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1 COLLABORATIVE WATER MANAGEMENT IN OREGON: PERCEPTIONS, POLICIES, AND PARTNERSHIPS By LISA SEALES A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014

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Page 1: © 2014 Lisa Seales - ufdcimages.uflib.ufl.eduufdcimages.uflib.ufl.edu/UF/E0/04/62/81/00001/SEALES_L.pdf · 5 long before reaching the finish line. Jonathan Dain, a master facilitator,

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COLLABORATIVE WATER MANAGEMENT IN OREGON: PERCEPTIONS, POLICIES, AND PARTNERSHIPS

By

LISA SEALES

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2014

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© 2014 Lisa Seales

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To my mother, may she rest in peace.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to start by thanking the School of Natural Resources and

Environment and Dr. Stephen Humphrey at the University of Florida, for the Graduate

Alumni Award that funded my PhD work. Additionally, I sincerely appreciate the

resources and opportunities provided to me by the National Science Foundation’s (NSF)

Integrative Graduate Education and Research Traineeship (IGERT) in the Adaptive

Management of Water, Wetlands, and Watersheds. Dr. Mark Brown and Carol Binello

were especially helpful in providing me guidance and support as an NSF IGERT

Associate. In this program I learned the true nature of interdisciplinary collaborative

research, which provides a foundation for my career. I would also like to thank the

Association of American University Women (AAUW) for the American Dissertation

Fellowship, along with the University of Florida’s Office of Graduate Minority Programs

for the Delores Auzenne Dissertation Award that supported me in the completion of my

dissertation.

I am also indebted to the many people and organizations in the state of Oregon

who provided me the opportunity to investigate their truly innovative way of managing

resources. In particular, the boards and staff of both the Upper Deschutes Watershed

Council and the Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board were extremely helpful in

providing me information, knowledge, and resources to pursue my research.

I could not have done this without the guidance and support of my committee

members. I am particularly appreciative of my committee chair, Dr. Taylor Stein, who

supported me through both my master’s and my doctoral research, both academically

and personally. He is skilled in knowing the art of when to push me, and when to be

patient and supportive. Without his patience and support I would certainly have given up

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long before reaching the finish line. Jonathan Dain, a master facilitator, taught me the

value of collaboration and acknowledging different perspectives. Not only was he an

integral part of helping me complete my graduate work, but also in many ways, he and

his teachings provided the inspiration for much of my doctoral research and my future

career. Dr. Katrina Schwartz is responsible for shaping much of my dissertation.

Through her teachings and example, I learned the value of qualitative research. I

sincerely appreciate her support and encouragement in helping me see the validity of

my labor. This dissertation would be a much different product without her contribution.

Dr. Matthew Cohen, a brilliant individual and original thinker, never failed to challenge

me and my thinking. I’m a better scientist and philosopher because of my exposure to

Dr. Cohen. Finally, Dr. Christopher McCarty, a master of methodology, not only helped

guide me to the tools for carrying out my research, but also always continues to

encourage and help me write and rewrite my research proposals in search of funding.

Finally, I owe everything to my mother. She was always my biggest cheerleader.

She taught me to believe that I could do anything, and literally that anything is possible.

“The sky’s the limit”. Through her example, I learned the art of tenacity. Without her

teachings, I most certainly would not have endeavored to even begin a PhD, much less

complete one. She was the strongest woman I have ever known, and simply put, the

world’s best mother. Though I lost her in the middle of this PhD process, I would never

have gotten here without her. Her unending love and support follow me wherever I go. I

am truly blessed to have had such a mother, and eternally grateful for all she gave me,

and all she taught me.

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In conclusion, I also owe much to my friends, my chosen family, those that stood

by me through some very dark days on the road to completing this dissertation. I could

not be more appreciative of all the love, support, assistance, and encouragement from

so many wonderful people in my life, but in particular I want to thank, Georgina Cullman,

Gaby Stocks, Jaime Kennedy, and Amy Gray. I owe much to these incredible women.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................. 4

LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................... 10

LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................ 11

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................... 12

ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 14

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER ................................................................................. 16

2 WATERSHED FRAMING: PERCEPTIONS OF WHAT COMPRISES A WATERSHED ......................................................................................................... 19

Introduction and Study Objectives .......................................................................... 19 Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................... 21

Framing Theory ................................................................................................ 21 Cultural Domain Analysis ................................................................................. 22

Theoretical Contribution of this Research......................................................... 23 Methods .................................................................................................................. 23

Study Site ......................................................................................................... 23 Research Design and Sample Selection .......................................................... 25 Survey Methodology ......................................................................................... 25

Interview Design: Free Listing .......................................................................... 26 Sample Description .......................................................................................... 28

Data Cleaning and Analysis ............................................................................. 29 Results .................................................................................................................... 30

Research Question 1 ........................................................................................ 30

Basic list statistics ...................................................................................... 31 Frequencies and Smith’s salience statistic ................................................ 33

Research Question 2a ...................................................................................... 34 Research Question 2b ...................................................................................... 36

Research Question 2c ...................................................................................... 38 Discussion .............................................................................................................. 41 Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 43

3 A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF OREGON WATER POLICY: THE BIRTH AND EVOLUTION OF A NEW ERA OF ADAPTIVE COLLABORATIVE WATER MANAGEMENT ...................................................................................................... 52

Theoretical Framework: Adaptive Co-Management ................................................ 53

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Objectives ............................................................................................................... 56 Location .................................................................................................................. 57 Methodology ........................................................................................................... 58

Data Collection Procedures .............................................................................. 58 Data Analysis and Interpretation ...................................................................... 59

Policy Review ......................................................................................................... 60 Amendments to Oregon Water Law ................................................................. 60

Primer on Oregon water law: overview of the doctrine of prior appropriation ........................................................................................... 60

Instream water rights ................................................................................. 62 The Governor’s Watershed Enhancement Board ............................................. 63 Watershed Councils ......................................................................................... 64 The Oregon Plan for Salmon and Watersheds ................................................. 66

The Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board .................................................. 68 The Special Investment Partnerships ............................................................... 70

Public/Private Partnerships .............................................................................. 72

Discussion .............................................................................................................. 75 Management at the Watershed Scale .............................................................. 76 Funding and Funding Cycles ............................................................................ 77

Institutional Flexibility ....................................................................................... 78 Monitoring ......................................................................................................... 80

Critiques ........................................................................................................... 81 Concluding Remarks............................................................................................... 82

4 COLLABORATIVE WATER MANAGEMENT: UNCOVERING THE SECRETS TO SUCCESSFUL PARTNERSHIPS ..................................................................... 87

Introduction ............................................................................................................. 87

Literature Review .................................................................................................... 88 Study Area .............................................................................................................. 92

The Cases .............................................................................................................. 94 Methods Section ..................................................................................................... 96

Data Collection ................................................................................................. 96

Data Analysis ................................................................................................... 98 Results .................................................................................................................... 98

Partnership Timelines ....................................................................................... 99 Locally-Driven Versus Funder-Driven Processes ........................................... 100 Leadership ...................................................................................................... 101

Basin Characteristics ...................................................................................... 102

Catalyst for Partnership Formation ................................................................. 103 Niche Creation ................................................................................................ 104

Discussion and Conclusions ................................................................................. 106

5 CONCLUDING CHAPTER .................................................................................... 115

Social Learning: A Literature Review .................................................................... 117

Social Learning in Oregon .................................................................................... 120

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Single, Double, and Triple-Loop Learning ...................................................... 120 Micro, Meso, and Macro Level Social Learning .............................................. 121

Lessons Learned .................................................................................................. 122

Study Limitations .................................................................................................. 124 Directions for Future Research ............................................................................. 124

LIST OF REFERENCES ............................................................................................. 130

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................... 145

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LIST OF TABLES

Table page 2-1 Sample Description. ........................................................................................... 28

2-2 Statistics Regarding List Length. ........................................................................ 32

2-3 Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Total Sample ...................... 33

2-4 Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Watershed Council Employees .......................................................................................................... 35

2-5 Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Southeast Region, .............. 36

2-6 Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Southwest Region, 2 .......... 37

2-7 Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Umpqua Basin .................... 39

2-8 Frequency distribution and percent frequency for Powder Basin........................ 40

3-1 Timeline of Oregon’s Collaborative Water Management. ................................... 74

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page 2-1 Network of Oregon Watershed Councils’ Regions of the State (NOWC 2013). .. 45

2-2 Smith’s Salience Statistics for Total Sample....................................................... 46

2-3 Smith’s Salience Statistics for Watershed Council Employees. .......................... 47

2-4 Smith’s Salience Statistics for the Southeast Region. ........................................ 48

2-5 Smith’s Salience Statistics for the Southwest Region. ........................................ 49

2-6 Smith’s Salience Statistics for the Umpqua Basin. ............................................. 50

2-7 Smith’s Salience Statistics for the Powder Basin. ............................................... 51

3-1 Oregon’s Governance Framework. ..................................................................... 84

3-2 Restoration Funding from 1997-2009 (OWEB 2011, p.1). .................................. 85

3-3 Summary of Restoration Outcomes 1997-2009 (OWEB 2011, p.2) ................... 86

4-1 Oregon’s Governance Framework. ................................................................... 110

4-2 Nested Collaborative Governance Structure in Oregon. ................................... 111

4-3 Map of Oregon Demonstrating the Size and Location of the Deschutes and the Willamette Basins. ...................................................................................... 112

4-4 Deschutes Basin Project Area (OWEB 2009). .................................................. 113

4-5 Willamette Basin Project Area. ......................................................................... 114

5-1 Multiple-Loop Learning ..................................................................................... 127

5-2 Social Learning in Oregon ................................................................................ 128

5-3 Micro, Meso, and Macro Level Social Learning Processes in Oregon .............. 129

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AAUW Association of American University Women

ACM Adaptive Collaborative Management or Adaptive Co-Management

BEF Bonneville Environmental Foundation

BLM Bureau of Land Management

BM Ballot measure

Cfs Cubic feet per second

CRWC Crooked River Watershed Council

DEQ Department of Environmental Quality

DLT The Deschutes Land Trust

DRC The Deschutes River Conservancy

EPA Environmental Protection Agency

ESA Endangered Species Act

ESU Evolutionary significant units

GWEB Governor’s Watershed Enhancement Board

HB House Bill

IGERT Integrative Graduate Education and Research Traineeship

IMST Independent, multidisciplinary science team

MMT Meyers Memorial Trust

NGO Non-governmental organization

NMFS National Marine Fisheries Service

NOWC Network of Oregon Watershed Councils

NRCS Natural Resource Conservation Service

NSF National Science Foundation

OCSRI Oregon Coastal Salmon Restoration Initiative

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ODFW Oregon Department of Fish and Wildlife

ODOT Oregon Department of Transportation

OWEB Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board

OWRD Oregon Water Resources Department

OWRI

Oregon Watershed Restoration Inventory

PGE Portland General Electric

SB Senate Bill

SIP Special Investment Partnership

SNRE School of Natural Resources and Environment

TNC The Nature Conservancy

UDWC Upper Deschutes Watershed Council

USFS United States Forest Service

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

COLLABORATIVE WATER MANAGEMENT IN OREGON:

PERCEPTIONS, POLICIES, AND PARTNERSHIPS

By

Lisa Seales

May 2014

Chair: Taylor Stein Major: Interdisciplinary Ecology

Multiple stakeholders, competing interests, incomplete information, complexity,

and uncertainty plague water management; a major challenge is the identification of

methods appropriate for navigating the management process. New approaches, such

as adaptive collaborative management, are being used increasingly around the globe.

Oregon provides a natural laboratory for investigating some of these new approaches,

due to its well-established history of institutionalizing the use of collaboration to manage

resources.

This research utilizes both quantitative and qualitative research methods to

examine stakeholder perspectives, state policies, and regional partnerships in water

management in Oregon. Three separate yet related research designs were used to

address these topics. A structured, quantitative, free listing interview technique was

used to examine perceptions of individual stakeholders participating in water

management groups, and their framing of watershed systems. A qualitative,

ethnographic case study approach, using secondary data analysis, participant

observation, and unstructured interviews with key informants, was applied to investigate

state policies. Lastly, a comparative case study sought to uncover the secrets to the

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success of public-private partnerships built around collaborative management efforts at

the basin scale. Theoretical perspectives from framing theory, cultural domain analysis,

adaptive co-management, collaborative governance, and social learning guided and

informed this research.

Results demonstrate that individuals working in water management have very

unique perspectives with regard to what constitutes a watershed, though they do agree

that people are a critical component. An analysis of Oregon’s progressive policies and

institutions surrounding collaborative water management demonstrates that through

policy changes and the adaptation of existing institutions, along with the creation of new

ones, challenges can be overcome. Finally, the success of basin-wide partnerships

appears to be related to employing techniques like niche creation and mutualism, to

establish diverse yet complementary, as opposed to competitive roles, to collaborate

more effectively.

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER

Recent water, climate, and general environmental news are cause for concern,

and even fear. Critical issues include droughts, floods, warming temperatures, rising

sea levels, extreme weather events, natural disasters, food insecurity, and species

extinction, among others. Meanwhile, the human population continues to grow, as do

our levels of resource consumption and resource scarcity. To complicate matters, many

of the most pressing issues facing society today are extremely complex and riddled with

uncertainty and there are no easy answers regarding how to best move forward (Allan &

Curtis 2005; Armitage et al. 2007; Hughes et al. 2007; Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007a; Pahl-

Wostl et al. 2007b; Plummer & Armitage 2007b; Wondolleck & Yaffee 2000).

These types of problems can be described as “wicked” problems (Rittel &

Webber 1973). Part of what makes a problem “wicked” is the difficulty involved in

diagnosing and defining the problem (Rittel & Webber 1973). Wicked problems are

characterized by conflicting values and interests, which lead to different ways of framing

the problems, and hence different perspectives with regard to their solutions (Norton

2012). Wicked problems have no definitive solutions; Rittel and Webber state that these

problems “are never solved. At best they are re-solved—over and over again” (1973,

p.160). Furthermore, any attempt to solve or resolve wicked problems is likely to cause

a cascade of unintended consequences for an extended period of time (Rittel & Webber

1973). Natural resource management decision-making must acknowledge the

complexity of these "wicked" problems and find a way to move forward regardless.

There is widespread acknowledgement that command and control resource

management has not resulted in positive outcomes for human populations, other

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species, or the planet and its resources upon which we depend for survival (Armitage et

al. 2007; Holling & Meffe 1996; Meadows 2008). New approaches are needed. For

decades, there has been an increasing demand for more participatory, collaborative,

adaptive approaches, aimed at learning. In an attempt to respond to this call, the

research presented in this dissertation explores some of these newer ways of doing

things in an applied context; it is about water management in the real world, and the

application of theory to the real world.

This research stems from an interest in learning, specifically learning through

collaboration and adaptive management. Both are approaches put forth to improve

upon the way that institutions learn. And while there has been much support and

encouragement for utilizing these approaches, there is also an equal amount of

skepticism and criticism regarding how we can do this given the constraints, barriers,

and challenges that have become apparent over the last several decades since these

concepts were first introduced (Allan et al. 2008; Armitage et al. 2009; Jacobson et al.

2006). However, in a developed world context, the State of Oregon appears to be

moving in a positive direction. This dissertation explores Oregon’s journey on the path

to changing the way resource management is conceptualized and carried out.

Specifically, this research has three main objectives, each addressed separately

in the following three chapters:

The first objective is to investigate individual perceptions of what comprises a

watershed, in an effort to determine how the concept of a watershed is framed, and

whether shared framing exists among stakeholder groups working in water

management around the state. Framing theory and cultural domain analysis inform this

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part of the research, which employs a cross-sectional research design, a purposive,

cluster sampling approach, and a structured free listing interview technique.

The second objective of this research is to identify and analyze state, regional,

and local institutions and policies aimed at overcoming some of the frequently cited

barriers to utilizing adaptive collaborative management (ACM). This portion of the study

employs a qualitative, ethnographic, case study approach. Primary data, in the form of

participant observation and unstructured interviews with key informants, illuminate

which policies and intuitions were created or adapted to help promote ACM. Secondary

data analysis is used to further contextualize and analyze the different policies and

institutions in more depth.

The third objective of this dissertation is to uncover some of the secrets to the

success of basin-wide, inter-organizational partnerships. This portion of the research

takes a qualitative, ethnographic, comparative case study approach to provide an

idiographic explanation for the differences in the development and progression of two

basin-wide partnerships. Specifically, this research seeks to explore the factors that

contribute to the success and/or challenges faced by the two partnerships.

Additionally, a fourth objective is explored in the conclusion. The fourth objective

investigates learning, specifically social learning; what is social learning, and to what

extent is social learning occurring in the management of water resources in Oregon? It

is the goal of this research that answering these research questions will provide more

knowledge and information about how we can change the way resource management is

done, in search of more sustainable ways to interact with the planet.

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CHAPTER 2 WATERSHED FRAMING: PERCEPTIONS OF WHAT COMPRISES A WATERSHED

Introduction and Study Objectives

Each person has a unique understanding of the world around him or her, which

in turn shapes individually held values and beliefs, and determines how people make

choices and respond to issues and problems (Cronon 1996). In essence our past life

experience shapes our present understanding. In fact, it is likely that even when two

individuals share experience, they may not necessarily share the same categorizing and

labeling of that experience, and hence they may not share the same meaning (Weick

1979). Nowhere is this truer than in the field of natural resource management.

Essentially, nature is a human construction (Cronon 1996). Diverse types of knowledge,

values, beliefs, norms, interests, perspectives, priorities, goals, and agendas are

intrinsic to resource management issues (Broderick 2008; Leach et al. 1999; Warner

2006). “Because people differ in their beliefs….they inevitably differ as well in their

understanding of what nature means and how it should be used” (Cronon 1996, p. 50-

51).

However, every day we rely upon shared understanding in order to navigate the

world around us. Shared understanding is the basis for social interaction. We often rely

upon the assumption that those around us share our same understanding of particular

concepts and ideas; we depend upon this shared understanding in order to facilitate

setting and accomplishing goals. Goal setting is particularly challenging in natural

resource management, where diverse interests often wrestle over what the goals of

management even should be (Dewulf et al. 2007; Gerlak 2008; Pahl-Wostl et al.

2007b). Furthermore, the complexity and uncertainty inherent in all socio-ecological

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systems means that there are no straightforward solutions to solve environmental

problems (Wondolleck & Yaffee 2000). Scientists, land managers, government

agencies, environmental groups, and communities are now recognizing that when

working with socio-ecological systems, complexity and uncertainty are inherent,

adapting to change is essential, and there are no easy answers regarding how to best

move forward and achieve management goals (Armitage et al. 2008; Hughes et al.

2007; Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007a; Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007b; Plummer & Armitage 2007b).

Resource management inherently means tradeoffs must be made and competing

interests must be balanced (Wondolleck & Yaffee 2000).

A useful starting point is to examine individually held beliefs regarding the

management system in question. Since individuals each bring a distinct understanding

of ecosystems, it is important to acknowledge these individually held beliefs (Cundill &

Fabricius 2009). This is the objective of the present research, which examines individual

framing of the concept of a watershed among stakeholders working in watershed

management groups around the state of Oregon. Specifically, this research addresses

the following research questions:

1. How do individual stakeholders, participating in collaborative water management groups, frame the watershed system, differently from, or similarly to one another?

