( ص)ا شك أن الرسول اأعظم ولكديث للكلمة، وم يصبح ملكا، وم يطرح نفسه بديا عن اممالك العربية وغر دولة بامع ا

.العربية القائمة ذلك الزمان

15

Chapter 3

Translated text

Chapter 1: Political Shiism

Historians agree that the term al-tašayyu῾16 first appeared in the lifetime of Imām ‘Al . It

might have been the day of al-saqīfa when a group of immigrants and the supporters protested

in his house and refused to pay allegiance to Abū Bakr, unless ‘Al himself did so, or it could

have been after the murder of ‘U m n, or during the Battle of the Camel or on his return after

the Battle of iff n. The dispute is about the nature of Shiism in the first era of Islam. Was it

political, spiritual, or religious? In what immigrants order? The Šī῾a Imāmiyya says that, at

first, Shiism was religious because of the commandment of the greatest Prophet given to Imām

‘Al . Some other historians say that Shiism was political at first and then it developed into a

religious Shiism (dogmatic or spiritual) after a number of decades.

Relationship between Islam and Politics

In order to understand the true state of affairs, it is necessary, for us, to look at the texts and

historical context dating from this period. Firstly, we need to know the attitude of Islam

towards politics in general and whether the political system was part of the religion or not as

well as the nature of Prophetic experience itself. What was the attitude of the great Prophet

Mu ammad towards Muslim political systems of the time? Was Islam just a religion or a

religion associated with governance and rulers?

There is no doubt that the great Prophet Mu ammad practiced politics in a certain way but

he did not lay the foundation for a state in the modern meaning of the word. Neither did he

become king nor did he present himself as an alternative ruler for Arabic or non Arabic

kingdoms of that time.

16 The term will subsequently translated in the text as Shiism.

16

ة وبالرغم من أنه كان متلك شرعية ماوية إا أنه م يفرض سلطانه على امسلمن امديهم العقبة لقبائل العربية لالسياسية وم يتدخل تفاصيل اأنظمة . إا بعد أخذ البيعة م

كان و . أمر التوحيد والصاة والزكاةبال كانت تدخل اإسام، بقدر ما كان يهتم م إ اإمان برسالته ويع ت اطب املوك امعاصرين له ويدعو م باحافظة على ملكهم د

م وقد ترك اأمراء واملوك واأ. أيديهم قيال والساطن الذين أسلموا حياته على ما هم التخلي عن صاح نظام جديد يفرضه عليهمم السياسية لأنظمتهعليه، وم يطلب م

ازل عن املك . وقد خلت رسائل الرسول إ كسرى وقيصر وعظيم القبط من أية دعوة للتديد ت فقط دعوهم إ الدخول الدين ا ذا ما .إليه، وإما تضم ن الرسول أيدل على و

اء دولة جديدة،م يكن بصدد تغير اأنظمة السياسية القائمة( ص)مد بقدر ما كان ، وبشر الدعوة اإسامية، و ، وم يتحدث عن لذلك يهتم ب م يضع دستورًا للحكم من بعد

اكم أو صاحياته، وا عن تفاصيل ا لعاقة بن أسلوب تداول السلطة وطريقة انتخاب ااكم واحكوم لسا للشورى غر االتزام بالعدل والطاعة امعروف ا ، كما م يؤسس

ق بإقامة . يضمن انتقال السلطة بعد بشكل آ إ من يريد وإما أعطى اأمة كلها ااسبته وتغير ظام و .نظامها السياسي امدي، وأوكل إليها مهمة مراقبة ذلك ال

16

Although he claimed divine legitimacy, he only imposed his power on the Muslims of

Medina after he received their allegiance in al-῾Aqaba. He did not meddle in the details of the

political systems of the Arabic tribes that converted to Islam. He was more interested in

matters of monotheism, prayer and alms giving. He called on the contemporary kings to

believe in his message and promised them that power would remain in their hands. He did not

replace the princes, kings, chiefs17

and the sultans who converted to Islam during his lifetime.

Neither did he ask them to change their political systems for in favor of any new system that

he might have imposed upon them.

The messages of the Prophet to Kisr 18, Caesar and Copt patriarch do not call for any

surrender of their power to him. Rather they are called to convert to the new religion. This

indicates that the messenger, Mu ammad , was not preoccupied with existing political systems

neither was he concerned with the setting up a new state as much as he was interested in the

spreading of Islamic call. He did not leave any constitution or laws for the setting up of a new

state. He did not talk about handing over of power or ways to elect a Governor or ruler on his

authority. Neither did he give indications concerning the relationships between the ruler and

the ruled. He talked only about preserving justice and obedience in a fair way. He did not set

up a Council of State to oversee the transfer of power to any favourite of his after his death.

Yet, he gave the entire community the right to set up its civil and political system and

entrusted to it the task of maintaining it, be accountable and the right to change it.

17 The term means leaders of Yemen.

18 King of the Sasanid Persian empire.

17

ا م يرك و مد من ي ية بعد( ص)ال مشاهة للحكومات اليهودية القدمة حكومة ديا القياصرة ة واأحبار، أو مشاهة للحكومات امسيحية ال كان يقود ا الكه ال كان يقود

يسة العصور الوسطى حيث م يقر الرسول نظام ازدواج السلطتن . بدعم من بابوات الكية يةالزم ح . والدي د امسيحين، وم َيك ل إليها مهمة م يسة ع ية كالك وم يؤسس سلطة دي

اسبتهم أو مراقبتهم .الشرعية للملوك وا مهمة

ي ترك و م إ التزام العدل وحثهم ( ص)ال امسلمن حالة الطبيعة أحراراً متساوين، دعار، وعلمهم مارسة الشورى واأمر كرعلى عمل ا هي عن ام أحدا وم يعن .بامعروف وال

.خليفة من بعد

وإذا كانت نظرة اإسام إ السياسة، أو بعبارة أدق إ اأنظمة السياسية، نظرة مدنية ية افة لن تكون دي ا جزءا من الدين، فان نظرته إ ا ية، أي عدم اعتبار وليست ديا فان التشيع لإمام علي سيكون سياسيا ا ي قضية عرفية مدنية، ومن أيضا، واما

يا .دي

و تب اإمام علي وم ية، ا يؤكد كون التشيع اأول ذا طبيعة سياسية وليس عقيدة ديصوص ل البيت وعموم الشيعة القرن اهجري اأول لفكر الشورى، وعدم معرفتهم بال وأ

حيث فهم . حول نظرية اإمامة، أو عدم فهمهم ها بتلك الصورة" اإماميون"ال جاء ها ل البيت ح بداية القرن الثاي اهجري على الشيعة اأوائل ا رد أ لتشيع كواء سياسي

فقد ظهرت بوادر :"وحسبما يقول الدكتور عبد اه فياض. اأقل، تاريخ نشأة الفكر اإماميية، سقيفة ب التشيع السياسي أو الواء لعلي دون االتزام بقضية ااعراف بإمامته الدي

د ح افة عدد من امسلمن أمثال الزبر والعباس وغرماساعدة، حن أس ق علي با

17

So, the Prophet Mu ammad did not leave a religious blueprint for government after him

that was similar to the Jewish system which was governed by the priests and rabbis or

Christianity which was governed by Emperors, heavily influenced by the Popes, during the

Middle Ages. Because the Messenger did not establish a dual system of temporal and religious

authority nor set up a religious power like the Church, he did not hand over to it the task of

giving legitimacy to kings nor did he ask them to be subservient to him or be accountable to

him.

The Prophet left Muslims free and equal and called them to observe Justice and urged them

to do good deeds and taught them to exercise power through consultation, commanding the

good and forbidding evil. He did not appoint someone as Caliph after him.

If the Islamic vision on politics or more precisely political systems is a civil and not a

religious one, that is to say, not regarded as a part of religion, then its vision on the Caliphate

will not be religious either. For Imām ‘Al , therefore, it is a civil and a conventional political

issue, Shiism and not a religious one.

What confirms the fact that the first period of Shiism was of a political nature and not a

religious dogma is that Imām ‘Al , of the Prophet’s family and the Š ῾a in general in the first

century AH, adopted the idea of consultation. They were not acquainted with the texts which

imamates cited about the theory of the imamate or maybe, their misunderstanding of it, since

the early proponents of Shiism understood Shiism as a mere political loyalty to the Prophet’s

family at least until the beginning of the second century AH. This was the date of the

formation of the imamate as Dr. ‘Abd All h Fayy said: “The beginning of political Shiism

or loyalty to ‘Al without the obligation of acknowledging him as his religious imamate

emerged in the episode of Saq fa of Banū S ῾ida when a number of Muslims including al-

Zubayr and ‘Abb s supported the right of ‘Al to be Caliph.

18

افة بعد مقتل عثمان أن : ويؤكد". وبلغ التشيع السياسي أقصى مدا حن بويع علي باية ال عرفت فيما بعد بالشيعة" شيعة علي" سن م يكونوا الفرقة الدي . قبل مقتل ا

ب إ عدم تشكيل الشيعة العراق اأصل ويستشهد برأي امستشرق فلهاوزن الذي ذية، وأن اسم الشيعة كان ذا اإقليم كله، فكان ميع "فرقة دي تعبرا عن الرأي السياسي

هم ل الكوفة، شيعة علي، على تفاوت فيما بي ".سكان العراق، خصوصا أ

بوية ال تشيد بفضل اإمام علي، وال سوف صوص ال ا اإمامية فيما وم تكن ال يتخذافة أو الوصية إليه باإمامة،" التشيع الدي"بعد دليا على ق دم ص على اإمام با تع ال

افة)ولذلك قال العباس بن عبد امطلب لإمام علي، ( الذي كان حريصا على أمر اي الذي تو فيه ول اه سيتو إنك بعد ثاث عبد العصا، وإي أرى رس:" ...مرض ال

ب إ رسول اه فسله د اموت، فاذ ذا، وإي أعرف وجو ب عبد امطلب ع وجعه ا، فقال ا ذلك، وإن كان غرنا أمر به فأوصى ب ا علم ذا اأمر فإن كان في فيمن يكون

اس أبدا،: علي بن أ طالب ا ال ا ا ا يعطي ا ع ا رسول اه فم ا واه ا واه لئن سألاص الفرصة فقال ابن ( ص)وبعد وفاة رسول اه ". أسأها رسول اه أبدا حاول العباس اقت

( يع أبا سفيان)امدد يدك أبايعك وآتيك هذا الشيخ من قريش ":أخيه علي بن أ طالباس تبع لقريش: فيقال ان، وال تلف عليك من قريش اث ".عم رسول اه بايع ابن عمه، فا

18

The political Shiism reached its climax when allegiance was paid to ‘Al after the death of

῾U m n. Dr. ‘Abd All h Fayy confirms that ῾Al Š ῾a’ before the murder of al- usayn was

not a religious group which was later known as Shiites. He quoted the opinion of the

Orientalist Wellhausen who thought that Shiite Iraq was not essentially a religious group and

that the name Shiite was an expression of a political opinion in this entire province since all

the people in Iraq and, particularly, in Kūfa were ‘Al Š ῾a with some exceptions.

The Prophetic text, which praises ‘Al and which the imamates adopted later on as proof of

the long tradition of religious Shiism , did not plan to appoint Imām ‘Al as Caliph or propose

him as imām.

Therefore al-῾Abb s b. ‘Abd al-Mu alib who was keen on acquiring the Caliphate said to

Imām ‘Al during the final illness of the Prophet. After three days you will be a ruled19

as I see

that the Messenger of God will die because of this sickness because I know the faces of people

of my tribe when they are at the point of death. So go to the Messenger of God and ask Him

about who will be the Caliph. If the Caliphate is not for us then we will know and if it is not

for us He will name someone and recommend him. ‘Al b. Ab lib said: By God, if we ask

the Messenger of God about it and he takes it away from us, then people will never give it to

us, so by God I will never ask the Messenger of God about it.

After the death of the Messenger of God , al-’Abb s tried to take advantage of the

situation, so he went to his nephew ‘Al b. Ab lib and said; “stretch your hand in order that

I pay allegiance to you and I am accompanied by (that is, Abū Sufy n), chief of the Qurayš

tribe, then it will be said; ‘The uncle of the Messenger of God paid allegiance (baya) to his

cousin, so nobody in Qurayš will reject you and the people will follow the Qurayš tribe.

19 Abd al-‘a ā Slave of the stick meaning submission to another rule, if ‘Al did not accept to be a

ruler immediately he will be ruled by someone else.

