ZOROASTRIAN CIVILIZATION

From the Earliest Times

to the Downfall

Of the Last Zoroastrian Empire

651 AD .

BY

MANECKJ I NUSSERVANJ I DHALLA

NEW YORK

OXFORD UNIVERSITY P RESS f.‘

AMER ICAN BRANC PI : 35 WEST 321m S TR EET

LONDON. TOR‘

ONTO . MELBOURNE. AND BOMBAY

1922

Copy r igh t , 1 922 ,

BY OXFORD UNIVERSITY P RE SS

AMERICAN BRANCH

PR I NTED I N TH E UN I T ED S TATES 0 ! AME R I CA

‘

CIO

SIR DORABJI JAMSHEDJI TATA

HEAD OF THE

HOUSE OF THE TATAS

P IONEE RS OF INDUSTR IAL REGENE RAT ION

IN IND IA

CONTENTS

BIBLIOGRAP HY

ABBREVIAT IONS xxiii

INTRODUCTION xxv

THE P I SHDADIAN PERIOD

From the ea rl iest times to about 2000 B . C .

CHAPTERI . TH E P I SHDADIAN IRAN

The ancient I ranians—Contact with non-Aryan peop les .

I I . TH E DAWN OF CIVILIZATION I N IRAN

Society—A l leged l iterary activities—D iscover ies and ih

ventions—King’ship—Wa rfa re—Architectura l

.

achievementsa scr ibed to the P ishdadians—Feas ts and fes t iva ls—Dres s and

ornaments .

I I I . ANC IENT IRAN IAN V IEW OF LIFE

Life is a ll cheer to the ancient Iranians—Man in re la tion to

h is invis ible benefactors—Man combats his s een and uns eenenemies w ith the help o f higher powers .

THE KIANIAN PERIOD

From about 2000 B . c . to about 700 B . C .

IV . TH E K IAN IAN IRAN

The I ranians flood the Pers ian tableland—Phys ica l cha racteristics o f the peop le .

V . ZARATH USH TRA

The prophet—H is discontent with the socia l and re l igiousorder o f h i s t imes—Prophetic prepa rations—Ha rdships andtr iumph—The end .

VI . ZOROASTR IAN VIEW OF LIFE

Zara thusht ra finds the‘

meeting ground o f the divine andhuman in the hea rt o f man—Ethica l dua l ism o f Za ra thush tra—A l l l ife as a s truggle is the dominant note o f Zoroa s trianism

vii

vm CONTENTSCHAPTER

-Rhys ical imperfections—Socia l . imperfections—Cheerfulopt ImI sm characterrzes Zoroas trIan I sm.

VI I . AVESTAN LITERATURE

Name o f the language and literature o f Ancient I ran—Thep lace o f the Aves tan language in the Indo European groupo f languages—Aves tan A lphabet—The extent o f Aves tanliterature—Aves tan manuscripts—The natu re o f Avestanl iterature—Avestan poetry—Specimens o f Avestan l itera tureSimi les , metaphors , and other notable cha racteris tics—Maxims .

VI I I . K IAN IAN SOCIETY

Society divided on racia l bas is—Society divided on rel igiousba sis -Soc1ety divided on profes siona l ba s is—Socia l po l ity .

IX . TH E FAM ILY

The Zoroastrian type o f the fami ly—The fami ly centres inthe hea rth—The fami ly thrives under divine p rotectionPa rents—Chi ldren—Adoption—The fami ly group—Servantsand s laves .

X . WOMAN AND MARR IAGE

Woman in K ianian Iran—Idea l o f I ran ian womanhood—TheIranian view of marr iage—Form o f ma rriage—Avers ion to

marrying outs ide the Mazdian pa le—The proper age f or ma rriage—Marriages a rranged by pa rents or contracted by the

mutua l consent o f the coup le—The wedded l ife—C hi ldren bornin wedlock—The wedding hymn .

XI . EDUCATION

The rel igious ba s is o f education—Va lue o f educa tion—Theteacher and his pupi l s—The qua l ifications o f a teacher—Themethod o f teaching—The subj ects o f teaching—The time o f

s tudy—Educat ion o f women—Schools .

X I I . K INGSH I P

The tit les o f a sovereign—The oflice o f the king is hereditary-Corona tion—The s tatus o f the king—The king and the

peop le—The king in re lation to the Chiefs o f the countryThe roya l court—The court forma l ities—Envoys and ambas sadors—Roya l gi fts .

X I I I . LAw AND JUSTICE

O rigin o f law—Nature o f law—Adminis trators o f jus ticeQua l ifications o f a judge—Places o f jus tice—Lega l p rocedure—The interpreters o f law—Law o f evidence—Law o f property—Seques tra tion and confiscation—Loa n and interes t—OathApp l ications o f oath—The binding nature o f an oath—Se lfimprecatory oaths—Oaths taken upon divine beings , persons ,and obj ects—Ceremonia l rites to s trengthen the va l idity o f an

oath—Ordea ls—O rdea l code—Use o f ordea ls—C la s s ification

PAGE

CONTENTSCHAPTER

o f ordea ls—O rdea l by fi re—O rdea l by mo lten meta l—Miscellaneous tes ts—Rel igious bas is o f the ordea l—Regulat ions aboutthe conduct o f ordea ls —Crimes and punishment—Clas s ification o f crimes—The nature o f punishment—Crimes aga ins tmora l ity—Adultery and pros titution—Abortion—Unna tura lcrime—Crimes aga ins t property—Inviolabi l ity o f contractsForms o f contract—Punishment f or the breach o f contractTheft and robbe ry—A s saul ts—Every repet it ion o f a crime ismet w ith a heavier pun ishment—C rimes aga ins t publ ic hea l thDefilement and uncleanlines s w C rimes aga ins t anima l s—P ena lty for crue lty to anima l s .

XIV PR IEST AND PR IESTHOOD

The s tatus o f the priests in I ranian society—Heredita ry suc

ces s ion becomes the rule o f pries thood—Graded ranks of

the priests—The ir qua lifications—Their functions —Mean s o f

their livelihood;Implements and utens i ls in use o f the pries ts .

WARRIORS AND WARFAREGreatnes s o f the profes s ion o f the wa rriors—The nation a s

the empire’

s army—D ivine a id invoked in wa r—Astrologersconsulted to predict the resu lt o f the war—Causes that ledto wa r—Weapons o f wa r—Defens ive a rms—Cha riots—Flagsand banners—The p laying o f va rious ins truments , an aecompaniment o f a ll warl ike movements—Food and equipmentThe army—M i l ita ry discip l ine—Payments and gi fts to thea rmy—Scouts and watchmen—Single comba ts genera l ly pre

ceded mass a ttack—Treatment a l lotted to the vanquishedenemy.

XVI . AGR ICULTURISTS AND AGR ICULTURE

Excel lence o f husbandry—Fa rming agencies—C leans ing the

land before ti l l ing—Agr icu ltur is ts invoke divine he lp—Thek ind o f crops grown by the fa rmers—Agricultura l imp lements—Agriculture depended upon irrigation—Catt le-fa rming .

XVI-I . ARTISANS AND ART

Manufacturers—Roya l a rt.

XVI I I . ARCH ITECTURE

Structura l art—Temp le bui ldings—Mortuary s tructures—Fortifications .

X IX . PHYS IC IANS AND SURGEONS

Causes o f diseases—D iseases bel ieved to have been causedby supernatura l phenomena cured by the recita l o f spe l ls andincantations—Phys ica l a i lments cured by drugs or by surgi ca lopera tions—The qua lificat idns o f a doctor- Profes s iona l discip l ine—The sca le o f fees tobe pa id to phys icians—Veterina rysurgeons .

ix

PAGE

X CONTENTSCHAPTER

SAN ITATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH

Extreme rega rd f or clean l ines s—The defi lement caused by thedead—The disposa l o f the dead—The cleans ing of the earthdefiled by the dead—The manner o f giving purification to the

wa ters po l luted by the dead matter—Treatment o f clothes tha thave come in contact w ith the dead—The proces s o f cleans ingdefi led utens i ls—Impurity and wood f or the fire —The methodo f cleans ing va rious obj ects defi led by the dead—Precautiona rymeasures tobe taken by one who is defil

'

ed by the dead inthe w i ldernes s—Sanita ry injunctions f or the corpse-bea rersCeremonia l ablutions f or a man defiled by the dead- Segregat ion o f a person defiled by the dead—The rewa rd o f the

cleanser.

XX I . COMMERCE

Commercia l activItIes—Weights he s tanda rd o f measurements—Mea sures o f distance—Lmeal measures—The systemo f numeration—QuantItative va lues .

XX I I . CALENDAR

Seasona l divis ions—The year—The month—The day—The

Kianians had no fixed era

XX I I I . DRES S AND ORNAMENTS

Sacred garments—O rdina ry garments—S ignificance o f gar

ments o f d ie rent co lours—O rnaments .

XX IV . DOMESTIC AN IMALS

C las ses of anima ls—Ca tt le—The rea ring o f cattle- The dogThe importance o f the dog

—The die rent kinds of dogs—Thedog as the sacred anima l—H is work—Qua lities o f dogsFeeding the dogs—The care o f the dogs—The breeding o f

the dogs—Pena lty f or the i ll-treatment o f dogs—The home—H is work among the ce lest ia l beings—H is services uponea rth—The came l—The chief pack anima l o f Iran—The e le

phant—The roya l anima l—The cock—The hera ld o f dawnNoxious creatures—Merit o f extirpating noxious creaturesthat injure the living .

XXV. FOOD AND DRINK

Eating and fas ting—The da i ly fare o f the peop le—The mannero f eat ing—The use of w ine in Ancient Iran.

XXVI . FEASTS AND FEST IVALS

Festive occas ions—The sea sona l festiva l s—The festiva l o f

M ithra—The fea sts o f the dead—Fea s t o f the fire—The fes tiva l o i waters .

XXVI I . AMUSEMENTS

The re l ig ious jus tifica tion.

o f amu sements—Hunting wa s the

ch e f roya l pa stIme—Mus Ic and dancing—Games and sports .

CONTENTSCHAPTERXXVI I I . DIVINATION AND SORCERY

The art o f divination enjoyed a great vogue in Iran—Sorceryis vigorous ly denounced.

THE MEDIAN PERIOD

From 708 B . C . to 558 B . C .

XXIX . TH E MEDES

The early A ryans o f.

Wes tern I ran—Their racia l characteris tics—The Median lu ng and h is court—Warfare—Dres s andornaments—Food and drink—Luxury—Art and architecture .

THE ACHAEMENIAN PERIOD.

From 558 B . C . to 330 B . C .

XXX . TH E .ACH AEMEN IAN S

The Pers ians o f Pars—Diverse civi l iza tions met in AchaemenIan P ers Ia—rTheI r phys Ique—TheI r raCIa l characterI stIcs .

XXX I . LITERATURE

The Achaemenians were not engros sed with inte l lectua l pu rsuits .

XXXI I . SOCIETY

Socia l divis ions—The fami ly—The pos ItIon of womenMa rriage—Socia l customs—S laves and eunuchs .

XXXI I I . EDUCATION

A im o f education—Period o f education—The place o f ins truc

t ions—Mora l and inte l lectua l educati on—P hy s Ica l tra inIng.

XXXIV . K INGSH IP

The king—The power o f the k ing—The k ing in publ ic l ifeThe roya l court—The king in priva te l ife—The roya lhouseho ld.

XXXV . ADM IN ISTRAT ION

The satrapies—Coinage—Posts and couriers—Law and Justice.

XXXVI . WARFAREThe warrior s p rofes s ion—D ivine a id wa s a lways invokedbefore setting out on an expedition—Gather ing the s inews of

war—The a rmy—On to the field—Arms and a rmour—The warchar iot

'

s n -The camp—The fleet—The nava l fight—The treat

ment of the vanquished.

xi

x II CONTENTSCH APTER

XXXVI I . ART AND ARCH ITECTURE

Architectura l rema ins—The roya l architecture—The pa lacesThe roya l tombs—CuneI form inscriptions—The glyptic a rt .

XXXVI I I . DRESS AND ORNAMENTS

Dres s—Ornaments .

I

XXX IX . FOOD AND DRINK

Food—Drink.

XL . AMUSEMENTS

D ivers ions and sports—The chase.

THE PERIOD OF STAGNATION

From 330 B . C . to 2 25 A . D .

XLI . ZOROASTRIAN CIVILIZAT ION ARRESTED

Under the foreign yoke—Contact with foreign movementsdun ng the perIod o f subj ection—The Avestan '

and Old Pers ianlanguages supp lantedby the Pah lavi .

THE SASANIAN PERIOD

From 2 26 A . D . to 65 1 A . D .

XLI I . TH E SASAN IAN S

The resuscitation o f Zoroa strian Emp ire—Their characteristics—The Sasanians in then Intercourse WIth the CIVIhzed

peop les o f their time.

XLI I I . PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE

The Pahlavi language—Pahlavi manuscripts—The nature o f

Pahlavi literaturebP azand or Pa rs i—Pahlavi inscriptionsSpecimens of Pahlavi , P azand l iterature—Simi les , metaphors ,and other notable characteristics .

XLIV . SOC IETY

Socia l divisions .

XLV . TH E FAM ILY

Parents and chi ldren—Adoption.

XLVI . WOMAN AND MARRIAGE

Woman—Ma rr iage—Forms o f ma rriage—A.

wedding ceremony—M ixed ma rr iages looked upon a s detrImenta l to soc1al

solidarity.

CONTENTS

CHAPTERXLVI I . EDUCAT ION

The va lue o f educa tion—Preceptors and the ir discip lesThe teaching.

XLVI I I . K INGSH I P

The tit les o f the k ing—The law o f succes s ion—The power o f

the k ing—The ethics o f kings—The roya l court—The king inpubl ic—LThe king in private l ife—The roya l ha rem.

XLIX . ADMIN ISTRATION

O rganization o f the empire—The revenue sys tem—CoinageRoads and pos t

-houses .

L . LAW AND JUST ICE

The nature o f Sa sanian legis lation—The j udges—W itnes se sThe law o f inher itance—Adoption on civic ba s is—Oaths—Themethod o f adminis ter ing oaths—Ordea l s—The c la s s ifica t iono f crimes—Re l igious o ff ences—Mora l wrongs—Cr imina loff ences and their punishments .

LI . PR IESTS AND PR IESTHOOD

Pries t ly des ignations—The p lace o f the pr ies thood among theSasan ians—Qua lifications o f a pries t—Their work—The meanso f their live l ihood.

LI I . WARFAREThe profes s ion of a rms—The troops and their ofii cers—Thefootmen,

hor s emen,char ioteers . and the e lephant corps

The method o f bes ieging fortified towns—The fighting—Truceand treaty—Treatment a l lot ted to the vanquished enemyThe empire without a powerfu l fleet .

LII I . ART AND ARCH ITECTURE

Their reviva l—The pa laces—Bas -re l iefs—Fine arts .

LIV . MEDICINE AND PUBLIC H EALTH

Demoniac origin of diseases las s ification o f diseases—Phys ica l cures—P ro fes s Iona l qua lIfica tIons—Remunera tion o f the

med Ical practItioners—Sanitation.

LV . COMMERCE

The Sasanians were not a commercia l race—The S a sanian cur

rency—WeIghts—Measures of di s tance—LInea l and quanti ta

tIve measures .

LV I . CALENDAR

The Pahlavi work s upon the ca lenda r—The s ea sons—Theyea r—The month—The day .

xiii

x iv CONTENTSCH APTER PAGE

LVI I . DRES S AND ORNAMENTS

Dres s—Ornaments .

LVI I I . DOMESTIC AN IMALS

The catt le—The dog—The horse—The elephant—The birds .

LIX . FOOD AND DRINK

The chief art icles o f diet—The u se o f wine .

LX . FEASTS AND FESTIVALS

Occasions f or festivities .

LX I . AMUSEMENTS

The outdoor games—Kings , nobles , and wa rrior s much givento chase—The indoor games—MuSIc.

LX I I . D IVINATION AND SORCERY

Diviners and magicians .

LX I I I . CON CLUSION

INDEX

BIBLIOGRA P HY

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Bulsara . Bombay, 1 9 1 5 .

Aiyadgar-i Zar iran . Trans lated from the Pahlavi textby J . J .

Mod i . Bombay, 1 899 .

Albiruni . The Chronology of Ancient Nations . Trans latedbyEdward Sachau . London , 1 879 .

Andarz-i Atarpat-i Maraspand . The Pahlavi text , edited and

trans lated by P eshutan Da stur Behramj i Sanjana . Bombay,1 885 .

Andarz-i Khus ru-i Kavatan . The Pahlavi text , edited and

trans lated by P eshutan Dastur Behramj i Sanjana . Bombay,1 885 .

Aogemadaecha . The P azand and Sanskr it texts , edited and

trans lated into German by W i lhelm Geiger . Erlangen,

1 878.

Aogemadaecha . Trans lated into Engl ish by James Darmesteter .

In S acred Books of the Eas t, vol . 4, s econd edit ion .

Arda Vira f . The Pahlavi text, ed ited and translated byHoshann Jamaspj i Asa , Martin Haug and E . W . West .

Bombay, 1 872 .

Aves ta . The Sacred Books of the Pars is . Edited by Kar l F .

Geldner . S tuttgart, 1 885-1 896 . (For the Avestan Frag

ments see N . L . Westergaard’

s Z endaves ta , Copenhagen ,

1 852

Aves ta . Trans lated into French by C . de Harlez . Avesta .

Livre sacre du Zoroastrisme . Paris , 1 88 1 .