2. Is there a shared understanding of what a watershed is and what it is composed of among:

a. individuals employed in watershed management?

b. individuals employed in watershed management who work in the same region of the state?

c. individual stakeholders who are working collaboratively in water management in the same watershed?

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Theoretical Framework

In order to examine framing of what comprises a watershed and how that may

differ between individual stakeholders, as well investigate shared framing among

subgroups of stakeholders working in water management groups, theoretical

perspectives from framing theory and cultural domain analysis inform and guide this

research. Framing theory provides a basis for examining individual perspectives,

because it acknowledges that each person has a unique understanding of issues and

concepts, and that individual frames are likely to differ substantially, even among people

who share similar experiences. Cultural Domain Analysis is a useful framework for

examining shared framing among groups; a cultural domain is a set of words or phrases

that group together to describe a specific sphere, in this case, a watershed. Both

theories provide a useful point of departure for studying how perceptions of what

constitutes a watershed differ among both individuals and groups.

Framing Theory

Framing is a social theory that explores the way people make sense of or

interpret issues. An individual’s frame acts like the lens through which they see and

understand the world. “Each individual’s perspective is like one view through a

kaleidoscope, and no two views are exactly the same” (Lewicki & Gray 2003, p. 5).

Framing is a process that describes how people orient their thinking about an issue or

develop a specific conceptualization of an issue (Chong & Druckman 2007).

The concept of framing has been used in a wide array of different fields, such as

cognitive psychology and decision-making, communication, negotiation and conflict

resolution, sociology and social movements, and business management (Benford &

Snow 2000; Dewulf et al. 2009; Gamson 1992; Goffman 1974; Lewicki et al. 2003;

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Neale & Bazerman 1985; Pinkley & Northcraft 1994; Snow et al. 1986; Taylor 2000;

Tversky & Kahneman 1981). Regardless of its application, framing originated from two

main traditions, an interactional (or communicative) tradition and a cognitive tradition.

The early interactional tradition stems from Bateson’s research on meta-communication,

in which framing is thought to be the understanding of interaction through the

exchanging of cues (1954). Goffman’s work on framing also falls within this tradition. He

proposed that frames were “schemata of interpretation” that enable individuals or

groups “to locate, perceive, identify and label” occurrences in their world to render them

meaningful and guide action (1974, p. 21). Basically, frames present a way to

understand the social construction of knowledge about an issue (Jameson 1976).

Framing on the cognitive level is an individual process (Weick 1979). The cognitive

tradition of framing originated from Bartlett’s (1932) schema theory of memory, and was

further elaborated on by Minsky (1975). It focuses on frames as mental structures that

facilitate the interpretation and organization of information by placing it within already

established schemas or frames.

Cultural Domain Analysis

The concept of cultural domain analysis hails from the fields of cognitive

anthropology-ethnoscience and marketing research (Borgatti 1994). A cultural domain

can be defined as "an organized set of words, concepts, or sentences, all on the same

level of contrast, that jointly refer to a single conceptual sphere" (Weller & Romney

1988, p. 9). Or, alternatively, a cultural domain is “an area of conceptualization like

space, color, the human body” (D’Andrade 1995, p. 34). “Humans in all cultures classify

the world around them into cognitive domains, and the way they do this affects the way

they interact with the world” (Borgatti 1999, p. 115). However, even when cultures share

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the same domains, the contents within those domains may differ (Borgatti 1999).

Cultural domain analysis, in the field of cognitive anthropology, investigates “how people

in a group think about lists of things that somehow go together” (Bernard 2006, p. 299).

Theoretical Contribution of this Research

The present research aims to make contributions to both the interactional and the

cognitive framing traditions, by investigating both the cognitive framing of individuals, as

well as the extent to which individuals within water management groups co-construct

the watershed system. This is of particular interest because “most researchers write as

if all stakeholders hold the same frames about environmental issues, rather than

acknowledging that framing is a complex process” which likely results in the existence

of multiple or even contradictory frames (Gray 2003, p. 21). Additionally, this research

investigates the cultural domain of a watershed among subgroups working in watershed

management in an effort to determine if there is a shared cultural domain of a

watershed, or if indeed these domains differ, even among those who share the same

culture of water management.

Methods

Study Site

Oregon was selected as the study site to carry out this research because it

provides a natural laboratory for investigating framing among stakeholders working in

water management. Oregon has a well-established history of supporting watershed

groups and restoration throughout the state, and a plethora of watershed groups from

which to sample.

Dating back to 1995 the Oregon State Legislature unanimously approved House

Bill 3441, guiding the formation of local, voluntary, non-regulatory watershed councils

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around the state (NOWC [Network of Oregon Watershed Councils] 2009). The state

statute defines a watershed council as "a voluntary local organization designated by a

local government group convened by a county governing body to address the goal of

sustaining natural resource and watershed protection and enhancement within a

watershed" [1999 c.1026 §2 (enacted in lieu of 541.350)]. These councils are multi-

stakeholder groups, typically with representatives from local and regional boards,

commissions and agencies, Indian tribes, public interest groups, private landowners,

industry representatives, academic, scientific and professional communities, and

representatives of state and federal agencies.

Furthermore, with the passage of Ballot Measure 66 in 1998 and Ballot Measure

76 in 2010 the state constitution was amended (permanently with the passage of

Measure 76) and 15% of state lottery funds were directed to be used for the protection

and restoration of native salmon, wildlife habitat, watersheds, and state parks (OWEB

[Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board] 2008a). The passage of House Bill 3225 then

created the Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board (OWEB), a state agency directed

by a multi-stakeholder policy oversight board containing 17 members, to administer the

funds made available from Measure 66 and now Measure 76 for watershed protection

and restoration (Oregon Plan 2007; OWEB 2008a). For the past 15 years OWEB has

provided grants primarily to watershed councils to assist with restoration projects,

watershed assessment and monitoring, education and outreach, watershed council

support, and technical assistance for restoration planning. The Network of Oregon

Watershed Councils (NOWC) lists 74 watershed councils operating around the state.

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Therefore, Oregon represents an ideal location from which to sample stakeholders

working in water management groups.

Research Design and Sample Selection

In order to identify watershed councils to participate in this research, this study

employed a cross-sectional research design and a purposive, cluster sampling

approach. Additional participants were recruited utilizing a snowball sampling approach.

The Network of Oregon Watershed Councils divides the state into six regions: Central,

Northeast, North Coast, Southeast, Southwest, and the Willamette (Figure 2-1). The

researcher purposefully selected the sample clusters from two of those six regions, the

Southeast and the Southwest regions, representing approximately half the geographical

area of the state. Specific regions were purposefully omitted for sampling because of

their inclusion in a different phase of a larger research project. The researcher then

attempted to contact a representative from every watershed council in those

purposefully selected regions of the state. Quantitative data for this research was

collected through interviews conducted from April 2010 through January 2011.

Survey Methodology

The researcher contacted watershed council representatives via telephone. Upon

reaching a potential research participant, the researcher identified herself, explained the

purpose of the research, and obtained consent for participation. In most cases, if

participants agreed to participate in the research, the interview took place on the spot.

Interviews ranged in duration from ten minutes to over an hour long. On occasion, a

representative from the watershed council was either unreachable or unavailable to

participate at the time of the phone call. If this was the case, the researcher left a

message, called back at a different time, or, if instructed, sent an email describing the

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research and requesting participation. In a few cases, a second, third, or fourth phone

call was made to attempt to contact a watershed council representative, but if a

potential participant remained unreachable after several attempts, they were counted as

a non-participant. In addition, two watershed representatives working at the state level

were also contacted and chose to participate in the research. A total of 24 watershed

council representatives were contacted, and 21 were reached and elected to participate

in the research, representing a response rate of 87.5% for the watershed council

representatives surveyed.

After completing their interviews, participants were asked to supply the names

and contact information of additional stakeholders (i.e., snowball sampling) who might

be willing to participate in the research. After the snowball sample was collected, the

researcher purposefully selected two basins, the Powder and the Umpqua Basin, which

had the largest number of additional stakeholders provided from the snowball sample;

the researcher then attempted to contact all the stakeholders in these basins, utilizing

the same methodology that was used to contact the watershed council representatives.

Nine stakeholders in addition to the watershed council representative were supplied for

the Power Basin, and six were supplied for the Umpqua Basin. Seven of the nine from

the Powder Basin were reached and elected to participate, and five of the six

participated from the Umpqua Basin. In total 33 interviews were conducted, after

attempting to contact 39 total participants, representing a total response rate of 84.6%.

Interview Design: Free Listing

This research used a structured free listing interview technique. Free listing is an

interview methodology often used to understand how individuals and groups define a

cultural or cognitive domain (Borgatti 1996b; Romney et al. 1986). It “is particularly

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useful for identifying shared notions about a construct” (Mollen et al. 2012, p. 239).

Additionally, free listing gives insight into the relative salience of words defining the

domain (Bernard et al. 1986; Handwerker & Borgatti 1998; Mollen et al. 2012).

“Free listing is a deceptively simple, but powerful technique” (Bernard 2006, p.

301). The interview technique involves asking informants to make a list of items

matching a certain description, in whatever order they come to mind; “the resulting lists

tap into local knowledge and its variation in a study community” (Quinlan 2005, p. 219).

The object of the exercise is to get respondents to list as many items as they can, which

requires probing. Several different probing techniques can be used, including redundant

questioning and nonspecific prompting, which were used in this research (Bernard

2006).

Upon reaching a potential research participant, and after explaining the purpose

of the research and obtaining consent for participation, the researcher then specifically

told interviewees that she was

assembling a comprehensive list of all the different parts, pieces, components, or elements that comprise or make up a watershed (a free list). These can be either social, such as watershed councils, or ecological, such as the river itself or fish. There are no right or wrong answers. This is a brainstorming activity and the objective is to end up with an exhaustive list of all the important parts of a watershed. Can you please list for me all the components of a watershed?

A redundant questioning probe was used, as the researcher stated the same question

multiple times using different words. Nonspecific prompting was also used to probe

respondents after they finished their lists by asking, “what other parts of a watershed

can you think of? Can you think of any others?” After participants could no longer list

any additional items, the researcher thanked the participants for their time and

concluded the interviews. All interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim.

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Interview transcriptions were then used to formulate free lists, making certain to list all

terms in the order the informants mentioned them.

Sample Description

Twenty participants, or 60.6% of the 33 interviews, were watershed council staff

members, who represented 19 different watershed councils. According to the Network

of Oregon Watershed Councils, a total of 74 councils are operating in the state.

Therefore, the sample represents 25.7% of the total population of watershed councils in

Oregon.

Twelve participants, or 36.6% of the sample, resulted from snowball sampling.

Eight stakeholders from the Powder Basin participated in the research, which

represented 24.2% of the sample; the Umpqua Basin had six stakeholders participate,

or 18.2% of the sample. Additional stakeholders included watershed council board

members, irrigation district employees, federal and state agency employees (BLM,

USFS, ODFW), biologists, hydrologists, hydropower representatives, local landowners,

and recreational interests. Thirteen of the thirty-three research participants were female,

and twenty were male; therefore, 39.4% of the sample was female and 60.6% was

male. See Table 2-1 for a description of the sample statistics.

Table 2-1. Sample Description.

Groups Sampled Number of Participants Percentage of Sample

Total Sample Size 33 100% Watershed Council Staff 20 60.6% Snowball Sample 12 36.6% Powder Basin 8 24.2% Umpqua Basin 6 18.2% Females 13 39.4%

Males 20 60.6%

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Data Cleaning and Analysis

In preparation for data analyses, the data required extensive cleaning. Although

some respondents gave actual lists in response to the structured interview question and

the corresponding prompts, other participants responded in full sentences. Therefore,

the first step in data cleaning was to reduce full sentence responses to individual terms.

For example, the statement “people who live on the river or visit it for aesthetics reasons

rather than just for recreation” became a list that included the terms “people, river

residents, visitors, aesthetics, recreation”.

Once all sentences had been reduced to lists of terms, as second, third, fourth,

fifth, and sixth data cleaning took place, which involved alphabetizing the total list of all

terms given by all research participants, in an effort to modify all similar terms so they

were all the same term for consistency in analyses. For instance, “economics”,

“economically”, and “economy” all were modified so they all became “economics”.

During this process, an Excel spreadsheet was created to track all changes from

the original text, through each step of data cleaning, to the final list of terms that was

used for analyses. One researcher completed all data cleaning, the same one who had

conducted the interviews, in an effort to maintain consistency, and the researcher

frequently referred back to the original text in an effort to maintain the original meaning

of the words spoken by the informants. Finally, a seventh, eighth, and ninth data

cleaning took place to eliminate synonyms that did not present themselves during the

first six data cleanings when the list was alphabetized. For example, the list still

contained terms such as “people”, “humans”, and “homo-sapiens”, which all became

“people” during the data cleaning process.

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Finally, after all data cleaning was complete, Anthropac 4.0 Software was utilized

to complete the analyses (Borgatti 1996a). Anthropac was specifically designed to

analyze free listing data (Smith & Borgatti 1998). Anthropac analyzes several aspects of

free listing data. First, it determines the number of terms in individuals’ lists, which is

considered to be representative of individuals’ depth of knowledge or familiarity

regarding the cultural domain; people who know more about a subject list more terms

than people who know less (Borgatti 1990b; Brewer 1995; Furlow 2003; Gatewood

1983, 1984; Quinlan, 2005). Second, Anthropac analyzes the frequency of mentioned

items. The more frequently mentioned terms “indicate common knowledge, or

consensus, within the culture. And the differences in list length and content are

measures of intracultural variation” (Quinlan 2005, p. 225-226). Finally, since people

tend to list things in order of familiarity, Anthropac also calculates the Smith’s Salience

statistic (Smith’s S), which takes into account the rank of the items mentioned (Quinlan

2005; Romney & D’Andrade 1964). However, rather than simply calculating the average

rank, which is the average position in the list for each informant, Smith’s S is a

“weighted average of the inverse rank across all lists. As such, the statistic does not

allow high prioritization of an item infrequently selected, and thus better represents the

entire group of respondents’ perspective of item importance” (Biedenweg & Monroe

2013, p. 933-934; Borgatti 1996b). Smith’s S ranges from 0 to 1, with high values

denoting higher average importance.

Results

Research Question 1

How do individual stakeholders, participating in collaborative water management groups, frame the watershed system, differently from, or similarly to one another?

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Basic list statistics

List length is an indicator of depth of knowledge or familiarity regarding a cultural

domain, with people who have more knowledge or familiarity having longer lists than

those who have less knowledge (Borgatti 1990; Brewer 1995; Furlow 2003; Gatewood

1983, 1984; Quinlan, 2005). Therefore, in part, basic list statistics were utilized to

answer research question number one. Based on list length, there was a vast difference

in how individual stakeholders in this study viewed watersheds, with 9 items being the

minimum number of items listed by one respondent, while the maximum number was

232. Obviously, this represents a large discrepancy in depth of knowledge between the

research participants. It should be noted that these numbers have taken into account

the fact that items were often listed more than once by the same respondent, and thus

duplicates were removed before the total sum of items and the list statistics were

calculated. The average number of items listed by the total sample was 64.8 and the

median was 47. Males in the study’s sample listed more items than females; on average

69 items were listed by males compared to 59 by females. Watershed council

employees in the Southwest Region listed more items on average (55.5) compared with

those in the Southeast Region (48.2), and stakeholders in the Power Basin listed on

average the most items of any subgroup (90.9), which was more than those listed by

the stakeholders in Umpqua Basin (62.3). Please see Table 2-2 for a complete list of

the basic list statistics for the various subgroups.

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Table 2-2. Statistics Regarding List Length.

Total Sample

Watershed Council Employees

SE Region

SW Region

Umpqua Basin

Powder Basin

Males Females

Sample Size

33 20 6 13 6 8 20 13

Mean 64.8 52.6 48.2 55.5 62.3 90.9 69 59 Median 47 41.5 43.5 41 44 74 58 40 Mode 41 41 NA 41 NA NA NA NA Minimum 9 9 19 9 16 19 9 19 Maximum 232 168 75 168 171 232 171 232 Standard Deviation

50.6 36.7

22.4 43.5

56.1

70.2

45.9

58.5

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In addition to using list length to understand how individual stakeholders,

participating in collaborative water management groups, frame the watershed system,

looking at the number of different terms provided by all the stakeholders in the sample

also helps to answer this question. A total of 1005 terms were mentioned by the 33

research participants, over half of which (592 terms) were only mentioned once.

Frequencies and Smith’s salience statistic

Looking at the top 20 most frequently mentioned terms (Table 2-3), 64% of

participants, or 21 respondents, agreed that “people” were a component in watersheds,

with other terms, such as “watershed councils” (55% of the sample) and “agriculture”

(45% of the sample), being noted by even fewer respondents. The frequency

distributions demonstrate little agreement among the study’s participants as to what a

watershed is comprised of.

Table 2-3. Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Total Sample, n=33.

Term Frequency of Participants Percent Frequency People 21 64 Watershed councils 18 55 Watershed 16 48 Agriculture 15 45 Water 14 42 Water quality 13 39 Uplands 13 39 Community 12 36 Changes 12 36 Fish 11 33 Riparian areas 11 33 Management 11 33 Land use 11 33 Streams 10 30 Vegetation 10 30 Geology 10 30 Forest service 10 30 Education 10 30 Partnerships 10 30 Land 9 27

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Further evidence for answering research question number one is provided by the

frequency distribution and Smith’s S statistic for the terms listed by all the research

participants. Once again, Smith’s S takes into account not only the frequency with which

the items were mentioned in the lists, but also the average rank of the terms. However,

rather than just calculating the average rank, Smith’s S goes one step further and

calculates a weighted average of the inverse rank across all the individual lists.

Therefore, Smith’s S is a good metric for determining the salience of each individual

term listed by the research participants.

The Smith’s S statistics also demonstrate little agreement among the participants

regarding the cultural domain of a watershed. All of the Smith’s S statistics for the total

sample fall below 0.3, based on a scale of 0 to 1. Therefore, generally speaking

stakeholders working in watershed management in the state of Oregon frame the

watershed system differently from one another. “Watershed councils”, “people”, “water”,

“water quality”, “agriculture”, “streams”, “vegetation”, and “fish” were listed in decreasing

order as the top most salient terms by the total sample. Figure 2-2 shows the Smith’s S

statistics for the top 20 most salient terms listed by the research participants.

Research Question 2a

Is there a shared understanding of what a watershed is and what it is composed of among individuals employed in watershed management?

Similar to research question one, in order to answer research question 2a the

frequency distributions and the Smith’s S statistics were examined for all of the research

participants around the state who are employed by watershed councils. Table 2-4

reports the top 20 most frequently mentioned terms and the corresponding frequency

distribution among the sample. Based on the frequency distributions, even fewer

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research participants in this group, as compared to the total sample, agreed upon the

terms that constitute a watershed. In fact, in all but the case of two terms, “people” and

“watershed councils”, less than half of this sample agreed on what is in a watershed.