19

امدد يدك أبايعك، فأمأها خيا : "قائا أن يبايعهأبو سفيان على اإمام علي عرض كما .ولكن اإمام رفض ااستجابة هما ".ورجا

ص عليه من اه كخليفة مباشر للرسول ذا دليل على عدم شعور اإمام علي بال وهم لقلب الطاولة على أ ، وإا لكان استجاب لزعماء قريش واستعان ( ص)اأعظم

.بكر

ي ا اإمامية أيضا دليا آخر ( ص)وأما موضوع الوصية من ال لإمام علي، وال يعترافة، وإما كانت وصية شخصية بوة، فإها م تكن تع اإمامة وا على ارتباط اإمامة بال

الوفاة ؛ دعا العباس ( ص)انه ما حضرت رسول اه :" حسبما يقول اإمام جعفر الصادقن، فقال للعباس مد: بن عبد امطلب وأمر امؤم ه ..يا عم مد وتقضي دي تأخذ تراث

جز عداته؟ وت

يا رسول اه بأ أنت وأمي إي شيخ كبر كثر العيال قليل امال من : فرد عليه فقال..يهة م قال. يطيقك وأنت تباري الريح جز : قال فأطرق مد وت يا عباس أتأخذ تراث

ه؟ قها: قال.. فقال كرِد كامه.. عداته وتقضي دي : م قال. أما أي سأعطيها من يأخذ ه وتقبض تراثه؟يا علي يا أ مد وتقضي دي جز عدات مد أت نعم بأ أنت : فقال.. خا

،َ ظرت إليه ح نزع خامه من إصبعه فقال: قالوأمي ذاك علَي و تم هذا حياي، : فام: قال يت من ميع ما ترك ا ام حن وضعته إصبعي فتم ظرت إ ا .ف

19

Abū Sufy n supported ‘Al paying allegiance to him saying; “stretch your hands in order

that I pay allegiance to you and confirm it with horses and men”20. However, Imām ‘Al

refused to comply with the requests from both of them.

This is a proof that Imām ‘Al did not feel that God appointed him as Caliph in direct line to

the great Messenger, otherwise he would have complied with the leaders of the Qurayš and

ask them for help in order to overthrow Abū Bakr.

Regarding the matter of recommendation by the Prophet of Imām ‘Al , which Imamates

consider as another proof of the connection of the Imamate to the prophecy but which was just

a personal recommendation of the Prophet as Imām a‘far al- diq says; “At the point of

death the Messenger of God called al-‘Abb s b. Abd al- Mu alib and Amīr al-Mu’minīn, then

he said to al-‘Abb s: ‘oh uncle of Mu ammad, do you want to take the inheritance of

Mu ammad and pay his debts and fight against his enemies?’21

He replied saying; “Oh Messenger of God, You are better than my parents. Indeed I am an

old man and I have many children but with little money, who can withstand you, you who

fight with the wind.” He said that the Prophet bowed down his head for a while then said: “Oh

‘Abb s, do you want to take the inheritance of Mu ammad and fight his enemies and pay his

debts?” And ‘Abb s repeated his answer. The Prophet then said; “I will give to the man who

deserves it and then he said: Oh ‘Al , oh brother of Mu ammad, do you fight Mu ammad’s

enemies, pay his debts and take his inheritance? ‘Al said: Yes, this is my duty. You are better

than my parents. He said: “I looked at him until he removed his ring from his finger and said:

“Use it as a seal during my life?” He said: “When I put the ring on my finger, I wished it to be

the only thing I can have”22.

20 [AN] Al-Kulayn , Al-Kāfi, Vol. I, 236.

21 [AN] Al-Kulayn , Al-Kāfī, Vol. I, 236.

22 [AN] Al-Kulayn , Al-Kāfī, Vol. I, 236.

20

مغفر والدرع والراية والقميص وذي الفقار والسحاب والرد واأبرقة با يَ م صاح يا بال علَ صوف، . ..والقضيب صوف واآخر غر م دعا بزوجي نعال عربين ميعا أحدما

القميص الذي اسري به فيه والقميص الذي خرج فيه يوم أحد، والقانس : والقميصنمع، : الثاث سوة العيدين وا سوة السفر وقل سوة كان يلبسها ويقعد مع أصحابهقل .وقل

اقتن: يا بال علي بالبغلتن: م قال : والفرسن ،العضباء والقصوى: الشهباء والدلدل، والوائج رسول اه اح كانت توقف بباب امسجد يبعث الرجل حاجته فركبه ( ص)ا

و الذي كان يقول( ص)فركضه حاجة رسول اه مار عفر ،أقدم حيزوم: وحيزوم و وا "أقبضها حياي: فقال

و ماحظ وصية عادية شخصية آنية، ا عاقة ها بالسياسة واإمامة ذ الوصية كما وافة ا

ملها ها، و ية، وقد عرضها الرسول البداية على العباس بن عبد امطلب فأشفق م الدي .اإمام علي طواعية

ي قال فيه" الغديرحديث "وح ت موا فهذا علي موا:"الذي ورد أن ال ". من كفانه م يكن زمن الرسول،" التشيع الدي"والذي يعتر اإمامية أعظم دليل على ابتداء

افة يع ص والتعين با .ال

،نفسه، الذي بايع أبا بكر وعمر وعثمان ه، ح اإمام عليم أحد ذلك امع يفهمم و اس له، عقب مقتل عثمان، بيعةً افة إا بعد بيعة ال . امسجد عامةً وم يستلم ا

مد الباقر حسبما يقول و عوا إن اإمام علي م يدعُ فاإمام إ نفسه وأقر القوم على ما ص وكتم أمر

20

Then he called, Oh Bil l give me the helmet, a shield, a flag, shirt, a sword, fastener and

outer garment and a lance…, then he asked for a pair of Arabic shoes, one sown and the other

not. He asked for two shirts; one he travelled in by night and the other which he wore during

the battle of U ud. Three hats; one for travelling, one for the two feasts and Fridays and one

which he wore while sitting with his friends.

Then he said, Oh Bil l, bring me two mules; al-Šahbā’ and al-Duldul and two she camels;

al-‘Aḍbā and al-Qu wā and the two horses; al-Ğinā who was kept in front of the door of the

mosque for the needs of the Messenger of God and ayzūm which every time when the

Prophet sees it, he says: “ ayzūm came!” .Then he said to Bil l: “kill them while I am still

alive.

It can be pointed out that this order is normal. It is personal and temporal and does not

relate politics with religious imamate and caliphate. Initially, the Prophet offered the imamate

to ‘Abb s b. ‘Abd al-Mu alib but he was afraid to accept it because of the responsibility and

‘Al took it upon himself voluntarily.

It was mentioned in adī al-ġadīr that the Prophet said: “Whoever I am a master to, ‘Al is

his master too.” The Iimamate consider it the proof that religious Shiism started in the time of

the Prophet, but that it did not mean being appointed caliph.

No one understood this way, not even Imām ‘Al himself who paid allegiance to Abū Bakr,

‘Umar and ‘U m n. Imām ‘Al only took over the caliphate after the people publicly paid

allegiance to him in the mosque after the murder of ‘U m n. According to what Imām

Mu ammad al-B qir said Imām ‘Al did not call the people to himself but he agreed with what

the people did and kept silent.

21

أ بكر لفرة من الوقت، فأنه كان يشعر وإذا كان اإمام علي قد أمسك يد عن بيعة افة، وقد عر عن ذلك بقوله ه با "إهم احتجوا بالشجرة وأضاعوا الثمرة:"بأنه أو م

ه عاد فبايع أبا بكر، خصوصا بعد حدوث الردة، حيث مشى إليه عثمان بن عفان ولكؤاء وأنت م ت:" فقال له رج أحد إ قتال فأرسل إ أ بكر أن " بايعيا ابن عم انه ا

ا :" يأتيه، فأتا أبو بكر فقال له ا عليك ما ساق اه إليك من فضل وخر، ولك واه ما نفسا ذا اأمر نصيبا استبد به علي ا ا نظن أن ل " ك

ا نرى : "وخاطب امسلمن قائا قه، ولك بس عن بيعة أ بكر أا أكون عارفا إنه م ا ا أن ل ذا اأمر نصيبا استبد به علي أصبت :"م بايع أبا بكر، فقال امسلمون"

ت ". وأحس

ل البيت السياسية الشورى نظرية أ

ل البيت و إمان أئمة أ يا، وما يؤكد على كون التشيع العهد اأول سياسيا وليس ديق ميع امسلمن الرشيح للخافة واانتخاب، حيث السلطة و ق اأمة الشورى، و

الواجب حكم اه وحكم اإسام على امسلمن (: "ع)يقول اإمام علي بن أ طالب دثوا حدثاً وا يقدموا يداً وا رجاً .. بعدما موت إمامهم أو يقتل أن ا يعملوا عمًا وا

ةوا يبدءوا بشيء قبل أن ". تاروا أنفسهم إمامًا عفيفًا عامًا ورعًا عارفًا بالقضاء والساس: " خطبة له ويقول م عليه وأعلمهم بأمر اه .. أيها ال اس هذا اأمر أقوا إن أحق ال

بغي أن يكون الوا على الفروج والدماء وامغام واأحكام وإمامة ". "فيه وقد علمتم أنه ا ي ، فتكون أمواهم همته، امسلمن البخيل

21

If Imām ‘Al remained aloof from paying allegiance to Abū Bakr for some time, it was

because he felt that the Caliphate was for him and not Abū Bakr. He expressed this by saying:

They preferred the tree to the fruit”. Eventually he paid allegiance to Abū Bakr but only after

the events of Ridda when ῾U m n b. ‘Aff n went to ‘Al and said to him: “Oh my cousin,

nobody will fight this people and you have not given your allegiance [yet to Abū Bakr].” He

invited Abū Bakr to come to him and Abū Bakr did so. ‘Al said to him:

“I swear by God, we did not compete with you what Allah has bestowed on you of good and

favour, but we thought that we have a share in this affair but we were overwhelmed.

‘Al delivered a sermon and said: “Nothing prevented me from paying allegiance to Abū

Bakr except that I did not know that he had a right [to be Caliph] but we thought that we had

a share in it, but we were persecuted” Then he paid allegiance to Abū Bakr and the Muslims

said to him well done.

Consultation is a political theory of the family of the Prophet

What confirms that Shiism, in the first period, was political and not religious is that the

Imām of the Prophet’s family believed in the right of the nation to be consulted and the right

for all Muslims to be nominated and elected to the Caliphate. Imām ‘Al b. Ab lib said:It is

a duty for Muslims according to God’s rule and Islam’s rule that after their Imām dies or is

killed that they do nothing until they choose for themselves a righteous, pious, and

knowledgeable man. An imām who is acquainted with al-qaḍā’ (judgment) and sunna

(tradition).”And he [Imām ‘Al b. Ab lib] said in a sermon: “Oh people, the one who is

most deserving and most knowledgeable of the Caliphate must have great awareness of the

rule of God concerning the Caliphate. You should know that a ruler must be of a good family

and bloodline, he must have treasure and a good judgement. The Muslim Imām should be kind

and should not find his greed in the money of Muslims.

22

ائف للدول، فيتخذ قوماً فائه، وا ا ، فيقطعهم ا هله، وا ا ل، فيضلهم ا وا اة، فيهلك قوق ويقف ها دون امقاطع ، وا امعطل للس ب با دون قوم، وا امرتشي، فيذ

"اأمة

اس على و دما أقبل ال ا " :هم قالعرضون عليه البيعة، ، بعد مقتل عثمان، ياإمام عليع .رجا مباركا، وقد أوصى ها شورى تعجلوا فإن عمر كان

اس ويتشاورون تمع ال ل : "وأمسك يد قائا. "فأمهلوا و أ ليس ذلك إليكم وإما ل بدر ".الشورى وأ

ومو فإن اجتمعوا على رجل للمهاجرين واأنصار، إما الشورى :" و رواية أخرى قال ". إماما كان ذلك ه رضى

واعلموا أي إن أجبتكم ركبت بكم ما أعلم، وم أصغ إ ... دعوي والتمسوا غري :" وقال قول القائل وعتب العاتب، وإن تركتموي فأنا كأحدكم، ولعلي أمعكم وأطوعكم من وليتمو

".أمركم، وأنا لكم وزيراً خر لكم م أمراً

من : فعرض عليهما البيعة، وقاللطري إن اإمام علي مشى إ طلحة والزبر يقول او كما بايعته اس بك أرضى.. ا: فقاا. شاء م .ال

دما م له، قال اإمام عليأصر الثوار ع وع فان بيع ا تكون ..فان أبيتم : " لى اختيارد فمن شاء أن يبايع ولكن اخرج إ امسج..سراً، وا تكون إا عن رضا امسلمن

ذا اأمر. فليبايع اس م ادخل ".و إن كر رجل واحد من ال

22

He should not be ignorant and lead people astray by his lack of knowledge, nor be

discourteous who isolates them by his being dull, nor act unjustly by taking sides. He should

not take bribes not neglect the rights of people awaiting judgement. He should respect the

Sunna (traditions) otherwise he will destroy the community.

When people came to Imām ‘Al after the murder of ‘U m n to offer him allegiance, he

said to them: Do not be in a hurry, indeed ‘Umar [Ibn al- a b] was blessed because he

ordered that the Caliphate should be chosen by consultation, so take your time until the people

assemble and carry out the consultation.

He remained discreet and told his followers that the caliphate was not theirs but was the right

of the Ahl al-šūrā and Ahl Badr.