Avesta . Trans lated into French by James Darmesteter . Le

Zend-Avesta . 3 vol s . Pa ris , 1 892 , 1 893. (Anna les da

Mus é e Gu imot,vols . 2 1 , 22 ,

Aves ta . Trans lated into Engl ish by James Darmesteter and

L . H . M i l ls . In S acred Books of the Eas t, vols . 4, 23, 31 .

xvi BIBLIOGRAP HY

Aves ta . Trans lated into German by Fritz Wol ff . S tras sburg,1 9 1 0. [For the German trans lat ion of the Gathas see Christ ian Bartholomae ’

s D ie Ga tha’

s des Aves ta,Stra s sburg, 1 905 .

See a lso the Eng l ish rendering of Ba rtholomae ’

s Germantrans lation in Early Z oroas triarnism

,by J . H . Moulton,

Lon

don,

Aves ta , P ah lavi , and Ancient P ers ian S tud ies in Honour of

the late Shams -u ] U lama D a s tur P es 'hotan Behramj iSanjana . S tras sburg

,1 904.

Bahman Ya sht . Tran s lated from the Pah lavi text by E . W .

West . In S acred Books of the Eas t, vol . 5 .

Bartholomae, Ch r is t ian . Altiran isches Worterbuch . Stra s s

burg, 1 904 .

Ben jamin, S . G . W . Pers ia . London .

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,1 893.

Boklen , E . Die Verwandtscha ft der j iidisch—christ l ichen mit der

pars is chen Eschatologie . GOttingen ,1 902 .

B rowne, E . G . A Literary H istory of Pers ia , vol . I . New

York,1 902 .

Bu ch , M . A . Zoroastrian Ethics . Ba roda , 1 9 1 9 .

Bundah ishn . Trans lated from the Pahlavi text by E . W . West .

In S acred Books of the Eas t, vol . 5 .

Bundah ishn . An Untrans lated Chapter o f the Bundehesh .

Edited and trans lated by J ivan ij Jamshedj i Mod i , in J ournal of the Bombay Branch of the Roya l As ia tic S ociety .

Bombay,1 902 .

Cama Memorial Vo lume . Ed ited by J . J . Modi . Bombay, 1 900

Ca rt er, George W ill iam. Zoroastriani sm and Juda ism . Boston .

Casart ell i, L . C . The Philosophy o f the Mazdaya snian Religionunder the Sas san ids . Trans lated from the French by Firoz

Jama spj i Jamasp Asa . Bombay,

Chesyne, T . K . Book of Ps a lms , its origin , and its relat ion to

Zoroa strianism . In S emitic S tudies in Memory of Rev. Dr .

A . Kohu t. Berl in ,1 897 .

Ch r i s ten s en , Arthur. L’

Empire des Sa sanides . Kobenhavn ,

1 907 .Trans lated from the French by G . K. Nariman in

BIBLIOGRAP HY xvii

Journa l of the I ran ian As sociation, vol . 7 , no . I o—vol. 9 ,

no . 4. Bombay, 1 9 1 9 , 1 920.

Ctes ias . The Fragments of the P ers ika of Ktes ia s , ed . JohnGilmore . London, 1 888.

Cumont , Franz . The Mys teries of M ithra . Trans lated from

the French by T . J . McCormack . Ch icago , 1 903.

Curzon, G . N . Pers ia and the Pers ian Question , 2 vols . Lon

don, 1 892 .

Dadis tam—i D in ik . Trans lated from the Pahlavi textby E . W .

West . In S acred Books of the Eas t, vol . 1 8.

De lattre , A . Le Peuple et L’

Empire des Medes . Bruscelles ,

1 883.

Dha l la , M. N . Zoroas trian Theology . New York, 1 9 1 4.

D ieu la foy, Marce l A . L’

Art Antique de la Pers e . 5 vols . Pa ris ,1 884

- 1 885 .

Dinkard . Books 3-9 . Ed ited and trans lated from the Pahlavi

text by P eshutan and Darab Saujana . Vols . 1 -1 6 . Bombay,1 874

-1 9 1 7 .

Firdaus i . Le Livre des Rois , traduit et commente par Jules

Mohl . 7 vols . Pa ris , 1 876-1 878.

F i rdaus i . Trans lated into Engl ish by A . G . Wa rner and E;Wa rner. Vols . 1 -7 . London , 1 905

-1 9 1 2 .

Fland in , E . N ., and Cos te , X . P . Voyage en Perse . 8 vols .

Pa ris , 1 843-1 854. (Relation du Voyage, 2 vols .;Perse

Ancienne, texte, 1 vol ., p lanches , 4 vols .;Perse Moderne,

1 vol . )F luege l , M . The Zend-Avesta and Eas tern Rel igions . Ba lti

more, 1 898.

Ganj-i Shay igan . The Pahlavi text, edited and trans lated by

P eshutan Das tur Behramj i Sanjana . Bombay , 1 885 .

Geige r, W i lhelm. Osti rani sche Kultur im A ltertum . Erlangen,

1 882 . Trans lated from the Ge rman by Da rab Das tur Peshutan Sau jana . 2 vols . London, 1 885 , 1 886 .

Geldner, Karl . Uber die Metrik des Jungern Aves ta . Tubingen,

1 877 .

G ibbon , Edward. The Decline and Fall o f the Roman Empire .

London .

xviii BIBLIOGRAP HY

Gobineau , Comte de . His toi re Des Pers es . 2 vols . Pa ris , 1869 .

Hadokht Nask . The Pahlavi text, edited and trans lated byHoshangj i Jama spj i Asa , Ma rt in Haug, and E . W . West .

Bombay, 1 872 .

Haug, Mart in. Es says on

[

the Sacred Language, Writ ings , andRel igion of the Pars is . 3d ed . Edited and enla rged byE . W . Wes t, London, 1 884.

Henry , Vi ctor. Le Pa rs isme . Pa ris,1 905 .

Herz feld , E rns t . Am Tor von As ien . Berl in, 1 920.

Hofl'

mann , Geo rg. Auszuge aus Syris chen Akten Pers ischerMartyrer . Leipzig, 1 880.

Hoshang Memoria l Volume . By va rious scholars . Bombay,1 9 1 8.

Hovelacque , A . L’

Avesta , Zoroaster et le Mazda isme . Paris ,1 880 .

Hyde, Thoma s . Historia Religionis veterumPersa rumeorumque

Magorum. Oxford , 1 700.

Jack son, A . V . W i lliams . Zoroaster, the Prophet of Anc ientI ran . New York , 1 899 .

Ja ck son, A . V . W i l l iams . Die I ranische Rel igion . In Grundris s

der I ranis chen P hilologie, vol . 2, pp . 6 1 2 -708. Stra ssburg ,

1 896-1 904.

Jack son, A. V . W i l l iams . Pers ia Past and Present . New York ,1 906 .

Jack son,A. V . W i l l iams . Early Pers ian Poetry. New York ,1 920.

Jamaspi . Edited and trans lated from the Pahlavi-P azand texts

by J . J . Modi . Bombay, 1 903.

J ams etjee J ej eebhoy Madre s s a Jubi lee Volume . Edited by

J . J . Modi . Bombay, 1 9 1 4.

Jus t i, Ferdinand . Geschichte I rans von den Altesten Ze itenbiszum Au sgang der Sasan iden . In Grundris s der I ranis chen

P hilologie, 2 , 395-550. Stras sburg, 1 896

- 1 904.

Justi , Ferd inand . Empire of the Pers ians . In H is tory of All

Na tions , vol . 2 . Philadelphia and New York, 1 905 .

Jus t i , Ferd inand. I ran isches Namenbuch . Ma rburg, 1 89 5.

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

BIBLIOGRAP HY

Mirkhond . Memoires sur Diverses Antiqu ites de la Perse .

Trans lated by S i lves tre de S acy . Pa ris,1 793.

Mirkhond . His tory o f the Early Kings of Pers ia . Trans latedby David Shea . London,

1 832 .

Mod i , J . J . Educat ion Ambng the An cient I ranians . Bombay,1 905 .

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N irangas tan . Trans lated f rom the Avesta-Pahlavi text by S . J .

Bulsara,1 9 1 5 .

Noldek e, Th . Au f satze zur Pers ischen Geschichte . Leipz 1g,

1 887 .

P errot , G . , and Ch ip iez , C . Histoi re de l ’Art dans I ’Antiquite,vol . 5, Pers e , etc .

,Pa ris , 1 890. (Eng. vers ion ) . History of

Art in Pers ia . New York, 1 892 .

P ettazzoni, R . La Rel igione di Zara thustra . Bologna,1 920.

P hyth ian-Adams , W . J . Mithra ism . London, 1 9 1 5.

P i thawa l la, M . B . Steps to Prophet Zoroa s ter . Poona , 1 9 1 6 .

P ras ek , Jus t in V . Geschichte der Meder und Perser . 2 vols .

Gotha ,1 906 .

Ragoz in, Z . A . Media . New York, 1 888.

Rapp , A . The Rel igion and Customs of the Pers ians and otherI ranians , a s des cribed by the Grecian and Roman Authors .

Trans lated from the German by K . R . Cama . Bombay, 1 876

1 879 .

Raw l inson , George . The Five Great Monarch ies of the AncientEa stern World , Cha ldea ,

As syria ,Babylon

,Media , and

Pers ia . 4 vols . London ,1 862 - 1 867 .

BIBLIOGRAP HY xxi

Raw l ins on , George . The S ixth Great Orienta l Mona rchy . Lon

don,1 873.

Raw linson, George . The Seventh Great O rienta l Mona rchy .

London , 1 876 .

Raw l ins on, George . Pa rthia . London , 1 894.

Reutersk iold , Edga r. Za ra thus tras . Uppsa la ,1 9 1 4.

R ind torfi'

, E. Die Rel igion des Zarathushtra . Weima r,1 897 .

Sachau , E dwa rd . See Albiruni .Sad Dar . Trans la ted from the Pahlavi-P azand text by E . W .

Wes t . In S acred Books of the Ea s t, vol . 24.

S au jana , Darab P . Zarathushtra in the C athas and the Greekand Roman Cla s s ics . Trans lated from the German of

Geiger and 'Windischmann . Le ipz ig, 1 897 .

Sanj ana , Ra s tamj i E . Zarathushtra and Za rathushtrian ism in

the Aves ta . Leipz ig, 1 906 .

Sarre , Friedr ich and Harz feld, E rns t . I ran ische Fels rel ie fs .

Berlin ,1 9 1 0.

S chef te lowi tz , J . D ie Afltpers ische Rel igion und da s Judentum .

Geis sen, 1 920.

Sh ah Namah . See Firdaus i;

Shatroiha-i A i ran . Trans lated from the Pahlav i text by J ivan j i

Jamshedj i Modi . Bombay, 1 899 .

Shaya s t la Shayas t . Trans lated from the Pahlavi text by E . W .

West . In S acred Books of the Eas t, vol . 5 .

Shea , Davi d . See Mirkhond .

Sh ikand Gumanik V I j ar . Trans lated from the Pahlavi-P azand

text by E . W . Wes t . In S acred Books of the Eas t, vol . 24.

S i lves t re de Sa cy . See Mirkhond .

Spiegel , Fr . Eranische Alterthumskunde . 3 vols . Le ipzig,

Spiege l , Fr . Die Ari sche Periode . Le ipzig , 1 88 1 .

Sp iegel Memor ia l Volume . Edited by J ivanj i Jamshed Modi .

Bombay, 1 908 .

S tave, E . Ueber den E infius s des Pa rs ismus au f das Judentum .

Haarlem , 1 898 .

S tolze , F ., and And re a s , F . C . Persepol is . 2 vols . Berl in ,1 882 .

xxii B IBLIOGRAPHY

Sykes , P . M. A His tory o f Pers ia . 2 vols . London ,1 9 1 5 .

Tabari , al Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit derSasaniden, aus der Arabischen Chronik des Tabari , von

Theodor Noldeke . Leiden, 1 879 .

Thaal ibi, a l His toire des Rois des Perses . Texte Arabe publ ieet traduit par H . Zotenberg. Pa ri s , 1 900.

T iele, C . P . The Rel igion o f the I ranian Peoples . Trans latedf rom the German by G . K . Na riman . Pa rt 1 , Bombay, 1 9 1 2 .

A cons iderable portion of Part 2 in Asha,vol . Nos . 1 , 2 , 6 ,

7 , 9- 1 2

,Karachi , 1 9 1 0,

1 9 1 1 .

Tolman , H . C . Ancient Pers ian Lexicon . Nashville, 1 908.

Unvala , J . M. The Pahlavi text King Hus rav and hisboy .

’

Pa ris .

W-ei s sbach, F. H . D‘

ie Ke i l inschri ften der Achameniden . Le ipzig

,1 9 1 1 .

W es t , E . W . Pahlavi Literature . In Grundris s der I ranis chen

P hi lologie, 2 . 75- 1 29 , Strassburg, 1 896

—1 904.

W igram, W . A . The As syrian Church . London , 1 9 1 0.

Yakut . D ictionna i re gé ograph ique, historique , et littera ire de laPerse , extra it du Modjem el-Bouldan de Yaquot, par C . Bar

bier de Meynard . Pa ris , 1 86 1 .

ABBREV IATIONS

Aerpatis tan .

Af ringan-i Gahanba r .

Altiranisches Worterbuch (Bartholomae) .

Anda rz-i Atarpat-i Maraspand .

Andarz-i Khus ru-i Kavatan.

Aogemadaecha .

inscriptions of Artaxerxes at Persepo l is .

Avesta .

Arda Virat.Bundahishn.

Behistan.

book.

Pahlavi Bahman Yasht.(conf er) , compare.

inscriptions of Darius on Mt . A lvand (E lvend) ,near Hamadan .

inscriptions o f Darius at Persepol is .

Dadistan-i Denik .

Dinkard .

edition o f , edited by.

English.

Epist les o f Manushchihr.

Encyclopaedia o f Re ligion and Ethics (Has tings ) .

Gah .

Grundris s der Iranischen Phi lologie.

Ganj -i Shayigan.

Guj arati .Haj iabad.

Hadokht Nask.

( id es t) , that is .

(ibidem) , in the s ame work .

Inscription.

introduction .

I sa iah.

Journa l A s iatique .

Journa l of the I ranian As sociation.

Journa l of the Roya l As iatic Society .

Ka rname-i Artakhshir-i Papakan.

Menuk-i Khrat .inscriptions o f Da rius at Naksh-i Rus tam.

xxm

ABBREVIATIONS

Nirangistan .

Nya ish .

(opus ci ta tum) , the work previous ly cited.

Pers ian .

Pahlavi .Patit.Rivayat .

Sacred Books o f the Ea st .

S ad Dar .

Sh ikand Guman ik Vi j a l‘.Shah Namah.

Sanskrit.Shaya st-la-Shaya s t.

S irozah .

Tahmura s Fragment.trans lated by

,trans lation o f .

Vendidad.

vo lume.

Vi sperad .

Westergaard Fragment .

inscriptions o f Xerxes a t Persepol is .

Yasna .

Ya sht .Aiyadgar-i Zariran .

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischensellscha f t .

Zatsparam.

4'

INTRODUCT ION

S cope of the w ork . Zoroastrian Pers ia has fi l led the greates t

number of pages in the anc ient hi story o f the Ea st , and has madea name that w il l l ive a s long a s time endures . The mighty em

p i res o f the anc ient Pers ians covered a vast portion o f AhuraMazda ’

s earth and included near ly a ll c ivi l ized na tions . Th ree

thousand yea rs and more be fore the present day Zarathu shtra ,

the prophet of Pers ia preached h is excel lent re ligion which has

so greatly enriched the rel igious thought of the wor ld , and ,ac

cord ing to the consensu s o f Opin ion o f B ib l ica l scho la rs , ha s influenced , in their making, three of the great world rel igions , Judaism,

Chris tian ity and Mohammedanism . M ithra ism and

Manichaeism , off shoots of Zoroa strian ism , penetrated into Euro

pean terr itory , and have left evidences of their influence in the

ru ins of temples and in sacred l iterature . The civil izations of

the East and the West met in Pers ia for the firs t t ime in historyunder the Pa rs i kings of the Achaemenian dynas ty . Zoroas trian

Pers ia played the pa rt of intermed ia ry between East and West

for severa l centur ies , and her people enjoyed an importance qu ite

un ique in the world’

s h is tory,f rom about 1 000 B c to the seventh

century A . D. ,when the i r vast empire van ished .

S ince Anquetil du Perron discovered Ancient I ran to the

wes tern world in 1 77 1 , and Groten f end and Rawlinson laterresurrected the Ancient Pers ian Cune i form Inscriptions , Iran ians tud ies have made great s trides . The interpreta t ion o f Aves tanand Pahlav i writings , and the a rchaeologica l exp lorations in the

ruins o f ancient monuments in Pers ia have occa s ioned an i l lu

minating l iterature dea l ing w ith the var ious cultura l periods of

I ranian history . The present work, prepa red on the l ines o f my

previous book, Z oroas trian Theology, attempts to present in a

concise form,within the covers o f a s ingle volume

,the h istory o f

Zoroa strian C iv il izat ion as a whole;that is , from the beginn ingof the fi rs t preh istoric P ishdad ian dyna sty to the downfa l l of thelast Zoroastrian Empire .

Arrangement . Zoroastrian Civ i l iza tion in Ancient Iran followed the fortunes of I ranian sovere ignty and I have there fore

X X V

xxvi INTRODUCT ION

named the di ff erent periods of the c ivil izat ion a fter the va rious

dynas ties that have ruled over the country f rom the ea rl iest t imesto the pas s ing away of the last Zoroastr ian Emp i re . These are

I'

. The P ishdadian Period , 2 . The K ian ian Period , 3. The Me

dian Period , 4 . The Achaemen ian Period , 5 . The Period of

Stagnat ion ,6 . The Sa sanian (Period . I have endeavored to -co

ordinate the cultura l movements o f the different ,periods o f

Zoroastrian Civil ization . This , however, is not a lways poss ible .