Table 2-4. Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Watershed Council Employees, n=20.

Term Frequency of Participants Percent Frequency People 11 55 Watershed councils 10 50 Water 9 45 Education 9 45 Fish 8 40 Uplands 8 40 Land 7 35 Water quality 7 35 Agriculture 7 35 Bureau of Land Management 7 35 Watershed 7 35 Community 7 35 Changes 7 35 Riparian area 6 30 Resources 6 30 Forest Service 6 30 Agencies 6 30 Partnerships 6 30 Collaboration 6 30 Wildlife 5 25

However, looking at Smith’s S, there is slightly more agreement among this

group than there was among the total sample, at least with regard to “water” being the

most salient term mentioned with a Smith’s S of 0.329. “Fish” and “people” were the

second and third most salient terms (Smith’s S of 0.273 and 0.266 respectively). All of

the top 20 most salient terms, once again, had a Smith’s S of less than 0.3 (except

“water”), demonstrating little agreement regarding how watershed council employees in

the state of Oregon frame the cultural domain of a watershed. Figure 2-3 lists the top 20

terms and their corresponding Smith’s S statistics.

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Research Question 2b

Is there a shared understanding of what a watershed is and what it is composed of among individuals employed in watershed management who work in the same region of the state?

Examining the frequency distribution between these two subgroups, working in

two different regions of the state, there was some agreement as to how they framed the

concept of a watershed, at least with regard to those people working in the Southeast

Region. Eighty-three percent of participants in the Southeast Region agreed that both

“water” and “people” were important parts of a watershed. Sixty-seven percent of the

sample in the Southeast Region then agreed that “education” and “land” were also

components of a watershed. Fifty-percent of respondents also agreed upon another

nine terms: “resources”, “vegetation”, “connectivity”, “agencies”, “changes”, “watershed

councils”, “uplands”, “wildlife”, and “birds”. See Table 2-5 for a complete list of frequency

distributions for the top 20 words listed by respondents in the Southeast Region.

Table 2-5. Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Southeast Region, n=6.

Term Frequency of Participants Percent Frequency Water 5 83 People 5 83 Education 4 67 Land 4 67 Resources 3 50 Vegetation 3 50 Connectivity 3 50 Agencies 3 50 Changes 3 50 Watershed councils 3 50 Uplands 3 50 Wildlife 3 50 Birds 3 50 Mining 2 33 Funding 2 33 Animals 2 33

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Table 2-5. Continued

Term Frequency of Participants Percent Frequency Riparian areas 2 33 Agriculture 2 33 Issues 2 33 Timber 2 33

For those individuals working in the Southwest Region of the state, there was

once again little agreement, with regard to the frequently mentioned terms, as to what

constitutes a watershed. In this case “fish” was the most frequently mentioned item, with

54% of the group mentioning it. However, the remaining terms mentioned by the

sample, were once again mentioned by less than half of the participants. See Table 2-6

for a complete listing of the terms and their frequency distributions.

Table 2-6. Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Southwest Region, 2 n=13.

Term Frequency of Participants Percent Frequency Fish 7 54 Water quality 6 46 Community 6 46 Watershed councils 6 46 Bureau of Land Management 6 46 Forest Service 5 38 People 5 38 Agriculture 5 38 Uplands 5 38 Collaboration 5 38 Rivers 5 38 Education 5 38 Management 4 31 Improvement 4 31 Watershed 4 31 Streams 4 31 Partnerships 4 31 Government 4 31 Riparian areas 4 31 Soil and Water Conservation Districts 3 23

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Smith’s S statistics demonstrate similar findings. Those working in the Southeast

Region definitely had more agreement with regard to the cultural domain of a

watershed. As shown in Figure 2-4, “water” had a Smith’s S of 0.653, while “land”

(0.47), “vegetation” (0.415), “wildlife” (0.408), “watershed councils” (0.382), “riparian

areas” (0.31), and “people” (0.305) were also considered very salient among this group.

In fact, among this subgroup, these terms were some of the most salient of all those

mentioned in the study. This reveals that those working in the Southeast Region had the

most similar framing of a watershed among all the subgroups sampled.

According to Smith’s S statistics, there was slightly more agreement among the

Southwest Region regarding the framing of a watershed, than there was for either the

total sample or those employed by watershed councils around that state, but less so

than the Southeast Region. Two terms, “fish” and “water quality” had a Smith’s S of

greater than 0.3, compared to only one term listed among watershed council employees

and no terms listed among the total sample with a Smith’s S of greater than 0.3.

However, when examining both the frequency distributions and the Smith’s S statistics

for this subgroup, generally speaking there was little agreement regarding the framing of

a watershed. Figure 2-5 lists the Smith’s S statistics for the Southwest Region.

Research Question 2c

Is there a shared understanding of what a watershed is and what it is composed of among individual stakeholders who are working collaboratively in water management in the same watershed?

By examining the frequency distributions for stakeholders involved in water

management in the two basin subgroups, there appears to be more shared framing of

the cultural domain of a watershed. Although not surprising and somewhat redundant,

100% of those respondents surveyed in the Umpqua Basin said that a “watershed” was

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important (Table 2-7). Eighty-three percent said that “people” were important, while 67%

said that “water” and “watershed councils” were components of a watershed. Eight other

terms, “flow”, “changes”, “differences”, “community”, “vegetation”, “cultures”, “rivers”,

and “basin” were also listed by 50% of stakeholders in the Umpqua Basin,

demonstrating some agreement in framing among this group.

Table 2-7. Frequency Distribution and Percent Frequency for Umpqua Basin, n=6.

Term Frequency of Participants Percent Frequency Watershed 6 100 People 5 83 Water 4 67 Watershed councils 4 67 Flow 3 50 Changes 3 50 Differences 3 50 Community 3 50 Vegetation 3 50 Cultures 3 50 Rivers 3 50 Basin 3 50 Tribes 2 33 Lakes 2 33 Sources 2 33 Work 2 33 Activities 2 33 Restoration 2 33 History 2 33 Water quality 2 33

The frequency distributions also show similar framing among stakeholders in the

Powder Basin. As shown in Table 2-8, nearly all of the top 20 words (18 of the words)

mentioned by this subgroup were listed by 50% or greater of the respondents.

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Table 2-8. Frequency distribution and percent frequency for Powder Basin, n=8.

Term Frequency of Participants Percent Frequency Soils 6 75 People 6 75 Agriculture 5 63 Water use 5 63 Watershed 5 63 Geology 5 63 Reservoirs 4 50 Watershed councils 4 50 Groundwater 4 50 Water quality 4 50 Elevation 4 50 Forest Service 4 50 Vegetation 4 50 Land ownership 4 50 Land use 4 50 Private land 4 50 Management 4 50 Landscape 3 38 Improvement 3 38 Land 3 38

The Smith’s S statistics provide further support, confirming that there is a shared

understanding among members of these basin subgroups. Similar to the Southeast

Region subgroup where seven terms had a Smith’s S score greater than 0.3, six terms

listed by the Umpqua Basin subgroup had a score of 0.3 or above. “People” and “water”

were again among the most salient terms listed by this group with some of the highest

Smith’s S reported in this study (0.508 an 0.457). See Figure 2-6 for a complete list.

Nine terms listed by stakeholders in the Powder Basin had a Smith’s S score of

greater than 0.3, though “people” was not among these nine terms; its Smith’s S was

slightly below 0.3 (0.281). Instead, “soils” was the most salient term among this group

with a Smith’s S of 0.479, followed by “geology” (0.429) and “water use” (0.412). See

Figure 2-7.

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Discussion

Watershed Framing: This research investigates both cognitive and interactional

framing, in an effort to understand how individuals’ frame the concept of a watershed,

along with understanding whether there is shared framing among individuals working in

water management groups around the state of Oregon. The results indicate distinct

cognitive frames exist, but when evaluating shared frames, the results point to some

agreement.

When evaluating cognitive framing among this sample, one can surmise that

there are very diverse cognitive frames. Since list length is an indicator of the depth of

knowledge about a particular domain (Borgatti 1990b; Brewer 1995; Furlow 2003;

Gatewood 1983, 1984; Quinlan, 2005), the vast discrepancy in the list lengths indicates

major differences in the participants’ understanding of what comprises a watershed.

Lists varied in length from 9 to 232 terms. Even more telling, of the 1002 terms listed by

all 33 participants, over half (592) were only listed once. Additionally, when evaluating

the frequency of the terms listed that comprise a watershed, with the exception of two

terms, less than half the sample agreed on any of the components of a watershed.

Therefore, results show there are diverse cognitive frames regarding the domain of a

watershed.

Regardless of these significant differences, upon closer examination of the data,

there is also evidence of some agreement, which leads to the concept of interactional

framing. When focusing on the terms that were frequently mentioned, as well as those

that were most salient, certain patterns arise. “Water”, “people”, and “watershed

councils” were repeatedly among some of the most frequently mentioned terms, along

with being some of the most salient terms, among almost all of the subgroups that were

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sampled. In fact, “people” and “water” were the most frequently mentioned terms of any

terms in the study (outside of “watershed” which is somewhat redundant), with

frequency distributions of 83% in the Southeast Region, 83% and 67% in the Umpqua

Basin, and 55% and 50% in the watershed council employee group. Additionally,

“people” were mentioned by 64% of the total sample, 75% of the Powder Basin sample,

and 38% of the Southwest Region sample, meaning that “people” was among the top

20 most frequently mentioned terms in every single subgroup sampled, as well as the

total sample. “Watershed councils” also made the top 20 list of most frequently

mentioned terms in all the different subgroups; it was mentioned by roughly 50% of all

respondents in all the different subgroups.

When evaluating Smith’s S, the salience of the listed terms, a similar pattern

emerges. Although, the Smith’s S reported for all the terms in this study were on

average low (most were near 0.3 on a scale of 0 to 1), “people”, “water”, and “watershed

councils” were among the terms with the highest Smith’s S. “Water” had the highest

Smith’s S of any term in the study (0.653 in the Southeast Region), and “people” had

the second highest (0.508 in the Umpqua Basin). These three terms also had the

highest Smith’s S of any terms mentioned by the total sample, and therefore were the

most salient. Although there appears to be a variety of cognitive frames of what

comprises a watershed among this sample, there also appears to be some shared

framing, at least with regard to the importance of water, people, and watershed

councils.

One of the goals of this research was to determine if there is a shared cultural

domain of a watershed. However “it is important to realize that not every list of items is a

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cultural domain” (Borgatti 1994, p.265). Examining the data, beyond a few select terms

(“people”, “water”, and “watersheds”), there is little agreement as to what the important

components of a watershed are. Therefore, among this sample there does not appear

to be a shared cultural domain of a watershed.

Conclusion

Although no clear distinct list of what comprises a watershed emerges from this

study, the data point to the importance of people in watersheds. Along with water and

watershed councils, according to this research, people are the most agreed upon and

the most important components in a watershed. This has important implications for

management. Although water management efforts in the past have focused on

controlling water levels to ameliorate flooding and droughts, and providing water for

economic activities, the role of people in this process has been somewhat limited.

Increasingly though, people are playing a larger and larger role in management efforts,

which is supported by the findings of this research.

Collaborative approaches are being used increasingly around the globe, as they

are considered to be more equitable, as well as a means to avoid, or at the very least

resolve conflict. As human populations grow and resources become scarcer,

negotiations and conflict surrounding the use of those scare resources are inevitable.

Today, managers need to be equipped with communication skills, such as facilitation

and mediation, to manage people, in order to do their jobs effectively. A new era of

resource management has commenced that requires new skills, techniques, and

approaches. Therefore, it behooves managers and policy makers to be trained

accordingly, as well as to design processes and forums for increased communication

and collaboration across stakeholder groups. The watershed council model is an

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example of one way to go about doing this. Other methods for promoting collaborative

management, in an effort to better incorporate people in the process, will be explored in

the next two chapters.

As a caveat to this research, though free listing is a significant step in assessing

the components of a cultural domain, future research should further address this issue

by completing a cultural consensus analysis. To complete a cultural consensus

analysis, it is necessary to return to the research participants with the core set of items

that was generated through the analyses of the free listing data. This core list

represents the items that were listed by the majority of informants. The next step in

cultural consensus analysis is to ask respondents to determine if the items in that list

are, or are not part of the cultural domain. One of the significant shortcomings of this

research is that this process was not completed. That being said, the data generated by

this study will be used in future phases of the research (see Chapter 5 for a more

thorough description of directions for future research) to further assess the cognitive

and interactional framing of individuals working in water management groups.

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Figure 2-1. Network of Oregon Watershed Councils’ Regions of the State (NOWC

2013).

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0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35

WATERSHED COUNCILS

PEOPLE

WATER

WATER QUALITY

AGRICULTURE

STREAMS

VEGETATION

FISH

RIPARIAN AREAS

UPLANDS

GEOLOGY

WATERSHED

LAND

MANAGEMENT

LAND USE

FOREST SERVICE

DIFFERENCES

WILDLIFE

RIVERS

COUNTIES

Term

sSmith's Salience Statistic

Figure 2-2. Smith’s Salience Statistics for Total Sample.

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0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35

WATER

FISH

PEOPLE

WATERSHED COUNCILS

LAND

WATER QUALITY

EDUCATION

RIPARIAN AREAS

UPLANDS

WILDLIFE

FISH PASSAGE

AGRICULTURE

DIFFERENCES

COUNTIES

RECREATION

MANAGEMENT

BUREAU OF LAND MANAGEMENT

WATERSHED

COMMUNITY

VEGETATION

Term

sSmith's Salience Statistic

Figure 2-3. Smith’s Salience Statistics for Watershed Council Employees.

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0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7

WATER

LAND

VEGETATION

WILDLIFE

WATERSHED COUNCILS

RIPARIAN AREAS

PEOPLE

UPLANDS

STATE

COUNTIES

BIRDS

WATERSHED HEALTH

CONNECTIVITY

GROUNDWATER

MAMMALS

RESOURCES

AGENCIES

JUNIPERS

LOCAL RESIDENTS

RECREATION

Term

sSmith's Salience Statistic

Figure 2-4. Smith’s Salience Statistics for the Southeast Region.

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0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4

FISH

WATER QUALITY

MANAGEMENT

EDUCATION

WATERSHED COUNCILS

RIVERS

BUREAU OF LAND MANAGEMENT

COMMUNITY

FISH PASSAGE

IMPROVEMENT

PEOPLE

FOREST SERVICE

AGRICULTURE

LAND MANAGEMENT

STREAMS

UPLANDS

ROADS

COAST

VALUES

SALMON HABITAT

Term

sSmith's S Statistic

Figure 2-5. Smith’s Salience Statistics for the Southwest Region.

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0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6

PEOPLE

WATER

BASIN

COMMUNITY

WATERSHED

VEGETATION

DIFFERENCES

FLOW

RIVERS

WORK

CHARACTERISTICS

LAND

WATER QUALITY

GEOLOGY

STREAMS

FLY FISHING

INFLUENCES

CHANGES

ECONOMICS

WATERSHED COUNCILS

Term

sSmith's S Statistic

Figure 2-6. Smith’s Salience Statistics for the Umpqua Basin.

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0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6

SOILS

GEOLOGY

WATER USE

AGRICULTURE

VEGETATION

WATER QUALITY

STREAMS

WATERSHED COUNCILS

PLANT COMMUNITIES

LAND USE

FLOW

FOREST SERVICE

UPLANDS

PEOPLE

RIPARIAN AREAS

BARRIERS

LAND OWNERSHIP

DRAINAGE

LAND

LONG TERM

Term

sSmith's S Statistic

Figure 2-7. Smith’s Salience Statistics for the Powder Basin.

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CHAPTER 3 A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF OREGON WATER POLICY: THE BIRTH AND

EVOLUTION OF A NEW ERA OF ADAPTIVE COLLABORATIVE WATER MANAGEMENT

Every living thing depends upon water for survival; although 70 percent of the

globe is covered by water, only about 2.5 percent of that water is freshwater, and still

another two-thirds of that is stored in ice caps and otherwise unusable for human

beings. However, we rely upon that small, finite amount of freshwater to meet a great

many needs. In addition to meeting our basic needs for drinking water and sanitation for

the earth’s burgeoning population of over 7 billion and growing, we also rely upon

freshwater for agriculture, industry, hydropower, transportation, and recreation, among

other things. Additionally, that freshwater also supports many of the species with which

we share this planet. Furthermore, we have begun to realize that if we expect our

natural systems to continue to provide the wide range of goods and services that

humans rely upon in order to survive, we need to take their needs into consideration as

well. Policies have been enacted, such as the Endangered Species Act and the Clean

Water Act, in order to curtail environmental degradation, and preserve species and

ecosystem functions. Yet, today we live in a world of unprecedented global

environmental change. Not only are ecosystems changing rapidly due to the stresses

that are placed on natural systems by increasing human populations, but also as a

result of forces such as climate change. Complexity and uncertainty are now recognized

as inherent components of resource management; regardless, decisions must be made

and policies must be enacted or adapted to address current management challenges.

Presently, this new era of unprecedented, globally interdependent, environmental

change has given rise to new management paradigms (Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007a; Pahl-

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Wostl et al. 2007b). The limitations and inadequacies of top-down, single-handedly

implemented, command and control approaches are now well documented and widely

accepted (Armitage et al. 2009; Berkes 2009; Hardy 2010; Holling & Meffe 1996; Lubell,

et al. 2002). Increasingly there is a shift toward more integrated, adaptive, collaborative,

ecosystem-based management.

Although the general trend is moving towards these new management

approaches, government institutions and policies are often slow to change, and

operationalizing these approaches is proving to be a challenge (Armitage et al. 2009;

Bellamy et al. 1999). The overall objective of this paper is to review and analyze newer

state institutions and policies that were created to support the use of more collaborative

and adaptive management, in an effort to demonstrate how policy makers can more

effectively facilitate the use of these new approaches.

Theoretical Framework: Adaptive Co-Management

Adaptive management and collaborative management (also known as co-

management) have been put forth as new approaches that have the potential to

revolutionize the way we deal with resource management in the 21st century; and what

has now emerged is a blend of the two (Armitage et al. 2009). Adaptive co-management

(ACM) combines concepts and ideas from adaptive management and collaborative

management, taking elements from both approaches, and providing a framework for

handling the complexity and uncertainty that prevails in today’s world (Armitage et al.

2009; Cundill & Fabricius 2009; Olsson et al. 2004; Plummer & Armitage 2007a). It

merges the dynamic learning elements of adaptive management with the linkage and

cooperative characteristics of collaborative management (Berkes 2009; Olsson et al.

2004; Olsson et al. 2007; Ruitenbeek & Cartier 2001). As opposed to more traditional

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management paradigms, ACM often takes a more bottom-up approach to management,

calling for local stakeholders to play an active role, participating in management through

a collaborative, adaptive learning process (Gerlak 2008; Olsson et al. 2004; Plummer &

Armitage 2007b). Instead of being paralyzed by complexity, risk, and uncertainty

inherent in many resource management issues, ACM offers a framework for designing

management projects as large scale experiments with broad stakeholder input and

shared authority, implementing plans, monitoring and evaluating outcomes, learning

from experience, and modifying and adapting the course of management if it is deemed

necessary to help achieve desired management objectives (Plummer & Armitage

2007b). ACM is now being heralded as the future of resource management (Gerlak

2008; Warner 2006).