In another account, Imām ‘Al said; Consultation is only for immigrants and the helpers,

and if they agree on someone and call him Imām, God will be pleased. He also said; Leave me

and look for someone else…. and you should know that if I accept your request, I will lead

you in the way I know and I will not listen to you nor pay attention to your complaints. If you

do not elect me, I will be one like you and maybe I will listen to you and prepare you for the

one you choose to be Caliph. It is better for you that I become a minister rather than Caliph.

abar said: Imām ‘Al went to al a and Zubayr and offered them allegiance and said if

any one of you wants to be Caliph, I will pay allegiance to him. Then they said: No, the people

are more pleased with you.

When the rebels insisted on choosing him, Imām ‘Al said; If you refuse to pay allegiance to

me, it must not be in secret because all Muslims must be satisfied. However I will go to the

mosque and anyone who wishes to pay allegiance to me, let him do so and if anyone among

the people does not recognise me then I will not accept to be Caliph.

23

دما أصبح اإمام علي خليفة، م يعامل امسلمن كإمام معصوم مفروض عليهم من وعاسبته، بل كان اه، كما يقول اإمامية، ولذلك م يصادر حق اأمة نقد ومراقبته و

ظر م، وال م بضرورة قيامهم بدور ا : " ... لقا، فباعتدال إليهضهم على ذلك، ويذكرالطوي تكلموي ما ُتكل ل البادرة، وا د أ بابرة، وا تتحفظوا م ما يُتحفظ به ع م به ا

، فسي ما ا يصلح ، وا التماس إعظام ل وا استثقااً حٍق قيل بامصانعة، وا تظق أن يقال له أو العدل أن يعرض عليه كان العمل هما أثقل عليه فا .. فانه من استثقل ا

ق أو مشورة بعدل، فإي لست نفسي بفوق أن أخطئ وا آمن ذلك تكفوا عن مقالة و أملك به م من فعلي إا أن يكفي اه من نفسي ما

ا ا ما ا ملك من أنفس ...".فإما أنا وأنتم عبيد ملوكون لرب ا رب غر ملك م

اوز ب اإمام إ مطالبة اأمة ممارسة حق امعارضة امشروعة وجهه فيما لو وذالقوانن اإسامية أو اعتدى على حق مواطن فقتله أو اعتقله دون ذنب، فقال خطبة له

ارجي ريت بن ناجية"دث فيها عن ا اواته السابقة لدفع اإمام لقتل واعتقال " ا واس عدد من زع عه أماء امعارضة، وقول اإمام له ولعموم ال ن من واجبهم الوقوف أمامه وم

و أن يفعل ذلك، والقول له !".اتق اه:"إذا أراد ق اأمة اختيار اإمام، وا يؤمن بأن اإمامة امتداد اإمام علي وأن كان يؤمن

بوة، فقد ترك ّص على أحد من ولد اأمَر من بعد شورى لعامة امسلمنلل دما . وم ي وعسن ه ا ه امسلمون أن يستخلف اب ا:" ، قالطلب م ا على رسول اه فقل :ا ، إنا دخل

ارون، ولكن إن ..ا :استخلف، فقال و إسرائيل عن ه كما تفرقت ب أخاف ان تفرقوا عر لكم ".يعلم اه قلوبكم خراً

23

When Imām ‘Al became Caliph, he did not act as if he was an infallible Imām imposed

upon the people by God as Imamates claim. He did not ban the community from their right to

criticize him, to scrutinize him and ask him to be accountable. On the contrary, he encouraged

them to do so and he told them that they had a part to play. He said: …do not talk to me as

tyrants are talked to and do not be afraid of me as people are afraid of kings and Sultans and

do not flatter me. Do not hesitate or be reluctant to tell me the truth. Do not venerate me for

something that I am not worthy of because the one who finds it difficult to be told the truth

and matters regarding justice, will find it difficult to be faithful to both of them. Do not refrain

from telling the truth or seeking justice, because I am not infallible because I am not above

making mistakes. I do not rely on my own acts, unless God guides me because he is more

powerful than me. You and I are only slaves of the one God. He holds all power in his hand

which we ourselves cannot hold.

Imām ‘Al asked the community to practice their right to legally challenge him if he goes

against the Islamic laws or contravenes the rights of the citizens by killing or arresting them

arbitrarily. He said in his speech that he talked to the ḫariğī; al- arr t b. N iya, about his

previous attempts to advise the Imām ‘Al to arrest and kill a number of opposition leaders.

Imām ‘Al replied that everyone has a right to challenge him if they want to and he told him

“fear God”.

Imām ‘Al believed in the right of the community to choose an Imām (Caliph) neither

did he believe that the imamate is associated with the prophecy. He left the choice of imām

after him to the consultation of all Muslims - and he did not recommend any of his sons to be

chosen as imām. When Muslims asked him to appoint his son al- asan as a Caliph, he said:

No, when we asked the messenger of God and told him; ‘appoint a successor’ he said: No…I

fear that you will be divided like the sons of Israel who separated from Aaron, but if God

knows that there is good intentions in your hearts, he will choose for you.

24

سن، يشر عليهم بأحد، فرفض، فقالوا لهوسألوا عليًا ان إن فقدناك فا نفقد أن نبايع اله وخاصة : و رواية أخرى ."ا آمركم وا أهاكم، أنتم أبصر :"فقال يه وأ إنه أوصى ب

اس وما رضوا أنفسهم وألزموا أنفسكم السكوت:" شيعته قائاً وقد قام اإمام ". دعوا الن ه م يتحدث بافعا أمر امؤم ائه، ولك سن وسائر أب عن الوصية لوصية إ اإمام ا

افة، حيث كانت وصيته شخصية وروحية وأخاقية .اإمامة أو ا

اس فقال نه ما تو اإمام علي خرج عبد اه بن عباس أ: وذكر امؤرخون إن أمر : إ ال، وقد ترك خلفا، ن تو امؤم

تم فا أحد على أحدفان أحببتم خرج اس وقالوا. إليكم، وان كر ا: فبكى ال رج إلي . بل

سن بن علي " السياسية"وما يؤكد طبيعة التشيع و إمان اإمام ا العهد اأول، بوة، بل افة، حيث م يتشبث ها كما لو أها كانت جزءا متمما لل بالشورى وموقفه من ا

افة إ خصم أبيه اللدود معاوية بن أ سفيان، على العكس من ذلك قام ازل عن ا بالتعلى أنه : "...حيث قال شروط الصلح .واشرط عليه العودة بعد وفاته إ نظام الشورى

، وأن يكون اأمر شورى بن امسلمن ".ليس معاوية أن يعهد أحد من بعد

ها إ ولو كانت اإمامة من اه وجزءا من الدين م ازل ع سن الت وز لإمام ا يكن

ت أي ظرف من الظروف، وز له بعد ذلك أن يبايع معاوية أو أن يدعو معاوية وم يكن ب أن يشر سن وإما كان وز له أن يهمل اإمام ا أصحابه وشيعته لبيعته، وم يكن

سن م يفعل أي شيء من ذلك وسلك مسلكا يوحي .. إليه من بعد ولكن اإمام اق امسلمن انتخاب خليفتهم عر الشورى .بالتزامه

24

They asked ‘Al to suggest someone and he refused, they said: if we lose you, we will pay

allegiance to asan. So he said: I do not recommend nor reject your proposal, you are more

discerning.

In another account he advised his sons, his family and those close to him from the Shiite

saying: Let the people choose. If they are happy with the one they choose, keep silent.

Actually Imām, amīr al-mu’minīn (commander of the faithful) recommended Imām asan and

all his descendants but he did not talk about the recommendations to the imamate or Caliphate

since his recommendation was personal, spiritual and moral.

Historians mentioned that, when Imām ‘Al died, ‘Abd All h b. ‘Abb s went out to the

people and said to them, “Amīr al-mu’minīn has died and left a successor (Caliph). If you like

him, he will show himself to you and if you do not like, nobody will govern you. Then the

people cried, and said; let him show himself to us.

What confirms the political nature of Shiism in the first period is the attitude of Imām al-

asan b. ‘Al regarding the Caliphate and his position in the consultation. He did not cling to

the Caliphate as if it was part of the prophecy, on the contrary he handed it to his father’s

fiercest enemy, Mu‘ wiya b. Ab Sufy n, but he made the condition that after his death [of

Mu‘ wiya] there should be a return to the consultation system. He said that under the

conditions of the reconciliation: …Mu‘ wiya has no right to give power to any one after him

and the Caliphate should be chosen in a consultation among Muslims.

If the Imamate is from God, and part of religion, Imām asan had no right to abdicate to

Mu‘ wiya under any circumstances and he should not, later on, have paid allegiance to

Mu‘ wiya, or to call on his friends and other Š ῾a to pay allegiance to Mu‘ wiya. He should

not have allowed Imām usayn to be overlooked and should have appointed him as Caliph.

But Imām usayn did not do any of these. He behaved in a way which gave an impression that

he was committed to the right of Muslims to elect their caliph through consultation.

25

سن بن علي من " السياسية"وما يبن طبيعة التشيع و موقف اإمام ا العهد اأول، ص والوصية اقض ماما مبدأ ال وكذلك موقف شيعة الكوفة الذين م . مبدأ الشورى ام

ق ه أن يُقدم إليهم، " اإهي"يتحدثوا عن أي مفهوم با دما طلبوا م للحسن باإمامة، عسن على يزيد بن معاوية الذي فرضه أبو بالقوة فقد ف هم بأفضلية ا علوا ذلك إمانا م

م وكتبوا ، حيث اجتمع زعماؤ للحسن بن علي، من سليمان بن صرد، وامسيب : "واإكرال ن وامسلمن من أ ر وشيعته امؤم يبة، ورفاعة بن شداد البجلي، وحبيب بن مظا بن

وسام عليك فإ: الكوفة مد إليك اه الذي ا إله إا .. نا

ا : أما بعد ا أمر ذ اأمة فابتز يد الذي انتزى على بار الع مد ه الذي قصم عدوك ا فاا، وجعل مال اه ا واستبقى أشرار ها، م قتل خيار وغصبها فيئها وتأمر عليها بغر رضى م

يائها، فبعدا له كما بع .دت موددولة بن جبابرها وأغ

ق ا بك على ا مع ا إمام، فاقبل لعل اه أن عمان بن بشر قصر . انه ليس علي والا ا أنك قد أقبلت الي رج معه إ عيد، ولو بلغ تمع معه معة وا ا اإمارة لس

ا ح نلحقه بالشام ان شاء اه سن بن علي إ امأ من :" فكتب إليهم". أخرج من ان وامسلمن انيا وسعيدا قدما علي بكتبكم، وكان آخر من قدم علي .. امؤم أما بعد فإن

ا إمام فاقبل :"من رسلكم وقد فهمت كل الذي اقتصصتم وذكرم ومقالة جلكم أنه ليس عليق واهدى ا بك على ا مع ل " لعل اه أن وإي باعث إليكم أخي وابن عمي وثق من أ

كم بي مسلم بن جى والفضل م عقيل، فان كتب إ أنه قد اجتمع رأي مأكم وذوي ا. على مثل ما قدمت به رسلكم وقرأت كتبكم؛ فإي أقدم إليكم وشيكا إن شاء اه

اكم بالكتاب، فلعمري ما اإمام إا ا

25

What makes the political nature of Shiism clear is the attitude of al- usayn b. ‘Al to the

principle of consultation which is completely contrary to the principle of appointment and

recommendation. The attitude of the Kūfa Šī‘a did not talk about any concept related to the

divine right of al- usayn in the imamate. When they asked al- usayn to come to them it was

because they trusted al- usayn more than Yaz d b. Mu‘ wiya, whose father had appointed

him by force. Leaders of Kūfa Šī‘a, met and wrote to usayn b. ‘Al from Sulaym n b. urad

and Mus b b. Na ba and Rif ‘a b. Šadd d al-Ba l and ab b b. Muẓ hir and his Š ‘a

believers and Muslims of Kūfa; peace be upon you, we thank God to whom there is no God

but him.

Now to our topic. Thanks be to God who defeated your stubborn and despotic enemy who

seized this nation by force, and stole its Caliphate and unlawfully seized its treasure. He

became caliph without the approval of the people. Then he killed the best people of the

community and kept the evil ones. He took the wealth of God [Muslims] and gave it to

despots and rich people. May he disappear as the amūd. He is no imām for us. Come and

may God gather us together in the truth. We do not meet al-Nu‘m n b. Baš r who stays in the

Emirate palace on Fridays nor do we celebrate feasts with him. If we know that you are

coming to us we shall expel him and force him to go to Šām God willing. Al- usayn wrote to

them: From al- usayn b. ‘Al , to the notable of believers and Muslims.

Now to our topic… In truth H n and Sa‘ d came to me with your letters and these two

people were the only ones who came to me. I understood what you told me and mentioned to

me and that the treatise of majority of you agree: that there is no imām for us and come to us

and may God assemble us with you in the truth. I send to you my brother and my cousin and

the one whom I trust from my family: Muslim b. ‘Aq l. If he writes to me and says that you

are notable and wise men and agree upon me as messenger, as the letters your messengers

brought to me say, I will come to you soon, God willing. Upon my life, an imām is the one

who governs by the Qur’ n (al- Kitāb) only.