The cha in of evidence with which we have to dea l is so o ftenbroken

,and the lost l inks are so many , that it is often difficult to

trace the evolution o f cultura l thought s tep by step . We have a

’

notable example in the five centuries intervening between the

overthrow of the Achaemenians and the rise of the Sasan ian

power, which have left so meagre rema ins that we find Firdaus i

d ismis s ing them in less than five pages .

The early Aryan settlers of Pers ia had brought with them the

institut ions o f Indo-Iran ian civi l ization f rom thei r primit ivehome, and developed them in Ea stern Iran during the P ishdadian period . The sources o f in formation on the P ishdadian

period are the Avestan texts , written somet ime at the close of

the second mil lennium B . c . , that is , about three thousand years

a fter the reign of the fi rst P ishdadian king.

This earl iest written trad ition recorded in the Avestan tonguelater pas sed into the Pahlavi works during the Sasan ian period ,and became a source of in formation for F irdaus i , who composedh is immorta l I ran ian ep ic , Shah Namah , in the seventh century ,A . D., that is about four centuries a fter the col lapse of the lastZoroastrian Empi re . In add ition!

to th is written materia l be fore

him , the poet had acces s to the ora l tradit ion preserved in the

f orm of mythica l stories and romant ic ta les and ba l lads in pra iseof heroes and kings . With these sources of information, Firdaus i

undertakes to give a consecut ive account of the P ishdadian kings ,some of whom are sa id to have ruled for five hundred and s even

hundred years,or even longer . The poet begins with the creation ,

and opens his narrative with the l i fe story of the primeva l man .

Myth and history , legend and romance comp letely merge intoone another in his account of this period . Moreover, in describing the civil izat ion o f p rimit ive I ran, he.

often p ictures the l i fe

of the people who l ived some four thousand years be fore him in

the setting of his own t ime, and describe s the culture of the

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xxvii i INTRODUCTION

Hebrew s , Egyptians and Ind ians,brought under Pa rs i sway

,the

inlets of diverse cultures became wide during two centuries and

more of the Achaemen ian rule . The d irect intercourse established between Pers ia and Greece brought the I ran ian and H el

lemic civil izat ions into close touch,until the Pers ian Empire fel l

before A lexander, and thereby the Ea st was for the first timehumbled by the West .

Apart from the Ancient Pers ian Cunei form Inscript ions and

the ruins o f the pa laces and tombs o f the Achaemenian kings,we

have no ind igenous records to te l l u s the story o f the l ife and

achievements of the people of thi s period .

'

We have to turn ,

therefore, for this in formation to the w riters o f Greece,a coun

try with which Archaemenian Pers ia wa s in a state of perennia lwa r fa re.

The influx of new races with new cultures continued duringthe five centuries of a l ien domin ion . I t is diffi cult to penetrate them ists that hang over this period, and to a scerta in the coursewhich Zoroa strian civil ization pursued . I have label led th is , thefi fth period in the a rrangement o f the present work , the Periodof Stagnation .

With the rise of the Sa san ians , Zoroastrian I ran sprang once

more into l i fe, and the emp i re was reconstructed . The las t

Zoroast rian dynasty l i fted the heavy vei l of darknes s that had

enveloped I ran ian civi lization for five centuries , and during its

glorious and eventful l ife o f four hundred yea rs establ ished close

relat ions with two new civil izat ions , the Christian and the Byzan

tine.

The Pahlavi works , the Shah Namah , the Arab, the Pers ian ,

the Armenian and the Syrian w riters of the East , and the Romanhistorians of the West , dea l with the progress o f Zoroa strian

C ivi l izat ion dur ing the Sa san ian , or the las t Period .

Zoroastrian Pers ia ’

s part was now played , and the da rk hour

s truck when she had run her appointed course . The vast human

reservoir in Arabia burs t its banks and engul fed I ran . The last

Zoroastrian EmP ire pas sed away in 65 1 A . D . The I ranian drama

closed , the curta in dropped for the last time, and the actors left

their nat ive stage to wander herea fter f rom place to p lace tel l ing

the sorrowful ta le o f'

their race, once so high in the sca le o f

nations . Zoroas trian Pers ia is dead .

THE P ISHDADIAN P ERIOD

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO ABOUT

ZOROASTRIAN C IVILIZAT ION

CHAPTER I

THE P I SHDADIAN IRAN

The anc ient I ranians . The people who originated Zoro

astrian Civi l ization on the lofty p lateau of Ancient I ran wereAryans . They have been the specia l ly favoured people of AhuraMazda s ince'

the days of thei r progen itor, Gaya Maretan , the

fi rst man who gave ear to his divine precepts .

1 H is succes sorHaoshyangha, we are in formed, gathered the people under his

banner and founded the fi rst I ran ian dynasty, popular ly known

as the P ishdadian. D ivine Glory from Ahura Mazda a l ighted

upon the kings of this dynas ty,2and under thei r rule the Iran ians

la id the foundat ions of the c iv ilizat ion which later centred about

the sublime persona l ity of Zarathushtra .

Airyana Vaej ah , the cradle of the Aryans ,’ probably s ituated

somewhere in the northern s teppes of Turkes tan , was the i r primi

t ive home . I t was the firs t of the lands created by Ahura Mazda .

3

Here it was that Ahura Mazda once sacrificed unto Vayu ,‘ and

in this happy land the creator summoned a joint con ference of

the heavenly ange l s and the bes t of men, under the leadership of

King Yima .

5 In the eventful reign o f thi s i l lustr ious king, we

are informed , mankind , a s we l l as flocks and herds,increa sed so

greatly that A iryana Vaej ah cou ld no longer conta in them . The

pres s ing need o f more room for the growing population occas ioned the first gr eat Iranian m igra tion . Three times did the

i l lustrious king lead h is overflow ing subjects to migrate south

wards , on the way of the sun .

6 Thus , the territory of A iryana

Vaejah wa s cons tant ly increased , and its boundar ies were ex

tended . Not yet , however , were the people destined to devote

Yt . 1 3. 87 . Yt. 1 5 . 2 .

S r. 1 . 9 , 25;2 . 9 , 25;Yt. 18. 7 , 8. Vd . 2 . 2 1 .

Vd . I . 3. Vd . 2 . 9-1 9 .

THE P I SHDADIAN IRAN

themselves unmolested to the peaceful pursuits o f life . AngraMa inyu ,

it s eems , dogged their s teps and contrived to inundatethe i r country with an icy deluge . Ahura Mazda warned Yima of

this coming ca lamity,7 and the shepherd king, fol low ing the divineadvice, retreated be fore the encroaching s torm with h is men, his

flocks and herds , to a temperate clime .

8 The A iryana Vaej ah of

h igh renown ,once clothed with luxuriant vegetation

, wa s now

invaded by the des olation of extreme winter, and became a wildernes s too cold for human hab itation . A iryana Vaejah ,

the earthly

paradise of the I ran ians , was lost ,but its sweet memory couldnot perish , andbards long continued to s ing the g lories of th ishomeland of the Aryans . Sore at heart the in fant race turnedits s teps st il l further to the south , and gave the same loving des

ignation Airyana , or Iran ,to its new home . Th is ancient name,

it is interes ting to note,ha s survived all geograph ica l , racia l , and

pol itica l changes and s ti l l rema ins a s the native name of Pers ia .

Conta ct w ith non-Aryan peop les . Form idable as were the

obs tacles that nature p laced in the way of the young people in

their s ea rch for a habitable home , there were greater hardships

s t i l l in s tore f or them f rom other sources . Bes ides fight ing the

r igours of an inclement cl imate, they had to encounter the stub

born oppos ition of w ild beas ts and races of savage men a long the

way of thei r onward move . However, the youthful vigour o f

these ha rdy people enabled them to overcome all d iff iculties .

They succeeded in vanqui sh ing and ens laving the aborigines,or

driving them from their native places into the h il ls , and p lantingthei r own colon ies in the new ly conquered regions . The non

Aryan savages whom the Aryans had disp laced became their \in

veterate foes , and , part ly to avenge the wrong that the new

comers had done them , and partly f or the purpose of enrich ing

them selves w ithout labour by p lundering their rich settlements ,they f requently poured down in great numbers f rom their moun

ta in homes , p i l laging the pos ses s ions o f the industr ious Iranians ettlers . Kings H aoshyangha and Takhma Urupi a re seen in

vok ing var iou s d iv in ities for he lp in the wars waged aga inst these

aborigina l tribes that devastated the lands of the Iranians .

9 The

latter k ing seems to have infl icted such overwhelm ing de feats

Vd . 2 . 22 -24.

Vd . 2 . 25-38.

Yt . 5. 2 1 -23;9 . 3-5;1 5. 7-9 , 1 1 -13;1 7. 24-26 .

THE P I SHDADIAN IRAN 5

upon these marauding non-I ranian hordes , who a re dubbed the

demons in human form , tha t trad it ion ha s s ty led him the DemonBinder .

’l o

The Aves tan texts refer to va riou s clans o f the Iranians o f

this period . The mos t celebra ted c lan wh ich came to the rescue

of the Aryan race and l ibera ted it f rom the fore ign rule wa sca l led the Athwya .

1 1 Azh i Dahaka , a Sem itic prince , subj uga ted

the Iranians and ruled over them ,it is a l leged? f or a thousand

yea rs . The Aves tan_

work s (depiot him as sacrificing to ArdviSura , the Iran ian genius o f water, in Babylon ia .

1 2 This legend

of rule in I ran probably indicates the first

cla sh of the Iranians w ith some Sem itic tribes . Thraetaona o f

the Athwya clan overthrewdthe usurper,

'

-de l ivered the people whowere chafing under his yoke, and res tored the Kingly Glory o f

the Aryans that had been lost by Yima 1 3 The Shah Namahre fers to the

'

contact of the I ran ians w ith the Arabians . We are

informed that three sons of the Iran ian king Thraetaona ma rr iedth ree daughters of the Arab king of Yaman .

1 4 I t m ightbe notedthat the name of this Arab king, a s given in Pah lavi works , isBukht Khus ru ,1 5 or P a tkhs rob,1 6 which betrays h is Aryan origin

and m ight tempt us to be l ieve that an Aryan ru l ing house hades tabl ished its power over the Arabs at th is ea r ly period . We

a re further told that the Turanians , a s wel l as some Semit ic tr ibes ,came under the Iranian sway . King Thraetaona ,

it is s a id , di

vided his great emp ire during h isfi li f etime be tween his three s ons .

To the e ldes t he gave sove re igntyipver the S em ites o f the Wes t ,

to the second he gave the country o f the Turan ians , and reservedI ran for the younges t .

1 7 Th is is the first re ference to the Tura

nians , who, as we sha l l see later , become the hered ita ry foes o f

the I ranians during the whole period of the second Iranian

dynas ty . The partition o f the empire of the I ranian king amonghis three sons s tarted a grea t fam ily feud in wh ich the a l l iedforces of the S emit ics and Turanians

,under the two I ran ian

ShN. 1 . 1 26 .

Yt . 9 . 13; 1 5. 23;Yt . 5 . 29 .

Yt . 1 9 . 36 .

ShN. 1 . 1 77- 186 .

J ama sp A sana , The day Khordad of the month Fa rvardin commonlycal led Khordads a l in Coma Memoria l Volume, pp . 1 24 ,

1 25 , Bombay , 1 900.

Dk . , vol . 1 3, bk. 7 . intr. 34, p . 1 4;vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 2 . 9 , p . 26 ,27 .

ShN. 1 . 1 89 .

p

6 THE P I SHDADIAN IRAN

princes , fought aga inst the Iranians . The I ranians were vic

torious in this s truggle , and es tabl ished thei r sovere ign power

over the neighbouring non-Aryan races ,but host i l ities w ith theTuranians were f requent unti l the close of the P ishdadian dynasty .

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8 THE DAWN OF C IVILIZATION IN IRAN

king of the P ishdadian dynas ty , a s a l leged , wrote theologica l andmetaphys ical works . The Modern Pers ian vers ion of Kh ishtab,Zared

-

asht A fshar, and Z indah Rud,a ll w r itten at a very late

date, dep ict every one of these pr imit ive k ings a s contribu ting tothe metaphys ica l and phi losophica l d isqu is itionsfl H aoshyangha ,

f or example , is reported to 4have writtenTe

—v—eral books , of which

the mos t ce lebrated wa s Javidana -1 Khirad . Though the firs tman and h is roya l descendants a re thus a l leged to have w r itten

many works , tradition accords Takhma Urupi, the ir succes sor , thehonour of firs t bringing to mankind the know ledge of wr iting,bel ieved to have been in the pos ses s ion of the demons . I t is s a id

that Angra Ma inyu and his (inml f fim pos ses s ed the know ledge of letters . When the fia li ant king Takhma Urup 1 subjugated the Evi l Sp irit and vanquished the demons , he extractedfrom them the knowledge of

‘

seven languages .

3 The Shah Namaha l leges that the tota l number of s cripts which the demons taught

this king to write was thirty, of which s ix at lea st a re expres s lymentioned by name; Thes e a re : Roman

,Arab ic

,Pers ian

,In

dia blavi .4 Under lying this fanta s tic account

of n of languages , canbe detected a gleam )o f regard these l ingu istic demons a s some

S emit ic tribes with whom these ear ly Aryans came in contact ,and whose zs

n

cript‘

jshey borrowed . Thi s is probable , because , a s

we sha l l see“fitter, no trace o f an Aryan script of this period

has 'reached u s , and the Zoroa strian texts , written long a f ter th is

period, a re copied in a S emitic s cript .

Firdaus i p ictures the kings and courtiers as interes ted

in intel lectua l discourses . I t wa s a custom ,we a ormed ,

to

hold literarw tests in the roya l court . Certa in learned men

proposedW and cha l lenged the i r opponents to solve them .

Thi s intel lectua l pastime, it is sa id, excited keen interest among

those present , and succes s or fa ilure of the contestants to answer

the ques t ions correctly wa s eagerly awa ited .

5

D i s cover ies and inven t ion s . H aoshyangha , the firs t king o f

primitive I ran is,accord ing to I ranian trad ition , cred ited w ith

the di scovery of fire . The Shah Namah sta tes that the k ing one

day encountered a mons ter , and hurled a huge s tone to ki l l it .

Aog . 92;Mkh . 27 . 2 1 , 23.

ShN. 1 . 1 27 .

ShN. 1 . 308-

31 2 .

THE DAWNOF C IVILIZATION IN IRAN 9

The s tone, however, chanced to s trike a rock , and , forthw ith , )spa rks o f fire came out .

“The king ’s cla im to th is di scovery

s eems not to have pa s sed uncha l lenged . The Pah lavi Bundah ishnaccords the honour to Ma shya and Ma shyo i , the fi rs t human

couple crea ted by Ahura Mazda . These firs t progen itors of

the human race a re sa id to have extracted fi re f rom the planetree andbox-tree . By blow ing the fi re they succeeded in pro

ducing a flame wh ich they fed w ith d ry gra s s , and leaves o f

date pa lm) and(myrt lef

I H aoshyangha , we a re told , wa s the-

fi rs t

man to bring iron into us e and to make imp lements o f va rious

kinds . H e is further credited w ith the cons truction of cana ls

and i rrigation works .

8 The art ofweaving is sa id to have beenintroduced in the world by his succes sor Takhma Urup i .

9 Goldand s i lver , rub ies and precious s tones were dug out from the

earth in the au spicious

‘

reign of Yima , and were u sed f or making

ornaments?"

The great king’ s throne , s tudded .

"

With-“

precious

s tones , became the wonder of the world . Wine was made f or

the first time in h is reign 1 °and the cup

-bearers served it in g oblet

-

S‘

I n h is court . I t wa s Yima who firs t made sh ips to cros sthe sea . He wa s l ikewis e the first to construct roads . H e is

( 55 1341as the greates t d is coverer of the age .

1 1 Suga r-cane wa s\fi“

r”

s t d iscovered by the king, and suga r was;thenceforth!madef rom its j u ice .

1 2 The dis covery of the art of frfi dic’

ine, a/scribed

by the Avestan works to Thrita ,is credited by some wr iters to

th is k ing .

1 3 So s trong ha s been the hol d of h is great name upon

subsequent trad ition that a ll arts and indus tries , dis cover ies and

inventions have been fanc ifu l ly a ttr ibuted to him. Popula r be l ie f

s ti l l holds that a ll modgrn discoveries and inventions were an tici

pated thousands o f yea rs ago by the glor ious king o f Anc ientIran .

K ingsh ip . Though the Shah Namah dep icts Gaya Ma retan

a s the firs t king of Iran ,w ith both men and bea sts thrivingh mder

h isbeneficent sway , -the sacred texts , a s a l ready s een, speak of

ShN. 1 . 1 23.

Bd . 1 5 . 1 3.

ShN. 1 . 1 23.

S hN . I . 1 26 .

Mi rkhond,op. cit . 1 03,

1 04.

QShN . I . 1 33;Mi rkhond , op. cit. 102 - 1 04, 1 2 1 .

A lbiruni, Chronology of Ancient Na tions , tr . Sachau , pp . 200, 20 1 ,

London , 1 879 .

Mirkhond , op. cit. 1 2 1 .

1 0 THE DAWN OF C IVILIZATION IN IRAN

his successor Haoshyangha a s the founder of the first Iraniandynasty . Sovereignty therea fter descended in the ma le l ine, andeach king who came to the throne ruled by the specia l favour

of Ahura Mazda . A pa rt of the D iv ine Ma j esty which belongedto the godhead descended to earth and res ted u on every king .