Adaptive co-management does not have one set, agreed upon definition in the

literature; rather, it has been defined in several different ways, such as “a long-term

management structure that permits stakeholders to share management responsibility

within a specific system of natural resources, and to learn from their actions”

(Ruitenbeek & Cartier 2001, p. 8), or “flexible community-based systems of resource

management tailored to specific places and situations and supported by, and working

with, various organizations at different levels” (Olsson et al. 2004, p. 75), and ‘‘a

process by which institutional arrangements and ecological knowledge are tested and

revised in a dynamic, ongoing, self-organized process of learning-by-doing’’ (Armitage

et al. 2007, p. 328). Regardless of the definition that you ascribe to, adaptive co-

management stands in sharp contrast to the business as usual management paradigms

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of the past and present, and represents a true innovation in natural resource

governance (Fennell et al. 2008).

Theoretically, ACM holds much promise for changing the way we manage

resources, facilitating the creation of solutions to many resource management

conundrums, helping groups work together effectively, and move forward regardless of

unavoidable risk and uncertainty (Armitage et al. 2009; Fennell et al. 2008; McLain &

Lee 1996). However, shifting the way we “do” resource management is no easy task.

The formerly top-down, command and control, piecemeal approach to management is

deeply entrenched and few examples of successful adaptive collaborative management

exist (Allan & Curtis 2005; McLain & Lee 1996). Additionally, the majority of research

that does exist on the topic has uncovered significant obstacles to implementing a

systematic, adaptive collaborative approach, but past research has yet to answer the

question of how to implement an ACM approach. Inability to address management at an

ecosystem or watershed scale, short funding cycles, institutional inflexibility, and

inadequate monitoring have been identified as significant challenges to utilizing ACM

(Allan & Curtis 2005; Allan et al. 2008; Jacobson et al. 2006; McLain & Lee 1996;

Wondolleck & Yaffee 2000); and while past research yields valuable information

regarding some of the necessary prerequisites for successful ACM, the key to

successfully implementing ACM has yet to be uncovered. Many agree on what needs to

be done, but few examples or recommendations exist to illuminate exactly how groups

should go about doing this.

Additionally, although it is widely accepted that new approaches, like ACM, are

the future of resource management, such approaches are not without their critiques

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(Koontz & Thomas 2006; Layzer 2008; Schwartz 2013). Critics point out that local

interests, in some cases, particularly in the developed world context, can be powerful

pro development advocates, and collaboration can in fact result in the watering down of

environmental regulations and protection (Layzer 2008; Schwartz 2013). Others

demonstrate that there is a paucity of research linking collaborative processes with

environmental outcomes and genuine environmental improvements, and that more

emphasis should be placed on these objectives to really evaluate the efficacy of these

new approaches to resource management (Koontz & Thomas 2006; Layzer 2008).

Objectives

This research aims to contribute to a better understanding of how to implement

an ACM approach. Specifically, this study investigates what types of institutions and

policies at the state, regional, and local levels can help to overcome the barriers to

promoting the establishment and utilization an ACM approach? The paper begins with a

historical description of various policies and institutions that were recently created or

amended to encourage the use of more collaborative or adaptive approaches to

resource management. Following the policy descriptions, the discussion highlights

some of the major barriers to using, and critiques of ACM, as identified by past

research, and discusses how the various policies and institutions have or are attempting

to overcome these challenges. The objective of this review and analysis is to provide

some insights into how policy makers, through the creation of new governance

institutions and policies, and amendments to existing policies, can in fact support the

use of these new approaches to resource management.

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Location

Oregon was selected as the study site for this research due to its history and the

unique existence of policies and institutions that support and encourage utilizing

adaptive, collaborative approaches to manage water resources. The waterways in the

state of Oregon are not unlike many other places around the globe that have been

heavily impacted by human settlement and development. Much like other locations in

the Western United States, the state’s watersheds have undergone significant changes

in the last two centuries since European settlers made their way west. Fur trading,

which essentially all but eliminated beaver populations, mining, logging, ranching and

grazing, irrigation and agriculture, dams, fish harvesting, pollution from industry, and fish

hatcheries have all taken their toll on native fish populations around the state and the

habitats they depend upon for survival. Although billions of dollars were spent in the

Columbia River system alone to try and restore populations there was little success,

and by the mid-1990s coastal Coho were threatened with extinction and their ESA

listing seemed imminent.

This is the history that spurred the formation of many of the state’s unique

policies and institutions that evolved to address the degradation of native fish

populations and the watersheds that sustain them. Though ACM represents a relatively

new approach to resource management, the state of Oregon has been increasingly

employing an ACM approach for managing water resources over the last few decades.

Oregon has created flexible institutions and policies that enable, even encourage,

utilizing adaptive, collaborative approaches. Therefore the Oregon example offers

valuable lessons and experience for the rest of the world regarding how to tackle the

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challenges of, and succeed at, employing ACM. For these reasons, Oregon was

selected as the study sites for this research.

Methodology

Data Collection Procedures

To investigate the institutions and policies that promote adaptive, collaborative

management paradigms in Oregon, this study employed a qualitative, ethnographic,

case study approach, using secondary data analysis, in conjunction with participant

observation and unstructured interviews with key informants. Primary data, in the form

of participant observation and unstructured interviews with key informants, were used to

determine which policies and institutions were created to support ACM, and hence

should be further analyzed. Primary data also provided information regarding the

formation and evolution of the policies and institutions. Secondary data analysis was

then used to further contextualize and analyze the different policies and institutions in

more depth.

Participant observation and unstructured interviews with key informants were

used to assemble a comprehensive list of policies and institutions that support or

encourage ACM. Participant observation took place over a period of more than three

years from summer 2010 to fall of 2013, and involved attending 12 two-day, quarterly

board meetings of the Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board (OWEB). As described

in detail below in the policy review section, OWEB is the state agency responsible for

promoting collaborative, community-based conservation and watershed health through

the provision of grants, technical assistance, and outreach. Attending OWEB meetings

not only illuminated important policies and institutions that were formulated in the past,

but also allowed for observation of current discussions that were directly impacting

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future policy changes. Unstructured interviews with key informants working in water

management around the state further illuminated important policies and institutions, as

well as helped to fill in any gaps in the research. During and after periods of participant

observation and conducting unstructured interviews, the researcher took extensive field

notes, making certain to record all data related to the specific policies and institutions

geared towards promoting ACM.

During this same three-year time period, the researcher also collected all written

records and accounts relevant to Oregon’s history of collaborative governance.

Secondary data include, but are not limited to, OWEB meeting minutes, agendas, and

staff reports describing the formation and evolution of policies geared toward promoting

ACM, legislative summaries and updates describing new legislation as well as

amendments to existing policies, draft and final management plans for specific

watersheds, government documents, and organizational and institutional websites and

web documents.

Data Analysis and Interpretation

Data analysis involved a qualitative, iterative process of reviewing primary data to

compile a complete list of all of the state’s intuitions and policies designed to overcome

the challenges, and promote the use of ACM. After a complete list of the state’s

institutions and policies was created through the analysis of primary data, secondary

data analysis included reviewing and analyzing all the documents that were collected

regarding the creation and implementation of the state’s different policies and

institutions; this resulted in a policy review of each policy and institution established

during the participant observation phase of the research. The policy review is described

below, followed by a discussion of how the policies and institutions helped overcome

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some of the frequently cited barriers to implementing ACM. Finally, after completing the

qualitative analysis, the results of this research were shared with key informants, who

validated the findings.

Policy Review

Participant observation and informant interviews revealed that seven different

policies and institutions are fundamentally related to Oregon’s history and evolution of

adaptive collaborative governance: 1) amendments to Oregon water law, 2) the creation

of the Governor’s Watershed Enhancement Board, 3) the watershed council model, 4)

the Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board, 5) the Oregon Plan for Salmon and

Watersheds, 6) the Special Investment Partnerships, and 7) public/private partnerships.

Field notes from OWEB meetings and informant interviews, along with secondary data

were analyzed to describe the formation and evolution of the seven different policies

and institutions, along with their contributions to revolutionizing water management in

the state. Each of the policies and institutions are described in chronological order

below to demonstrate the history and evolution of ACM approaches in Oregon.

Amendments to Oregon Water Law

Primer on Oregon water law: overview of the doctrine of prior appropriation

In Oregon, water is publicly owned. In order to use water, private or public

interests must apply for a water right through the Oregon Water Resources Department

(OWRD). Much like the rest of the Western United States, the doctrine of prior

appropriation governs Oregon water law. Unlike the Eastern United States or other

humid areas of the globe, landowners with water flowing on or by their properties do not

necessarily have access to that water. Instead, prior appropriation is a rule of capture,

so that those who use the water are awarded rights to it. It allows for, and actually

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encourages, diverting water from its natural course to be used on lands sometimes far

away from the water source.

Under prior appropriation, water rights are based on actual use and maintained

by continued use and need. Oregon’s water code is based on four principles: 1)

beneficial use, 2) priority, 3) appurtenancy, and 4) continued use (OWRD [Oregon

Water Resources Department 2011). ‘Beneficial use’ refers to the fact that in order to

establish and maintain a water right, water must be put to beneficial use without waste.

Until recently ‘beneficial use’ was commonly defined as irrigation for agriculture, mining

and industrial application, stock watering, domestic and municipal use, and other

economic activities. Keeping water instream for ecological purposes was not originally

considered beneficial under the doctrine of prior appropriation. ‘Priority’ relates to the

date in time that the right was awarded, and dictates that “first in time, first in right”.

Therefore, those who first use the water, secure a right, and continue to use the water,

have priority in times of shortage over other users who applied for water rights at a later

date. ‘Appurtenancy’ dictates that typically a water right is tied to a piece of land, and

when the land is sold, the water right goes along with that land. Finally, continued ‘use’

demands that a water right be utilized at least once every five years, or that water right

can be forfeit for non-use. This aspect of Oregon’s water code established a “use it or

lose it” mentality among water rights’ holders that can encourage wasteful water use in

order to maintain a water right, which is a valuable commodity in the arid west. Prior

appropriation has been law in Oregon since February 24, 1909 (Bastasch 2006; OWRD

2011). It is commonly agreed upon that all surface water in the state is over

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appropriated, meaning that more rights have been awarded than there is water to meet

those needs.

Instream water rights

In 1987, the state legislature amended Oregon water law when it passed

Oregon’s Instream Water Right Act, legally allowing water left instream to be considered

a beneficial use, and allowing water rights to be issued to support public uses like

navigation, recreation, pollution abatement, and the enhancement of fish and wildlife

populations and habitats. Under the new amendment, the Oregon Department of Fish

and Wildlife (ODFW), the Department Environmental Quality (DEQ), and the Parks and

Recreation Department are now authorized to apply for instream water rights, which are

then held by OWRD. Although, this was a major step forward, adapting an exiting policy

for the protection of fish and wildlife populations and their aquatic and riparian habitats,

with almost all surface water already over appropriated around the state, issuing new

instream water rights with a priority date later than 1987 did little to protect these

resources in times of water shortage; new instream rights with a priority date later than

1987 are almost always junior users.

However, the Instream Water Right Act also amended water law, allowing for

already existing water rights’ holders to sell, lease, or donate their water rights to be

used instream. Historically, under Oregon’s water law, water rights are assigned for a

specific place of use, point of diversion, and type of use. If a water rights’ holder wants

to change any aspect of their water right, they must apply for a transfer. The Instream

Water Right Act amended the law now allowing temporary transfers, or leases, as well

as a permanent transfers of water rights for instream purposes. The transferred or

leased instream water right then holds the priority date of the original water right,

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meaning that instream rights can be, and in some cases are, senior users. “More than

70 percent of water put instream on a permanent basis is "senior" water, with

certificates pre-dating Oregon's 1909 water law” (OWRD 2013, p. Flow Restoration in

Oregon). Instream leases not only benefit fish and wildlife, but also benefit water rights’

holders who are not using their allotted water rights, and therefore might otherwise risk

forfeiture or cancellation of that right for non use.

Thanks to the amendments to Oregon’s water law “Oregon is known as a

national and international leader in streamflow restoration and protection” (OWRD 2013,

p. Oregon's Flow Restoration Toolbox). Over 1,000 instream leases were flied in the

first five years of the program. “Oregon has restored nearly double the amount of

instream flow of Washington, Idaho, and Montana combined. Oregon has placed about

900 cfs instream, compared to Washington (400 cfs), Idaho (100 cfs), and Montana (14

cfs based on a 2006 survey)” (OWRD 2013, p. Flow Restoration in Oregon).

The Governor’s Watershed Enhancement Board

In a lot of ways, the evolution of many of Oregon’s policies and institutions aimed

at collaborative water management first stem from Senate Bill (SB) 23, which directed

the formation of the Governor’s Watershed Enhancement Board (GWEB) in 1987 (Arha

et al. 2003; OACD [Oregon Association of Conservation Districts] 2013). This board was

created by the legislature, and each biennium half a million dollars or more was

budgeted to GWEB with the mission of coordinating water quantity and quality

improvements around the state, including the management of riparian and upland areas

(Arha et al. 2003; OACD 2013). The emphasis of GWEB was to promote local efforts

aimed at achieving the board’s mission, through the provision of grants, technical

assistance and outreach to landowners, which, at that time, occurred mainly through

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local soil and water conservation districts (Arha et al. 2003). GWEB also promoted

collaboration among the state’s natural resource agencies for better overall watershed

management (OACD 2013). Hence, GWEB was created to encourage bottom-up, local

stakeholder participation and involvement in water management around the state, along

with supporting more coordination, cooperation, and linking of state water management

agencies.

The board consisted of ten members from natural resource agencies around the

state: Environmental Quality Commission, Fish and Wildlife Commission, Board of

Forestry, Soil and Water Conservation Commission, Water Resources Commission,

Oregon Department of Agriculture, Agriculture Extension Service at Oregon State

University, U.S. Forest Service, Bureau of Land Management, and Soil Conservation

Service (now the Natural Resource Conservation Service) (Arha et al. 2003). GWEB’s

role expanded as Oregon’s watershed policies and institutions continued to evolve and

grow. GWEB provided funding, technical support, field services, and educational

opportunities to those working in watershed management (OCSRI [Oregon Coastal

Salmon Restoration Initiative] 1997). The organization had two advisory committees, a

technical advisory committee and an educational advisory committee.

Watershed Councils

Another pivotal step in the evolution of Oregon’s collaborative water

management policies and institutions was the formation of watershed councils around

the state. In 1993, under House Bill (HB) 2215 and Senate Bill (SB) 81, the legislature

directed the creation and funding of the Watershed Health Program (OACD 2013;

OCSRI 1997). The legislature allocated $10 million to fund these efforts and directed

The Oregon Water Resources Department to administer the program (OACD 2013).

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This program promoted the establishment of local watershed councils, and funded pilot

watershed council projects in the Grande Ronde and Rogue River Basins, and on the

South Coast (OACD 2013; OCSRI 1997). Then in 1995, another piece of legislation, HB

3441, unanimously passed by the Oregon Legislature guided the formation of these

local, voluntary, non-regulatory watershed councils around the state (NOWC 2009;

OACD 2013); HB 3441 also made GWEB responsible for providing both technical

support and a stable funding source to local watershed councils, as well as clarifying the

fact that watershed council formation is a local government decision, that can take place

without state approval. Additionally, the legislation dictated that councils must be

balanced in their makeup, and represent the interests of affected parties within the

watershed.

Therefore, watershed councils in Oregon are multi-stakeholder groups, typically

with representatives from local and regional boards, commissions and agencies, Indian

tribes, public interest groups, private landowners, industry representatives, academic,

scientific and professional communities, and representatives of state and federal

agencies. “These councils have brought together diverse interests within a watershed,

including timber, agriculture, mining, conservation, recreation and business interests

with representatives from all levels of government, in partnerships that are working

toward a common goal of restoring watershed health and the species dependent on

healthy watersheds” (OCSRI 1997, p.17A-3). Between 1993 and the publishing of the

Oregon Coastal Salmon Restoration Initiative (OCSRI) in 1997 over 60 watershed

councils were formed across the state. Today that number has swelled to over 90.

Councils are very diverse in their makeup. “Some watershed councils are 501(c)3, not-

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for-profit organizations, while others are associated with local soil and water

conservation districts, and some are voluntary associations” (Smith & Gilden 2002, p.

655).

Watershed councils were designed with a number of objectives in mind. First,

watershed councils promote communication among the various interests working in the

watershed. Watershed councils also provide a forum for decision-making and conflict

resolution. They are responsible for completing an assessment/analysis of the

watershed, as well as putting together an action plan that details goals, objectives, and

priorities for protecting and enhancing the watershed. Additionally, part of their role is

implementing the plan and undertaking basin-wide monitoring to determine if the action

plan is successful. They are also responsible for education and outreach in the

watershed, not only for landowners and affected parties, but also for local citizens and

the community. Lastly, they must acquire the funding to complete their work, typically

through grants from a combination of government and private sources. Consequently,

watershed councils are aimed at bottom-up management, encouraging stakeholder

participation and sharing of authority, along with promoting monitoring and evaluation of

watershed conditions, and learning among managers and the public alike.

The Oregon Plan for Salmon and Watersheds

Another key component in the evolution of Oregon’s collaborative policies and

institutions was the creation of The Oregon Plan. The mission of The Oregon Plan for

Salmon and Watersheds (a.k.a. The Oregon Plan) is to restore “our native fish

populations and the aquatic systems that support them to productive and sustainable

levels that will provide substantial environmental, cultural, and economic benefits"

(Oregon Plan, 2013, p. About The Oregon Plan). In a nutshell, The Oregon Plan lays

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out the state’s strategy for dealing with federal regulations under both the Endangered

Species Act (ESA) and the Clean Water Act. It sets out to restore watershed health,

achieve water quality standards, and recover native fish populations. Four key elements

comprise The Oregon Plan: 1) coordinated action among state, federal, and tribal

agencies, 2) voluntary community-based action, 3) monitoring, and 4) scientific

oversight and adaptive management (Arha et al. 2003; Oregon Plan 2013).

The Oregon Plan for Salmon and Watersheds evolved out of the Oregon Coastal

Salmon Restoration Initiative (OCSRI), which was initiated in 1995, and focused on the

recovery of coastal Coho salmon, as well as statewide water quality. At that time, two

evolutionary significant units (ESU) of coastal Coho Salmon were proposed for listing

under the Endangered Species Act. The OCSRI was the state’s response to the

proposed listing, aimed at avoiding a reoccurrence of the devastating effects that the

listing of the northern spotted owl had on the state’s economy. Then, in 1997 the

legislature funded the plan, with HB 5042, which appropriated $15 million for The

Oregon Plan, and HB 3700, which levied a one-time tax on harvested timber (Arha et al.