26

ابس نفسه على ذات اه، والسام ق، ا ".والقائم بالقسط، الداين بدين ا

اتن الرسالتن نقرأ دثت رسالة شيعة الكوفة " التشيع السياسي"و بوضوح، حيث ها من قبل معاوية، ما شكل ا والتأّمر عليها بغر رضا م زو على اأمة وابتزاز أمر عن السن ودعوته للبيعة، كما ه يزيد، ومارسة حقهم بانتخاب اإمام ا دافعا هم للثورة على اب

سن عن عملية الدعوة واانتخاب، ومواصفات اإمام الشرعية امطلوبة،دث ت رسالة ا

ها أية إشارة إ أو إ أي حق " اإمام امعصوم امعن من قبل اه"وال م يكن من بيافة أنه ".ابن اإمام علي أو أنه معن من قبل اه"شخصي با

ا سن م يفكر ومن قل اإمام ا ه الوحيد " اإمامة"ب ، وم يوص إ اب إ أحد من ولدياة ته فاطمة، (علي زين العابدين)الذي ظل على قيد ا ب أو اب ، وإما أوصى إ أخته زي

اصة ، وا تتحدث أبدا عن موضوع ورعاية اأطفال بوصيته عادية جدا تتعلق بأمور اافة .اإمامة وا

ذلك الوقت، عدم إشارة اإمام علي بن " التشيع الدي"جود و ما يؤكد عدم و ا بشجاعة أمام يزيد بن معاوية امسجد اأموي، سن إليه، خطبته الشهرة ال ألقا ا

دما أخذ أسرا إ الشام، وقد قال خطبته تلك ا بسبع:"ع ا ستاً وُفضل اس أُعطي : أيها اللم وال ا العلم وا ا بسبعأُعطي ن، وُفضل : سماحة والفصاحة والشجاعة واحبة قلوب امؤم

ذ اأمة ي والصديق والطيار وأسد اه وأسد رسوله وسبطا ا ال ".بأن م

26

He is the one who dispenses justice, who submits to the True Religion and the one who

devotes himself to the worship of God, and nothing else and let it be done like that, peace.

In these two letters we can recognize an obviously “political Shiism”, since the letters of

the Kūfa Šī῾a talked about the taking of the caliphate by force and robbing it and the taking of

power by Mu‘ wiya without the agreement of the community. This motivated the Šī῾a to

revolt against his son Yaz d (b. Mu‘ wiya) and they claimed the right of electing Imām

usayn to be imām and inviting him to come in order to pay allegiance to him. usayn’s

letter, as well, talked about the process of the call and election and a description of the legal

requirement of the position of the imām.

There is no suggestion of an infallible imām appointed by God or to any person having a

right to the Caliphate because he is the son of Imām ‘Al or because he is appointed by God.

Imām usayn, therefore, did not think of transferring the imamate to any of his sons.

Neither did he recommend that his only son, who was still alive, (‘Al Zayn al-‘ bid n) be

Caliph. All he did was to give his sister Zaynab or his daughter F tima, normal advice

concerning particular matters and about the care of the children. He never talked about the

question of the imamate and Caliphate.

What confirms the theory that “religious Shiism” did not exist at that time, is that Imām

‘Al b. al- usayn did not mention it in his speech which he delivered bravely in front of

Yaz d b. Mu‘ wiya in the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus after he was taken captive to Š m.

He said in the speech: Oh people, we were given six virtues and we were chosen by seven

clans. We were given knowledge and patience, indulgence, eloquence, bravery and love in the

hearts of believers. We were chosen by seven clans, from our family comes the Prophet and

al- idd q (Abū Bakr), al- ayy r ( a‘far), Lion of God ( amza b. ‘Abd al-Mu alib) and the

two grandsons of this community.

27

ريئة تلك إ موضوع الوصية أو اإمامة اإهية، وم يشر اإمام زين العابدين خطبته اص، وم اس أنه اإمام الشرعي امفرض الطاعة بعد أبيه أو إ وراثة اإمامة بال يقل لل

ية ازاته التار ل البيت وفضائل اإمام علي وإ ديث عن فضل أ سن، وإما اكتفى با .ا

سن تؤكد بعد عن مفهوم حيث بايع " التشيع الدي"كما أن سرة اإمام علي بن ارة واقعة" بعد معاوية، بن يزيدَ فض قيادة الشيعة الذين كانوا يطالبون بالثأر مقتل أبيه ور ". ا

سن، ويعدون للثورة .السياسة، وم يدّع اإمامة، وم يتصَد هاواعتزل .ا

فانه انقبض " :(شيخ اإمامية أواسط القرن الرابع اهجري) وكما يقول الشيخ الصدوق اس فلم يلقَ رج أحدا وا كان يلقا إا خواص عن ال أصحابه، وكان هاية العبادة وم

ه من العلم إا يسرا ".ع

والشورى الشيعة

الشيعة اتباع عدم و اأول، اهجري القرن " السياسي التشيع" صورة يكمل وما سن، مقتل بعد الكوفة ل من أحد ا هم من هم زعيم بانتخاب وقيامهم البيت، أ على بيو الشورى، مبدأ أساس زاعي صرد بن سليمان و انطلقت ال" التوابن" حركة قاد الذي. اسن قتلة من للثأر ة ا .للهجرة 56 س

الذي ) تلك اأيام، قيام امختار بن عبيد الثقفي " السياسية"وما يؤكد طبيعة التشيع ة ظهر الكوفة ديد سالة ( ـ 76س ل البيت بصورة عامة، دون بإعان الواء أ

ظرية خاصة ة، أو شخص معن، أو التزام ب ية"معي ظرية " دي ال م يكن " اإمامة اإهية"ك ها وجود ذلك الزمن،

27

Imām Zayn al-‘ bid n, in his courageous speech, did not refer to the question of

recommendation or of a divine imamate nor of inheritance of the imamate by succession.

Neither did he tell people that he was the legal imām in succession to his father al- usayn and

to whom obedience was due. He talked only about choice and the moral excellence of the

Prophet’s family, Imām ‘Al and his historical achievements.

The biography of Imām ‘Al b. usayn confirms that the idea of “religious Shiism ” was

alien to him because he paid allegiance to Yaz d b. al-Mu‘ wiya after the “battle of al- arra”

He refused to lead the Šī‘a who wanted to revenge the murder of his father al- usayn and who

were ready to revolt. He renounced politics and did not claim the imamate nor did he fight for

it.

As Šay al- adūq (šayḫ of imamate in the middle of the 4th

century A.H) says: He isolated

himself from people and so he did not meet anybody and no one could meet him except his

close friends. He achieved the highest degree of devotion but little of his knowledge has been

transmitted.

Šī῾a and Consultations

The representation of “political Shiism” in the 1st century AH is made clearer when we

learn that the Kūfa Šī῾a did not elect any of the Prophets family after the murder of al- usayn.

They chose Sulaym n b. urad al- uz ῾ as a leader from among them on the basis of the

principle of consultation. He led the movement of Repentants (Tawwabūn) and he set out to

avenge the murder of al- usayn in the year 65 AH.

What confirms the “political” nature of Shiism at that time is that al-Mu t r b. ‘Ubayd al-

aqaf (who appeared in Kūfa in 67 AH) paid allegiance openly to ahl al-bayt in a general

way and not to a specific dynasty or person. Neither did he commit himself to any specific

religious theory such as ‘the divine imamate which did not exist at that time.

28

سن و على أن كتب إليه يريدولذلك عرض امختار قيادة الشيعة البداية على علي بن اه كتب يبه عن كتابه، فلما يئس امختار م يبايع له ويقول بإمامته ويظهر دعوته، فأ أن

فية يريد على مثل ذلك، و مد بن ا وقد استلم ابن .خذ يدعو إ إمامتهأإ عمه فية قيادة الشيعة فعاً ، ورعى قيام دولة امختار .ال دامت بضعة شهور ا

ر الشيعة " السياسية"د الطبيعة وما يؤك للتشيع العام القرن اأول اهجري، عدم معرفة ماظرية "السبئية"ما عدا الفرقة " التشيع الدي"ال قام على ضوئها " اإمامة اإهية"ل

الذي كان أول من شهر القول بفرض إمامة علي وأظهر الراءة من " عبد اه بن سبأ"أتباع و الفيه، كما يقول امتكلم الشيعي حسن بن موسى ال . أعدائه وكاشف

ل البيت وعامة " السياسي"وقد استمر التشيع ا معظم أ ا القرن الثاي اهجري، وتبركة الذين تأثروا بالفكر السبئي م انتقلوا إ " الكيسانية"الشيعة، ما عدا بعض أعضاء ا

مد بن علي الباقر وجعفر الصادق، ونسبوا فكرة إليهما " اإمامة اإهية"شيعة اإمامن هم ". اإمامية"واشتهروا فيما بعد باسم " الرافضة"، وعرفوا بـسراً وسوف نتحدث ع

و أن عامة الشيعة زمان الباقر . الفصل القادم بالتفصيل ا ا القول ولكن ما يهموبرز اإمام زيد بن علي كزعيم ". السياسي"والصادق ظلوا متمسكن بالفكر الشيعي اأول

ظام " اإمامة اإهية"للحكم اإسام، حيث م يكن يعرف نظرية يؤمن بالشورى كل البيت) ص والوراثة أ (القائمة على العصمة وال

28

Thus al-Mu t r first offered the leadership of the Šī῾a to ‘Al b. al- usayn and he wrote to

him in order to pay allegiance to him and acknowledge his imamate and show his call.

However, ‘Al b. usayn refused to reply to his letter. When Mu t r gave up hope, he wrote

to his uncle, Mu ammad b. al- anafiyya offering him the leadership and he started to call for

an Imamate. Ibn anafiyya took over the leadership of the Šī῾a and protected the state of

Mu t r but only for a few months.

Another confirmation of the “political” nature of popular Shiism in the first century AH is

that popular Shiism was not acquainted with the theory of the divine Imamate which was the

basis of “religious Shiism”. Only the followers of ‘Abd All h b. Saba’ considered that the

imamate was divine he was the first one to make known the obligation of ‘Al ’s Imamate.

He disassociated himself from ‘Al ’s enemies and he showed open hostility towards those

who were in opposition to him. This is confirmed by the Šī῾a theologian, al- asan b. Mūs al-

Nawba t .

“Political Shiism” continued until the 2nd

century AH and the majority of the ahl al-bayt

and popular Shiism adopted it with the exception of some members of the Kaysāniyya

movement who were influenced by the ideas of [‘Abd All h b.] Saba’. The idea of the divine

Imamate is secretly attributed to the second imām, Mu ammad b. ‘Al al-B qir and a‘far al-

diq. And the idea of the divine imamate is secretly attributed to both of them. They are

known as Rāfiḍa and later by the name al-imāmiyya. We shall talk about it the next chapter.

However it is important to say here that popular Š ῾a thought at the time of al-B qir and al-

diq continued to be “political”. Imām Zayd b. ‘Al appeared as a leader who believed in the

consultation as a system of government for Islam because he did not know of the theory of the

divine imamate which is based on infallibility, selection and inheritance in the ahl al-bayt.

29

ا من :" بل كان يعتقد بأن اإمامة تستحق بامبادرة والكفاءة، وكان يقول ليس اإمام معأجلس بيته و ا من م هاد ، ولكن اإمام م د رخى سر وثبط عن ا حوزته وجا

وقد استغرب اإمام زيد من كام ". سبيل اه حق جهاد ودفع عن رعيته وذب عن حرمهو " الرافضة"أحد الشيعة من الطاق أو ، املقب مؤ مد بن علي بن الُعمان) الكوفة و

ل ليس حجة من اه، فقا( أي زيد)الذي رفض االتحاق بثورته وتعلل بأنه ( شيطان الطاقت أجلس مع أيا :"له زيد ة ويرد أبا جعفر ك وان فيلقم البضعة السمي على ا

ار ارة ح ترد شفقة علي وم يشفق علي من حر ال ري أذ إاللقمة ا خرك بالدين وم ".به؟

أحزاب شيعية عديدة قالت "اأولوية"القائم على فكرة " التشيع السياسي"وتبعا مفهوم اس بعد رسول اه لفضله وسابقته وعلمه، :" القرن الثاي اهجري إن علياً كان أو ال

و ، وأشجعهم وأأو اس كلهم بعد مو فضل ال د وأجازوا مع ذلك إمامة أ ". رعهم وأزا لذلك امكان وامقام، وذكروا م هما اأمر ورضي إن عليا سلَ " :بكر وعمر وعدوما أ

حن راضون كما رضي امسلمون له، ومن بذلك وبايعهما طائعا غر مكر وترك حقه هما، فا أحدا إا ذلك ، و ا غر ذلك، وا يسع م ل ل ن واية أ بكر صارت رشدا إبايع ، ا

دى لتسليم علي ورضا ب ا ". و هم من ذ اس بعد رسول اه "وان م أن عليا أفضل الاس أن ي( ص) ولوا عليهم غرولكن كان جائزا لل

ه، فواية الوا الذي ولوا على أنفسهم برضا زئا، أحب علي ذلك أم كر إذا كان الوا الذي يولونه دى وطاعة ه، وطاعته واجبة من اه عز وجل هم رشد و ظرية ". م و ما يدل على عدم إماهم ب و

ص والتعين" ".الدي"أو التشيع " ال

29

He thought that the imamate is merited by the one who is able and efficient. He said: an

imām is for us the one who protects his properties and fights for the Cause of God and

protects his citizens and women of his family and is not the one who sits at home and lowers

his curtain [is lazy and a coward] and retreats from ihād.