This holy symbol of ea rthly'

power which;1151153883its pos s es sorwas reverenced under the des ignat ion Kifigly

’ "Gl ory . As the

occupant of the throne by specia l anctian of Ahura Mazda, the

king was supposed tobe absolute in power . But in the a ctua l

exercise o f sovereignty he soon found h imsel f surrounded by

powerful chie fs and va l iant heroes to whom he

some of his author ity . There were w ise counsel lorsadvice wa s indispensable in the management of the a ffa i rs of the

s tate, and mighty wa rriors , without whom he cou ld not wage

success ful wars aga ins t power ful enemies . A heredita ry nob il ity ,giving

'allegiance -to the king,but ruling independently over cer

ta in principa l ities , a s s igned in recognition of s ervices or a s a

mark of the roya l bounty, s oon rose to power . These feuda l

lords 11ved In truly“rega l !Splendour a s rulers of them petty

s tates ,1 4 ma inta ined la rge s e

’

r

w

aglios;1 5 and contracted marriage

a l l iances among roya l families”o f neighbour ing countries . Zal ,

for examp le, ma rried the daughte r of the king o f Cabul . 1 6 The

most influentia l fam ily that was des tined to s erve loya l ly the

roya l house of Iran f or s evera l generations wa s that of Sam of

Seistan . Both the king and peop le looked to the heroes of thisfam ily f or succour in t ime of need . Thus , when the people , t ired

of mi sgovernment, revolted aga ins t the authority of King

Naudar, they appea led to the hero for help, and showed their

wi ll ingnes s to depose the king and give h im the crown . The

king,l ikew ise, implored his a s s is tance, writ ing to him that he

and h is ancestors had a lways been the guardians of the roya l

hous e, and should protect him aga inst the wrath"

of the people.

1 7

On the death of a king,h is succes sor , a s a rule, invited the

nobles and ch ief s , and in the i r presence set the roya l crown on h is

own head .

1 8 King Thraetaona in his old age crowned his grandson with h is own hands , 1 9 and the new king del ivered a K

COronation’

Speech .

20 On such occa s ions, the warrior ch ie fs and feuda l lords

ShN. I . 240, 2 55, 256 .

1“ShN. I . 1 74, 374.

ShN . I . 240.

1 °ShN . I . 232 .

ShN. 1 . 3 1 8. ShN. 1 . 237-239 .

ShN. I . 339 -342 .

THE DAWN OF C IVILIZATION IN IRAN 1 1

pa id thei r homage and swore a l legiance to the new king .

21 The

king managed the s ta te a ffa irs , in consultation w ith his m inis ters ,and a lso ca l led a s trologers ,to h is he lp , whenever he embarkedupon any importanf a ff a i rs .

22 Usua l ly the king accompanied the

a rmy to the battlefie ld, and e ither h imse l f led the a ttack upon

the enemy, or watched and gu ided the conduct o f the ba tt le f roman elephant or f rom his roya l tent .

23

Warfare . The second among the four ca s tes which King Yima

is reputed to have founded wa s the wa rrior ca ste, whose function, says the poet, was to gua rd the roya l throne and vindicate

the nation’

s name f or va lour .

“Heroic deeds upon the battlefield brought fame to the wa rriors . The heroes had a pa s s ion

for adventures and glorious ach ievements which the bards ce lebra ted in songs . The peop le were mos tly engaged in internecinewa rs and fought under the direct leadersh ip of the king . I t

was genera l ly the elephant which the king rode when he marched

to the field .

25 Men as we l l a s horses were clad in ma il armourmade of iron .

26 Mace and sword, s l ing and spea r ,bow and

a rrow were the chief weapons used in war fare .

2 7 When the

a rmy was ready for action,the king gave a s igna l upon which

the drums p laced upon the e lephants28 were sounded , and pipes ,

clan ons i and tymba ls announced to the whole a rmy that the batt lehad begun .

2° The cus tom seem s to have been that a champion

f rom the a rmy s tood forth and cha l lenged a wa rrior o f the

enemy to s ingle combat .

30 The battle, however , was not decidedby the result o f such s ingle fight, f or the oppos ing a rmies cou l dnot longbe f

iestr’ a ined, when the champion of either s ide fel l ,

and a genera l engagement soon took p lace .

3 1

i conts) were sta

tioned at va rious p laces at night to watch and give speedy intelligence of the enemy i f he moved , masking his movements inthe dark .

32 When the victorious arm ies returned laden with r ich

ShN. I . 238, 239 , 370.

ShN . 1 . 1 59 , 1 88. 1 94, 2 5 1 , 307 , 335.

ShN. 1 . 2 1 9 , 349 , 350, 352 .

ShN. I . 1 32 .

ShN. I . 2 1 9 .

ShN. 1 . 1 32 , 2 16 , 352 .

Yt . I 3. 72;Vd . 1 4. 9;ShN. I . 2 1 6,2 1 7,

ShN . 1 . 223.

ShN. 1 . 2 1 9 , 327 , 352 .

ShN . 1 . 347 .

ShN . 1 . 349 .

ShN. 1 . 220.

1 2 THE DAWN OF C IVILIZATION IN IRAN

tr00ps .

33 Frontier towns wereed that King Thraetaona wa s the

firs t to introduce the d igging o f t renches a round forts .

34

, The\nationa l s tanda rd o f I ran, wh ich rema ined its cher ished

emblem ”o f power,and greatnes s f or genera tions

,came into ex ist

Efi cew

underpeécf u lia? c ircumstances during this period . When

I ran wa s of the non-Aryan usurper ,Azb i Dahaka , a fblacksmith named Kawa led a succes s ful re

volt and l iberated the Aryan popu lation . T0(’

rousé the suffering

peop le to ra l ly round h im he s truck h is lea ther apron upon the

point of a di ng? and converted it into a banner . Th is pecu l iars tandard was ca l led Dra f sh- i Kawan ,

‘the banner of Kawah ,

’

a fter the name o f its originator . I t wa s later covered w ith s i lkand Tocade, and every new king who ’

a scendecl the throne o f

Iran ad ed something to its worth by adorn ing it with preciousj ewels . Th is roya l s tandard changed hands w ith the rise and fa l l

of the I ranian Emp ire . When Alexander defeated the a rm ies o f

Da rius I I I , it pas sed into the hands o f the Se leucids , and laterfound its way to the Parth ians . From them it was recovered bythe Sa san ians , w ith whom it rema ined f or ful ly four centuries ,until fina l ly it fel l into the hands of the Arabs upon the battle

field of Qadis iya in 637 A . D .

3 5

Arch itectura l ach ievem to the P i shdad ians .

At th is p rimitive s tage o f tion under the P ish

dad ians , when the peop le w ere moving from one place to

another , e ither a s hunters in sea rch of game or a s pas tora l

nomads in quest o f pa sture lands , the dwe l l ings wouldbe neces

s arily s imple and portab le . In fact, the Vendidad re fers to such

hu t‘

s'

)of wood or felt wh ich cou ldbe eas i ly removed from p lace

to place .

3 6 Hous es and huts of thatch and reed!or of mud and

clay,mus t have been in u se among the common people . Trad i

tion ,however, refers to pa laces of grea t arch itectura l beauty

bu ilt by King Yima . In the firs t p lace, thi s m ighty king taughtthe aborigines , the demons as they are termed by the poet, to

temper c lay w ith water , to make‘

moulds for bricks , and to lay

foundations w ith s tones and l ime . Yima thu s util ized th is abor igina l labour 1 11 cons tructing magn ificent pa laces w ith lofty

ShN . 1 . 232 .

Mirkhond , ci t. 1 87 .

Mirkhond , op. ci t. 1 30,1 36 , 1 37 .

Vd. 8. 1 -3.

THE DAWN OF C IVILIZATION IN IRAN 1 3

ha l ls , sanctuaries and bath s .

8 7 The glamour, of the grea t k ing’

s

fame h33"

56'

fascinated the popular’

imagination that the pa laces

o f the Achaemenian kings a re erroneous ly bel ieved to have been

bu ilt by him. The great pla t forI

r'n‘o f Persepol is is ca l led Takht-i

Jamsh id ,‘the throne of Jamsh id ,

’

to this day by the na tives o f

Pers ia . The Rivayats s tate that the king buil t a wonder ful pa lace

with s even ta l ismans nea r Pa rs . Th is pa lace stood until the

close of the Achaemenian period , and wa s , we are told , even

tually destroyed by A lexander .38 The mausoleum bui lt to hold

the rema ins,of King Thraetaona is s a id to lfi

'

ve been constructed

of gold and lapis lazuli . H is body wa s la id on an ivory throne ,and a crownwas hung over it .

39 Among other s tructu res , _for

t res sesmre sa id to have been bu i lt f or the defence o f the c it ies .

40

Fea s ts and fes t iva l s . Some of the feast s and festiva l s , obs erved among the Zoroa strians both of Pers ia and Ind ia at the

present day, are sa id to have originated w ith the ru lers of the

P ishdadian house . King Haoshyangha , f or example, founded a

feast ca lled Sada to commemorate h is great discovery of fi re .

‘1

Yima, according to the sacred texts , wa s f

’

commis s ioned :byAhura Mazda to advance the world and spread civilized

’

a rts

among his peop le . When the i l lustr ious king succeeded in

carrying out the divine behes t, and prosperity and progres sbecame evident everywhere in his reign ,

he des ired to ce lebrate hisachievements . For th is purpose , he s elected the period of the

yea r, when nature dons her garment of green wh ich the creator

annua l ly bestows upon her, and announced the day on wh ich the

sun enters the s ign of Aries , at the verna l equ inox, as the New

Year ’s Day .

4 2 The fes tiva l wa s observed f or severa l days , wh ichwere given over to thanksgiv ing, feas ting, and rejoic ing by all

clas ses of peop le . I t s oon became the ch ie f na tiona l fes tiva l o fI ran , and , a fter some four thousand yea rs , s ti l l rema ins a s an

imper ishab le memoria l to the grea t k ing . I t is s ti l l observed not

on ly by the Zoroa strians o f India and Pers ia,bu t even by the

Mos lems o f Pers ia . Thraetaona ,it is sa id , a l so inaugura ted the

fea s t o f Mihrgan , to commemora te another au spic ious event , the

ShN. I . 1 33.

Mehrj i Rana , Rivaya t—i DarabH amaj zyar , Guj . tr . pp . 5 1 2 -5 1 4 , Nav

sari , 1 896 .

ShN. I . 233.

ShN. 1 . 336 .

ShN. 1 . 1 23, 1 24.

ShN. 1 . 1 33, 1 34.

14 THE DAWN OF CIVILIZATION IN IRAN

l iberat ion of the A ryans from the non-Aryan Greatdynast ic changes and the long centur ies of ha rdship and con f u

s ion, which fol lowed the col lapse of the Zoroas trian Empire,have

fa iled to destroy the cont inu ity of this festiva l which is observed

by the Zoroastrian community to this day .

D res s and ornament s . According to I ran ian tradition the

progenitors of mankind did not subs ist in their native nudity .

Leaves and the bark of trees seem to have a ff orded man the

fi rs t natura l materia ls f or covering h is body . We a re in formedthat Mash i and Ma shyoi , the fi rs t human pa i r, covered the i r

bodies with herbage .

4 4 The second s tep in the art of making

ga rments wa s taken when skins of an ima ls were used for cloth

The Shah Namah represents the primeva l man and his

descendants a s dres sed in leopa rd-skins .

4 6 The first king whograced the throne of Iran in pre

-hi s toric t imes is sa id to haveintroduced the u se of skins of squirrel , ermine, f ox and sable for

making garments .

4 7 Ardv i Sura , the genius of water, puts on a

garment made of beaver skin , which is sa id tobe the finestcoloured of a ll, shin ing with s i lvery and golden sheen when

properly treated .

48 Later,the ha i r of an ima ls wa s woven into

cloth , and this marks the third s tage in man ’

s attempt to provide

h imsel f with a covering f or shelter aga inst the rigours o f cl imate,or, w ith the gradua l development of the s ense of decency, foravoid ing obj ect ionable exposure of his person

f g

fl The art of

clothing atta ins per fect ion in the Golden Age of Yima , whenmen and women clothed themselves with garments made of cot

ton and s i lk, fine fabrics and rich brocades .

5 0 The u se of gar

ments made of leather and skins of an ima ls did not s top a ltogether with the wearing of cloth . Both skin and woven mater ia ls continue tobe used a s garments among the peOple .

5 1 Coatsmade of long-ha ired sheepskin , and c lothes lined with furs natura l ly proved indispens able during the heavy winters which the

Aryan settlers of Iran had to encoun ter . The sacred shirt and

ShN. 1 . 1 74, 1 75;Mirkhond , op. cit. 1 33.

Bd . 1 5 . 10.

Bd . 1 5 . 1 5 .

ShN. 1 . 1 1 8-1 20.

ShN . 1 . 1 24.

Yt. 5 . 1 29 .

Bd . 1 5. 1 5;ShN. 1 . 1 26 .

ShN . 1 . 1 32 .

Vd . 8. 23-25;Dk . vol . 1 6, bk. 8. 23. 9 , p . 6.

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CHAPTER I I I

ANCIENT IRAN IAN VIEW OF LIFE

L i fe is a l l cheer to th e anc ient Iran ians . The I ranian peo

ple l ived in the exh ilarating atmosphere of hopes and ambition s ,f or those were the sunny days o f their youth . With l ight and

nimble s teps they cl imbed the hi l l s , or descended into the val

leys to pa sture thei r flocks . Through woods and da les they f ollowed the chase

,or angled upon the lakes . To them a ll nature

seemed a j oyous ha rmony . The wmds o f Vayu tha t made thewoodlands s ing;the ripp les of the g l iding water that played

over the pebbles in the brooks;the s ta rs that marched s teadilyon thei r courses , a ll brought cheer to thei r hea rts . Cheer nervedthem to hard toil , and encouraged them to bea r their burdens

ungrudgingly. The richnes s of exuberant l ife empowered them

to surmount a ll obstacles in their way . These pioneers of c ivi l ization had as the ir s tupendous ta sk to wrest the s ceptre of sov

ereignty from the clutches of dragons and mammoth s , and to

ins ta l l the human in p lace of the brute upon ea rth . The ShahNamah pictures the heroes of this period a s cons tantly engagedin combats w ith wild an ima ls and giant creatures

,no les s for

midable than those which , at a later period , Rustam and

As f andiyar encountered in thei r seven days ’ labours . They thu s

he lped to clear the earth of its pes ts , and thereby made pos s ible

secure l iving and civi lization .

Man in rela t ion to h is invi s ib le benefactors . Ahura Mazda ,

it is sa id , had not le ft mankind grop ing in the dark in its ear lyin fancy . He instructed the very fi rs t man who descended uponthe earth in the laws of l ife and o f righteousnes s .

1 H e a skedthe gloriou s k ing Yima tobe his prophet ,bu t the king pleadedhis inab i l ity to undertake the m ighty ta sk .

2 The surround ings

in which man l ived could not however fa i l to implant in his

youthful m ind crude rel igious idea s tha t would influence the

conduct of h is life . He l ived with‘

nature, and found h imsel f

dependent for his l i fe , food , and shelter upon the phys ica l forces

Yt. 1 3. 87 . Vd. 2 . 3.

ANC IENT IRAN IAN V IEW OF LIFE 1 7

a round him . He p ictured them as throbbing w ith l i fe , and soon

learned to be l ieve that the security o f his be ing lay in p lacat ingthese h idden powers that control led and guided the course of

na ture . The ea rth , the waters , and the trees below, as a l so the

s ta rs , and the sun ,and the moon

,and the clouds above , were , he

thought , a l ike pres ided over by Abura s or invis ible lords . He

thanked one such inte l ligence who l ighted the earth during t he

day ,and gave wa rmth to him,

h is an ima l s and h is fields;hebowed before another f or showering h is fields wi th the f ruct ify

ing wa ters , enab l ing h im to reap good ha rvests , and , w ith out

s tretched han‘ds,invoked yet another lord for the hea lth of h is

body . Thus , gradua l ly , it came about that a great host of higher

inte l l igences c la imed man ’

s adora tion f or the va r ious gi fts and

boons wh ich they were, s evera l ly, be l ieved capable of bestowing.

These heaven ly beings had loaded man with bounties , and ,

there fore , itbecame h is p iou s duty to consecrate goodly off er

ings in their honour . W ith fee l ings of thankfulness he invoked

them w ith prayers , s acrificed cooked repas ts of catt le and bi rdsunto them

,and fervent ly besought them to sancti fy the sacred

feasts w ith their presence .

Man combat s h i s s een and uns een enemies w ith the he lpof h igh er pow ers . Man had deified nature and had lea rned torega rd the invi s ib le pr inc ip les behind phys ica l forces a s the solearb iters of h is wea l or woe upon ea rth . Li fe ’

s experience , however , soon showed him that the emp ire of the kindly agenc ieswho pres ided over his destin ies wa s not ab solute . When the

stormy w inds blew and ha i l s tones fe l l;when bl ighting co l d and

burn ing heat made h is l ife m is erab le , and when , at t imes,he

found h imse l f sm itten by p lague and pes tilence , or buff eted bys torms and earthquakes

,he conc luded that there mus tbe some

ma levo lent agenc ies contes ting the supreme power o f the goodgen ii , and o ften succes s fu l ly thwarting and upsett ing theirbeneficent work . Thus , c rea tive imagina tion peop led the na tura lworld w ith a hos t o f ev i l forces wh ich cons tantly waged wa r

upon the unseen benefactors of mankind . These enem ies o f

ange ls were na tura l ly the enem ies o f man a lso . There fore, itwa s in the interes t of man to rema in s teadfa st and loya l to the

good powers , and to co-operate w ith them in their s truggleaga ins t the common f oe . I t was be l ieved that , by ceremonia l performances and sac rificia l off erings , man could s trengt hen the

1 8 ANCIENT IRAN IAN VIEW OF LIFE

hands of the powers of good in thei r fight with those of evil .For example, Tishtrya , the genius of ra in ,

contrives to producethe ra in f or the pa rched land which Apaosha ,

the demon of

drought, has seized in his dead ly grip . A fierce s truggle ensuesbetween the two, and T ishtrya suff ers defeat at the hands of his

adversa ry . Tishtrya , thereupon , exc laim s in sorrow that he hasbeen defeated in his s truggle w ith Apaosha , because mankindneglected to s trengthen h im with s acr ificia l off erings .