2003; OACD 2013). SB 372 provided further revenue for the Oregon Plan by directing

the Oregon Department of Transportation (ODOT) to design and sell a salmon license

plate for an additional surcharge. In that same year the Governor renamed the OCSRI

as The Oregon Plan for Salmon Recovery and Watershed Enhancement and SB 924

created an independent, multidisciplinary science team (IMST) to act as a peer review

panel for the agencies that were implementing the Oregon Plan. Although the OCSRI

first targeted coastal Coho salmon, the plan has since grown to address native fish in all

watersheds in the state, and has evolved from a preventative strategy to a

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comprehensive plan for watershed restoration and species recovery. Therefore, The

Oregon Plan can be viewed as significant planning document, which put a process in

motion aimed at addressing the complexity and uncertainty inherent in restoring native

species and the habitats they depend upon for survival.

The Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board

In 1998 voters in the state of Oregon passed Ballot Measure 66 with a two-thirds

majority. This ballot measure amended the state constitution, directing 15% of state

lottery funds to be used for 15 years for the protection and restoration of native salmon,

wildlife habitat, watersheds, and state parks (OWEB [Oregon Watershed Enhancement

Board] 2008a). Half of these funds, 7.5%, were directed to state parks, and the other

7.5% were directed towards watershed restoration. Then, following the passage of

Measure 66, HB 3225 expanded the role of the Governor’s Watershed Enhancement

Board (GWEB), thus creating the Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board (OWEB), to

administer the lottery funds made available for watershed protection and restoration

(Oregon Plan 2007). For more than 15 years now, OWEB has been in the business of

utilizing these funds from the Oregon lottery, along with federal funds, and funds made

available from the sale of salmon license plates, to provide grants to Oregonians

working to improve and care for their local watersheds. In 2010, voters reconfirmed their

commitment to the protection and restoration of native salmon, wildlife habitat,

watersheds, and state parks, by passing Ballot Measure 76, which permanently

dedicated 15% of state lottery funds to be used for these purposes. Even in the midst of

a statewide economic recession, Measure 76 passed with a two-thirds majority in every

single county in the state; Democrats, Republicans, urban, and rural residents alike all

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supported local, bottom-up responses to watershed protection and restoration. This is

often referred to as “the Oregon way”.

Much like the local, voluntary watershed councils that OWEB supports, OWEB is

led by a multi-stakeholder, policy oversight board, designed to represent a variety of

interest groups. The board has 17 members, 11 who are voting members, and 6 who

are non-voting members. The voting members include 5 citizen members, a tribal

representative, and a representative from The Oregon Board of Forestry, Board of

Agriculture, Environmental Quality Commission, Fish and Wildlife Commission, and

Water Resource Commission. The remaining non-voting members hail from five of the

federal natural resource agencies (Bureau of Land Management, Forest Service,

Environmental Protection Agency, National Marine Fisheries Service, and National

Resource Conservation Service), and Oregon State University’s Extension Service. The

board meets four times a year, in various locations across the state, to take action on

applications for funding, as well as discuss and plan the organization’s current and

future funding strategy.

OWEB funds a variety of activities through its grant programs. Local capacity,

often in the form of watershed council support grants, technical assistance, restoration,

land acquisition, water acquisition, monitoring, outreach, and education are all things

funded by OWEB. “The agency has a biennial grants budget of $50 million to $70

million” (Wiley et al. 2013, p. 95). Since 1997, funding for restoration has almost tripled

from $48 million in 1997-1998, to over $130 million in 2008-2009 (Figure 3-2) (OWEB

2011). During that same period OWEB and their partners improved fish access on over

4,000 miles of streams and rivers (Figure 3-3) (OWEB 2011).

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Thus, OWEB is a significant institution promoting ACM in Oregon; it financially

and technically supports bottom-up, local stakeholder management around the state,

links state and federal programs and funds to local on the ground efforts, coordinates

state-wide monitoring and evaluation of watershed conditions, and drives the formation

of new policies, or the adaptation of existing policies, to better employ ACM

approaches. The descriptions below of the Special Investment Partnerships, along with

public/private partnership (both further elaborated on in Chapter 4) provide evidence of

OWEB’s continued contribution to shaping policy and adapting management efforts

around the state.

The Special Investment Partnerships

As a result of the passage of Measure 66 and the creation of OWEB, hundreds of

millions of dollars have been spent on watershed restoration around the state. However,

interviews with key informants revealed that much of the early work that was

accomplished by watershed councils, with help of GWEB/OWEB funding, could be

described as “picking the low-hanging fruit.” Many of the earlier projects were

restoration and education projects, spread around the state, which largely were not

controversial, but instead easily garnered wide-ranging support both from local

communities and government agencies. And while it would be difficult to argue that

these expenditures did not yield beneficial results, it became increasingly apparent that

this piecemeal approach to watershed management was unlikely to deliver the desired

ecological benefits, such as restoring “native fish populations and the aquatic systems

that support them to productive and sustainable levels that will provide substantial

environmental, cultural, and economic benefits” as outlined by the Oregon Plan (Oregon

Plan 2013, p. About the Oregon Plan).

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In 2007, with a growing recognition that previous efforts were not delivering the

desired results, OWEB expanded their program to include a new funding strategy. The

Special Investment Partnerships (SIPs) were created, aimed at scaling up management

efforts to a basin-wide level, and requiring further collaboration and partnership building

among an even larger group of stakeholders. With the initiation of the SIPs, OWEB

targeted long-term, large-scale restoration, with the goal of achieving clear ecological

outcomes. OWEB staff reports revealed “the goal of the Special Investment

Partnerships is the same as that of OWEB overall – to help create and maintain healthy

watersheds and natural habitats that support thriving communities and strong

economies” (Wood 2007a, p. 1).

The SIPs were designed to be used when a project, or suite of projects, required

a funding strategy that was outside the scope of OWEB’s normal grant programs. Staff

reports dating back to discussions surrounding the formation of the SIPs demonstrate

that partnerships under the SIPs were defined to have various important characteristics:

1) ecological significance, 2) importance of OWEB’s contribution, 3) robust partnership,

4) triple bottom line, 5) capture the imagination/high visibility, and 6) ripeness (Wood

2007b). Essentially, OWEB aimed to designate a SIP when it seemed likely that

measurable ecological outcomes could be achieved, OWEB funds would catalyze

action, additional funding partners would come on board, ecological, social, and

community benefits would be achieved, the partnership would attract the public’s

attention, and the partnership was ready to be formed.

In the second half of 2007 OWEB identified six potential partnerships that could

qualify for the SIP program. Of the six, three were described as having “ripened most

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quickly over the past half year” and “the stand-out among the six is the Willamette

Partnership” (Wood 2007b, p.7). At the September 2007 board meeting, OWEB staff

recommended that $12 million dollars be earmarked for the SIPs in the 2007-2009

biennium, $6 million specifically reserved for the Willamette Partnership (Wood 2007b).

Then at the January 2008 board meeting, $4 million was allocated to the Deschutes

Partnership. Thus, the Willamette and the Deschutes became the first of OWEB’s SIPs.

Participant observation and informant interviews revealed the overarching goals

of the two SIPs were significantly different, as was the way in which the partnerships

developed and evolved. For the Willamette SIP, OWEB helped to create new objectives

for the partnership, to target specific recovery needs not being addressed in the regular

grant programs. The two objectives were aimed at both the mainstem as well as the

tributaries: 1) to reestablish channel complexity and length, and 2) to reconnect

floodplain with adjacent active channels wherever feasible (Wood 2008). The

Deschutes SIP on the other hand, already had preexisting objectives established by the

partners, which OWEB chose to adopt and support. The Deschutes SIP focused on

habitat restoration contributing to the reintroduction of anadromous fish populations on

the mainstem and tributaries on both the east and westside of the Deschutes, including

the Crooked River subbasin (Wood 2007a). See Chapter 4 for a complete description of

the development, evolution, and outcomes of these two partnerships.

Public/Private Partnerships

In addition to the suite of intuitions and policies described above, the state of

Oregon has also been in the business of procuring partnerships with private

organizations to help further its mission of adaptive, collaborative water management.

Although public/private partnerships are not particularly new or innovative in resource

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management, one particular partnership, which has been described as a “formal

strategic partnership”, bears mentioning, specifically because it adheres to many of the

tenets of ACM. The Willamette Funding Partnership is a unique strategic, funder-driven

partnership between OWEB, the Meyer Memorial Trust (MMT), and the Bonneville

Environmental Foundation (BEF); it is also one of OWEB’s Special Investment

Partnerships (described above and in greater detail in Chapter 4).

Participant observation and informant interviews established that simultaneously,

with the creation of the SIP program at OWEB, MMT, one of the Pacific Northwest’s

largest private foundations in operation since 1982, was also looking to invest in large-

scale restoration in the Willamette Basin. Therefore, the two organizations teamed up;

after doing some research they learned that a non-profit organization, BEF, was already

actively practicing many of the principles geared toward promoting ACM through its

existing Model Watershed Program, that the two partners aimed to achieve with their

Willamette Initiative.

BEF is “an entrepreneurial, non-profit organization on a mission to fundamentally

transform the relationship between humans and the earth’s energy and water

resources,” (BEF [Bonneville Environmental Foundation] 2009, p. About Us). Since

1999, BEF has also been in the business of community-based water management (BEF

2009). However, an interview with a key informant showed that similar to OWEB’s

trajectory, after several years of providing small grants to fund individual site-specific

projects, also taking a piecemeal approach to restoration, BEF decided to drastically

alter the way it does business. In 2003, in an effort to encourage a more holistic,

systematic, adaptive approach to restoration, BEF changed their grant program and no

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longer funds grants on the typical one to two year grant cycle, but instead adopted the

use of the Model Watershed Program. The Model Watershed Program guarantees both

financial and scientific support for watershed restoration for ten-year cycles; it requires

grant recipients plan for whole watershed restoration, using an ACM approach, rather

than requesting funding for small, site-specific, short-term projects. This new long-term

funding mechanism is a sharp contrast to the traditional funding approach, but BEF

strongly believes that this new approach will ensure “that critical restoration needs are

identified and addressed at the scales necessary to achieve substantial and lasting

ecological improvements” (BEF 2009, p. Model Watersheds).

Basically, BEF’s Model Watershed Program embodied many of the same notions

and objectives that OWEB and MMT had in mind in launching the Willamette SIP.

Therefore, all three organizations formally launched the Willamette River Initiative in

2008 dedicated to changing the way that both watershed restoration and the funding

mechanisms that support it are accomplished. The Willamette River Initiative is also an

SIP under OWEB’s program.

Table 3-1. Timeline of Oregon’s Collaborative Water Management.

Date Bill Action

1987 SB 140 Oregon’s Instream Water Right Act passed 1987 SB 23 Governor’s Watershed Enhancement Board (GWEB) is created 1993 HB 2215

SB 81 The Watershed Health Program and Oregon’s Watershed Council Program are created

1995 HB 3441 Legislature formally recognized watershed councils and makes GWEB responsible for providing technical and financial support

1995 Oregon Coastal Salmon Restoration Initiative (OCSRI) is initiated 1997 Oregon Coastal Salmon Restoration Initiative (OCSRI) is

published 1997 SB 924 Established Independent Multidisciplinary Science Team (IMST),

Healthy Stream Partnership (HSP), Coastal Salmon Restoration and Production Task Force (CRPTF), and Joint Legislative Committee on Salmon and Stream Recovery (JLCSSR)

1997 HB 5042 Legislature appropriated $15 million to implement Oregon Plan

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Table 3-1. Continued

Date Bill Action

1997 HB 3700 Legislature approves timber tax to help fund The Oregon Plan

1997 SB 372 ODOT creates Salmon License Plate program

1998 BM 66 Directs 15% of state lottery funds to be used for 15 years for the protection and restoration of native salmon, wildlife habitat, watersheds, and state parks

1999 HB 3225 Approves modifications to Oregon Plan; disburses lottery funds according to Measure 66; changes Governor’s Watershed Enhancement Board (GWEB) to Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board (OWEB)

2001 HB 3002 Creates Salmon Recovery Task Force and provides guidelines for fish passage

2001 SB 945 Incorporates all key statutes into the Oregon Plan. Assigns responsibility to OWEB to prepare a biennial report on the execution and effectiveness of the Oregon Plan and to coordinate the monitoring and education and outreach components of the Oregon Plan

2001 SB 946 Assigns responsibility to OWEB for coordinating collection, storage, and dissemination of information for state natural resource agencies with State Service Center

2001 Legislature authorizes Split-Season Instream Use Leasing

2007 OWEB creates SIP program

2008 OWEB dedicates funding to Willamette and Deschutes SIP

2010 BM 76 Voters reconfirm commitment of 15% of lottery funds, making funding permanent

(Adapted from Arha et al. 2003; OACD 2013; Oregon Plan 2007)

Discussion

Many of Oregon’s policies and institutions are making significant progress

towards addressing some of the barriers to effectively employing an ACM approach.

Past research has enumerated numerous challenges to implementing ACM, such as an

inability to address management at an ecosystem or watershed scale, short funding

cycles, institutional inflexibility, and inadequate monitoring, (Allan & Curtis 2005; Allan et

al. 2008; Jacobson et al. 2006; McLain & Lee 1996; Wondolleck & Yaffee 2000).

However, Oregon’s progressive institutions and policies described above are currently

tackling these barriers.

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Management at the Watershed Scale

Ecosystems, particularly watersheds, cross both political and jurisdictional

boundaries. However, management efforts are often based on boundaries dictated by

land ownership (i.e., federal, state, private, or tribal) or political boundaries (city, county,

state, or national boarders). Yet, past research has pointed out the merits of focusing

management at the ecosystem scale (Christensen et al. 1996; Cortner et al. 1998;

Dombeck 1996; McLain & Lee 1996; Roe 1996; Yaffee 1996). Though given the

multiple overlapping boundaries and jurisdictions that are inherently part of nearly all

watersheds, this proves to be much easier said than done.

Several of Oregon’s institutions and policies, namely watershed councils and the

Special Investment Partnerships, including the Willamette Funding Partnership, were

designed to address management by bringing together an array of political and

jurisdictional stakeholders to collaborate on issues and management in specific

watersheds at the basin scale. Watershed councils provide a forum or a platform for

cooperation, communication, and joint management, which is directed at the watershed

itself. The Special Investment Partnerships (SIPs) take this concept one step further, by

tackling watershed management at even larger geographic scales. SIPs scale up

management to the basin-level, effectively making watershed councils work together as

stakeholders in an even bigger management process. The Deschutes SIP is a

partnership that includes two watershed councils, along with a land trust, a river

conservancy, and several funding partners. The Willamette SIP (a.k.a. the Willamette

Funding Partnership or the Willamette Initiative) involves seven watershed councils

working at the tributary level, along with the funding partners. OWEB, MMT, and BEF,

the funding partners in the Willamette Partnership, specifically directed funding to be

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used for, and contingent upon management at the basin level. Therefore, although the

inability to work across boundaries, at the ecosystem or watershed scale, continues to

be cited as a significant barrier to accomplishing ACM, Oregon’s policies and institutions

are addressing this challenge by encouraging management at that scale.

Funding and Funding Cycles

Time and money are almost always barriers for management; there never

appears to be enough of either to go around (Allan et al. 2008; Bellamy & Johnson

2000; Moir & Block 2001; Walters 1997). This is further exacerbated by the fact that the

vast majority of grants or funding sources are typically tied to the fiscal year, and

therefore funding cycles are usually one to two years at most (Christensen et al. 1996;

Wiley et al. 2013). During that time, grantees are often expected to plan the project,

carry out the work, and monitor the results, so they can report back to the granting

agency. Past experience demonstrates that this is unrealistic (Wiley et al. 2013). The

Governor’s Watershed Enhancement Board (GWEB), and later the Oregon Watershed

Enhancement Board (OWEB), along with the Special Investment Partnerships (SIPs),

and the Willamette public/private partnership are addressing this challenge, in a effort to

revolutionize the way watershed management is done.

When GWEB was created in the late 80s, it was done so with the intent of

encouraging and financially supporting local efforts aimed at protecting and enhancing

water quality and quantity around the state. The subsequent creation of OWEB and the

passage of Ballot Measure 66 in 1998 put a funding mechanism in place to help make

this possible; when Measure 76 passed in 2010 that funding mechanism was made

permanent. However, OWEB’s grantees were still subjected to the typical one to two

year funding cycles, which have been noted to limit the success of ACM efforts. This

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began to change with the creation of the SIP program, which targeted larger-scale,

longer-term projects. Though, due to the nature of government funding, OWEB’s

funding necessitates legislative approval, and therefore the organization still isn’t able to

commit future funds beyond the biennium. However, recognizing the importance of

making a long-term funding commitment in order to affect the kind of ecosystem-level

change they are promoting as outlined in The Oregon Plan, OWEB teamed up with

MMT and BEF to form the Willamette SIP, creating the type of public/private partnership

that can make long-term funding a reality. Along with the Willamette Funding

Partnership, BEF’s Model Watershed Program was also designed with these same

goals in mind. Therefore, Oregon’s institutions are making headway in tackling the

challenge of overcoming short-term funding cycles and providing reliable, longer-term

financial support for watershed management.

Institutional Flexibility

Much like inadequate funding, and a failure to manage at the ecosystem or

watershed scale, inflexible institutions have also been implicated as an obstacle to

managing watersheds utilizing an ACM approach (Allan et al. 2008; Armitage et al.

2009; Brown & Farrelly 2009; Williams 2003; Yaffee 1996). While it is beyond the scope

of this paper to analyze or quantitatively assess institutional flexibility, it is important to

note that several of Oregon’s policies and institutions have adapted to become more

flexible, namely Oregon water law, OWEB, and the Willamette Funding Partnership.

Resource managers around the globe are frustrated by inflexible institutions and

outdated policies that create roadblocks as they attempt to incorporate ACM principles

into practice. Unfortunately, almost universally, it seems as though the wheels of

bureaucracy turn slowly (Brown & Farrelly 2009; Dovers 2001). However, Oregon offers

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a few glimmers of hope that flexibility is possible. Amendments made to Oregon Water

Law in the late 1980s now allow water to be left instream (for ecological purposes) and

still be considered “beneficial use.” Additionally, further amendments allow existing

water rights’ holders to temporarily or permanently lease, transfer, or even sell their

water rights to the be used instream, while still maintaining the priority date of the

original water right. These amendments to water policy allow for flexibility within the

system of water allocation, and have revolutionized managers’ ability to restore

degraded habitat.

OWEB and the Willamette Funding Partnership have also recognized the

importance of flexibility, and therefore these institutions have incorporated several

changes into the way they do business. First, these institutions are moving from

responsive to proactive grantmaking (Wiley et al. 2013). This means that rather than

simply putting out a request for proposals (RFP) and awarding grants to those who

apply and are eligible, these institutions are modifying there grantmaking to target

organizations and partnerships that are prepared to carry out larger-scale, longer-term

management efforts. This institutional change allows them to be flexible and address

projects at a wide range of scales, while also encouraging collaboration among

grantees, as opposed to the competitive environment that is typically the result of a

responsive grantmaking. Second, they provide flexible funding, that is not only longer-

term, but also can also be used for planning and technical support, rather than simply

the execution of dirt moving projects, which has primarily been the focus of past

watershed funding. Third, knowing full well that large-scale watershed restoration and

the science behind it is still somewhat in its infancy, these institutions are embracing an

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experimental mindset (Wiley et al. 2013). In general, OWEB and the Willamette Funding

Partnership recognize and acknowledge the importance of institutional flexibility in

managing and restoring watersheds.