Imām Zayd b. ‘Al said he found strange what was said by one of the “al-Rāfiḍa” Š ‘a in Kūfa,

i.e. Mu ammad b. ‘Al b. al-Nu῾m n known as Mu’min al- q or Šay n al- q who refused

to join his revolution giving as an excuse that they had no proof that he was acting with God’s

authority. Zayd said to him: Oh a‘far’s father, I was sitting down with my father at the table

and he fed me with a piece of fat meat and made the little piece of bread cold because he felt

pity on me, but he did not feel pity on me from the heat of fire and if he told you about

religion, he did not tell me about it.

According to the concept of political Shiism which is based on the idea of priority, many

Šī῾a parties in the 2nd

century AH held that; ‘Al was the most suitable among the people after

the Messenger of God, because of his superiority, primacy and knowledge.

He is the best one because he is the bravest, the most pious and most ascetic of all the

people. However, they acknowledged the imamate of Abū Bakr and ‘Umar (Ibn al- a b) and

considered both of them qualified for this position. They mentioned that; ‘Al handed the

caliphate to both of them and was satisfied to do so and he paid allegiance to both of them

freely and willingly without being forced. So, as Muslims, we are satisfied with him and we

cannot do otherwise. Indeed the rule of Abū Bakr became justified because of ‘Al ’s approval.

Some of them thought that ‘Al is the best of the people after the Messenger of God but

people were permitted or allowed to put someone else in-charge of the imamate. The tenet

they followed is whether ‘Al wanted it or not, so that the rule of the ruler to whom they

entrusted themselves is truly guided and submissive to God. Obedience is necessary for the

will of God. This indicates that they did not believe the theory of appointment or religious

Shiism.

30

رخون عن ثاث فرق رئيسية من الزيدية الذين كانوا يشكلون امتدادا للتشيع ويتحدث امؤ " البرية"، كلها تتب نظرية الشورى بشكل أو بآخر، وعلى رأسها الفرقة "السياسي"العلوي

ارودية"و ".السليمانية"و" ا

سن بن صاح بن حي ف" البرية"أما وا، وا ة )هم أصحاب كثر ال ( ـ861تو سة )وسام بن أ حفصة كم بن عتيبة ( ـ 831تو س ة )وا ، (ـ 881أو 881تو س

ة)وسلمة بن كهيل ون بواية ( ـ828تو س داد، الذين كانوا يؤم وأ امقدام ثابت اهم كانوا يفضلون عليا ويثبتون إمامة أ ها وبن واية أ بكر وعمر، ولك معون بي علي و

كر،بكر، وير هي عن ام بون ذلك إ اأمر بامعروف وال روج مع كل ولد علي يذ ون ا

د خروجه، وا يقصدون اإمامة قصد رجل ويثبتون من خرج من ولد علي اإمامة عم كل ولد علي على السواء من أي بطن كان د رج، وع ه، ح .بعي

إن اإمامة شورى واها : الذي قال( سليمان بن جرير الرقي)فهم أتباع " السليمانية"وأما عقد بعقد رجلن من خيار اأمة، وأجاز إمامة امفضول وأثبت إمامة أ بكر وعمر، وزعم ت

طأ هما، إا أن ا أن اأمة تركت اأصلح البيعة هما أن عليا كان أو باإمامة م .تهما م يوجب كفرا وا فسقابيع

ارودية"وأما ارود )فهم أتباع "ا فالذين كانوا (زياد بن أ زياد اهمذاي الكوأ ا وني". انه كان بالوصف دون التسمية" :ونوجود نص صريح على اإمام علي باإمامة، ويقول

اس واظهر إ: وقالوا نتيجة لذلك ن إمامة علي بن أ طالب ثابتة الوقت الذي دعا الد .مرأ سن بعد إماما ع طاعة اه م من دعا إ..روجه ، م زيد بن علي خم كان ا

مد فهو إمام من آل

30

Historians talk about the three main groups of al-zaydiyya who were an extension of the al-

‘Alawiyya Political Shiism. Three of them adopted the theory of consultation to a certain

extent. The main ones are al-Batriyya, al-Ğārūdiyya and al-Sulaymāniyya.

As for the al-Batriyya, they are the followers of Ka r al-Naw , al- asan b. li b. ayy

(d.168 AH), S lim b. Ab af a (d.137 AH), al- akam b. ‘Utayba (d.114 or 115 AH), Salima

b. Kuhayl ( d.121 AH), and Abū al-Maqd m bit al- add d, who believed in the rule

(wilāya) of ‘Al and link it to the rule of Abū Bakr and ‘Umar. Although they preferred ‘Al ,

they acknowledged the imamate of Abū Bakr. They accepted to fight on the side of the sons of

‘Al in commanding the good and forbidding the wrong.

They acknowledged, as well, the imamate as being due to the sons of ‘Al when they go out

to fight, but they do not specify a particular man, unless he goes out to fight, since for them all

the sons of ‘Al are equal, from any womb or any of the wives.

As for the “Sulaymāniyya”, they are the followers of Sulaym n b. ar r al-Raqq who said:

imamate is by consultation convened to elect two of the best men of the people of the

community and endorsed that the imamate be given to the preferred one as well as

acknowledging the imamate of Abū Bakr and ‘Umar”. He claimed that the community

disregarded the well being of the community by accepting both of them. ‘Al was more suited

than either of them. Even if the nation made a mistake by paying allegiance to both of them,

this does not mean non-belief or sinfulness.

As for the al- ārūdiyya, they are followers of Abū al- rūd Ziy d b. Ziy d al-Hama n

al-Kūf . They rejected the existence of a clear text which appoints ‘Al as imām. In fact, the

text gives a description of the imamate without naming anyone. Consequently they said that

the imamate of Imām ‘Al was acknowledged when he called the people and showed his

imamate. After him came Imām usayn and he was followed by Zayd b. ‘Al . People were

chosen from Mu ammad’s family with calls to obey God in Islam.

31

سن، واعتروا من يقول ذلك ارودية وعامة الزيدية حصر اإمامة أواد ا وقد رفض اسن ( شورى)خارجا عن الدين ، وقالوا اها أوادما ميعا، وان اإمامة صارت بعد ال البيت وإماعهم م به باختيار أ هم ورضا على رجل م

ص على اأئمة الثاثة وقد انقسموا فيما بعد إ تيارات عديدة، ورما قال بعضهم بالسن)اأوائل سن وا هم كانوا ( علي وا ون نظريتهم اإمامة تأثرا باإمامية، ولك يب

روج الشورى و على أساسبصورة عامة، ص ،أوليس على ( الثورة)التصدي وا ساس السن سن وا .وخاصة بعد ا

ؤاء كان فريق آخر م ية"ن الزيدية يُدعى وا جانب سي ؤاء كانوا يقولون أيضا" ا : ومد فهو مفرض الطاعة، وكان علي إماما وقت ما دعا من دعا إ اه عز وجل من آل ى بن زيد، د خروجه، م زيد بن علي، م سن إماما ع ، م كان بعد ا اس وأظهر أمر ال

مد بن عبد اه ب مد م عيسى بن زيد، م سن، م من دعا إ طاعة اه من آل ن ا .فهو إمام

سن اأشعري مقالته، عن قوم من الزيدية يقال هم أتباع رجل " اليعقوبية"وحكى أبو اهما هم ا يترأون من ترأ م .امه يعقوب، أهم كانوا يتولون أبا بكر وعمر ولك

ارودية"وفيما عدا كان موقف الشيعة الزيدية بصورة عامة معتدا ومعقوًا وأقرب ا " اص والوراثة وحصر العلم "السياسي"التشيع العلوي ظرية ال ون ب ، أي أهم م يكونوا يؤم

ل البيت، الدي أ

31

ārūdiyya and popular Zaydiyya refused to limit the imamate to the sons of al- usayn and

they considered that anyone one who claimed this did not belong to Islam. They said that,

imamate is consultation among the sons of asan and usayn and that the imamate after al-

usayn was made by the choice of the Prophet’s family and that, after agreement and

consultation, a man was chosen from among them.

ārūdiyya were divided into a number of trends, perhaps some of them acknowledged the

appointment of the first three imām, ‘Al , asan and usayn, they were influenced by

Imāmiyya movement, but they based their theory of the imamate on consultation, resistance

and revolution and not by appointment particularly so after the [Imamate] of al- asan and al-

usayn.

Besides these three groups, there was another group of Zaydiyya called al- usayniyya who

also said that anyone from Mu ammad’s family who calls people to God is to be obeyed. ‘Al

was imām when he called people and manifested his imamate. Then usayn became imām

after ‘Al , and then Zayd b. ‘Al . Ya y b. Zayd, ‘ s b. Zayd and Mu ammad b. ‘Abd All h

b. al- asan said that all of the people from Mu ammad’s family who called people to the

obedience of God is imām. Abū al- asan al-Aš‘ar , in his book, Maqālāt [al-Islāmiyyīn],

talked about a group of Zaydiyya called Ya‘qūbiyya, followers of a man called Ya‘qūb who

entrusted Abū Bakr and ‘Umar with the imamate, but they did not accuse those who did not

align themselves with Abū Bakr and ‘Umar.

Apart from the Ğārūdiyya, the attitude of Zaydiyya Š ‘a was in general moderate and close

to the al-‘Alawiyya political Shiism, that is to say that they did not believe the theory of

appointment, inheritance and that religious knowledge was exclusively that of the family of

the Prophet.

32

م :" فقد كانوا يقولون اس اس فيه بأن العلم مبثوث مشرك فيهم و عوام ال والعوام من الم من العوام تاج إليه أو أخذ من غر هم علما لدين أو دنيا ما سواء، فمن أخذ مهم فجائز تاجون إليه من علم دي م ما د غر م وا ع د فموسع له ذلك، فان م يوجد ع

اس ااجتهاد وااختيار والقول بآرائهم ". لل

ى الذي زيد والتفوا من بعد، زيد بن علي امالتف عامة الشيعة حول اإمقد و ه حول ابظام اأ ة موي قام بثورة أخرى ضد ال اتن الثورتن بثاثة .. 821س عوام أوبعد فشل

اه بن اه بن معاوية بن عبد عبد" :حد الطالبينأتفجرت ثورة شيعية أخرى واسعة بقيادة ي الثورة ال ".جعفر الطيار تلف مدن العراق وامتدت ها شاركت فيو ر الشيعة ما

ن ومذان وقومس واصبهان والري وفارس ـ إ اما

مد": وكان شعار الثورة ديد شخص معن، " إ الرضا من آل ي دعوة دون ون، عموم الشيعة ذلك ا

اطق ذ عبداه بن معاوية من اصبهان مركزا لدعوته وحركته وم ، وبعث إ وقد ا نفوذم إليه ليساموا معه إدارة الباد ال سيطر عليها فقدم اهامين علوين وعباسين يدعو

هم عدد كبر راسايعليه م هار دولته أمام جيش أ مسلم ا .، وذلك قبل أن ت

فس الزك سن ذي ال مد بن عبد اه بن ا . يةوالتف عامة الشيعة العلوية بعد ذلك حول ئذ كان فقد انضم قادة امعتزلة كعمرو بن عبيد وواصل بن عطاء " سياسيا"وأن التشيع حي

فس الزكية، إمام الزيدية وقته ب عمرو بن ... إ حركة اإمام ذي ال اء على ذلك ذ وبفس الزكية، وقال له ه اانضمام لبيعة ال ل الشام ":عبيد إ جعفر الصادق وطلب م قتل أ

ظرنا فوجدنا رجا له دين وعقل متهم، وضرب اه بعضهم ببعض، وتشتت أمر خليف ، فسن، مد بن عبد اه بن ا و ومرّوة ومعدن للخافة، و

32

They were saying that knowledge is spread in common in the family of the Prophet and in

all people as well because all people are equal and whoever studies under the family of the

Prophet or under anyone else is allowed to study religious or secular science and if they do not

find what they need from the teaching of the family of the Prophet or others, they are allowed

to exercise independent judgement and choice.

Popular Šī῾a gathered around Imām Zayd b.‘Al and his son Ya y , revolted against

Umayyad rule in the year 125 AH. Three years after the failure of these two revolutions,

another Šī῾a revolution broke out under the leadership of one of the ālibiyyīn (Household of

‘Al b. lib) i.e ‘Abd All h b. Mu‘ wiya b. ‘Abd All h b. Abū a‘far al- ayy r. This was a

revolution in which popular Š ῾a from different cities of Iraq took part and it extended to al-

M h n, Hama n, Qūmis, I bah n, Rayy, and F ris.

The slogan or the motto of the revolution was; Let us be contended with Mu ammad’s

family” without emphasis on a particular person and this was the call of the popular Šī῾a

movement at that time. ‘Abd All h b. Mu‘ wiya took I bah n as a centre for his calling, his

movement and sphere of his influence.