3 Thus ,man ’

s own interest, a s wel l a s his duty towards his heavenly protectors , taught h im to forti fy hims el f aga inst the hos tile powerso f evi l . The s turdy Iranians of this per iod are never s een bowing

the knee to the evi l forces , in order to placate them by sacrificia l

off erings ,but are found incessant ly combating the enemies o f

the world of goodnes s .

Bes ides these common enemies of the angels and of the

I ranians , aga inst whom we have seen them fight ing, there are

other enem ies whom they had often to comba t jointly . The

aborigines whom the Iran ians had d isp laced from their abodes ,and other hostile tribes , were the human foes of the Aryans ettlers . The angels whom the I ranians fa ithfully honoured

viewed the enemies of their worshippers a s thei r own enem ies .

Consequently, when the Aryans went to wa r, they and their

heavenly gua rdians united in oppos ing a common f ront to the

enemy . When the enemy king, Dahaka , conspI res to w in the

triba l divin ities of I ran to his s ide by sacr ificia l off erings , his

sacrifices are rej ected .

4 The I ran ian kings , on the other hand ,invoke the help of the ir communa l divinities , and it is a lways

given .

5

Yt . 8. 23, 24.

Yt . 5. 29 -31;1 5. 1 9-2 1 .

Yt. 5 . 2 1 -28, 32-35;9 . 3-1 6;1 5. 7-1 7, 1 9 -2 1 , 23-25;1 7. 24-35.

THE KIANIAN P ERIOD

FROM ABOUT B. C. To ABOUT 700 B. C .

CHAPTER IV

THE K IANIAN IRAN

The Iran ians flood th e Pers ian tab le land . The waves o f the

ea rly Aryan m igra tions continued to pour southwa rds until about2000 B . C . , when we find the Indo-Iranians s ettled in the neighbourhood of Eas tern Iran . I t is not pos s ib le , w ith our present

know ledge , to say a t what t ime occu rred the fina l sepa ra tionbetween the Indo-Iranian groups of the Aryan race . Equa l ly difficult is it to identi fy the place of their pa rting . The migratory

Aryans left‘beh ind them no m iles tones to ind icate the route

wh ich they.

had taken from the ir prim itive home to their new

abodes . I t maybe in ferred , however, from such scanty in forma tion a s we can gather f rom the sacred books o f both Iran ians

and Ind ians , that the dis integra ting proces s began at some t ime

between 2000 and 1 500 B . C . Common re ferences , moreover , tor ivers and p laces in the ancient s criptures o f Pers ia and Ind ia

point to Af ghanis tan a s the probable la s t s tage o f the grea tjourney, where the two Aryan groups s ti l l camped together . The

I ranian group planted its colony , and ult imately succeeded in

establ ish ing itse l f , in Bactr ia . The Iran ians saw their nea r kinsmen leaving them in succes s ive waves and migra ting s outheas t

wa rd , unt i l they had d isappeared beh ind the huge ba rriers o f

the H indukush .

Bactria now becomes the centra l seat of power , whence Iran ian

Civi l ization spread to adjoin ing lands . I t wa s at the Bactrian

Court that Zarathushtra found his roya l patron in the person of

King Vishta spa . We cannot say how f ar the Bactrian Kingdomextended ,but the geograph ica l data yielded by the Aves tan textslead u s to bel ieve that the Aryan settlers had ca rried their civiliz

ing influence f a r beyond the recogni zed bounda ries of Bactr ia .

The tracts of terr itory wh ich they traversed , e ither in pursuit o f

peaceful occupat ions or for the purpose o f waging wars of con

ques t , were va s t indeed . Sogd iana and the countries between the

Oxus and Jaxartes in the north were not unknown to them . In

the south they were in frequent contact with the peop le o f

22 THE KIANIAN IRAN

Seistan and of the territories a round the river Helmand, and

thei r acqua intance reaches f ar in the extreme’

southeast to the

Punjab . Thei r conquer ing hordes penetrated through the north

ern part of Khora san in the wes t, to repel the f requent ons laughts

o f the aborigina l tr ibes of Gilan and Mazandaran , and the i r trad itiona l a s sociations extended st i l l further to the wa ters of the

Ca spian S ea , and to the range of Mount E lburz . The I ran ian

settlements thus widened greatly, and the people sh ifted f a r f rom

thei r primitive h ome,but the name A iryana Vaej ah s ti l l per

s isted , and throughout the K ianian period continued tobe celebrated as the bes t of lands .

1 I t is here that Ahura Mazda is

depicted as sacrificing unto Ardvi Sura and praying that Za ra

thushtra maybe the bea rer of his divine mes sage to mankind .

2

The prophet is s a id to have recited Ahuna Va irya , the most

sacred formula of his new fa ith , in Airyana Vaej ah .

3 Haos ravah ,

the pre-Zoroas trian king of the Kian dynas ty, Zarathu shtra him

sel f , and Jamaspa , the premier of King Vishtaspa off ered va rious

s acrifices in Airyana Vaej ah .

4

King Haos ravah is sa id to have we lded the loose congeries of

Aryan tribes into one nation .

5 M ithra , the patron angel of the

pa stora l peop le, we are told , gives a good dwel l ing to the Aryans ,6

and f rom h is exa lted p lace o f res idence on the highes t summits

o f mounta ins keeps wa rd and watch over the abodes of the

Aryans .

7 The Fravashis of the righteous make the streams and

rivers to flow and the trees to grow in such a manner that the

Aryan countries may prosper .

8 The ris ing of the ra in s tar is

eagerly des i red for the fertil ity of the Aryan countries .

9 Tishtrya

and Verethraghna are propitiated by s acrifices , tha t they might

extend the i r protection to the Aryans and drive out the hos ti lehordes and diseases and plagues from the Aryan lands .

1 0 Vic

tory for Aryan arms is the fervent prayer of chiefs and nobles .

1 1

P hys i cal cha ra cter i s t i cs of the peop le . Fa i r skins and a

fa irly ta l l bu ild a re some o f the conspicuous cha racteris tics of

the ancient I ranian phys ique . The epithets most commonlyapp l ied to des ignate the fa irnes s and symmetry of bodily form

Yt . I . 2 1 . Yt . IO. 1 3.

Yt . 5 . 1 7, 1 8. Yt .“1 3. 1 0

, 43, 44.

Ys . 9 . 1 4. Yt . 8. 9, 36 .

Yt . 5. 49 , 69;9 . 25;1 7 . 4s, 46 .

1 °Yt . 8. 56 , 58, 6 1;14. 48, 50, 53

Yt . 5 . 49;9 . 2 1; Yt. 5 . 69;Yt. 10. 4.

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CHAPTER V

ZARATHUSHTRA

The proph et . I t came to pa s s that a holy babe wa s born in

the ha l lowed abode o f P ourushaspa ,of the fami ly o f the Spita

ma s . The infant was the wonder of the ages , such a one a s

Spenta Ma inyu or the Holy Spirit had not fashioned s ince morta l

l i fe began . Zarathu shtra wa s h is name . Nature ’ s fa ir bosomtrembled, and her hea rt throbbed w ith joy a t the advent of thedivine hera ld . Joy fi l led the a ir and des cended upon earth . On

every blade of gras s and gra in o f s and wa s written a word of

joy . The clouds floated glorious ly in heaven , and the morning

dew covered the trees with pearls . The bright rays of the sun

danced on the waters of the Da reja , a s it swept pas t the home

o f the new-born prophet . The flowers shed per fume abroad ,and the winds made mus ic in the woods and va l leys . The earth

sang to the glory of its greates t and best,1 and the trees w ith

thei r lea fy tongues joined b irds and beas ts and men in the glad

hymn,

“Ha i l , f or u s is born the Athravan, Spitama Zara

thushtra .

”2

The time, a s wel l as the place, of the birth o f Zarathu shtra ,

or Zoroa s ter as he is genera l ly known by the Greek form of his

name, a re a l ike unknown . Between 6000 B . C . to 600 B . C . , the

two extreme dates as s igned, the hand of t ime is moving to fix

the period when day broke over Iran with the b irth of Za ra

thushtra . However, a l itt le over 1 000 B . C . is the t ime mos t

probably correct f or the advent o f this divine hera ld of AhuraMazda . S im ilarly , many C ities between the eas t and the wes t of

I ran cla im the honour of being his birthplace, a lthough Ea sternI ran was undoubtedly the s cene o f h is prophetic activity .

We have ca l led the civi l ization of Ancient Iran a fter the name

of the prophet who revolutioni zed its re ligious l i fe , and intro

duced a new socia l and economic order among its people . I t

wi llbe proper, therefore , to give an outl ine of the reforming

Yt. 8. 44 Yt. I 3. 93, 94.

ZARATHUSHTRA

act ivities o f the man around whom the I ranian civi l izat ion ha sgrown.

The Ca tha s , or the holy songs of Zarathushtra , give u s the

actua l facts o f the l ife o f the prophet a s they were . The la terAves tan and Pahlav i works transmit to us the account o f h is

career, as it was reflected in the thoughts and ideas of their com

posers . As we do not intend to give a deta i led account o f Za ra

thushtra’

s l i fe, we sha l l content ours elves with descr ibing some

o f its ch ief events , f rom the time when he came of age to the

day when he brea thed his las t .

H i s d is content w ith th e soc ial and rel igious order of h is

t imes . Zarathushtra has l ived among men and worked among

men w ith h is youthful v igour . With grow ing fondnes s he ha s

s tudied human nature in its var ied a spects . He ha s long prayedat the family a lta r and off ered s acrificia l l ibat ions to the an

ces tra l dead in obedience to his father . H e ha s l ived and s een

sufficient of society to_r_a1se_deep thoughts that agitate h is m ind .

D iscontent with the exis ting cond ition of the wor ld takes hold

oTh is m ind and itsW i s the one idea tha t he nurses

in his m ind . He del ights to retreat w ithin himsel f and ponder

over the prob lems of l ife .

In moments o f cheer fulnes s , Za ra thushtra thinks that l i fe is

sweet, and man is a thirs t f or l ife . Every one loves tobe long inthis world , and consequently a long l i fe is man ’

s cons tant prayer .

There is no joy grea ter than the joy o f l iving . Bu t sorrow s tea l sover h is sou l , when he s ees that to the many who plod theirwea ry way f rom birth to dea th , l ife is a ll thorn s . The wor ld ha skindly soul s who m ing le their own tears with

.

the tea rs o f the

sorrow ing,bu t it has , a l so,those who a re unmoved , when they

see bitter tears s tream ing f rom the eyes of the suff ering;thosewhose ea rs a re dea f to the woeful s ighs of the des titute and

down-trodden qua i l ing under their mis fortunes;those whos e

minds a re ca l lous to the su ff erings of the s ick , and whose hearts

melt not when the wea ry burn in the agony o f despa i r , or s tumbleon the drea ry path of l ife . The tree o f l i fe is blooming ,but theworm is at the root . Man s tretches h is hand f or the f ruit, andfinds the canker at its heart . The future prophet gives deepthought to th is da rk s ide o f l ife . We may gather h is own viewof the world , which he ha s come to reform ,

f rom his hymns .

He speaks h is mind through the sp ir it of the wor ld wh ich , prior

26 ZARATHUSHTRA

to h is birth , is made to comp la in in bewa i l ing tones before hercrea tor that the ea rth is fi l led with w rong . Iniquity and violence

carry a ll before them ,and man feels that he wa s flung on a

heedles s world, a p layth ing f or some hideous power.3 AhuraMazda would have man wa lk‘in the path of r ighteousnes s , f or it

is the one path tha t brings man near to his creator .

4 But somehidden power f or wickednes s , it seems , has decoyed man by hisbeguil ing voice to his den o f w rong and iniqu ity . Jus t a s the

capt ive ,

cow s , that have been led a s tray by h ighwaymen whilereturn ing at evening ’s close f rom the pas ture , low p iteous ly f or

their ca lves , and pray f or a del iverer who sha l l lead them back

to thei r sta l ls;5 even so the Sp ir it o f the Earth voices the sorrow

o f its heart , and beseeches Ahura Mazda to send a shepherd togather the wayla id flock into the fold of righteousnes s , and re

s tore it to the abode of the godhead . Za rathu shtra is chosen by

Ahura Mazda for the great task of a chieving the hope of man

kind, removing the clouds of s in that hide the creator f rom the

s ight of men,and wean ing their hearts from wickednes s .

6

P roph et ic p reparat ions . Zarathu shtra is a thirs t f or divine

wisdom which is the only obj ect of h is quest . H is one prayer

is to hear the mes sage of Mazda f rom h is very mouth .

7 Longdoes he seek, am id sweet s ilence, to commune with the godhead ,to l ift the vei l o f secrecy, and delve in the mysteries of being.

For this purpos e he leaves the company of man, and the busy

world of noise and hustle, and repa irs to the so l itude o f the

mounta ins un frequented by men , yet swa rming w ith exuberantl i fe, and there makes himse l f an abode . At ea rly dawn , wh ile

the world is s t i l l a s leep , the s eeker a f ter truth is seen s trol l ing

down the s i lent path wh itened by the soft s ilvery sheen of the

queen of n ight . At the foot o f the mounta in washed by the

meandering waters of the s tream ,Zara thushtra spends the hour

of the dawn in the s til lnes s , scann ing the blue vault o f heaven

and watching the s tars that patrol the sky, and meditat ing deeply .

Humanity is s til l s lumbering, regardles s of the rous ing cry of

the cock P a rodarsh ,but the birds have left thei r nests to beginthei r day ’s work . They have come to the s tream to bathe and

to drink . Fishes sport themselves in water and ducks are rock

ZARATHUSHTRA 27

ing smoothly on the waves . The breeze wa fts the sweet perfume

of the flowers a ll a round . The fragrance o f the w ild rose woos

the nightinga le into love , and he m ingles h is melody w ith

her sweet per fume . In this sanctua ry o f nature the prophet l ifts

up his heart to heaven , and pours ou t h is sp ir it before AhuraMazda , who fi l l s a ll space . H e makes unto him songs o f devotion to the murmuring mus ic o f the gently flow ing wa ters , theca rols o f birds , and the wh isperings o f the w inds mov ing throughthe thick fol iage . Thus he prays , and , praying imp lores tha tAhura Mazda should take him to h imse l f , to meet one l ittlemoment and speak to him by the word of his mouth about themys tery of l ife .

8 The ea rth now drops the s ilvery robe wh ich

she had donned a t n ight, and the h igh mounta in is s oon cres tedwith the l ight of the sw i ft-horsed Hva rekhshaeta . Bu t Za ra

thushtra is s ti l l there lost in deep thought , letting his soul fly onthe wings of p ious contemp lation and s toring insp iring thoughtsthat come to him in a flash . With a yearning wh ich is never

sti lled he thi rsts f or the vis ion divine, and communion with theA l l-Holy . When the longing f or Ahura Mazda -

pos ses ses him

completely and the divine spark h iding in his h ea rt is fannedinto flame;his mind is enl ightened , his soul is on fi re

, and he

begins to see more and more o f Ahura Ma zda w ithin him and

w ithout him . Nature , he rea l izes , throbs w ith the mes sage o f

Mazda ,which his divine hand has written on p lants and trees ,

on pebbles and s ands , on ra inbows and dewdrops , in gent le shadeson the fleecy clouds that descend upon the lof ty summ its o f the

hills , a fter their wanderings above, and in g lorious co lours of

luxuriant nature . The bles sed one devoutly embraces the ea rth lymani fes ta tion of the d iv ine , and touches the f r inge o f the

resplendent ra iment o f the creator , o f whom the whole creation

brea thes . Long has Za rathushtra now l ived in sol itude, seekingto fathom the s ecret o f exis tence . He ha s so lved the grea t problems of l ife;the truth has dawned on h im. On him now dwel l sthe sweet sm ile o f Ahura Ma zda , whose mes sage o f hope he is

ready to de l iver to mankind . Pos ses sed of w isdom and the

knowledge o f truth , so long the objects of h is ques t , he now

turns h is s teps towards his fa ther ’s house .

Hardsh ips and t r iumph .~ I t is pa in ful tobe at variance with

one’

s own kinsmen over re l igious be l ief s , and Zara thushtra soon

Ys . 28. 1 1 .

28 ZARATHUSHTRA

rous es susp icion and a larm among h is kinsmen by h is utterances .

They join his opponents in denouncing the ho ly one a s a rebelaga ins t the ir ancestra l fa ith . D riven out f rom home and de

serted by f riends , with rulers and peop le f or h is opponents , with

out means and without support, the prophet is s een wending hisweary way a lone .

9 Whi le his wea lthy fel low-t ribesmen are

revel l ing in superfluous riches and fea sting to sa tiety , the greatestof the Iranians lacks the bares t neces s ities of l i fe . With anguishrending his hea rt, and sorrow weigh ing upon his sou l , he ba ttlesw ith pr ivation and suff erings , and labours in f ar lands to persuade men and women to hear h is mes sage . Footsore w ith hiswanderings , exhau s ted and broken under the fat igues o f the day ,

he wa lks the s i lent s treets in s ea rch of some hovel , or the shadeof a hospitable tree , to repose when the n ight throws her da rk

mantle over the ea rth . When dawn breaks aga in on the heightso f H arabereza iti , and the lof ty mounta in glows w ith beauty inthe l ight of the ris ing sun , whose rays gi ld the dewdrops , f or

s aken Zarathushtra treads with wea ry s teps a ways ide path lead

ing to some vil lage , praying a ll the way f or a better reception .