Monitoring

Monitoring is one of the hallmarks of ACM (Armitage et al. 2009; Cundill &

Fabricius 2009; Holling 1978; Walters & Holling 1990). Adequate monitoring and

evaluation are necessary for tracking progress and learning, as well as being critical for

providing feedback for management (Olsson et al. 2004). However, inadequate

monitoring, or lack of funding for monitoring are significant obstacles to successfully

achieving ACM (Moir & Block 2001; Wilhere 2002; Williams 2003; Yaffee 1996). Yet,

Oregon’s institutions and policies, namely OWEB, guided by The Oregon Plan, strongly

support extensive monitoring, both financially and technically.

Under SB 945 in 2001, as part of the Oregon Plan for Salmon and Watersheds,

OWEB was directed to create and carry out a statewide monitoring program. Therefore,

in 2003, OWEB established the Oregon Plan for Salmon and Watersheds Monitoring

Strategy, which is a framework aimed at achieving three main objectives: 1) assessing

current watershed conditions and salmon populations, 2) evaluating Oregon Plan

conservation, restoration, and management actions, and 3) applying monitoring results

for use by agencies, policy makers, and the public (OWEB 2003). Under its legislative

mandate, OWEB is required to provide guidance and support for collaborative

monitoring activities, account for all restoration investments, and report on the progress

achieved as a result of The Oregon Plan. In accomplishing these tasks OWEB created

and manages the Oregon Watershed Restoration Inventory (OWRI), a database which

tracks all voluntary efforts around the state aimed at watershed restoration. OWRI is the

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largest restoration information database in the Western United States; it contains

records of over 14,000 projects completed since 1995 (OWEB 2014). Additionally,

OWEB publishes biennial reports to document the progress of The Oregon Plan. To

date, OWEB is compiling its ninth biennial report for the 2011-2013 biennium. Although,

under the Oregon Plan, OWEB and statewide voluntary monitoring efforts are

extensive, the state still wrestles with budgetary constraints, which fluctuate each

biennium based on federal and lottery funds. Regardless, statewide monitoring in

Oregon remains a top priority for assessing watershed conditions, tracking change,

evaluating the outcomes of management actions, and reevaluating management

objectives and strategies, as is outlined by the ACM framework.

Critiques

Critics of ACM and co-management demonstrate that in some cases, particularly

in the developed world, local interests are not necessarily champions of the

environment, but rather powerful groups that can and have taken over collaborative

processes, which resulted in the loosening of environmental protection (Layzer 2008;

Schwartz 2013). The watershed council model has addressed this concern by

institutionalizing the makeup of local councils. Although the formation of a watershed

council is a local government decision that can happen without state approval, in order

to avoid one particular stakeholder group taking over the collaborative process,

legislation dictates that councils must be balanced in their makeup, and represent the

interests of affected parties. Therefore, councils typically have representatives from

local and regional boards, commissions and agencies, Indian tribes, public interest

groups, private landowners, industry representatives, academic, scientific and

professional communities, and representatives of state and federal agencies. If a

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council member steps down or reaches their term limit, per the bylaws of the council, a

member who will represent that same interest group must be their replacement. This

institutional arrangement, established at the state level, ensures that the collaborative

process at the local level remains balanced and is not usurped by one stakeholder

group.

Another criticism of ACM is that there is a dearth of research linking collaborative

processes with actual environmental outcomes and improvements (Layzer 2008;

Koontz & Thomas 2006). Oregon is addressing this critique as well, through its

extensive monitoring program (described above), which meticulously evaluates and

tracks watershed conditions and fish populations, conservation, restoration, and

management actions, and investments, and reevaluates management objectives and

strategies based on outcomes. Therefore, Oregon is actively and consciously

investigating the environmental outcomes of its policies and institutions.

Concluding Remarks

Whatever definition of ACM you ascribe to—“a long-term management structure

that permits stakeholders to share management responsibility within a specific system

of natural resources, and to learn from their actions” (Ruitenbeek & Cartier 2001, p. 8),

or “flexible community-based systems of resource management tailored to specific

places and situations and supported by, and working with, various organizations at

different levels” (Olsson et al. 2004, p. 75), or ‘‘a process by which institutional

arrangements and ecological knowledge are tested and revised in a dynamic, ongoing,

self-organized process of learning-by-doing’’ (Armitage et al. 2007 p. 328)—the

institutions and policies described and analyzed above demonstrate that the state of

Oregon is making great strides toward employing these approaches.

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The vast majority of barriers involved in utilizing an ACM approach are social and

institutional, rather than ecological or technical (Allan et al. 2008; Brown & Farrelly

2009). Although the Oregon example does not offer an exact prescription for how to

specifically employ ACM, it does demonstrate that it is possible to overcome some of

the frequently mentioned barriers and challenges at the state, regional, and local levels.

The creation of new institutions, policies, and practices does however require the

support of governments and politicians (Allan et al. 2008; Armitage et al. 2009).

Institutions and policies can either hinder or advance the use of ACM. In fact, it could

even be said that to a certain degree the political and institutional framework of a given

location will determine the success of ACM. Without a favorable institutional landscape

in which to work, ACM is all but doomed to failure. Therefore, governance approaches

must adapt. Fortunately, the Oregon example demonstrates that it is possible to adapt

institutions and policies to become more conducive for employing ACM, and bring about

change in the way water resources are managed.

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Figure 3-1. Oregon’s Governance Framework.

Landowners, Agency Personnel, Local Citizens

Watershed

CouncilsWatershed

Councils

Watershed

Councils

Watershed

Councils

NR

Organizations

NR

Organizations

NR

Organizations

Watershed

Councils

Partnerships ( SIPs)

OWEB

The Oregon PlanOWRD

Water Rights

State Institutions

& Policies

FunderFunder

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Figure 3-2. Restoration Funding from 1997-2009 (OWEB 2011, p.1).

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Figure 3-3. Summary of Restoration Outcomes 1997-2009 (OWEB 2011, p.2)

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CHAPTER 4 COLLABORATIVE WATER MANAGEMENT: UNCOVERING THE SECRETS TO

SUCCESSFUL PARTNERSHIPS

Introduction

Currently, natural resource management is undergoing a major paradigm shift

(Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007a; Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007b). Gone are the days of seemingly

limitless forests, fields, and rivers; and increasingly there is a shift away from the frontier

mentality of the past (Farina et al. 2003; Hughes et al. 2007; Mulligan 2001; Young &

Newton 1981). There is a growing recognition of the need to conserve resources and

balance tradeoffs, which are now an inherent part of resource management (Lawson &

Manning 2003; McClellan 2005; Wondolleck & Yaffee 2000). The limitations and

inadequacies of top-down, single-handedly implemented, command and control

approaches are now well documented and widely accepted (Armitage et al. 2009;

Berkes 2009; Hardy 2010; Holling & Meffe 1996; Lubell et al. 2002). A growing

consensus has emerged: successful natural resource management requires

collaborative and participatory approaches that acknowledge the value of local as well

as scientific knowledge, and foster local ownership of management projects (Broderick

2008; Dewulf et al. 2007; Lundquist & Granek 2005; Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007a; Pahl-Wostl

et al. 2007b; Warner 2006). In general, the benefits of collaboration and participation

are well documented in the literature, and there is now a widely held belief that

increasing participation improves the possibility that a given project will be successful

(Broderick 2008; Laumonier et al. 2008; Lundquist & Granek 2005).

“The idea that working together is better than working apart has underpinned all

the great social movements of our time.” (Popay & Williams 1998, p. 410). There is a

long held belief that more can be accomplished when working in tandem, than when

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working alone (Hallam 2011; Hudson et al. 1999; Wildridge et al. 2004; Wilson et al.

2009). Today, many natural resources issues can be described as ‘wicked problems’,

which have no obvious solution and involve a diversity of stakeholders (Rittle & Webber

1973). Additionally, fewer resources are available to address these issues, and no one

organization or individual has the knowledge, expertise, or resources to solve them

independently (Goldman & Schmalz 2008; Wilson et al. 2009). “Partnerships create a

way forward when no clear solution exists and no single entity can claim the necessary

expertise, authority, or resources to bring about change” (Bailey 2010, p.1).

Collaboration can help organizations or entities enlarge their resource base and

decrease uncertainty in situations marked by constant change (Taber 1995). Therefore,

it could be argued that addressing these complex issues necessitates collaboration and

partnership building. However, it is much easier to say organizations should partner

without a clear idea on what makes partnerships successful. This paper takes a

comparative case study approach to examine two large-scale watershed partnerships in

Oregon, to determine the partnership characteristics that contribute to success.

Literature Review

The idea that collaborative partnerships are a panacea for addressing the

‘wicked problems’ that are pervasive in our society today, particularly in the burgeoning

field of resource management, is widespread. Although, there is also a significant

amount of research attesting to the fact that collaboration and partnerships are not

without their costs; they require a significant investment in terms of both time and

energy, and are not appropriate for use in every situation (Beal 2012; Gaskill et al.

2003; Huxham & Vangen 2004). Regardless, collaboration is now widely encouraged

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and supported in both the public and private realms (Genskow & Born 2006; Koehler &

Koontz 2008; Leach et al. 2002; Lubell et al. 2002; Wildridge et al. 2004).

Partnerships offer a wide array of benefits, many of which are unattainable for

entities working independently. Partnerships can potentially maximize resource use,

improve organizational efficiencies, build capacity, facilitate innovations, increase

visibility and support, build on the strengths of the various partners, allow the sharing of

knowledge, information, and expertise, and enable the partners to wield greater

influence (Beal 2012; Clark 2008; Lindsay et al. 2008; O'Neill Hewlett & Bleich 2009).

Hence, there is a plethora of reasons why organizations or entities might promote and

engage in partnership building.

However, regardless of the growing recognition of the need for collaboration,

participation, and partnership building in resource management, there is little consensus

regarding how to best accomplish this task (Broderick 2008; Dewulf et al. 2007; Pahl-

Wostl et al. 2007b). “Despite the pressures in favour of collaboration, there is a great

deal of evidence that collaborative ventures often fail to live up to expectations” (Eden &

Huxham 2001, p. 373). Indeed, although many agree that participation is a necessary

step toward successful resource management, many challenges and difficulties arise

when implementing a collaborative approach (Armitage et al. 2008; Dewulf et al. 2007;

Warner 2006; Wondolleck & Yaffee 2000). As Cronon states “because people differ in

their beliefs….they inevitably differ as well in their understanding of what nature means

and how it should be used” (1996, p. 50-51). Diverse types of knowledge, values,

beliefs, norms, interests, perspectives, priorities, goals, and agendas are intrinsic to

resource management issues, and often lead to conflicts (Broderick 2008; Huxham &

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Vangen 2004; Leach et al. 1999; Warner 2006). In addition to the difficulties associated

with reconciling diverse interests and priorities, a paucity of bureaucratic and

institutional support, limited funding, burdensome donor requirements, and inadequate

monitoring and evaluation are often stated as barriers that limit the potential of

partnerships (Aikins et al. 2012; Asthana et al. 2002). The question then becomes how

to reconcile these issues, promote collaboration and participation, encourage

partnership building, and help to set and achieve desired management objectives

(Broderick 2008; Pennington 2008; Plummer & Armitage 2007a; Warner 2006).

Collaborative governance or co-management provides a framework to help realize

these aims.

Collaborative governance and co-management are touted as the way forward in

resource management. As opposed to the days of the past, when government was the

single decision-making authority exerting sovereign control over its citizens without

consulting other affected stakeholders or the public, collaborative governance

encourages multi-scale, polycentric, non-hierarchical modes of governance, which

recognize the contribution of a variety of stakeholders, including government bodies,

non-state, companies, interest groups, private actors, and individuals, in the formulation

and implementation of public policy (Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007a; Pahl-Wostl et al. 2008;

Rhodes 1997). Therefore, collaborative governance is considered more appropriate,

more efficient, and more equitable governance, as it democratizes decision-making.

Collaborative governance can be defined several different ways. The National

Policy Consensus Center defines collaborative governance as “leaders engaging with

all sectors—public, private, non-profit, citizens, and others—to develop effective, lasting

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solutions to public problems that go beyond what any sector could achieve on its own”

(National Policy Consensus Center 2013, p. What is Collaborative Governance?). The

basic premise behind collaborative governance is multiple stakeholders, in both the

public and private sectors, work together to manage resources and implement public

policy.

Collaborative management or co-management is another concept, similar to

collaborative governance that stresses the importance of multiple stakeholders sharing

responsibility for management. Collaborative, cooperative, or co-management conveys

“the sharing of rights and responsibilities by the government and civil society” (Plummer

& FitzGibbon 2004, p. 63). Although the idea of co-management is not a new one—

McCay and Acheson defined it back in 1987 as “a political claim (by users or

community) to share management power and responsibility with the state” (p. 32)—the

concept is spreading and being used increasingly around the globe to address the

challenges of managing finite resources. “The sharing of power and responsibility

between the government and local resource users” (Berkes et al. 1991, p. 12) or

“power-sharing in the exercise of resource management between a government agency

and community organization of stakeholders” (Pinkerton 1992, p. 331) sounds great in

theory. But how is this accomplished? Successful partnerships “in which government

agencies, local communities and resource users, NGOs and other stakeholders

share….the authority and responsibility for the management of a specific territory or set

of resources” (Borrini-Feyerabend 1996, p.11) are difficult to achieve in the real world.

This research took a comparative case study approach to examine partnership

success and challenges in an effort to answer the following research questions:

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1. What characteristics contribute to the success of inter-organizational partnerships?

2. How did a new scale of watershed partnerships develop and progress in achieving their goals and objectives?

3. What successes and/or challenges did these partnerships face in their development and evolution?

Study Area

To investigate these questions, Oregon was selected as the study site for this

research, due to the state’s progressive institutions and policies that support

collaborative management and partnership building. Oregon has a history of using

collaborative management, which stems back to the 1980s and 90s when watershed

councils first began to form around the state. Watershed councils in Oregon are local,

voluntary, non-regulatory, multi-stakeholder groups that often contain members from

local and regional boards, commissions and agencies, Indian tribes, public interest

groups, private landowners, industry representatives, academic, scientific, and

professional communities, and representatives of state and federal agencies. In 1995

the Oregon Legislature unanimously passed House Bill 3441, formally recognizing

watershed councils as representatives of the interests of their communities (NOWC,

2009). And thus began the formal institutional process of encouraging collaborative

governance in Oregon. This process received further support in 1998, when voters

passed Ballot Measure 66 amending the state constitution and dedicating 15% of state

lottery funds to be used for the protection and restoration of native salmon, wildlife

habitat, watersheds, and state parks (in 2010, Oregon voters also approved Ballot

Measure 76 permanently allocating lottery funds for these uses) (OWEB 2008a). With

the passage of this ballot measure and the subsequent passage of HB 3225, the

Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board (OWEB) was created, to administer the funds

from Measure 66 and now Measure 76 (Oregon Plan 2007).

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OWEB is an integral part of collaborative governance in the state, as it both

promotes and funds voluntary efforts aimed at creating and maintaining healthy

watersheds around Oregon. For more than a decade now, OWEB has provided funds to

watershed councils around the state for restoration, education and outreach, technical

assistance, watershed assessments, monitoring, council support, and land and water

acquisition. As a result of this agency and this program, millions of dollars were spent

on watershed restoration and a lot of good work was accomplished around the state.

While it would be difficult to argue that these expenditures have not yielded beneficial

results, it has become increasingly apparent that this piecemeal approach to watershed

management is unlikely to deliver the desired ecological benefits such as restoring

“native fish populations and the aquatic systems that support them to productive and

sustainable levels that will provide substantial environmental, cultural, and economic

benefits” as outlined by the Oregon Plan (Oregon Plan 2007). Therefore, there was

growing motivation to target larger scale, longer-term restoration. Hence, in 2008, the

Special Investment Partnership (SIP) was born, which represents a new scale of

partnership in the history of collaborative governance in Oregon. The Special

Investment Partnerships are a new funding mechanism that effectively calls for scaling

up restoration to the basin level (Figures 4-1 and 4-2). As opposed to funding individual

projects and watershed councils typically working at the tributary level, OWEB’s SIPs

aim to promote partnerships between watershed councils and other organizations to

achieve restoration at a larger scale. Simultaneously, other funding agencies operating

in Oregon, such as the Bonneville Environmental Foundation, also began targeting

whole watershed restoration, at the basin scale.

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Early in 2008 two SIPs were allocated OWEB funding, $4 million was allocated to

an SIP in the Deschutes Basin, and $6 million to another SIP in the Willamette Basin

(Figure 4-3). Additionally, private donors, such as the Meyers Memorial Trust and the

Bonneville Environmental Foundation, also committed to changing the way water

management is approached, leveraged even more funds for these partnerships as well.

Although both SIPs were allocated funding nearly simultaneously, the development,

processes, and outcomes resulting from the formation of these partnerships has been

drastically different. Therefore, the Deschutes and Willamette SIPs are ideal case

studies to undertake this research in an effort to help parse out what characteristics

make partnerships successful, how the partnerships developed and progressed towards

achieving their goals and objectives, and what successes and/or challenges they faced

in their development and evolution.

The Cases

The Deschutes Special Investment Partnership, otherwise known as the

Deschutes Collaborative, primarily includes four key organizations: the Deschutes River

Conservancy, The Deschutes Land Trust, and two watershed councils, the Upper

Deschutes Watershed Council and the Crooked River Watershed Council. Additionally,

the funding partners include the Pelton Fund (which consists of Portland General

Electric and the Confederated Tribes of Warm Springs) and OWEB. The main objective

of the Deschutes SIP is “to re-establish anadromous fish runs and enhance resident fish

populations in the main stem and in tributary streams on both the eastside and the

westside of the Deschutes basin, including the Crooked River subbasin” (OWEB 2008b)

(Figure 4-4). To help accomplish this goal, the Deschutes SIP was first allocated $4

million from OWEB in January of 2008, for the 2007 to 2009 biennium. Subsequently,

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the Deschutes SIP received an additional $4 million in both the 2009-2011, and 2011-

2013 biennia to help build upon the success of this partnership.

The Willamette Special Investment Partnership involves the Nature

Conservancy, two different land trusts (the Green Belt and the McKenzie Land Trust),

and seven different watershed councils: Calapooia, Mary’s River, North Santiam, South

Santiam, Long Tom, Middle Fork Willamette, and Luckiamute Watershed Councils, all

working on the tributaries of the Willamette River (Figure 4-5). The funding partners

include OWEB, The Meyer Memorial Trust, and the Bonneville Environmental

Foundation. OWEB first allocated $6 million for the Willamette SIP in March of 2008,

followed by an additional $1.8 million from the Meyer Memorial Trust (MMT [Meyer

Memorial Trust] 2009). Due to the challenges facing this partnership, they were not

allocated any additional funding from OWEB in the 2009 to 2011 biennium, but they did

receive another $3 million allotment for the 2011 to 2013 biennium.