However he sent al-‘Alawis and ‘Abbāsids to H šimites to call them to take part in

administration of the countries he controlled and a large number of [H šimites] came to him

before his state was destroyed by the army of Abū Muslim al- ur s n .

Later on, popular ‘Alawiyya Šī῾a supported Mu ammad b. ‘Abd All h b. asan ū al-Nafs

al-Zakiyya, because of the political nature of Shiism at that time. The leaders of Mu‘tazilites,

such as ‘Amr b. ‘Ubayd and W il b. ‘A ’ joined the movement of Imām ū Nafs al-Zakiyya,

Imām al-Zaydiyya in his time... Consequently, ‘Amr b. ‘Ubayd went to a‘far al- diq and

asked him to join in paying allegiance to al-Nafs al-Zakiyya saying: People of Šām [Great

Syria] killed their caliph and God destroyed them and they scattered. Then we saw and found

a religious, wise and honorable man, who was qualified for the caliphate, he is called

Mu ammad b. ‘Abd All h b. al- asan.

33

ا معه وكان اس إليه، فمن بايعه ك بايعه، م نظهر أمرنا معه، وندعو ال تمع معه ف فأردنا أن ا ه، ومن نصب ل ا ع ا كفف ا، ومن اعتزل ق م ا له على بغيه، ونرد إ ا ، ونصب دنا جا

ا عن مثلك لفضلك، ولكثرة ا أن نعرض ذلك عليك، فإنه ا غ ب له، وقد أحبب وأا وولتك بغر أخري يا عمرو لو أن اأ :فلما فرغ، قال أبو عبد اه "شيعتك مة قلدتك أمر

ت توليها؟ قال ،ا من شئتوهِ : وقيل لك ةقتال وا مؤون ت أجعلها شورى بن : من ك كم؟ قال: نعم، قال: بن امسلمن كلهم؟ قال: امسلمن قال : نعم، قال: بن فقهائهم وخيار

م؟ قال .نعم: والعرب والعجم؟ قال: نعم، قال: قريش وغر

ل البيت، و لقد كان كان الفكر الشيعي العام يقوم على أساس الواء السياسي أئمة أون ئمتهاق اأمة اإسامية اختيار أ ؤاء يعتقدون ، وبضرورة مارسة الشورى، ويدي

"التشيع الدي"وم يكونوا يعرفون . ااستياء على السلطة بالقوة

ديث الذي يرويه الشيخ الصدوق عن اإمام الرضا عن أبيه الكاظم عن أبيه د ا ا ولعلسن بن علي عن أبيه عن جعفر الصادق عن أبيه سن عن ا مد الباقر عن علي بن ا

ماعة ويغصب اأمة :"والذي يقول فيه( ص)جد رسول اه من جاءكم يريد أن يفرق اا ويتو من غر مشورة فاقتلو ، فان اه عز وجل قد أذن ذلك ذا . "أمر د ا لعل

ديث ل البيت بالشأا اس لئنو . ورى والتزامهم هافضل تعبر عن إمان أ كانوا يدعون الافة إ اتباعهم واانقياد إليهم فإما كانوا يفعلون ذلك إمانا بأفضليتهم وأولويتهم با

ق ون با كام الذين كانوا ا يتبعون الكتاب وا يقيمون القسط وا يدي و ما . مقابل ا وية"ا " السياسية"يثبت الطبيعة .شيعللت" الدي

33

We wanted to meet him in order to pay allegiance to him and call people to support him.

We will support anyone who pays allegiance to him and he will be one of us. However we will

not have anything to do with anyone who separates himself from us. We will fight anyone

who fights us and we will oppose his injustice and lead him back to the truth. We wanted to

show you this, because we need you for your superiority and for your many Š ῾a. When he

finished, ‘Abd All h said: Oh ‘Amr, tell me if the community appointed you without fighting

and without pain,and who told you to appoint whoever you want. Who did you appoint? He

said: I consulted among the Muslims. ‘Abd All h said: among all the Muslims? He said; Yes.

‘Abd All h said: among their jurists, theologians and the best of the people of them? He said:

Yes. Then ‘Abd All h said: Among, Qurayš and others? He said: Yes. ‘Abd All h said: and

among Arabs and non Arabs? He said: Yes.

Popular Š ῾a thought was based on the political loyalty to the imām of ahl al-bayt who

believed in the right of the community to choose their imām and also the necessity of

consultation. It condemned the seizing of power by force and did not know of religious

Shiism.

Perhaps we find in adī which šay adūq narrated that, Imām al-Ri said that his father

al-K ẓim said that his father a‘far diq said that his father Mu ammad al-Bakr said that

‘Al b. usayn said that al- usayn b. ‘Al said that his father said that his grandfather - the

messenger of God - said; Kill anyone who comes to you and wants to divide the community

and take power by force and rule without Consultation, because God has permitted it.

Perhaps we find in this adī , the best expression of the belief of the family of the Prophet

on consultation and their commitment to it. If they [ahl al-bayt, the family of the Prophet] call

people to follow and submit to them, they did this only because they believe in their

superiority and priority in the caliphate, as opposed to the governors who ignored the Qur’an

(al- Kitāb) neither were they just nor did they rule in a good way. This proves that Shiism was

of a political nature and not religious.

34

ظرية أو ما يعرف بالتشيع " اإمامة اإهية"وسوف نبحث الفصول القادمة نشوء القول بم رجاله"الدي" .، وكيفية تطور ومآله والظروف ال أحاطت به وأ

34

In the next Chapters, we shall discuss the development of the theory of the “divine

imamate” or what is known as “religious Shiism” and how it developed and ended, as well as

the circumstances surrounding it and its leading personalities.

35

Chapter 4

A critical study of the text

4.1 General overview

Ahmed al-Katib in his writing has used the common classic Arabic. The style of writing

seems to be influenced by his argument to proof his hypothesis. Hence, having made the

hypothesis in the beginning of the Chapter, almost every other paragraph and sentences begin

with “and” (wa). This makes the translation of the text somehow difficult giving to the fact

that in a language like English, it is not possible to begin a sentence with “and”. It is clear in

our text that the writer is trying to prove his argument in steps, therefore, the use of “wa” is

not a conjunction in the strict use of the term, rather it is a connecter of the points of argument

expressed.

In the first chapter he aims at proving the point that in the first centuries of Islam the

popular Shiite and the early proponents of shiism were not aware of the texts concerning the

divine appointment to the imamate. The writer wants to be as objective as possible in

explaining his theory of the political nature of Shiism. He invites the reader to look at the

historical context of the foundation of Islam and the Prophetic experience in front of the

existing political reality of the time. He does not deny the fact that in some way the Prophet

practiced politics but not to the point of replacing the then existing form of governance and he

did not establish a dual system of temporal and religious authority nor set up a religious

power.

His arguments would seem to be apparently against the Shiite community in the face value,

but critically reading through, we discover that regarding the Shiite aspect of Islam as of a

political nature and not religious would unite the Muslim community in the one faith of Islam

with successive leaders having specific roles and status at a point in time. The writer’s line of

thought will lead us the understanding of Shiites in general and to the presentation of the

divisions as a confirmation of the political nature of Shiism.

36

4.1 The Shiites in general

Generally, Shiites are regarded as those who follow Im m ‘Al . “They hold that his

caliphate and imamate were based on designation and appointment, either open or hidden”23.

There is no way an imamate can go outside ‘Al ’s family even if at times apparently there is an

election of an imām is just but a dissimulation. This is because according to them, Imamate is

the core of religion and hence cannot be left in the hands of the people. We will see the

imamate position of the common Shiites and see the differences that exist among them.

We can also say that, the doctrine of the necessity of designation and appointment is

common to most popular Shiites. The argument is based on the status of the Messenger of

God. “They hold that the Prophets and imām must be immune from grave and minor sins”24. If

the messenger possesses the mentioned qualities, then he would not err in designating a

successor and thus leaving it to the hands of the common people is lowering both the office of

the leader and the role of the Prophet. In order not to devalue the appointment of the first

caliphs, especially esteemed by the Shiites, they introduced the dissimulation. Dissimulation

in the Islamic circles is called al-taqiyya, a condition in which a believer conceals his beliefs

in front of any imminent danger. This would help in the coexistence even if the other holds a

contrary opinion. Concealment in this sense does not mean abandoning belief25

but a conscious

hiding of one’s own position. On this argument, there would be various positions held by

different groups of Shiites of we will mention a number of them.

4. 2 Political nature of Shiism

The text aims at demonstrating that Shiism in its nature is political and not religious. Our

interest on the text is a deeper knowledge of Islam. In order to understand the text, we need to

know what Shiism is and what its influence in the Islamic world is. Having understood what

Shiism is, then we need to compare it with our writer’s perception of the same.

24

Shahrast n , Muslim sects and divisions, 137. 25

Cf. http://www.al-islam.org/shiite-encyclopedia-ahlul-bayt-dilp-team/al-taqiyya-dissimulation-part-1,

visited on 24/04/20014.

37

The text outlines the fact that the Prophet did not found any political institution to replace

the existing political orders at the time. He left the existing political orders and governance in

the hands of those who were leading various groups, but for this reason it would prove

difficult to exercise a Theocratic way of life, ignoring political aspects of the society

especially when particular personal rights or society rights are concern. He provided an

exemplary role in leadership anchoring his authority on the command of God expressed in the

Quran which he lived and practiced. The upcoming Muslim community at that time did not

doubt his authority; hence they seek advice for even little aspects of the daily life.

From the texts presented to support this claim, what the Prophet did was to offer personal

advices to his kin and did institute a process institution of appointment for His succession and

to those who came after him. His arguments as we can see are based on his thirst to know

Islam.

4.3 The theory of Consultation a ‘solution’ to Succession’s ‘crisis’

The succession issue did not begin after the death of the Prophet, but even during the life time

of the Prophet and “There is evidence that ῾Umar, at the outbreak of Mo ammad’s illness,

attempted to take over the leadership of the communal prayers. The Prophet hearing his voice

insisted that his old friend Abū Bakr must lead them instead”26.

When the Prophet died, all his followers were left to find the solution on who could lead the

community. It was not immediately that old man Abū Bakr was chosen, ῾Umar on his part

wanted to come up with a theory by “denying the death of Mu ammad and asserting that the

Prophet had gone to his Lord as Moses had done, leaving his people for forty days and

returning after he had been pronounced dead.”27 This would have allowed him to rule as the

people wait for the return, but he did not succeed because the pronouncement of the Prophet’s

death was done by ‘Abb s and Abū Bakr. The election of Abū Bakr was not received with

enthusiasm by all, among those who hesitated to pay him allegiance was Imām ‘Al . He would

26 Farhad Daftary, Gurdofarid Miskinzoda, The study of Shi῾ism Islam,7.

27 F. Daftary, G. Miskinzoda, The study of Shi῾ism Islam, 9.

38

later justify his hesitation. We are aware that he had his admirers who could have wished that

Imām ‘Al could have claimed the caliphate because it was his right.

4.4 Imamate as a basis of ‘religious Shiism’

Imamate comes from an Arabic word Imāma which means the office or the function of a

prayer leader. He is the one who leads a praying community.

The Š ῾a associate the Imamate to Abraham as mentioned in the Quran. “Recall that

Abraham was put to the test by his Lord, through certain commands, and he fulfilled them.

(God) said, "I am appointing you an imam for the people. He said, And also my descendants?"

He said, "My covenant does not include the transgressors”. (Q. 2,124)

“It should be noted here that the Prophet Ibrahim was put to test when he was very old,

many years after he had been made a Prophet and was given a son, Ismail , when aged”28. This

is to show that Imamate is important to just being a Prophet, because Abraham was appointed

Imām by God after having been a Prophet. There is a note in the verse where God excludes in

the Imamate the wrong-doers or transgressors. Shiites claim that the command by God not to

include the wrong-doers means that Imamate is a divine covenant leading to the divine

appointment of an Imām.

Hence, the role of the Imām in leading a religious community is held as sacred and above

Prophethood. Anyone appointed to lead receives the role by appointment after having been

tested worthy.

There is no doubt the Prophet played this leading role in his lifetime. After his death, the

necessity of a leader who would lead the community was manifested. The issue was on who

was fit for this post or whether there was any preference from the Prophet himself.

28 Kardan, Ridha (2014-04-29). Imamate And Infallibility of Imams In The Qur’an (Kindle Locations 168-

170) Kindle Edition.

39

The position of Imām in Shiism is central. An Imām is divinely appointed and is required to

be without error. His role is to lead the community in word and deed. “Devotion to the Imam

is a religious obligation; as a consequence, determining who is constitutes a central tenet of

faith.”29 The importance of the Imām for Š ῾a Muslim though seen by their counterparts (the

Sunni) as an exaggeration has led them to an apologetic attitude.

They claim that if the election of the successor was not important, the companions would

not have ignored the funeral of the Prophet to deliberate on it. This way of reading the events

which took place just after the death of the Prophet give significant importance to the role of

the Imam. The Š ῾a holds that the power bestowed on the Imam is given by the Prophet as part

of his mission; otherwise, “If the Prophet (s) had not appointed a successor to assume the

executive power, he would have failed to complete his mission”30.