W ith clarion voice he begins to chant the holy songs to a ttract

the peop le , when he reaches the outskirts o f the v i l lage . The

ba rking o f the shepherd dogs d is turbs the peace o f the v illage ,the fa rmers leave their p loughs , and the rus t ic women w ith theirchildren ha sten to the s cene. A l ittle whi le and they have hea rdenough . The elders o f the vil lage gravely shake thei r heads , anddecla re the newcomer a sorcerer whose very look , they aver ,wou ld w ither their crops , and dry up the m ilk in their ca ttle and

plague them with d is ea ses . They demand that he leave the p laceat once . The women begin to curs e him loud ly, and the vi l lageurchins , emboldened by their examp le, pe lt him w ith s tones , and

do not res t unti l they have seen the s tranger beyond the borders

o f thei r v il lage .

Thus , w ith keen s ens e of indignit ies , and humil iation rank l ingin his m ind , and w ith none to l ighten his suff erings upon earth ,he l i fts his spirit to Ahura Ma zda , unburden ing himsel f of his

a fflictions be fore him , and beseeching him to grant the supportwh ich one friend gives to another . 1 0

The sooth ing g leam of j oy now dawns on his sorrowful hours .

ZARATHUSHTRA 29

I t sweeps away his depres s ion , s til l s h is doubts , and l ightens theheav ines s of h is sp irit. The prophet

’

s prayer is heard . He findshis fi rs t convert f rom among his relat ives , 1 1bu t s ti l l the peop lew i ll not hear him. Za rathushtra now p lans to w in favour o f

the h ighest of the land . I f King Vishta spa and h is roya l consort couldbe won over to embrace h is fa ith , h is mes sage would

spread rap id ly . Bu t it is not ea sy to ga in entrance to the roya lcourt . Kingly ma j es ty a lways courts exclus ivenes s . The gates

o f the roya l pa lace are zea lous ly guarded , and the lord o f the

land receives nonebut the great . Al though , a fter h is death

Zarathushtra comes tobe rega rded in Iran a s the grea test o f

morta l s ,1 2 even as the star Tishtrya is above a ll s ta rs in bright

nes s ,1 3but the people of Iran are not yet aware of his sub l ime

pre-em inence . He is poor and a stranger, with none to recom

mend his name to the roya l ear . I t is on ly the porta ls of the

abode of Ahtfra Ma zda that are Open to a ll comers . The poores t

can approach the King o f Kings, and the lowliest can kis s the

robe of D iv ine Ma j es ty . Not so with the human king . The

crowd must l inger by the ways ide and ha i l its sovereign l iege,when the roya l pageant pas ses . The hera ld of Ahura l ingeredand wa ited , unti l on one auspicious day he found h imsel f usheredinto the roya l pres ence . The cha rm ing persona lity of Zara

thushtra , the sweetnes s o f his character and the words of w is

dom, such as human ears had not heard before , mos t favourab ly

impressed the k ing and queen and the court iers . The roya l per

sonages and the court forsook the re l igion of their fathers for

the fa ith of the prophet , and he wa s now honoured and greeted

by a da ily increa s ing number o f fol lowers . But the grow ing suc

ces s of Zarathushtra is not viewed w ith pleasure by a ll . There

a re hypocr ite pries ts , fatten ing themse lves by preying upon the

credulity of the ignorant, and w icked ch ie fs , reve l ling in their

iniquity, who v iew the popu la rity o f the prophet w ith a la rm . I t

makes them writhe w ith j ea lousy , and ,w ith fa l sehood upon the ir

l ips , they conspire to encompas s the fa l l o f the holy one , when

he thinks his troub les a re s leep ing , never to reawaken . U ltimately they succeeded , by means o f cunn ing tactics , s lander , andgu i le in having Zarathushtra imprisoned 011 a charge o f sorcery .

The mis fortune that can wring tea rs f rom the eyes of any man

Yr 8. 44.

30 ZARATHUSHTRA

is now his lot . But the sol itude of the pri son ha s no terror forhim , and he utters not a s igh , nor does he weep a s ide . H e knowsthat he is not a lone, f or Ahura Ma zda now dwel ls with him and

he is s trong in Ahura Mazda . A lthough given up by h is misguided countrymen

, and w ith a host o f enemies aga inst him , he

feels that w ith Mazda for ‘him there is none against h im . H e

and his God have now met,a ll his fears have fled , a thousand

woes cannot weaken h is fa ith in Ahura on whose bosom he now

rests peaceful ly . The prophet s teps out once again from the

dungeon cel l to ca rry on his re l igious propaganda .

The end . For many years does Zarathu shtra travel f ar and

w ide to exp la in the d ivine mes sage that Mazda ha s given h im .

He st irs a ll I ran , and his name rings through distant lands .

Eager crowds ha sten to the spot where the holy one turns his

s teps , to s it at his feet and hear him teach his new doctrines .

For wel l n igh fi f ty years , that is , until his dying day, the I ran ian

prophet labours thu s f or the promulgation of the new fa ith . He

gathers a round h im a la rge company of devoted d isciples and

loving adherents . Bu t he has a lso provoked bitter antagon ism ,

and his enemies have never cea sed consp iring aga inst him with

frantic zea l . They have long sought to take h is l ife,but havefa i led in the i r attempts . Now , when the prophet is past seventy

seven ,and the we ight of years has bent his body, a person o f

ill-renown succeeds in stea lth i ly entering the sanctuary in which

he is s inging pra ises unto Ahura Mazda,and s tabs him to death .

1 4

The eyes close in ever la st ing s leep ,the holy heart cea ses to beat,

and the righteous soul of the bles sed one at last wings its fl ight

toward Garonmana;leaving his morta l rema ins , Ahura Mazda

a lone knows where, to repose on the bare earth .

Dd. 72 . 8;S d . 9 . 5;Dk ., vol . 9 , pp . 6 1 7, 6 1 8;cf . ShN. 5 . 92 , 93.

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32 ZOROASTRIAN VIEW OF LIFE

nes s , the other, f or fa l sehood and w ickednes s .

1 The battleground upon which these prima l forces o f good and evil , r ighteousnes s and wickednes s wage their wars is the inner world of

man . Human l i fe is a s torm . The din of the s torm that ragesin the brea st of man is louder than the howling of any tempestupon earth . Happy is the man who out l ives the s torm . Za rathu shtra

, there fore , lays down precepts to gu ide man’

s impulsesand motives from w ith in and declares that inner purity is thebest th ing in l i fe .

2 Al l r ight—speaking and right-doing originatef rom right-th inking, and this , in turn

, springs from a pure m ind .

Pur ity o f m ind is the bes t o f riches, and Vohu Manah

,Good

M ind ,’

the firs t among the heaven ly beings crea ted by Ma zda , is

its supreme expres s ion . Every Zoroa strian prayer begins and

ends with the fervent vow of the fa ithful soul that he will adhere

to good thoughts , good words , and good deeds;and abj ure evi lthoughts , evi l words , and evil deeds . Every one mus t shoulderhis own load , and never can he ca st it upon another .

Man mus t a lways exercise his f reedom of w i l l, and choose f or

h imsel f between the two pr imeva l sp irits of good and evi l .3 The

wi ll of the Good Sp i rit is righteousnes s , and r ighteousnes s is a ll

in all f or man . Morta l l i fe is secure on the rock of righteous

nes s . Wickednes s is the very being o f the Evil Sp ir it, and w ickednes s is his wi l l . Ever does he dog man

’

s steps , and, rearing his

head, ca l ls h is tempt ing wa res to hire him. Woe unto him who

in his weaknes s is caught in the snare, and bends h is k nees before

the a rch-tempter . The enemy of man is s trong,but even stronger

is Ahura Mazda . I f man flees unto him and s eeks his protec

tion ,Ahura w i l l s trengt hen h im to fight aga inst evi l , and gu ide

him in the path of r ighteou snes s . To fight temptation ,and con

quer it in his own person ,is man ’

s firs t formidab le ta sk . Man

has vo lunta ri ly chosen tobe comrade in arm s w ith the author of

goodnes s , to combat the author o f ev i l upon earth a s a persona lenemy . He is enjoined not to awa it Angra Ma inyu

’

s aggres s ion ,

before tak ing a rms f or s el f -defence aga ins t him. Tobe ever on

the off ens ive aga ins t evil is the best defence aga ins t it . I t is

evident that ‘be good , ’ and‘eschew evi l ,

’

the univers a l mora l

precepts of the great rel igions and eth ica l systems o f the world

wouldbe too pas s ive f or such a combative v iew o f l ife . There

fore, to do good ,’

and to res is t evil ,’

a re the active and m il itant

Ys . 30. 4, 5 45. 2 . Ys . 48. 5 . Ys . 30. 2 , 3.

ZOROASTRIAN VIEW OF LIFE 33

formulas which Zarathu shtra propounds f or man’

s acceptance .

Evil is not tobe requited with good,but w ith retributive j ustice .

Wa r aga ins t ev i l , according to h is teachings , is an eth ica l neces

s ity . Non-res istance to evil is wrong;it is immora l , irrel igious .

Ahura Mazda has dest ined man to the high honour o f be ing

h is co-worker for the furtherance o f goodnes s,and his fe l low

so ld ier in the wa r aga ins t the forces of evil . Humanity is in

a rms for the cause of goodnes s . Th is war fa re is a s old a s man ,

and wi l l go on uninterruptedly unti l , a t la s t , mank ind wil l inflict

a crush ing de feat upon the forces of evi l , and b ind the Sovereignof Evil h imsel f to impotence . Truth w i l l ultimate ly ga in over

fa ls ehood , goodnes s w il lbe a ll-pervading , and evi l w i l l vanish .

The world w i l lbe mora l ly perfect , f or imperfections w i l l pas saway . The Kingdom o f Wickednes s w il lbe swept out o f exis t

ence, and the , Kingdom of Righteousness willbe establ ished by

man throughout the un iverse .

All l ife as a s tru ggle i s th e dominant note of Zoroas

trianism. Alongs ide the eth ica l dua l ism preached by the prophetin the Gathas , h is succes sors develop a thoroughgoing system o f

cosm ic dua l ism . Thus dua l ism in a ll spheres of l i fe rema ins the

sa l ient feature of rel igious thought in Iran . The Good Spiritworks f or cohes ion and construction , the Evi l Spirit, for d is integrat ion and destruct ion . The two resultant forces a re ever a t

wa r, each with the other. They have known no res t s ince the

beginn ing of time . Res t is unth inkable , for it would reduce a ll

exis tence to nothingnes s . This combative view of l i fe is Zarathushtra

’

s contribution to rel igious thought and practice .

Ea rthly as wel l a s heaven ly l ife resu l ts from thi s perpetua lwar fa re . Anima l l ife and vegetable l i fe are poss ible only

through it, and even human l ife pers i s ts solely because of th is

eterna l law of pola rity . For example , it is due to the cons tantact ivity o f two Oppos ing forces tha t the ea rth is kept revolv ing

in its yearly orbit a round the sun . Thu s it is prevented , on the

one hand , f rom fa l l ing away from the l i fe-giving sun, and fleeingaway into dark and l ife les s space , and , on the other hand , ischecked f rom becom ing inord inately enamoured of the sun, and

p lunging into h is fiery bosom . S im ila r ly , man’

s phys ica l body isthe scene o f an

"inces sant s truggle to ma inta in l i fe , and avoidevery tendency to d i s solution . Every exercise of v ita l functionand every muscular movement necessarily involves waste of cel ls

34 ZOROASTRIAN VIEW OF LIFE

and tis sues , which so long a s l ife and hea lth continue,is quickly

and eff ectua l ly restored . So soon ,however, a s the restoring

power of the sys tem becomes les s than the wa ste, the result isd isease, the fi rs t warning o f death ’s approach . To l ive, therefore

, is to s truggle . Li fe is at its highest intens ity when the

s truggle is fiercest, becaus e, then,all vita l activ it ies are greatest;

wa ste is inces sant, and restorat10n 1 s constant . When the struggle

cea ses , l i fe is done .

This eterna l law of s truggle works not only in the phys ica l

sphere ,but extends a lso to the socia l and mora l l i fe of man .

Neither does it end with man . Wa r fa re between the forces of

good and evi l is preva lent a s much in the celes tia l wor ld as in

the terrestr ia l .Angra Mainyu is abroad and mani fests himsel f in the world

through phys ica l , socia l,and mora l imperfect ions . The world

which man inhab its is full of imperfections . The per fect world

is yet to come, and it is tobe made by man . Every sma l l triumphover phys ica l forces , every s ingle re form in socia l l i fe, and every

s tep in the mora l advancement of man is the weaken ing of

Angra Ma inyu’

s hold upon the world, and a sure move toward theperfection that is to come .

P hys ical imp erfect ion s . The world,we have seen, is in flux .

There is no rest or peace, a ll is movement and s tr ife . The source

of this s tri fe is not the pas s ive inertia of the dead mas s of mat

ter,but the act ive oppos ition of a l iving power, that w il ls evil

and sets l imitations to earth ly existence f rom headaches to earth

quakes . At the beginn ing of creation Ahura Mazda extended hiscreative hand to check and control the primitive law les snes s of

nature in order to bui ld a cosmic universe . M 9

is law les snes s itself, fl __contested w ith the creator to thwa rt h is

y nrppg . A ft-

Criseing long in trava i l , ow 1ng to th is struggle, the

pr im it ive chaos generated the universe which , a lthough ma rvellous ly good , is ful l o f imperfections . Through s corch ing heat

and f reezing cold , drought and fam ine , arid wa stes and barren

deserts , ha il- s torms and hurr icanes , earthquakes and cyclones ,deadly marshes and ma laria l swamps , p lagues and diseases , AngraMa inyu ,

according to the later Avesta, labours to make man’

s

l i fe upon earth uncomfortable . May des truction and death seize

h is children ,

’

is the curse of the Evil Spirit aga inst AhuraMazda ’

s cre'

at ion . Many m il lions of years has l i fe required to

ZOROASTRIAN VIEW OF LIFE 35

mount f rom mole to man . Li fe ha s abandoned types without

number before it has reached its bloom . To overcome the rigoursof unkind nature, to remove the phys ica l d isab il ities , to w res tfrom nature her secrets , and util ize her forces for man ’

s needs ,to wage war aga inst diseases , and lea rn tobe immune f rom con

tagions to fight untime ly death h imsel f , who wa lks w ith muffledfeet , seeking to uproot the budd ing and bloom ing l ife, and to

make the world more habitable—th is is to do Ahura Mazda ’

s

work of combating Angra Ma inyu on the phys ica l plane . Man

has needed the aeons o f time to lea rn the art of harnes s ing na

ture . As know ledge grows and s cience progres ses , man triumph sover nature ’

s lawles snes s . Humanity w i l l thus co-operate w ith

the godhead to push the cosm ic evolution to per fection ,and wil l

u ltimately bind Angra Ma inyu ,the embodiment of imperfect ion

in hel l-fa s tnes s .

Socia l imperfect ion s . The p rimitive s tate of man wa sbarbarism and Angra Ma inyu , the a rch-ba rbar ian , des ires that mankind sha l l ever rema in in the s tate of savagery . Ahura Mazda ,

however, has inst i l led in man a burn ing pas s ion f or civ il izat ion

and progres s , the impu lse to improve his lot upon ea rth . Mashya

and Mashyoi, the very fi rs t human pa ir , la id the foundation o f

civil ization when they fi rst met together and made a crude beginning of manufactur ing clothing of herbage

,to cover their naked

bod ies .

4 Their ch ildren have carr ied a long thei r work of civil ization and advancement . Civi l izat ion , according to the teachings

o f Za rathushtra ,is rel igion app l ied to the socia l l i fe o f man .

The prophet sanctifies man ’

s twofold c ivic duty of working f or

the advancement of civi l ization , and of fight ing aga ins t the forces

of ba rbari sm . H e preaches the l i fe o f hard labour , strenuous

work, and d i l igent indus try . The body is the c itadel of the soul .Man can work w ith a sound and v igorou s body . Hence bod i lyhea lth is the ch ie f coveted boon . The man who has inured h im

s el f aga ins t fat igue ,and who labours in h is fie ld or workshop from

morning to even ing , furthers goodnes s , and weakens the power

o f ev il . Action , progres s , and re form are the wa tchwards o f the

prophet’

s s oc ia l teach ings . Th is world is rea l and o f paramount

importance . Man’

s primary interest is centred in th is wor l d .

H e may des ire the reward and recompense from his creator in

the world to come,but the atta inment of his wishes in the world

Bd. 1 5. 10.

of spi rits depends absolutely upon his work in the world of mankind and the work for mankind .

Man is a socia l be ing who craves associat ion with h is fellowmen

,ever des iring to l ive and work with others of his kind in

th is unknown land , where he finds h imsel f in strange andbewildering surround ings . When Mashya took Ma shyoi to wife ,and broke his own sol itude, he formed the fi rs t human a l liance .

This socia l bond of relationsh ip has s ince been grow ing into the

var ious groups known a s family , clan , tribe , and nation , and wi l lbe ever developing into larger and wider comb inations . AngraMa inyu introduces dis cord and dis ruption

, s tri fe and war, to

break up the socia l s tructure , and to keep men ever divided, so

that the progres s of civil izat ion maybe stopped or retarded .