The Deschutes SIP hit the ground running. The Deschutes partnership was

already established prior to the first allotment of OWEB SIP funds. The partnership had

a multitude of projects in the works prior to receiving funding; in the first biennium

(2007-2009) they initiated or implemented 16 different restoration projects. They

accomplished a lot of on the ground dirt moving and restoration, and therefore were

ready and able to put more OWEB SIP funding to work in the subsequent biennia. The

Willamette SIP had a different experience altogether. Their partnership was not

established prior to the first allotment of OWEB funds. Therefore, the first biennium was

spent largely strategizing, planning, developing projects, and building capacity. At the

end of the first biennium, the Willamette SIP had not spent their allotment of SIP funds,

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and therefore, they did not receive additional funding in the subsequent biennium. This

research investigates these two partnerships to determine what accounts for the

differences in the development, progression, and outcomes.

Methods Section

This research took a qualitative, ethnographic, comparative case study approach

to provide an idiographic explanation for the different outcomes of the two SIPs. This

approach was selected because past research indicates that when investigating

collaboration and partnerships, this approach offers many benefits beyond that of a

quantitative, positivist approach (Corbin et al. 2012; Dixon & Sindall 1994; El Ansari et

al. 2001; El Ansari, & Weiss 2006; Gillies 1998; Popay & Williams 1998; Yin 2009). A

case study design enables the examination of complex social phenomena, such as

collaborative governance, in its natural context, and allows for in-depth analysis and

contextual understanding that preserves the holistic and significant characteristics of

real-life processes (Corbin et al. 2012; El Ansari & Weiss 2006; Yin 2009). “Qualitative

research can aid in the understanding of the nuances of partnership functioning that

quantitative research has no way to measure” (Corbin et al. 2012, p. 5; El Ansari &

Weiss 2006). El Ansari, Phillips & Hammick note that qualitative methods are necessary

to determine how and why collaboration works in certain circumstances (2001). They

also note that quantitative methods are not sufficient for assessing collaborative

initiatives (El Ansari et al. 2001).

Data Collection

The qualitative approach utilized for this study included extensive participant

observation for a period of more than three years from June 2010 to fall of 2013,

secondary data analysis of all written records and accounts related to the creation and

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ongoing activities of the Special Investment Partnerships, as well as unstructured

interviews with a purposeful sample of key informants related to both the SIPs. The

researcher was a participant observer at nearly all quarterly, two-day OWEB board

meetings from June 2010 to the end of 2013, as well as special closed-door meetings of

subcommittees related to the SIPs. Additionally, the researcher attended nearly all

monthly or bi-monthly meetings of several local watershed councils for the same time

period. While undertaking field research there were also several opportunities to attend

statewide water management conferences such as OWEB’s and the Network of Oregon

Watershed Council’s biennium conferences, and the biennium “Within Our Reach”

Conferences which focused exclusively on the Willamette SIP. The researcher

conducted unstructured interviews with key informants in both the Deschutes and the

Willamette SIP, as well as with OWEB board members and staff. During her time as a

participant observer and while conducting interviews, the researcher focused

exclusively on all matters related to the development, progression, and outcomes of the

two Special Investment Partnerships in the Deschutes and the Willamette Basins. The

researcher concentrated on characteristics that contributed to the level of success of the

SIPs, as well as specific challenges that the partnerships faced during their

development and evolution.

Secondary data included all OWEB staff reports related to the SIPs, watershed

council annual reports and documents related to SIP projects, reports by funding

agencies, as well as any other documents available either in print or on the internet that

relate to the Deschutes and Willamette SIPs.

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Data Analysis

Primary data analysis involved a qualitative, iterative process of reviewing field

notes taken during and after participant observation and unstructured interviews, in

search of partnership characteristics that accounted for the differences between the

development, evolution, and outcomes of the two cases. Along with reviewing primary

data, secondary data were analyzed to provide contextual information about the cases.

During and after each session of data collection, the researcher examined the data for

themes that explained the differences between the development, evolution, and

outcomes of the two cases. Over the course of several years of data collection, the

researcher kept an ongoing list of themes identified, and, as the data collection process

continued, the researcher reviewed the list of themes to determine if the new data

supported or refuted the already identified themes and preliminary conclusions. Finally,

after completing the qualitative analysis, the results of this research were shared with

key informants, who validated the findings.

Results

The researcher observed and identified six major themes that account for the

different development, evolution, and outcomes of the two cases. The six themes

observed are: 1) partnership timelines, 2) locally-driven versus funder-driven processes,

3) leadership, 4) basin characteristics, 5) catalysts for partnership formation, and 6)

niche creation. These six themes help to explain the different characteristics that

contribute to the success and the challenges related to the new watershed partnerships

in Oregon. The themes will be described below, as they relate to the development,

progression, and outcomes of the two SIPs.

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Partnership Timelines

One significant characteristic contributing to the success of the Deschutes SIP,

and a key finding related to the development of this partnership, is that the partners in

the Deschutes Basin had a head start working together and establishing the

partnership, compared to the Willamette SIP. Interview data revealed that the partners

had significant time working together and built trust before the creation of the SIP

program and the initial allotment of OWEB funds in 2008. Data demonstrated that the

roots of the collaborative actually stem back to the Federal Emergency Regulatory

Commission’s relicensing of the Pelton Round Butte Hydroelectric Project, which began

in 2004, four years prior to the establishment of the SIP at the state level.

In the more than 50 years since the construction of the Pelton Hydroelectric

Facility, habitat in the upper basin was severely degraded, due to many of the same

factors in play around the country, such as over appropriation of water rights, and

ditching and diking of streams to prevent flooding. The impacts included streams and

tributaries, such as Whychus Creek, that ran completely dry in the summer months, and

a nearly complete elimination of wetlands and prime spawning habitat for anadromous

fish. Therefore, beginning back in 2004, prior to the establishment of the SIP in 2008,

several organizations working in the basin realized the need for habitat restoration, if

fish were ever to successfully be reintroduced to the upper basin following the

construction of the new Pelton Hydroelectric Facility, which was a requirement of the

relicensing process. Consequently, results demonstrate that the beginning of the

partnership dates back to the dam relicensing process in 2004, rather than to the

establishment of the SIP program itself in 2008, which gave the Deschutes partnership

several years head start over the Willamette SIP.

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Comparatively, observational data demonstrate that the Willamette Partnership

did not exist prior to the establishment of the SIP program at OWEB in 2008. There was

no established partnership or any history of collaboration among the specific

organizations prior to the implementation of the SIP. In fact, when the Willamette was

designated a SIP in early 2008 the partners themselves had not yet been identified,

much less built trust or rapport to help move the process along. There was no history of

organizations working together in the basin. Basically, this partnership started at square

one when the SIP was designated in 2008, and the first OWEB funding was allocated

for this purpose. The partnership actually came into existence as a result of the

designation of OWEB funds, and was built around the research done for the Willamette

River Basin Atlas, which served to provide baseline data on the basin, identified the

issues facing the basin, and the changes necessary to achieve a healthier ecosystem.

In essence, the data strongly suggest that partnership timelines played a significant role

in the development, evolution, and outcomes of the two different SIPs.

Locally-Driven Versus Funder-Driven Processes

Interview and observational data demonstrate that the Deschutes Partnership

began working together prior to the establishment of the SIP, as a result of the

impending reintroduction of anadromous fish in the basin, and the identified need to

restore large parts of the upper basin to support the reintroduced fish. Therefore, the

process can be described as a grassroots, bottom-up, or a locally-driven process. In

fact, interviews revealed that in 2007 the Deschutes partners actually approached

OWEB with a suite of restoration projects they identified that needed funding to support

the reintroduction effort. The partners posited that rather than applying for each project

individually through the regular and small grants programs, which was the typical

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OWEB funding process at that point in time, they inquired as to whether OWEB might

consider funding the lot of them, all aimed at whole watershed restoration on the

Deschutes. OWEB, intrigued by this idea, decided to support basin wide restoration on

the Deschutes, and created a new funding mechanism to enable this; thus the Special

Investment Partnerships were born.

However, in establishing the SIP in the Deschutes, interview data revealed that

the OWEB board and staff decided that if they were going to support whole watershed

restoration in one part of the state that they ought to support this type of restoration in

the iconic watershed in the state as well—the Willamette Basin. Hence, the SIP

program and the first two SIPs in the state were created. OWEB allotted funding to a

partnership in the Willamette, regardless of the fact that no established partnership

existed in the basin at that point in time. Therefore, this process could be considered a

funder-driven, or more of a top-down process, as opposed to the Deschutes SIP, which

was locally-driven, or bottom-up.

Leadership

Though not a new finding among research investigating partnership success, and

a difficult result to replicate, the importance of leadership when forming a partnership

cannot be overlooked (Asthana et al. 2002; Cramm et al. 2012; Dowling et al. 2004;

Evans & Killoran 2000; Hallam 2011; Jones & Barry 2011; Lasker et al. 2001; Leach &

Pelkey 2001; Roussos & Fawcett 2000; Seifer 2006; Weiss et al. 2002). The Deschutes

SIP had evidence of strong leadership, even before the collaboration even began. All of

the major partner organizations in the Collaborative built strong boards and sustaining

organizations. In the case of several of the individual organizations, the executive

directors are long standing staff members, who worked with the organizations long

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enough to build a rapport with their boards and communities, not to mention the other

partner organizations. Time and again, among the more than 90 watershed councils

operating statewide, the Upper Deschutes Watershed Council, one of the main partners

in the Collaborative, was described as one of the councils with the highest

organizational capacity in the state. They are often featured by OWEB and the Network

of Oregon Watershed Councils as a textbook example of a council doing great things

and accomplishing a lot of work on the ground. “The relationships between individual

participants in collaborations are often fundamental to getting things done” (Huxham &

Vangen, 2004, p. 197). The Deschutes Collaborative put in the time and energy and

built good relationships, which helped move the process forward.

The Willamette SIP on the other hand, began the process of identifying possible

partners in 2008, when the SIP was designated. Two years later, at the biennial “Within

Our Reach” Conference, one of the major topics of discussion among many of the

stakeholders involved in the restoration of the Willamette was the best way create a

successful partnership, and whether that involved creating a new organization

altogether, or designating one organization to take the lead.

Basin Characteristics

Another characteristic that cannot go without mentioning, when comparing the

development, evolution, and outcomes of the two SIPs thus far, is the physical

characteristics of the basins themselves that have, at least in the case of the Willamette

Basin, proven to be challenging for the SIP. The Willamette is a slightly larger basin

than the Deschutes; its land area encompasses nearly 11,500 square miles, as

opposed the 10,000 square miles than encompasses the Deschutes Basin (Figures 4-4

and 4-5). Of primary significance though, is that 70 percent of the state’s population

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resides within the Willamette Basin. Among other things, this means that the river itself

is used for many purposes and faces a different set of challenges than those of the

Deschutes Basin. The Willamette Basin is also home to nearly 75 percent of the state’s

economic activity (Willamette Partnership 2013). In addition to agriculture, fishing, and

recreation, which are the primary uses of the Deschutes River, the Willamette River

flows through large urban areas, including the City of Portland, and has many industrial

uses as well. In addition to the competing uses within the basin, and the sheer number

of people living in the basin, the Willamette River and its floodplain is comprised of a

patchwork of many individual private landowners. The Deschutes Basin on the other

hand, is largely composed of large landowners, and a tremendous amount of public

land lies within the basin. The variety of land uses and land ownership makes

restoration in the Willamette a more complex process than it is in the Deschutes Basin.

Finally, due to the sheer size and scope of the Willamette Basin there are many more

stakeholders, both private and public, involved in the restoration process.

Catalyst for Partnership Formation

Another critical characteristic contributing to the success of the Deschutes SIP is

that the partnership had a clear catalyst to facilitate its formation. The relicensing of the

Pelton Round Butte Hydroelectric Facility, and the subsequent reintroduction of fish, led

to the need for restoration in the upper basin. Therefore, all of the partners in the

Collaborative were able to galvanize around similar goals and had common objectives,

which led to them to work together to accomplish these goals. Observational and

interview data confirm that the partnership was formed as a result of the catalyst of

relicensing the Pelton Facility, rather than the designation of the SIP.

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The Willamette SIP on the other hand, did not have a catalyst for its formation,

and did not share common goals at the advent of the partnership’s development.

Instead, the Willamette Partnership formed as a result of the designation of the SIP, and

the funding from OWEB, and subsequently, MMT and BEF. Therefore results

demonstrate that funding is a necessary, but insufficient catalyst for successful

partnership building. Alternatively, partnership success appears to be linked to common

goals and objectives. In the case of the Willamette, it actually took quite a while for the

SIP to even solidify the goals of the partnership. While the Willamette SIP was formed

around the research done for the Willamette River Basin Atlas, the partners themselves

were not established at the start of the SIP in early 2008; they had no history of working

together, and they did not share a common goals or objectives until well after the

formation of the SIP.

Niche Creation

The final characteristic that greatly contributed to the success of the Deschutes

SIP, and perhaps one of the most significant findings of this research, is that the

Deschutes partners created a strategic partnership; this involved identifying niches for

the various organizations, that produced a collaborative, rather than a competitive

environment, in which all organizations thrived and worked together successfully. This is

a unique characteristic that contributed greatly to the success of the partnership. Similar

to what happens in natural ecosystems, where each species carves out a niche for

itself, and in some cases creates a mutualistic relationship with other species which

contributes to its survival, the Deschutes Collaborative spent a good deal of time

identifying and capitalizing on the strengths of the various partnership organizations, so

that they could best support one another, rather than compete for the same limited

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resources and funding. After much debate and deliberation, the various organizations

decided that the strength of the Deschutes Land Trust (DLT) was land acquisition and

land management. The DLT had much experience acquiring land, establishing

conservation easements, and holding property in perpetuity for nature. Though the DLT

dabbled in restoration and wanted to do so on their own property as well, they decided

that the restoration work itself was best left to the experts at the watershed councils.

Therefore, restoration, fish passage, and monitoring became the niches for the Upper

Deschutes and the Crooked River Watershed Councils. The Deschutes River

Conservancy (DRC) also was able to carve out an individualized niche in the

partnership, and rather than stepping on the toes of the other organizations, the DRC

focused on streamflow restoration and water banking, which was a unique skill set that

this organization had. In this way the various partner organizations wrestled over and

eventually partitioned out roles for themselves and each other, which allowed them to

specialize and clearly identify how they would interact and support one another in the

basin wide restoration process.

Currently the Willamette SIP includes seven watershed councils that are partner

organizations, along with the other partner organizations as well. Although, these

councils each cover a unique geographic scope, they have not carved out strategic

niches, like the organizations in the Deschutes SIP. In essence, although they are

working together, they are also competing for the same pot of funding to complete their

individual projects that comprise a portion of the restoration of the basin. In fact, the

Willamette SIP process as a whole is now composed of two distinct strategies for

restoration, one that focuses on the main stem, and a second that focuses on the

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tributaries. While this is a reasonable strategy to accomplish work on a large geographic

scale, it could be argued that this type of partnership creates more of a competitive

environment, as individual councils doing similar work in different areas compete for the

same funding, as opposed to the strategic, cooperative partnership created by the

Deschutes SIP.

The strategic Deschutes partnership enabled each organization to create niches,

have clear roles, and complement one another in the restoration process. No one

organization could accomplish their goals without the help and support of the other

organizations. Niche creation, similar to that which occurs in ecological systems,

appears to be an incredibly helpful strategy to facilitate the success of partnership

development.

Discussion and Conclusions

Although both SIPs were initiated nearly simultaneously, and received the same

type of funding and institutional support from OWEB, that is where the similarities

between the two partnerships ends. Both SIPs went through entirely different processes

in their development, evolution, and outcomes thus far, and the lessons learned provide

valuable insights for partnership building in general, particularly at larger geographic

scales.

First, the timelines for the development of both SIPs demonstrate that

collaboration and partnership building takes time. Although this is not a new finding in

partnership research, time is often cited as one of the significant drawbacks of

employing a collaborative approach (Beal 2012; Gaskill et al. 2003; Hallam 2011; Seifer

2006), the investment of significant time in developing partnerships can provide benefits

that outweigh the costs. Longer time frames often mean that more trust is built among

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the partners (Gaskill et al. 2003). According to past research, trust is also a critical

component of successful partnerships (Aikins et al. 2012; Beal 2012; Dowling et al.

2004; Goldman & Schmalz 2008; Hallam 2011; Horns et al. 2007; Leach & Pelkey

2001; Popay & Williams 1998; Seifer 2006). Additionally, more time and more trust

effectively equate to better relationships, which previous research also found to be a

critical component of partnership success (Hallam 2011; Huxham & Vangen 2004;

Seifer 2006). Not unlike others studies, the timelines for the development and evolution

of the SIPs demonstrate that time, trust, and relationship building were all essential

components of successful partnership building in the case of the SIPs too. It is

important to note that there are no silver bullets, or fast tracks that can be used to

eliminate the need for partners to take the time and put in the effort working together to

build a successful partnership. Unfortunately there appears to be no substitute for taking

the time. In the case of the present research, the Deschutes Collaborative had a head

start in working together, and this accounted for much of their success thus far, in

comparison to the Willamette. However, in the case of the Willamette, though the

partnership was slower to start, regardless, the partners’ commitment to working

together will likely contribute to future success, since the partnerships is still alive and

putting in the time to make the partnership successful.

Second, in the case of the SIPs, partnership success can, in part, be attributed to

locally-driven processes and having a catalyst for partnership formation. This research

demonstrates that although funding is a necessary component of a successful

partnership (Aikins et al. 2012; Leach & Pelkey 2001), it alone is insufficient to achieve

success (Asthana et al. 2002). Instead, the present research illustrates that partners

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must have a catalyst of some sort, to motivate them to work together; often this catalyst

is shared goals. Much like the findings of past research, this study confirms that

partners must have shared goals and objectives to motivate their participation in a

collaborative process (Aikins et al. 2012; Bailey 2010; Beal 2012; Hallam 2011; Popay &

Williams 1998). Common goals and objectives, which in the case of the Deschutes SIP

catalyzed the locally-driven process to restore the upper river for the reintroduction of

anadromous fish, appear to be a prerequisite for a successful partnership.