‘Al for the Shiites was, without doubt, The Imām. It was not such an obvious thing to name

‘Al as Imām. There are many views concerning Imamate and its succession, giving rise many

Shiite sects depending on the position they hold.

This does not result in being less or more Šī῾a of one is compared to the other, rather a

personal effort to understand the reality of the imamate by an individual who would later have

followers of the same conviction.

There is an effort by the Šī῾a leaders to express to the Šī῾a community the need to defend

Imamate and proof that it is part of the fulfilment of the mission of the Prophet. They say,

“―We believe in the Imamate; we believe that the Prophet (s), appointed a successor to

assume responsibility for the affairs of the Muslims, and that he did so in conformity with the

divine will”31.

Ahmed al-Katib says:

29 Farad Daftary, Gurdofarid Miskinzoda, The study of Shi῾ism Islam, 411.

30 Khomeini, Ruhollah Islamic Government,27. SIME. Kindle Edition (2004-04-15).

31 Khomeini, Ruhollah Islamic Government,26.

40

As a result of limiting the Imamate in (the infallible and the occulted Twelfth Im m), and due to

their waiting for his appearance, Twelver-Im m Sh ’ite thought, is marked by political isolationism and absolute negativism, till the birth of the idea of public representation of Im m Al-Mahd by the Jurists, and its later development to Wil yat Al-Faq h (Guardianship of the Jurist-Consult), whereby the Sh ’ite thought was able, through the leadership of Im m Khomeini, to establish an Islamic Republic in Iran, at the end of the Fourteenth (14th) Century A.H

32.

Khomeini on his side would vehemently defend the imamate and encouraging Š ῾a community

“to present Islam and the doctrine of the Imamate correctly. You must tell people: ―We

believe in the Imamate; we believe that the Prophet (s), appointed a successor to assume

responsibility for the affairs of the Muslims”33 Muslims”

4.5 The views of Some Shiite’s Sects on Imamate

There are many sects in the Muslim community apart from the two major divisions. We are

going to mention a few of theses in order to highlight their differences in as far as imamate is

concern. Among these sects are; Im miyya, Kaysāniyya, Zaydiyya, al-Batriyya, al-Ğārūdiyya,

al-Sulaymāniyya.

4.5.1 Imāmiyya

The Imāmiyya believed that the imamate after the Prophet belongs to ῾Al based on a clear

designation and appointment. “They say that in religion, and in Islam, there was nothing of

greater importance than the appointment of an Imam, which enabled the Prophet to leave with

his mind at peace with regard to the community”34. This is because the role of the Prophet in

the community was so central that he had to offer guidelines and answers to social issues. It

would have been seen as a neglect of the mission if he would not care for the smooth running

of the community after him. The Imāmiyya argues that the best to hold this leading role is ῾Al .

32 Ahmad Al-K tib . The_Development_Of_Shī'ite_Political Thought: From Shūrā to wilāyatAl-Faqīh , Al-

Shura Publishing House For Research And Information, Bayrūt, 1997, 3. 33

Khomeini, Ruhollah, Islamic Governments , 26 SIME, Kindle Edition, (2004-04-15). 34

Shahrast n , Muslim sects and divisions, 139.

41

Though the Imāmiyya supports imamate with zeal, it is noted that with time the group has

divided itself to many divisions because of the different standing on imamate doctrines. One

of the points of contentions is who the Imāms actually are after asan, usayn and ῾Al b. Al-

usayn35

.

4.5.2 The Kaysāniyya

These are the followers of Kays n, a mawl of ‘Al b. Abū lib. The Kaysāniyya is the

doctrine that religion consists of obedience to a man. This obedience must be because of the

qualities they attributed to Kays n and considered him of great knowledge in all sciences.

Some of the followers of Kaysāniyya could not go beyond the obedience of a man that they

believed that the person would not die but would remain in concealment until the time of

return. This position would complicate their view on the transfer of the imamate and some

would claim it regardless of not being descendants of ‘Al .

The new element of this group is the overzealous obedience to a man as a religious

doctrine.

4.5.3 The Zaydiyya

They are the followers of Zayd b. ‘Al b. al- usayn b. ‘Al b. Abū lib. They hold that

imamate belongs to the offspring of F ima and cannot legitimately be held by others.36

This

position would narrow the succession to the imamate from the Prophets family or household

to descendants of F ima introducing a new and somewhat practical element of the possibility

of having two imāms in different regions. They would also give a possibility for one to be an

imām even if he is not considered the best. The claim supported with the fact that Abū Bakr

was chosen as caliph even if ‘Al was the best between them. This position would put Zayd in

a contrasting position with the Shiites of Kūfa who were not pleased. Zayd also held a view

that an imām must rise up in revolt in order to be an imām.

35Cf. Shahrast n , Muslim sects and divisions, 141.

36 Cf. Shahrast n , Muslim sects and divisions, 132.

42

4.5.4 The Batriyya

The Batriyya are the followers of Ka r al-Naww al-Abtar. The group just like the

li iyya and Sulaym niyya who hold that the imamate is a matter to be decided by the

community, and may even be determined by the agreement of two of the best Muslims. This

view would be against those who hold the opinion that Imamate is exclusively for the

Prophet’s household and the descendants of ‘Al .

The Batriyya “do not commit themselves on the question as to whether ῾U m n is a

believer or unbeliever.37

‘U m n is regarded as among those to whom paradise has been

promised but they could not know how to regard him because of his behaviour. They

suspended their judgment on whether he is a believer or not.

4.5.5 The Sulaymāniyya

We feel that it is important to note the position of the Sulaymāniyya concerning the

imamate. These are followers of Sulaym n b. Jab r, who held that imamate be decided by the

deliberation of the community. It can also be determined by two of the best Muslims. He held

that an appointment of one who is less in excellence is possible even if there exist one better.

We can understand the argument as we mentioned before regarding the issue of succession.

He maintains that the community was in error by choosing Abū Bakr in place of ‘Al but the

community did not sin rather it was an error of judgement. According to Sulaym n, imamate

is in service of the community as an aspect of religion which promotes the public welfare38

.

Presenting some of the Shiite’s sects, we realize that the differences do not touch the

fundamentals principles of Islam. Each group is trying to present its own way of interpreting

the role of a religious leader in the community. Each one has its own inclinations toward some

particular aspect more or less than the other. We can say that these sects and their varying

positions concern the imamate would lead many ask questions of its central role as Š ῾a

37 Cf. Shahrast n , Muslim sects and divisions, 137.

38 Cf. Shahrast n , Muslim sects and divisions, 137.

43

would claim. It would be interesting to see the core principle which unite or separate these

sects within an Islamic community.

4.6 The Šī῾a divisions confirming political nature of Shiism

We are presented in our texts with a number of Šī῾a sects or division all with the aim of

proving that Shiism in its early stage was political and not religious. We will study some of

the groups in order to understand the Imamate theory which is the fundamental principle for

Š ῾a Muslims. As the title suggests, the groups we selected demonstrate the political nature of

Shiism. It has to be clear that we are not talking about Š ῾a politics but about the division that

exist between Š ῾a and Sunni Muslim as being of a political nature and not religious. If the

division is understood as religious then there will be difficulty in reconciling the two big

divisions of the Muslim community. The Choice of the term “division of the Muslim

community” instead of Š ῾a and Sunni Islam is aimed at avoiding contradiction of claiming

unity while manifesting disunity in Islam as religion. In fact the divisions are attributed to the

popular Islam as a simple way in which people adhere to the faith. It is rather a

phenomenological response to the call to faith.

Having presented the various Š ῾a especially their respective views on the imamate, we can

say that even within the Š ῾a itself are divisions and most of these divisions are because of the

different point of view of the imamate. Since imamate as we outlined before, forms the

underlying principle in Shiism, how is it possible that not all Shiites have the same positions?

The different positions does not reduce the importance of imamate as a basic element for

the Shiite Muslims but calls for it to be understood as a richness and in a better service of the

community. The understanding is called for, both from the Shiite themselves, from the Sunnis

and from non Muslims.

4.7 Šī῾a Sunni differences

It is in the domain of common knowledge that “Shia and Sunni are the two branches of

Islam. They share most of the basic tenets and principles of the religion. Differences between

44

Shias and Sunnis initially stemmed from political strife and not from any spiritual

disagreements” 39.

It cannot be disputed that Š ῾a and Sunni Muslims have differences especially on the

practice and symbols of faith, yet these differences do not negate Islam in them. There are

some practices which are exclusive to one side. Š ῾a for instance during the celebration of

holidays it is said that;

anniversary of the death of their most vividly recalled saint, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad

known among the Shi῾a as the Imam Husayn. The day is called Ashoura, from the Arabic word

for ‘tenth.’ It is an occasion for collective atonement through lamentation and self-flagellation. It

is a distinctly Shi῾a practice and has no parallel in Sunnism40

.

The paradox is that each side claims to exclusively and jealously hold the truth. This

attitude threatens the coexistence between Islamic communities spilling over to those who

seem to be sympathizers of either side.

4.7. 1 Differences between Sunni and Šī῾a a source of conflict in the Muslim world?

Our aim here is not to demonstrate the conflicts arising from the differences between and

Sunni Muslims, but to highlight the fact that the differences within and outside the Muslim

communities are of a political nature. These differences are richness if they are understood and

welcomed, yet it can lead to conflicts if seen as adversity and or evil.

The divisions and the struggle for the supremacy in leadership of the Muslim community right

from the first century of its formation has lead to internal conflict. Even the era of the Rightly

Guided Caliphs, however, proved to be far from harmonious. Umar was killed by an Iranian

prisoner of war, but most notably, Uthman was murdered in 656 by mutinous Muslim soldiers,

his blood spilling onto the Quran that he was reading. The young Muslim community was in

shock at the spectacle of Muslims murdering the successor to the Prophet41

.

This conflict would not be wiped out in history instead it acquired different directions.

Those who hold overzealously their position see the other as apostate who deserves to be

39 http://www.diffen.com/difference/Shia_vs_Sunni , visited on 10/05/2014.

40 Nasr, Vali, The Shia Revival: How Conflicts within Islam Will Shape the Future (Kindle Locations 239-

241), W. W. Norton & Company, Kindle Edition, (2007-04-17). 41

Nasr, Vali , The Shia Revival (Kindle Locations 292-295).

45

punished. This way of reacting has given grounds to the extremists jeopardizing the peaceful

coexistence of the community that hold dear Islam as a way ordered by God.

We cannot claim that all the wars and violence experienced in the Muslim majority

countries in the past and current centuries are all because of the difference in practice of faith.

“The Shia-Sunni conflict is at once a struggle for the soul of Islam— a great war of competing

theologies and conceptions of sacred history” 42

.

We note that among the killings reported by the media are at times against Muslim pilgrims

to some place they regard as holy attributed to the Prophet or to one of the Imāms.

Just but to point out is even of the last century in Pakistan where, “In June 1963, Sunni

extremists launched an attack on a Muharram procession in Theri, a small town near Khairpur

in Sindh province, leading to serious sectarian tensions”43. and these types of attacks are

witnessed almost every year in Iraq where the two Muslim communities live side by side.

It is becoming clear with time that “the Syrian Civil War, the protests against the central

government in Iraq, and the Shia revolt in Bahrain would be part of a thousand year-old

conflict between these two religious persuasions” 44. It is observed that;

it became clear in May 2013 that Hezbollah is fighting on the side of the Bashar al-Assad regime

in the Syrian Civil War, there has been increasing talk about an escalating religious war between

Shi'as and Sunnis. Accordingly, on one side stand Shi'a Iran, Hezbollah, the Alawite regime in

Damascus, and the Shi'a-dominated government in Baghdad; and on the other side, the leading

Sunni power Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Qatar, and the Sunni rebels in Syria45.

42 Nasr, Vali, The Shia Revival, Kindle Locations ,102-103.

43 Department of Defense; U.S. Military; Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, Shiism and

Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan - Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence - Shia and

Sunni, T’Alī ban, Haqqani Network, APSC, Iranian Influence, Benazir Bhutto (Kindle Locations 274-

277), Progressive Management. Kindle Edition, (2013-02-04). 43

http://www.fairobserver.com/article/sunnis-vs-shiites-opposition-fueled-power-politics, visited on

14/01/2014. 44

Nasr, Vali, The Shia Revival, Kindle Locations,279-280 . 45

http://www.swp-berlin.org/en/publications/point-of-view/sunni-vs-shia-opposition-fueled-by-power-

politics.html , visited on 10/05/2014.

46

There is need to understand the source of these conflict in all sincerity in order to appreciate

the differences and to attain a meaningful peace.

The fact that “Shiism and Sunnism not only understand Islamic history, theology, and law

differently, but each breathes a distinct ethos of faith and piety that nurtures a particular

temperament and a unique approach to the question of what it means to be Muslim”46 does not

imply that they profess two different faiths, even though the followers of both Muslim

communities have been made to believe that they are better or more orthodox than the other.

There is a necessity to understand the nature of the division in order to appreciate each

other and appreciate peace. It would be against God Himself who is beneficent and merciful to

wage war for the sake correcting what in human terms is thought to be an error. This would

only be possible if history is read with humility and acceptance with kindness the offences

received in the past. The suffering endured in because of religion are to be seen in the way of

Abraham as mentioned in the Quran that he was made imam of mankind after having passed

the testing.