The oppos ing forces o f un ion and d isunion are a lways at war

with one another , and the former a re s lowly,bu t s tead ily, over

coming the d is integrating powers . Long ago, man overcame the

primit ive socia l chaos , and ha s been s truggl ing ever s ince, amid

convuls ions , wars , and the irruptions of baser pas s ions , f or socia l

sol idarity and the spread of civi l izat ion in the four corners o f

the world . Nor wil l he rest unti l , in the dim future, nations un itewith nations , and races w ith races , in rea l commun ity of interests , and humanity off ers an unbroken f ront to the ArchBarbarian , and drives him away f rom the trans formed world .

Cheerfu l opt imism character izes : Zoroas tri an i sm. Two

facts s tand out prominently from th is brie f s tatement of the

Zoroa strian view of man ’

s l i fe on earth . The one is that this

world is not an i l lus ion ,but a tremendous rea l ity , involv ing the

primary duty tha t man work f or its betterment . The second is

that man wa s set in the centre of th is imper fect world , to serve

a s its perfecter and redeemerfl Every individua l knows that hehas a part to p lay in thi s great scheme . Th is a t once emphas izesman ’

s excel lence in the sca le of earth ly ex istence . Lifelongeffort to perfect an imper fect world gives man unfa i l ing joy,

which he would m is s , i f p laced in an a l ready per fect wor ld , The

imperfections of the finite world do not discourage him,for he

knows for certa in that they w i l lbe overcome and removed

through h is instrumenta l ity . Suff ering, it is true, darkens all

morta l l i fe . I t IS useles s to i gnore this fact , nor is it wise to

brood over it in va in sentimenta l ity . I t is not heroic to l ift one’s

soul in agony to Ahura Mazda , and implore him to wipe away

ZOROASTRIAN VIEW OF LIFE

human tea rs . Man of h is own accord has ra l l ied to the banner

o f the King o f R igh teousnes s , and is fighting the enemy , w ith

God and his fel low-men as h is comrades . Consequently , bothduty and honour impart the s trong impulse to fight and conquer ,and insp ire h im to endure a ll ha rdsh ips cheer ful ly and bravely ,andbe ever ready to lay down h is l i fe for the m ighty cause, a sthe soldier that he is . By constant s truggle and eff ort to over

come imperfections , man is enabled to touch the depths o f h is

own l i fe , and ga ther the ful les t s trength of his being. Zara

thu shtra gives a new zes t to l i fe, and prepares man to take a

cheer ful v iew of its a ff a irs . This optimis tic tra it was conspicuousin the racia l cha racter of early Zoroas tr ians . Li fe to them wa s

worth living, and a long and happy l i fe became the cons tant

burden of their prayers . I t is ev ident that ascetic pract ices wouldnot appea l to such a people , and it is no wonder that monast icl i fe, with its

‘

exaltation o f cel ibacy , mendicancy, and mortifica

tion ,never found a congenia l soi l in Zoroa s tr ian Pers ia . As

s truggle is the ba s ic p rincip le of religion, man’

s whole attentionis devoted to prepa ring himsel f for the wa rfare . In such a sys

tem of thought, courage, manl ines s , sel f- improvement , d i l igence ,

j us tice , and truthfulnes s would natura l ly become prima ry vi rtues;whereas hum il ity , forgivenes s , and mercy would rece ive

s econda ry importance.

CHAPTER VI I

AVESTAN LITERATURE

Name of th e language and l itera ture of An c ient I ran .

The reign of the Kian ian king, V ishta spa ,

is memorable in I ran iananna l s f or the advent of Zarathu shtra . The sacred l iterature

produced by the eff orts of the prophet and his disciples , a s we l las the language o f this l iterature

, a re genera l ly des ignated Aves taor Zend-Aves ta . The word Aves ta ,

however,does not occur in

these ear lies t Iran ian texts ,bu t is found firs t in the Pahlav i . We

have no means of a scerta in ing the name which Zarathu shtra and

h is contemporaries gave to these holy writings , nor yet the name

of the language in wh ich they w rote and conversed . The wordAves ta is interpreted in var ious ways , and there is no defin ite

agreement among the s cholars . I t is p robable that it is der ivedfrom the verba l s tem a id,

‘to know ,

’

and, consequently , that it

s ignifies know ledge or w isdom .

’

The Pahlavi language , in wh ich the word Aves ta is found ,came into exis tence in Iran a fter the extinction o f the Aves tantongue a s a vernacular . I t des ignates the origina l Zoroas trian

texts a s Ava s tak , Avis tak , or Ava stak u Zand . The Pahlavi

word Z and has for its or igina l Aves tan Aza inti wh ich means

explanation . Hence, the expres s ion Avastak u Zand is genera l lytaken to represent the origina l Avestan texts , together with the

commenta ry upon them , in Pahlav i . The term Z and need notberes tricted exclus ively to denote the Pah lavi commentary ,but may

a lso refer to the short commentaries , in the Aves tan languageitsel f upon the difficult Avestan texts . Such explanatory Avestanglos ses are found interspersed in the extant Avestan texts . The

word dzainti fi rst occurs in the texts of Ys . 57 . 8, 20, whichbelongs to a date of compos ition not very f ar f rom that o f the

Gathas , and certa in ly refers to the Aves tan commenta ry .

At a later period the express ion Zend-Aves ta becomes more

popula r among the Zoroa strians o f Pers ia and India , both a s the

name of the Zoroastrian s criptures and thei r language . The P er

38

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40 AVESTAN LITERATURE

extant texts is read from right to left, and represents a Semitica lphabet . The Arama ic a lphabet a lready occup ied a prominent

pos ition,as ear ly as 800 B C , among the S em itic a lphabets thatwere wel l known throughout the northwes tern borders o f Iran .

I t cannotbe sa id , how ea rly this Semiti c s cr ipt began tobeused in Zoroa strian Pers ia,but we can say from the Aves tantexts that have come down to us that they are w ritten in a scriptwhich maybe clas sed a s s ome derived type of the old Arama ica lphabet . The Avestan a lphabet conta ins about fi fty diff erent

s igns .

Th e extent of Aves tan l i tera ture . Zoroastrian tradition

speaks of the origina l Aves tan canon a s cons isting of twenty-one

Na sks , or books corresponding to the twenty-one words of AhunaVa irya , the mos t sa cred Zoroa strian prayer . The Pahlavi

Dinkard gives a l i st o f the contents o f these origina l holy books ,and Wes t es timates on the s trengt h of these inform ing contents

that the twenty-one volumes must have conta ined about

words o f wr itten texts ? This traditiona l sta tement about the

extens ivenes s of the or igina l Zoroa strian canon is supported by

the writings o f the foreign writers . Pl iny the E lder in forms us

that Zoroaster compos ed verses .

“The Arab h istoriansTaba ri and Ma sudi s tate that the Zoroa strian works were copied

out on cowhides .

4

Two a rchetype cop ies of these sacred texts , we are told , were

prepa red a t the command of King V ishtaspa , and depos ited in

the l ibraries at D izh-i Nipisht and Ganj—i Shapigan .

5 At the

end of the Achaemen ian Emp ire , when Pers ia lay prostratebefore A lexander, one of these copies perished in the flames when

the conqueror burned the roya l pa lace a t Persepol is .

“Traditionma inta ins that the other copy was taken by the conquering hos ts

to the i r own country , and later rendered into Greek .

7

The long centuries of the Seleucid and Parthian rule , fol low

ing the co l laps e of the Pers ian Empire is a blank period in the

literary hi story of the country . The las t o f the Ars acids f avou red the col le’ction o f the s cattered texts ,but the rea l work o f

2 West , SBE . vol . 37 , Introd. p . 45.

HN. xxx. 1 . 2 .

Anna les , i . 675;Ma sudi , ed . Ba rb ier de Meyna rd, 1 1 . 1 23.

5Dk .

, vol . 9 , p . 577 .

Diodoru s , 1 7 . 72;Curtius , 5. 7;Dk .

, vol . 9 , p . 569 .

7Dk . , vol . 9 , p . 569 .

AVESTAN LITERATURE 4 1

res toring them wa s zea lous ly and sys tema tica l ly undertaken bythe Sasanians .

The origina l twenty-one Nasks , a s s epa rate books , were long

s ince los t . A cons iderable portion of the contents o f these works

was probably used from very early times for r itua l purposes .

The texts , in th is case, were not recited in the order given in the

Nasks ,but were specia l ly arranged accord ing to the l iturgica lrequirements . Some of the comp lete Nasks , and the s elected

portions of others,were interwoven with one another for this

purpose . The sacred texts mus t have been rec ited by hea rt in

this order by the officiating priests f rom very ancient t imes , and

being transmitted in the hered ita ry pries thood f rom generat ionto generat ion , were thus perpetuated . This ora l transmis s ion of

the l iturgica l and ritua l text s ha s greatly helped in the res tora

t ion of the lost Nask s . The texts , comp iled and ed ited by thelea rned Sasafiian high pries ts , were forma l ly declared by the

roya l decree authoritative and fina l .This canonica l comp ilation once aga in su ff ered heavily in the

seventh century, when Zoroas tr ian Pers ia fel l dead a t the feet ofthe conquering hordes of Arabia . Th irteen long centuries havee lapsed s ince the extinction of the la st Zoroas trian Emp ire and

the ravages of fire, sword , and time have reduced the grea t bulkof the sacred texts of Zoroaster to the f ragmentary and scanty

rema ins in which the Aves tan text s have reached u s . The enti reco l lection of the extant Aves tan texts , according to Geldner, cons ists of about words ,“and preserve materia ls , in ful l orin part, to the extent of about two-thirds of the origina l Zoroa strian canon of twenty-one books .

Aves tan manus cr ip ts . The work of copying manuscriptswas zea lous ly carried on throughout the dark days o f Zoroas

trianism. The Pers ian s cribes ma inta ined thei r super ior ity inpenmanship over thei r Indian co-rel igionists , j ust a s the learnedamong them had preserved a closer acqua intance w ith re l igioustradition than the Zoroa str ian h igh priests of India . Bu t the

genera l state of a ff a irs grew more unsettled in Pers ia a s t ime

pas s ed , until during the la s t f ew centuries the cond it ion of the

Zoroa strian community became s o preca rious that the work of

the scribes , a s we l l a s that of the preserva tion o f the prec ious

’Geldner in Aves ta

,Pah lavi

,and Ancient I rania n S tud ies , 30,

Stras sburg,

.

1 904.

42 AVESTAN LITERATURE

manuscripts , became extremely difficult . I t is not surpri s ing,under such circums tances , that the oldest extant Avestan manus cript copied in Pers ia is not of an ea rl ier date than the seven

teenth century .

The Indian colony of the Zoroas tr ian settlers was more f or

tanate in this respect than fhat of the persecuted fo l lowers of

Zoroa ster in h is p lace of b irth . From time to t ime, var iousmanuscripts Cros sed the Pers ian Gul f or the A fghan f rontiers intoIndia ,

and the Pa rs i s cribes kept themse lves busy making cop iesof thes e origina l s . Comparative s ecurity in their land o f adop

tion and their growing prosper ity, enabled the Indian Zoroas

trians to preserve intact this l itera ry treasure of the i r anc ientfa ith . The oldest Aves tan manuscr ipt , copied in India and pre

s erved to thi s day, is at least four centuries older than its I raniancounterpa rt , and dates from the th irteenth century . Th is oldest

surviv ing manuscript is thus over two thous and years later in datethan its author.

India and Pers ia hitherto divided the posses s ion of a ll Avestan manuscripts between them . Europe entered into competition

f or the ownersh ip of these sacred documents about the beginn ing

of the e ighteenth century, and America ha s recently establ ished

her cla im to these relics of the sacred l iterature of the Or ient by

s ecuring some unique manuscr ipts for the Columb ia Un ivers ity ofNew York . The oldes t Avestan manuscript , a l ready referred to,

now rests on the shelves of the Bodleian libra ry at Oxford , and

the un ivers ity libra ry of Copenhagen has the dis tinct ion of pos

s ess ing the best col lection of the Avestan manuscripts in the

world . India can boa st o f a fa irly large col lection of the Avestanmanuscripts;but Pers ia ,

the origina l home of the written Wordof its prophet is practica l ly barren of the manuscript materia l .

Th e natu re of Aves tan l i tera ture . The Aves ta is above a ll

a rel igious literature . Both prose and poetica l compos itionsrecord theologica l

,doctrina l , devot iona l , and ritua l utterances

of the prophet and his disciples . It wa s the sacred character

o f these texts that tended in a great measure to the preservation

of even a portion of the origina l holy writ . The Aves tan language had a fa irly long lea se of l i fe in K ianian I ran , a nd it is

natura l that there shouldbe a cons iderable secula r l iterature a lso.

Tradition a l ludes to the existence of a va st l iterature o f th is

class . We are informed by the author of the D inhard that the

AVESTAN LITERATURE 43

S asan ian king Shapur I ordered a col lection o f the Aves tan textsupon secula r subjects , such as med icine , a stronomy , geography ,m inera l s , and other a rts and sc iences , tha t had found the ir wayin a sca ttered cond ition to India , Greece , and other countr ies .

“Natura l ly enough th is secular l itera ture could notbe guardedas zea lous ly as the ind ispensab le theologica l texts , and , conse

quent ly, it per ished in convu l s ions that fol lowed the down fa l l ofthe emp ire .

Firdau s i immorta l izes the k ings and heroes o f th IS per 1od in

his famous work based upon the materia ls handed down by trad ition. The early bards who were contemporary w ith these

popular heroes or who flourished in subs equent generat ions , mus t

have recounted the ta les o f the ir p rowes s in the Aves tan tongue

and celebrated their pra ises in odes sung in every Iranian house .

Not a l ine of_this interes ting l iterature has reached us .

Though 116 cons ecutive works which dea l exclus ively with

the secular subj ects have reached u s , we meet, interspers ed in

the extant Aves tan texts, s tray pa s s ages and f ragmentary chap

ters wh ich treat of va rious branches of secu la r know ledge . These

provide us w ith use fu l in formation about the socia l and economic

l i fe of the Aves tan people .

Aves tan poetry . The Gatha s , the oldes t part of the Avestanl iterature in ex is tence , are in verse , and embody the memorab leutterances of the prophet h imse l f . I t wa s genera l ly known thatthe Gathas were metrica l compos itions ,bu t the fact that a con

s iderable portion o f Yasna , Ya sht , and Vendidad -was a lso in

metre wa s long s ince forgotten . Geldner firs t discovered th isimportant fact , and acqua inted the s chola rly world w ith the

pres ence of vers es scattered throughout the pros e texts .

1 0 The

Aves tan poetry genera l ly cons is ts of octosy l lab ic metre . I t doesnot obs erve rhyme, and is not part icula r about the quant ity o f

syllables . The five Ga tha s , compos ed in five d iff erent metr ica lforms , represent the bes t poetry of the Aves tan l iterature ,

whereasthe later compos itions show a decl ine in the art of vers ification .

Spec imen s of Aves tan l i tera ture . We sha l l give here a free

rendering of some important pa s s ages of Aves tan p rose and

poetry , wh ich w i l l acqua int us w ith their va lue a s l itera ry com

pos itions .

Dk . , vol . 9 , p . 578.

See Geldner, Uber d ie Metrik des J ungeren Aves ta, Tubingen ,1877 .

44 AVESTAN LITERATURE

The ea rly Iran ian settlers were ha ras sed by the hosti le ne igh

bours and nomadic tribes that surrounded them . These hardy

mounta ineers that roved over the rugged mounta ins f requentlyemerged f rom the i r native fa stnes ses , in sea rch of food for them

selves and fodder f or thei r cattle, and repeatedly overran I ranian

s ettlements , ca rrying away crops and cattle reared by the indus

try and toi l of the I ran ian peasantry . The sp i rit of the an imate

world s ends forth a cry to heaven and beseeches Ahura Mazda

to s end a del iverer who would rel ieve the ea rth of the burden of

human wrongs under which the ea rth wa s groan ing

Unto you wa i led the soul of the Kine. For what did you createme , who made me ?

Over me are vio lence and rapine, oppres s ion and terror and force.

None other than you is my husbandman , vouchsa fe then unto methe bles s ings o f

Ys . 29 . 1 .

The bi rth of Zarathushtra sends a thril l o f joy throughoutthe good creat ion , and the poet describes it in the fol low ing lines .

In whose birth and in whose growthRej oiced waters and p lants ,In whose birth and in whose growthIncreased waters and p lants ,In whose birth and in whose growthCried out

“ha i l !”A l l the creatures o f the Holy One.

Ha i l l born f or us i s the pries t,Spitama Za ra thushtra .

’

93, 94

Zarathushtra’

s birth con founds the Evi l Spirit and his wickedbrood .

At whose birth and at whose growthRushed away Angra Ma inyuFrom this earth which is wide,Round, whose ends lie a far .

Thus he how led, the evi l-knowingAngra Ma inyu , the a ll-deadly,Not did a ll the ange l s togetherD rive me out aga ins t my wi l l ,But Za rathushtra a loneOverpowered me in sp ite o f myse l f.

He smi tes me with the holy Word, a weapon l ike a stone a sbig as a

house;he burns me with Best Righteousnes s ," a s i f with molten meta l , so

does he make it that it were better i f I quitted this earth;He a lone who forces me to quitWho is S pitama Za rathushtra .

”

Yt . 1 7. 1 9 , 20.

AVESTAN LITERATURE 45

Deserted by his f riends and harassed by his enem ies , Zara

thushtra turns to his heavenly f riend f or he lp and speaks

‘To what land sha l l I turn, whither sha l l I go ?Forsaken by kinsmen and nobles I am;Ne ither do peop le l ike me,Nor so the w icked rulers o f the land.

How then, sha l l I p lease Thee , Mazda Ahura ?This I know,

Mazda , wherefore I fai lFew a re my flocks , and f ew my fo l lowers .