Finally, and notably the most significant finding of this research, which also

contributes to the literature on partnerships, is that niche creation and mutualism can

play a critical role in successful partnerships. Much like symbiotic relationships in

ecological systems, partnerships can be either competitive or mutualistic. In the case of

the Willamette Basin, many different watershed councils, all working in different

geographic areas, all share similar niches; many of the partners are responsible for on

the ground restoration, and therefore, at some level, are in competition with one another

for the same funding to complete their individual projects. However, in the case of the

Deschutes Collaborative, each of the individual partners identified and carved out

niches for themselves, so that each organization complements, and even requires the

help of the other organizations to successfully achieve their shared goals. As an

example, much like the process of pollination, where pollinating insects, like a bees,

receive food resources from flowers in exchange for the dispersal of that pollen, which

then aids in the reproductive capability of the flowers, the Deschutes Collaborative

identified ways in which each partner could complement one another and help achieve

something than none of the partners could do independently. The watershed councils

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needed the help of the DRC to acquire the water rights to put the water back instream,

so the fish would have water once the restoration process was complete; and both

organizations needed the help of the DLT to acquire the property or the easements to

make the work possible. None of these organizations would have been as successful

without the assistance of their partners and these mutualistic relationships. Therefore,

this type of niche creation, or mutualism, appears to play a significant role in the

success of partnerships. In essence, perhaps partners need to act more like species in

ecosystems, carving out niches for one another that are mutually beneficial, rather than

competitive and overlapping. The individual roles of the partners, whether they are

competitive or complementary, definitely bears identification and consideration during

the partnership building process, as it appears to have significant bearing on whether or

not a partnership has what it takes to be successful. Perhaps partnerships need to

strategically behave more like institutional ecosystems in order to maximize the success

for all those involved.

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Figure 4-1. Oregon’s Governance Framework.

Landowners, Agency Personnel, Local Citizens

Watershed

CouncilsWatershed

Councils

Watershed

Councils

Watershed

Councils

NR

Organizations

NR

Organizations

NR

Organizations

Watershed

Councils

Partnerships ( SIPs)

OWEB

The Oregon PlanOWRD

Water Rights

State Institutions

& Policies

FunderFunder

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Figure 4-2. Nested Collaborative Governance Structure in Oregon.

OWEB

State Governance Institutions

SIP

Watershed

Councils

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Figure 4-3. Map of Oregon Demonstrating the Size and Location of the Deschutes and

the Willamette Basins.

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Figure 4-4. Deschutes Basin Project Area (OWEB 2009).

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Figure 4-5. Willamette Basin Project Area.

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CHAPTER 5 CONCLUDING CHAPTER

History has demonstrated that the ways we have managed natural

resources in the past have wreaked havoc on the natural systems on which we

depend for survival; we need new approaches to move forward and create a

more sustainable future. The literature is replete with calls for more collaborative

and adaptive approaches, yet examples of how to successfully employ these

approaches are few and far between. The research presented in this dissertation

provides insights into how new approaches to resource management play out in

the real world, how some of the barriers to adoption can be overcome, and what

some of the secrets to success are for promoting adaptive, collaborative

governance.

The study began with an exploration of perceptions regarding the resource

that is being managed: watersheds. Stakeholders who work in water

management groups were interviewed to determine how they frame the concept

of a watershed, and whether or not there is shared framing among stakeholders.

Results demonstrate that, in general, frames differ substantially, even among

those working in close-knit groups in specific geographic areas or even in the

same basin. However, there was agreement on one important component;

people are a central part of watersheds. Therefore, it stands to reason that

watershed management needs to focus on people. This substantiates the

findings of prior research that contends that the significant obstacles to be

overcome in resource management are social issues (Allan et al. 2008; Brown &

Farrelly 2009).

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The second part of this study explored the governance and policy context

in the State of Oregon, in an effort to understand how some of the frequently

cited challenges to adopting adaptive, collaborative management approaches

can be overcome. An analysis of Oregon water policies and institutions shows us

that through policy changes and the adaptation of existing institutions, along with

the creation of new ones, barriers can be surmounted. However, progressive,

flexible governance is a critical prerequisite.

The third component of this research explored partnership building at a

new and larger scale, the basin scale, which effectively calls for smaller

collaborative groups to become stakeholders in a larger collaborative process.

This study follows the development and evolution of two such partnerships, and

uncovers some of the secrets to successful partnership building, and identifies

some of the challenges as well. An important conclusion from this part of the

study is that social systems could benefit from behaving more like ecological

systems, utilizing diversity to their benefit, and employing techniques like niche

creation and mutualism to establish diverse yet complementary, rather than

competitive roles, in order to collaborate more effectively. This appears to be

even more important as the scale of partnerships grows.

All three of these components of the research are aimed at providing

insight into better ways to manage water resources. Additionally, a fourth

objective is explored here, in an effort to tie all these pieces together and provide

further guidance regarding how to utilize adaptive collaborative approaches. The

fourth objective investigates social learning, and asks to what extent is social

learning occurring in the management of water resources in Oregon?

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Social Learning: A Literature Review

Social learning, also referred to as co-learning or organizational learning,

is a critical part of both collaborative governance and adaptive management.

Psychologist Albert Bandura first coined the term social learning in 1963; his

definition described the learning of individuals in social contexts, based on

observation, imitation, and modeling of behavior (Bandura 1963; Bandura 1977).

Shortly thereafter, this definition was expanded upon, and social learning was

used to describe learning that takes place at the group or organizational level

(Argyris & Schon 1978; Argyris 1996; Senge 1990; Wenger 1998; Wenger 2000).

Later, others took the concept of social learning even further, describing it as

“more than just ‘community participation’ or learning in a group setting. It involves

understanding the limitations of existing institutions and mechanisms of

governance and experimenting with multi-layered, learning oriented and

participatory forms of governance” (Woodhill 2003, p. 48; Bouwen & Taillieu

2004, p.143-144).

Essentially, there is no one agreed upon definition of social learning.

Instead, the literature is replete with many, sometimes conflicting, definitions.

Keen, Brown, and Dyball define social learning as—“a process of iterative

reflection that occurs when we share our experiences, ideas and environments

with others’’ (2005, p.9), or “the collective action and reflection that occurs among

different individuals and groups as they work to improve the management of

human and environmental interrelations”—(2005, p. 4). Woodhill states social

learning is a ‘‘process by which society democratically adapts its core institutions

to cope with social and ecological change in ways that will optimize the collective

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wellbeing of current and future generations’’ (2002, p. 319). Whichever definition

you ascribe to, the focus of social learning, as discussed here, will be on

reflection and adaptation to improve the management of socio-ecological

systems.

According to social learning theory, there are different types or levels of

learning; single-loop, double-loop, and, more recently, triple-loop learning have

been put forth as an important part of social learning theory (Argyris 1992;

Armitage et al. 2008; Diduck et al. 2005; Groot & Maarleveld 2000; Keen et al.

2005; King & Jiggins 2002) (Figure 5-1). According to this theory, the type or

level of learning refers to the degree of change initiated by the learning (Groot &

Maarleveld 2000). Essentially, learning occurs when errors are detected and

corrected. Single-loop learning relates to the connection between actions and

outcomes; if actions or behaviors are modified to produce the desired outcome,

without altering underlying values, this is single-loop learning (Argyris 1992;

Diduck et al. 2005). Double-loop learning happens when values and norms are

altered, thus changing behaviors and actions to achieve the desired outcome

(Argyris 1992; Diduck et al. 2005). Argyris and Schon introduced the idea of

single and double-loop learning in 1978, with reference to organizational

learning. Since that time, others have built upon their ideas by adding an

additional, third loop (Flood & Romm 1996; Groot & Maarleveld 2000; Keen et al.

2005; King & Jiggins 2002). Triple-loop learning entails the redesign of

governance structures, institutions, and policies that govern single and double-

loop learning (Armitage et al. 2008; Groot & Maarleveld 2000).

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In natural resource management, single-loop learning involves identifying

and modifying management practices and strategies to change outcomes, such

as modifying releases from a dam in order to impact stream flow. Double-loop

learning goes one step further and requires challenging underlying values and

assumptions. An example of double-loop learning is the act of creating forums for

communication and trust building to encourage participation aimed at challenging

existing values and norms, and perhaps reevaluating management goals

(Armitage et al. 2008); discussions surrounding alternative practices to improve

water quantity, such as implementing drip irrigation, in place of flood irrigation,

exemplifies double-loop learning. Finally, triple-loop learning involves revisiting

the protocols and institutions, which shape the governance system. Modifying

policies and adapting or creating new institutions that challenge existing

protocols is an example of triple-loop learning (Armitage et al. 2008); adapting

water law to allow for instream water rights to have priority over other uses would

be triple-loop learning. Figure 5-2 is another depiction of triple-loop learning, or

learning that transpires from multi-stakeholder collaborative processes and

results in changes in context (Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007a).

Additionally, social learning has been described as a multi-scale process,

occurring at short to medium, medium to long, and long term time scales, which

correspond to different levels of interaction: the micro, meso, and macro (Pahl-

Wostl et al. 2007a). “The three levels are interdependent, and multilevel change

is assumed to proceed in an iterative and not necessarily sequential fashion via

second-order feedback” (Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007a, p.5). The research presented

here examines the extent to which single, double, and triple-loop learning, linking

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context, process, and outcomes at the micro, meso, and macro scales are taking

place within the Oregon context.

Social Learning in Oregon

Single, Double, and Triple-Loop Learning

Multi-stakeholder processes aimed at watershed management regularly

take place around the State of Oregon in the form of watershed council meetings.

Depending on the council, meetings take place either monthly or bi-monthly.

Observations of several different councils’ meetings over a period of more than

two years and analyses of meeting agendas and minutes demonstrate that single

and double-loop learning occurs at almost all meetings. Meetings typically

consist of conversations surrounding management projects and plans.

Discussions regarding dam removal, fish screening, and planting of riparian

vegetation are examples of single-loop learning aimed at improving water quality

and quantity, as well as habitat for native fish and other aquatic species. During

these meetings trust building also occurs, as diverse interests, such as farmers,

ranchers, fish biologists, industry professionals, environmentalists, and tribal

members, wrestle over what the goals and priorities of management should be;

this represents double-loop learning. Figure 5-2 depicts the process that occurs

at these types of multi-stakeholder meetings.

Triple-loop learning has also occurred in Oregon, in a variety of ways.

First, the institutionalization of the watershed council model and the creation of

the Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board (OWEB) as described in Chapter 3,

are examples of triple-loop learning. Also, the creation of the Special Investment

Partnerships in response to efforts and suggestions made by one of the local

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watershed councils is another example of triple-loop learning (elaborated on in

Chapter 4). Amendments to Oregon water law, allowing for the leasing and

selling of water rights for instream purposes is yet another example. All of these

examples illustrate that the governance structure and context in which these

multi-stakeholder processes occur is indeed being modified as a result of

feedback.

Micro, Meso, and Macro Level Social Learning

These learning processes are also taking place at different levels and

different scales (Figure 5-3). Watershed councils are operating at the micro

scale, in short to medium time frames. Councils meet regularly, monthly or

bimonthly, and there are relatively short feedback loops, mostly operating at the

level of single and double-loop learning. Collaborative processes occur, aimed at

designing plans and strategies for improving watershed health. Projects are

completed, typically within a fiscal year time frame. Actions and behaviors are

adapted to improve future outcomes, communication continues, trust is built, and

hence single and double-loop learning take place.

The Special Investment Partnerships (SIPs) operate at the meso scales,

in medium to long-term time frames. Partners work together on a suite of

interrelated projects at the basin scale, and receive funding for at least a

biennium but more often for much longer, such as a decade under the Bonneville

Environmental Foundation’s (BEF) Model Watershed Program. Projects, which

represent actions, and hence single-loop learning (Figure 5-1), are still largely

carried out at the micro scale by the individual partners, but regular meetings and

communication between the partners to establish trust and adapt the overall

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strategies and goals of management represent double-loop learning at the meso

scale. Additionally, regular feedback, in the form of reporting to OWEB,

represents triple-loop learning, as OWEB adapts and modifies its own funding

strategies as a result of that feedback (Figure 5-2).

OWEB, The Oregon Plan, and Oregon Water Law function at the macro

scale, in longer-term time frames. These statewide governance institutions and

policies provide the context for the meso and micro scale processes, such as the

SIPs and the watershed councils (Figure 5-2). They are, however, flexible and

responsive to feedback from the meso and micro scales, and therefore represent

triple-loop learning (Figure 5-3).

Another important fact that bears mentioning with regard to the

governance framework of Oregon, is that along with vertical linkages, linking the

state to regional and local institutions, horizontal linkages are also present and

critical to the success of social learning. The Network of Oregon Watershed

Councils (NOWC) was formed in 2004, to promote communication, improve

relationships, and build capacity among watershed councils throughout the state.

Along with the SIPs, this organization is working at the meso level, promoting

both double and triple-loop learning.

Lessons Learned

Social learning, in the form of single, double, and triple-loop learning, is

indeed taking place in Oregon, at the micro, meso, and macro levels. This is

facilitated by the institutionalization and support of collaborative processes at the

state level. However, along with institutionalization, flexibility remains critically

important as well. Watershed councils, which form on their own, without needing

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the approval of the state, are free to determine their own agendas, priorities, and

goals for management. This balance between institutionalization and autonomy

has been identified as an important component in the promotion of social

learning and adaptive collaborative management (ACM) (Gray 1999; Pahl-Wostl

et al. 2007a). It appears as though Oregon might have struck this important

balance.

Another balance important to both social learning and adaptive

collaborative governance appears to have been struck in Oregon as well; “multi-

level governance arrangements that link social actors (vertically and horizontally)

in the pursuit of shared learning” are crucial (Armitage et al. 2009, p.96; Young

2002; Ostrom 2005). Vertical linkages, linking the state to the regional and the

local, need to go hand in hand with horizontal linkages, linking local stakeholders,

groups, and organizations to one another (Armitage et al. 2008; Berkes et al.

2003). This is happening in Oregon, and appears to indeed help facilitate social

learning and ACM. Neither top-down nor bottom-up approaches alone seem to

be sufficient. Instead, what are needed are flexible approaches that promote and

enable both.

Although ACM and social learning are promising approaches for

enhancing management efforts and resolving “wicked problems,” they are by no

means panaceas, and will not be appropriate in all cases (Armitage et al. 2009).

Ultimately, managers need to have many of different tools in their toolboxes.

However, ACM and social learning do provide a framework for how to move

forward, in spite of the complexity and uncertainty, coupled with the difficulties of

navigating multi-stakeholder processes inherent in large-scale ecosystem

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management. The Oregon example described in this research helps demonstrate

how these approaches can be employed, in an effort to create a more

sustainable future for the planet and all the species that depend upon it.

Study Limitations

Perhaps the greatest limitation of this study is that it is subject to the

biases of the researcher. Although every attempt was made to recognize and

acknowledge biases, due to the social construction of knowledge, it is impossible

to completely avoid them. However, the researcher was trained in qualitative and

quantitative methods, recorded all observations and interviews carefully,

analyzed the data according to proper procedures, took great care to be as

objective as possible, and verified the research results with key informants.

Another limitation of this study is that ideally further research would have been

conducted, particularly with regard to the free listing data. As discussed in

Chapter 2, a cultural consensus analysis should be completed to determine if

there is a shared cultural domain surrounding the concept of a watershed. This is

one possible direction for future research. Last but not least, in order to verify the

finding of this research, it would have been helpful to triangulate the results

utilizing additional data collection techniques, such as survey data.

Directions for Future Research

In many ways this study is just the tip of the iceberg. It only begins to

delve into the many topics of interest with regard to adaptive co-management,

collaborative governance, partnership building, framing, social learning, and the

management of large-scale socio-ecological systems. Much work remains to be

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done to unravel and discover better ways to manage resources, aimed at

creating a more sustainable future.

Specifically, this study illuminated several important areas for future

research. First, as previously mentioned, undertaking a cultural consensus

analysis on the free listing data would be very beneficial, to help better

understand if there is a shared cultural domain regarding watersheds. Second,

as originally proposed as a portion of the current research, the free listing and

cultural consensus data could be used to design a cognitive mapping exercise to

further illuminate stakeholder frames with regard to the important components of

watersheds, as well as the management issues and problems that are most

important for stakeholders working in specific watersheds. Additionally, once

developed and tested as a tool for illuminating perspectives and interests,

cognitive mapping could be evaluated as a tool to promote collaboration in multi-

stakeholder processes. This is the next phase of this research, which the

researcher is planning to carry out part of a post-doc.

Third, the role of niche creation and mutualism in successful partnerships

also necessitates further research. A cross-sectional research design, aimed at a

random sample of partnerships, with a survey designed to assess both the

success of the partnerships as well as the role of niche creation and mutualism

within the partnership is a worthwhile endeavor. The current research points to

the importance of these attributes, but further research is necessary to evaluate

the extent to which they are important.

Finally, the State of Oregon continues to adapt its institutions and policies,

aimed at promoting adaptive co-management. Currently, the state is in the

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process of developing and implementing its first statewide integrated water

management strategy. Additionally, based on its experience with the SIPs,

OWEB is in the process of reevaluating its current funding strategies, and further

adapting them to adopt its first “Long-Term Investment Strategy.” The impacts of

these policy changes are worthy of future research.

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Figure 5-1. Multiple-Loop Learning (Adapted from Argyris 1992; Armitage et al. 2008;

Diduck et al. 2005; Groot & Maarleveld 2000; Keen et al. 2005; King & Jiggins 2002)

Multiple-Loop Learning

OutcomesActionsValues &

AssumptionsGovernance

& Policies

Single-Loop Learning

Double-Loop Learning

Triple-Loop Learning

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Figure 5-2. Social Learning in Oregon (Adapted from Bouwen & Taillieu 2004; Craps

2003; Pahl-Wostl 2007a; Pahl-Wostl 2007b)

Outcome

Process

OWEB Oregon PlanOWRDWater Rights

ContextState Institutions & Policies

Collaboration MonitoringRestoration

Partnerships

Environmental

Conditions Social

Learning

Feedback

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Figure 5-3. Micro, Meso, and Macro Level Social Learning Processes in Oregon

(Adapted from Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007a).

Macro Level:Governance and Societal StructureOregon State Institutions and Policies

Meso Level:Special Investment

Partnerships

(SIPs)

Micro Level:Watershed Councils

QuickTime™ and a decompressor

are needed to see t his picture.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Lisa Seales was born in 1976, in Miami, Florida. Her family moved to Eugene,

Oregon, when she was very young. There, she attended a Henry D. Sheldon

International High School and participated in a Spanish immersion program. Half of her

primary and secondary education was in Spanish, which introduced her to Latin

American cultures and perspectives. She graduated from high school in 1994 and went

to both the University of Arizona and the University of Oregon where she earned a

bachelor’s degree in geography and environmental studies in 1998. Upon graduation,

she did an internship in Ecuador and traveled extensively throughout the U.S., Europe,

Latin America, and the Caribbean. During this time, she also worked for the Bureau of

Land Management as an Interpretive Specialist creating, implementing, and publicizing

natural resource education programs. After years in that position, she took a job as a

Program Director for Nearby Nature, a nonprofit organization, where she continued to

develop and teach natural resource education programming. Her career as an

environmental educator and her travel experiences led her to the University of Florida,

first to pursue a Master of Science in interdisciplinary ecology with a focus in tropical

conservation and development and then to pursue a Doctor of Philosophy in

interdisciplinary ecology with a focus in forest resources and conservation. She will

continue her work as an educator and researcher, helping to identify and teach others

ways to reconcile conservation and development goals in search of a more sustainable

future.