It is apparent that some of the conflicts we are experiencing these days are to some point

attributed to the factions within Muslim community. The sects as we have seen show that,

even within the same branch of Shiites are many differences, hence there is need to learn from

them about their identity and the source of their differences. Ahmed al-Katib being a Shiite

scholar is of great help. He study on the heritage of Islam invites us to understand from a Š ῾a

scholar the source and effects of misconception of a Muslim community.

46 Nasr, Vali, The Shia Revival, Kindle Locations, 279.

47

Conclusion

Š ῾a and Sunni Muslim profess the same Islamic faith and both adhere to the fundamentals

of faith in practice, yet there are some differences in terms of practice. These differences can

be a source of richness or can be a source of division and even become source of conflicts.

These conflicts shape the relation between Muslims and in turn affect the relationship among

nations.

There is need of a profound study of the composition of the Muslim community in order to

avoid misunderstandings and rush judgment which often leads to hurting the feelings and

sensitivities of others. Our short text is a source of inspiration to the understanding of Šī῾a, an

effort to appreciating the richness in Islam and the diversity on its practice. Reading the text

closely, we realize that, the writer in his search of truth about Islamic faith has no fear of self

criticism. He looks at Shiite from within and puts to the text the reliability of doctrines

examining their textual and historical backgrounds. He tries to establish the principle source of

the division and he does this well by bringing to our attention the absent evidence of some

fundamental doctrines which Shiites claim to have existed right from the time of the Prophet.

His presentation on the attitude of Imam ῾Al towards succession to the caliphate is a sign

that Imamate is a later phenomenon, while consultation was highly regarded even by ῾Al as

well as by his sons. By appreciating the role of ῾Al in the shaping of the Muslim community

we appreciate the contribution of the Muslim Shiite as an integral part of the Muslim

community. It will be an advantage to the humanity if the entire Muslim community will live

in peace among themselves reducing enmity and promoting peaceful coexistence will make

dialogue among cultures and religions possible. However, this would be feasible if these

communities discover the richness of their differences and these differences can be

appreciated if they are understood as having a political origin rather than religious basis.

48

Bibliography

Primary Sources

Al-Katib Ahmed, Al Tašayyu al- siyāsī wa- l- tašayyu al-dīnī, Al-intiš r, Bayrūt 2009.

Books of reference

Baalbaki Munir, Baalbaki Rohi, Al- Mawrid Dictionary English-Arabic, Arabic- English, Dar El-Ilm

Lilimalayin, Beirut 2007.

Donzel, E. Van, Islamic desk reference/ compiled from The Encyclopedia of Islamic desk reference,

compiled from The Encyclopedia of Islam, Brill, Leiden 1994.

Encyclopedia of Islam, Leiden, Brill Edition 1960-2009.

Khalifa Rashad, Quran - The Final Testament - Authorized English Version of the Original, Kindle

Edition 2010-12-16.

Wehr, Hans, A dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, J. Milton Cowan (ed), Librarie Du Liban, Beirut

1980.

Secondary sources

Al-Katib Ahmad, The_Development_Of_Shī'ite Political Thought : From Shūrā To Wilāyat Al- Faqīh,

Al-Shura Publishing House For Research And Information Beirut.1997.

Department of Defense; U.S. Military; Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, Shiism and

Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan - Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence - Shia and

Sunni, Taliban, Haqqani Network, APSC, Iranian Influence, Benazir Bhutto (Kindle Locations 2-3),

Progressive Management, Kindle Edition, (2013-02-04).

Daftary Farhad, Miskinzoda G., The study of Shiism Islam. History, Theology and Law. I.BTauris,

London 2014.

Mantran, Robert. Le grandi date- Islam, Edizione Paoline, Milano, 1991.

Naseem, Ahmed, How Shia Sect Came Into Existence? (Kindle Location 2), Kindle Edition, (2013-

11-08).

49

Nasr, Vali, The Shia Revival: How Conflicts within Islam Will Shape the Future (Kindle Location 12),

W. W. Norton & Company, Kindle Edition, (2007-04-17).

Ridha Kardan, Imamate And Infallibility of Imams In The Qur’an, Kindle Edition, (2014-04-29).

Shahrast n , Mo ammad Ibn ῾Abd al-Karim, Muslim sects and divisions. Translation of: al-Milal wa-

al-ni al, Kegan Paul International, London 1984.

Sheikh Abu Jaffer Mohammed Bin ‘Al Bin Musa, Essence of Shia Faith (Kindle Location 5). Dr S H

Safi. Kindle Edition, (2013-11-30).

Vacca, Virginia, Vite e detti dei santi Musulmani, Tipografia Cane & Durando, Torino 1968.

Internet Sources

http://www.fairobserver.com/article/sunnis-vs-shiites-opposition-fueled-power-politics, visited on

14/01/2014.

http://www.al-islam.org/shiite-encyclopedia-ahlul-bayt-dilp-team/al-taqiyya-dissimulation-part-1,

visited on 24/04/2014.

http://caroolkersten.blogspot.it/2009_09_01_archive.html, visited on 19/10/2013.

http://www.swp-berlin.org/en/publications/point-of-view/sunni-vs-shia-opposition-fueled-by-power-

politics.html, visited on 10/05/2014.

50

Index of names

‘

῾Abb s, 11, 18, 37

‘Aḍbā, 20

‘Alawiyya, 13, 30, 31, 32

‘Al , 5, 7, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23,

24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 39, 41,

49, 52

‘Al , 9

‘Al b. ‘Aff n, 21

‘Amr b. ‘Ubayd, 32

‘Ubayd al- aqaf , 27

‘Umar, 12, 14, 20, 22, 29, 30, 31

‘U m n, 12, 15, 20, 21, 22

A

Abū al-Maqd m bit al- add d, 30

Abū Bakr, 10, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 26, 29, 30, 31, 37, 41,

42, 52

Abū Sufy n, 18

al- usayn, 13, 18, 25, 26, 27, 28, 31, 33

B

Ba l , 25

Bahrain, 45

B qir, 20, 28

Baydiyya, 13

Bil l, 20

Ḏ

al-Nafs, 32

D

Duldul, 20

F

F tima, 26

Ǧ

a‘far al- diq, 19, 28, 32

G

Ğārudiyya, 13

Ḥ

ab b b. Muẓ hir, 25

akam b. ‘Utayba, 30

asan b. Mūs al-Nawba t , 28

iyzūm, 20

usayn, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33, 41

I

Iraq, 5, 18, 32, 45

I bah n, 32

K

Ka r al-Naw al- Abtar, 42

Kays n, 41

Kaysāniyya,, 13, 40

Khairpur, 45

Kisr , 16

Kūfa, 18, 25, 26, 27, 29

M

Mashhad, 6

Moses, 37

Mu‘ wiya, 24, 25, 26, 27, 32

Mu’min al- q, 29

Mu ammad, 9, 19, 20, 32

Mu ammad b. al- anafiyya, 28

Mu arram, 45

Mu t r, 27, 28

Mus b b. Na ba, 25

N

Nu‘m n b. Baš r, 25

Q

Qom, 6

Qurayš, 18, 19, 33

51

R

Ridda, 21

Rif ‘a b. Šadd d, 25

S

Šahbā, 20

S lim b. Ab af a, 30

Šay n al- q, 29

shia, 1,

Shiism, 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 20, 21, 24,

25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39,

43, 45, 46, 48, 52

Shiite, 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 9, 12, 14, 18, 24, 35, 39, 42, 47

Š ῾a, 1, 2, 3, 6, 9, 13, 17, 18, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 32, 33, 39,

40, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47

Šī῾a., 33

Ṣ

iff n, 15

S

Sindh, 45

Sulaym n b. ar r al-Raq , 30

Sulaym n b. Jab r, 42

Sulaym n b. ard al-Husayn, 13, 27

U

U ud., 20

Y

Yaz d, 25, 26, 27

Z

Zayn al-‘ bid n, 26, 27

Zaynab, 26

Zubayr, 17, 22

52

Glossary

Ahl al-bayt, The family or household of the Prophet.

Amīr al-Mu’minīn, Commander of the faithful,It is an exclusive title of Imām ‘Al b. Ab lib.

Baya, allegiance.

Ğihād,struggle, struggle in the way of God.

awḍa ( awza in Persian pronunciation), the religious seat of learning in Sh ’ite circles.

Iğāza (ijaza), Licence, an equivalent of a university degree.

Imām, a muslim religious leader, in Shia Imām have a more central role of faith as leaders of the

believing community, they are chosen by God to be perfect examples to humanity.

Imamate, office of the imām. It has a specific role in the Shia theology. It is a divine Institution .

Tašayyu‘ – A term used by Ahmed al-Katib to mean being Shia which has been translated as Shiism.

Šūrā, Consultation.

ālibiyyūn, Household of ῾Al b. lib.

Taqiyya, concealing owns beliefs, dissimulation.

ayyār, a name given to a‘far b. Abū lib after his martyrdom in the battle Mu’ta 8/629.

iddīq, a name given to Abū Bakr by the Prophet because he believed in the Night Journey.

Sultāns, authority, rulership, strength.

Wilāya, exercise of authority. May have other meanings in other fields.

LATER SECTSSECTSI MAM

• 1. Saba' i y ya- cla im ing t ha t Al i i s God,

and t hat he went into occu lt a t ion

1. Al) ( d. 6 6 1 )

a. Kar ib i yy a

b . Hash im iy ya

c. Ab b asi yy a

d. Ri zan i yy a/ Musl im iy ya

e. Mu kh t ar i yy a

f . Bay an i y y a

a. Jar u d i yy a

b. Su l ay m an i y y a /

Jar i r i yya

c. Bu t r i y ya/ Sa l i h i y ya

a. Bazi gh i y ya

b. Mu ' am m ar i y y a

c. Um ay r i y y a

d . Muf addal i yya

e. Gh u r ab i y y a- Ali is above thè

Prophe t

ך- · a. Mu bar ak i y ya

1-b. Fat i rnid I sm ai l i y ya

i , Must al i a

ii. Nizar i

■ i i i . Dr u ze

2 . H a ssa n ( d. 6 6 9 ) — 1|— 2. Kay san i y ya- t he ir own imam

3 . H u sa yn ( d. 6 8 0 )

4 . fili Z a vn al Ab i d i n —1|— 3. Z a y d i v v a ------( d. 7 1 2 o r 7 1 3 ) - 2 ay d c la im ed t o

be 5 th im am

4. Jan ah iy ya- God incarna t ed in

t hè prophet s/ imarns

5. Mughi r i yya- ant ropomorph God

6 . M u n si r i y y a

- sym bol ic under -

st anding of t he

Koran. First , God

crea t ed Je sus,

t hen Ali

7. Kh at t ab i y y a---------

- Abdu l- Kha t t ab

cla imed t o be t hè

imam, and hence

thè Prophet

8. Baq i r i yy a

9. Jaf ar i yya- "Jafar is not dead ! 11

10. Af t ah iyya

11. Sh u m ay t i y y a

• 12. I sma' i l i yya---------

5. M u h a m m ad al Ba a ir —

( d. 7 4 3 )

-13. Mu saw iyy a- " I m am Musa is

not dead ! "

■ 14. Baj a l i y ya

■ 15. Bash ar i y ya- Ont y perforai

sa h o t? and s i U *

r 16. Ah m ad i yy a

■ 17. Mual l i f a

• 18. Muhadd i t ha

19. Al aw iy va

20. Mu h am m ad iy y a

21. Jaf ar i yya (2)

6. Ja f a r as Sa d i q ·

( d. 7 6 5 )

7. Musa al Ka z im

( d. 7 9 9 )

8. Ali r - Rida ( d. 8 1 8 ) —

9. M u h a m m ad a t T a a i

( d. 8 3 5 )

10 . Al i al - H a d i --------------

( d. 8 6 8 )

11 . H a ssa n al Ask a r i

( d. 8 7 3 )

12. M u h a m m ad al Mahdi

( occ. 941 )

Source: ht tp: / / w w w .ant i qi l l um.org/ i mages/ bg/ T L _Char t_I sl am_l .gi f

53

Genealogica! Table of thè Prophet Muhammad and Imam ‘Ali

Vlanàf‘Abd

al-MuttalibHàshimNawfal

‘Abd al-Muttalib

al־ ‘Abbàs ‘Abd Allàh Abù Tàlib

Muhammad

ן .

Abu’l-‘Às

‘Affàn

‘Uthmàn

:‘AlìFàtima :

al-Husayn al-Hasan

‘Abd Shams

Umayya

Harb

Abù Sufyàn

Mu'àwiya

Source: Daftary Farhad, Miskinzoda G., The study o fShi 'isnulslam. Hisory, Theology and Law. I.BTauris,

London 2014.

54

55

Appendix 2

A Photo of Khameini with Mahdi (The Twelfth Im m)

It is a design that shows the supreme leader of the revolution taking a flag from the twelfth imam. The

flag is composed of two flags; the flag al- usayn on the bottom and on top is the flag of the republic of

Iran.