In grief I cry to Thee , Ahura , behold it.He lp me even a s friend unto friend,Show me through righteousnes s the riches of Good

s . 4 I , 2 .

Zarathu shtra exhorts his hea rers to u se thei r f reedom of wil l

and intel l igently choose for themselves the i r fa ith .

Hear ye the best with your ears , with discernment ponder overthem,

For choice of fa ith, each man for himse lf decidingFor the great concern at hand.

’

Ys . 30. 2 .

The prophet preaches his phi losophy of the two Primeva lSpirits

Now sha l l I speak o f the world’s Prima l Spirits twainO f whom the Holier thus address ed the Evi l :Neither our thoughts, nor teachings , nor understandings ,Nor w i l ls , nor words , nor deeds ,No r s e lves , nor souls do agree.

”

Ys . 45 . 2 .

‘These Prima l Spirits who revea led themse lves a s twa inAre in thought and word and deed

,a better and abad .

The wise one between the two chose aright , not so the unwise.

And then these two Sp irits created a s first they met togetherLife and non-l ife , a s a l so at the la s t it sha l lbeWors t Existence to the wicked, Bes t M ind unto the r ighteous .

’

Ys . 30. 3 , 4.

Ashi , the impersonation of rect itude welcomes the prophet asunder

Then thus spoke she,The good and grea t A shi,Come nearer unto meThou true and r ighteous S pitamaLean thou aga ins t my cha riot.”

Near unto her cameS pitama Zarathushtra,He leaned aga inst her char iot .And then she caressed him from above

46 AVESTAN LITERATURE

With the left a rm and the rightWith the r ight a rm and the leftWith words she addres sed h im thusBeaut iful a rt thou, Za rathu shtra .

We l l-shapen art thou, Sp itama;St rong thy legs , long thy arms

,

G lory to thy body is giff enLong happines s to thy sou lEven a s I have spoken to thee .

Yt. 1 7 . 2 1 , 22 .

Zarathushtra expla ins the sanctity of wedded l i fe on the

occas ion of the solemniz ing of the marriage of h is younges t

daughter .

H im, 0 P ouruchista , thou o f the fami ly of Haechataspa

And Spitama , youngest o f Zara thu shtra’

s daughters ,Has he chosen thy husband who is devoted to Good M ind, Right

eou snes s and Mazda;Counse l then w ith thy wisdom and do with good intent the

hol iest deeds o f devotion .

Unto ma idens marry ing I speak wordsO f monitions and unto you ,

lay them to hea rt,Wise with precepts s trive f or the l ife o f Good M ind,Seek to exce l one another in Righteousnes s , f or that one’s sha l lbe

the j oy .

’

Ys . 53. 3 , 5 .

Zarathushtra holds ou t rewa rd and retribution to those who

the will of Ahura Mazda and those that revolt f rom it .

‘Unto him who does h is wi l l , gives better than the goodHe, Ahura Mazda

,in h is kingdom;unto him worse than evi l

Who serves him not,at the las t end o f l ife .

’

Ys . 5 1 . 6 .

Vishtaspa , the patron king, succours the rel igion brought

Zarathu shtra

‘Who became the a rm and suppo rtO f this re l igionWhich is o f Ahura and Za ra thu shtra .

Who found her progres s a rres tedAnd rescued her from the wicked,He gave her a centra l p lace,H igh rul ing and never fa lter ing, holy,Pos s es s ing in p lenty , catt le and fodder,Bles sed with p lenty of catt le and fodder .

’

Yt. 1 3. 99 ,1 00.

S tray pas sages that inspire devotion

So Za rathu shtra gives a s an off er i/

ng even the l ife of h is body,And the exce l lence o f Good Thought unto Mazda ,

As a l so wi l ling obedience and power o f deeds and words untorighteousnes s .

’

Ys . 33. 1 4.

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4s AVESTAN LITERATURE

Unhappy indeed is the land that for longLies unp loughed by a p loughmanAnd in need o f a good p loughman,

Even as a beautifu l ma idenWho long goes chi ldles sAnd in need o f a good husband.

‘Who so ti l ls the earth,‘Spitama Zarathu shtra !

With the left a rm and the rightWith the r ight a rm and the leftUnto h im she brings forth p lenty

just as a loving husband ly ing on abed with h is beloved bringsforth a son or fruit.

Who so t i l ls this earth , Spitama Za rathu shtra !With the left a rm and the rightWith the r ight a rm and the left,Then unto h im says this earth, 0 man !Thou who dos t t i l l meWith the left a rm and the rightWith the right a rm and the left,Here indeed upon thy country I sha l l bestow,

Here indeed I sha l l come laden with fruitB ringi ng a ll kinds of foodBes ides a profus ion o f corn .

‘Whoso does not ti l l this '

earth, Spitama Zarathushtra !With the left a rm and the rightWith the right a rm and the left,Then unto h im s ays this earth, 0 man !Thou who dos t not t i l l meWith the left a rm and the rightWith the right arm and the left,Veri ly sha lt thou standLeaning at the door of the s trangerAmong those thatbeg f or foodThe refuse indeed f or theeWi l l they bring o f foodThose who have profus ion o f good things .

Creator o f the materia l world, thou righteous one ! What is the increa se o f the Mazda -wor shipping re l igion ? ’ Then rep lied Ahura MazdaMuch ti l l ing o f corn, O S p itama Za ra thu shtra ! Whoso cultiva tes corn ,

cult ivates righteousnes s;he furthers the Mazda-worshipping re l igion a s

wel l as with a hundred feet , he suckles the Mazda-worshipp ing rel igionwith a thousand breas ts , and s trengthen s i t with ten thousand sacrifices .

When corn grows , then the demons s tart in dismay;when thesprout s are out, the demons cough;when the s ta lks are seen , the demonsweep;when the ears are out, then the demons flee;in that house wherethe corn i s made into flour the demons a re smitten

I t s eems a s i f is turnedRed-hot iron in their j awsWhen corn i s s tored in p lenty .

Then let this holy say ingbe recited.

None o f those who do not eat are able to practise great works o frighteousne s s , to do much work o f husbandry, to beget many children .

By eating indeed every materia l creature l ives , by not eating it perishes .

”

Vd. 3. 24-33.

AVESTAN LITERATURE 49

Bless ings upon the rul ing king

‘I invoke upon the k ing, the lord o f the country, the bles s ing o f su

preme courage, s upreme victo ry, supreme sovereignty , s tabi l i ty o f h i s

k ingdom,long rule o f the k ingdom,

a long l ife to l ive w ith the s trengtho f the body.

‘I invoke upon h im the bles s ing o f courage we l l-formed and we l ldeve loped, victory given by Ahura , ove rpowe ring supremacy , entire s ubjugation o f the tyrants , smit ing o f the enemies , overthrowing o f the ad

versa ries , and the hos tile ty rants .

‘I invoke upon him the bles s ing that he maybe a victor in his s trugglewith a ll hos tile tyrants

,a ll evi l oppres sors , evi l thinkers , evil speakers , and

evi l doers .

‘May hebe a victor through good thoughts and good words and

good deeds . May hebe a smiter o f a ll enemie s , o f a ll demon-worshippers .

May he atta in to good rewa rd, and to good renown, and to long happ ines s o f the soul .

I invoke the bles s ing Mayst thou l ive long, and mays t thou l ive a

happy l ife f or the he lp o f the righteous ones and f or the distres s o f the

evi l-doers .

May the Best Wor ld o f the r ighteousThe shining, the a ll-happy ,be thine ,So may itbe a s I invoke bles s ing.

”

Ae . 1 4-18.

The fol lowing verses give a picture o f the house of a personwho is favoured by Ashi , the gen ius of fortune .

A shi, thou’good, and Ashi , thou fa ir, and A shi, thou b ril l iant

With j oy and radiant with shining rays ,A shi, thou gi ver o f good gloryUnto those men whom thou dost fo l low.

With per fumes sme l ls the houseIn which Ashi , the good,Puts her auspicious feetWith peaceful mind f or long friendship .

Those men rule kingdoms,r ich in food ,

Provided with sweet-scented mea l s ,Where the beds a re spreadAnd other coveted richesUnto whom thou good A shi dost fo l low .

Happy indeed the man whom thou dost fol low,

Then do thou fo l low meThou posses sed o f manifold boons and courageous .

Their houses a re we l l la id out

Rich in cattle they standIn the forefront and long-lasting.

Their beds s tandWe l l-spread and wel l-adornedWel l-shaped and provided with cushionsWith feet in laid with gold.

Their loving wives wa itingS it on the bedsThat are fine and provided w ith cushionsE legant ly attired and adorned with brace lets ,W ith hanging ea r-ringsFour-cornered and a golden necklace .

When w i l l our hous e-lords come ? When sha l l we have loving joyin our body ?

50 AVESTAN LITERATURE

Their ma idens s itAdorned with anklets , they of thin wa is t

,

Beautiful of body,long their fingers ,

O f such beauty in formA s those who see them can w ish.

‘Their horses a re awe-in‘spiring,

Swift and loud neighing,Sw ift ly they draw their cha riots ,They a re ha rnes sed in fine leather ,They bear thy ga l lant invoker ,Pos s es s ed o f sw ift horses , high chariots ,A sha rp spea r, a long spea r

And sw ift a rrows , hitting his ma rk ,Overtaking h is adver sary from behind,Smiting h is f oe from the front .

Their came ls a re awe-insp iring,O f la rge hump and great inte l l igence,Flying upon the ground, fight ing w ith great fire .

‘They have s i lver and go ldB rought to them in hoards by envoysFrom the dis tant landsAnd garments o f sp lendid make .

Unto whom thou good A shi dos t fol low .

Happy indeed the man whom thou dost fo l low,

Then do thou fo l low meThou pos s es s ed o f mani fo ld boon and courageous .

’

Yt . 1 7 . 6-1 4.

Every Iran ian youth asp ired to share in the management o f

the communa l a ff a i rs and the fol lowing l ines dep ict the parents

praying f or such publ ic—spirited sons .

(Give me) nat ive o ff spring that give support ,Rul ing over the region ,

be longing to the a s sembly ,thoroughly deve loped, pos ses sed of good works

,del ivering from distres s ,

o f good intel lect , that may further my house, vi l lage, town , country , andthe renown o f the country .

’

Ny . 5 . 1 1 .

According to the Avestan w riters the Kara fi sh ,the sta l l ion ,

and the vulture pos ses s the most powerful eyes ight among l ivingbeings .

Verethraghna gives unto Za ra thushtra the eyes ight o f the Ka ra fish ,

that l ives beneath the waters , in the Rangha w ith ends lying f ar , and

depths a thousand times the height o f a man , and who can mea sure a rip

ple no thicker than a ha ir the eyes ight o f the sta l l ion , that in the

da rk o f the drea ry and cloudy n ight can s ee a horse’s ha ir lying on the

ground and can make ou t whether it i s from the head or the ta i l the

eyes ight o f the vulture with a go lden co l lar , that from a distance o f nine

dis tricts can s ee a p iece o f flesh no thicker than the fi st , jus t a s much inbrightnes s a s a needle

, even a s the point o f a needle .

’

Yt. I 4. 29 , 3 1 . 33.

Sha l l I s ink into the ea rth ? ’

‘Then rep l ied Ahura MazdaThou fa ir and w ise A shi ,G0 not forth to the heavens ,S ink not into the ea rth,But wa lk thou in the

Inter ior o f my abode , holyAnd fa ir and kingly .

”

Yt . I 7 , 59 , 60.

Cha stity is the h ighest virtue and the courtesan , who is a

scourge to the world o f mora l ity , is condemned thus

Her look dri es up a third o f the mighty flowing waters , 0 Za rathush

tra;her look take s away a third o f the growth o f the blooming, beautiful ,green-co loured trees , O Za ra thu shtra .

Her look takes away a third o f the verdure o f the bountiful ea rthher touch takes away a third o f the cou rage , victory and t ruthfulnes s o f a

righteous person o f good thoughts , good words and good deeds , O Za rathushtra .

Therefore I s ay unto thee , O S p itama Za rathu shtra ,tha t such a one

is more deserving o f death than gl iding snakes , or than how l ing wolves ,or than the prow l ing she-wo l f tha t fa l l s upon the fo ld,

or than the she-frogthat rushes into the water with her thous andfo ld brood.

’

Vd'

. 18. 63-65 .

The follow ing lines descr ibe a r ighteous sou l ’s heavenwardjourney a fter death

‘At the close o f the third night, when the dawn breaks , the soul o f

the righteous person pa sses through the trees inha l ing sweet fragrancesit seems a s i f a w ind were b low ing from the region o f the south , fromthe region s o f the south, o f sweet fragrance , o f sweeter f ragrance thanother w inds .

‘And it seems to the soul o f the righteou s person a s i f it were in

ha ling that w ind w ith the nose,and it thinks : Whence does that wind

blow , the wind o f the sweetes t fragrance that I ever inha led w ith mynos tri ls ?”

I t seems to h im a s i f h is own conscience we re advancing to h im w iththat w ind in the shape o f a ma iden ,

fa ir , bright , o f white a rms , courageous ,beautiful , ta l l , w ith prominent brea sts , beau t iful o f body , noble , o f glor iousbi rth, o f fi fteen yea rs , and o f a form a s fa ir a s the fa ires t o f creatures .

.

‘

Then the sou l o f the r ighteou s pe rson addres sed her , a sking :“Whatma iden art thou, the fa ires t o f ma iden s whom I have ever seen ?

‘Then rep l ied unto h im his own con science : “O thou youth o f goodthoughts, good words and good deeds

,and o f good conscience

, everybodyloved thee f or the greatnes s , goodnes s , beauty, sweet fragrance

,courage ,

1nnocence,In wh 1ch thou dost appea r to me .“Thou dids t love me , 0 youth o f good thoughts ,

good words , gooddeeds , and good conscience , for the gr ea tnes s , goodnes s , beauty , s

'

weetfragrance, courage , innocence , in which I appea r to thee .

52 AVESTAN LITERATURE

When thou didst see others practis ing heresy and idolatry , caus ingharm and working des truction to p lants;then thou wouldst s it chantingthe ho ly songs

,s acrificing unto the good waters and the fire o f Ahura

Mazda , and caus ing j oy to the righteous coming from nea r and f a r .

Love ly a s I wa s thou mades t me more love ly, beautiful as I wa sthou mades t me more beautiful , favoured a s I wa s thou mades t me morefavoured, seated as I wa s on an exa l ted p lace, thou madest me s it on a

more exa lted p lace, through thy good thoughts , good words , and gooddeeds;and so men wi l l herea fter s acrifice unto me who have long sacrificed unto and have been in communion with Ahura Mazda .

”

The firs t s tep that the soul o f the righteous person made , p laced h imin the Good Thought pa radise, the second s tep that the soul o f the

ri ghteous person made , p laced h im in the Good Word paradise , the thirds tep that the soul o f the righteous person made, p laced him in the GoodDeed paradise , the fourth s tep that the soul o f the righteous person made,p laced him in the Endles s Lights .

’

Yt. 2 2 . 7-1 5 .

The condition of the world , that willbe at the time

Renovat ion is described a s under

That the wor ld they may renovateNever aging and never dyingNever decaying and never rottingEver l iving and ever growing and master at its wi l l .When the dead wi l l r iseLife and immorta lity wi l l comeThe wor ld wi l lbe renovated at its wi l l . ’

Yt . 1 9 . 1 1 .

In the fol lowing verses the poet speaks of

prosperity that the Iranian countries enjoyed in

of King Yima and ends with the description of

glorious king.

In whose k ingdom they ateBoth food and drink unfa i ling,Flocks and men were undying,Waters and p lants were undrying.

In whose reign neither coldNor hot wind did blow

,

Neither was there old age nor deathNor j ea lousy demon-madeBefore he l ied.

Before the time that he,In words o f fa l sehood and untruthBegan to take de l ight.But when in words of fa l sehood and untruthHe took de light,The Glory from before h is s ightF led away in the shape of a b ird.

When he saw the Glory vanish,He, the good shepherd Yima KhshaetaIn sorrow did Yima wanderIn terror o f his enemyLa id h im low on the ground.

’

Yt. 1 9 . 32-34.

AVESTAN LITERATURE 53

Thus boa s ted Snavidhka

Child I am stil l , not o f ful l age ,I f ever to ful l age I grow,

I w i l l make the ea rth a wheel ,I wi l l make the heaven a cha r iot.I w il l br ing the Good S pirit downFrom the shining Pa radise ,

I w il l drag out the Evi l S piritFrom the s tinking He l l .They sha l l draw my Cha riotBoth Good and the Evi l Sp ir its .

I f the manly-minded Keresa spa would me. manlyminded Keresaspa d id ki l l h im

With an end to his l ifeWith des truction o f h is being.

’

Yt. I 9 . 43, 44.

King Takhma Urup i , the Demon-B inder, subj uga tes the EvilSpirit and us es him a s h is charger :

And he rode Angra Ma inyu

Turned into the body o f a horseFor thirty yearsFrom one end of the ea rth to the other.

’

Yt . 1 9 . 29 .

Speaking about the hero Keresaspa who, mis taking the back

a dragon for a piece of land , prepared to cook h is food upon

the poet says

‘Who ki l led the horny dragon ,

The horse-swa l low ing and men-swa l low ing,Ful l of poison,

green o f co lour ,Over whom had poison flowedAs thick as a thumb and green ,

On who se back did Keresa spaCook h is mea l in an iron pot

At the time o f noon .

Scorched , he , the deadly his sedAnd ru shed from under the iron pot

And upset the boi l ing water .

A ff righted ru shed headlongThe manly-minded Keresaspa .

’

Ys . o. 1 1 .

In the hymn of pra ise dedicated to Ardvi Sura , the fema legenius o f fertil ity, the composer describes her form and gar

ments in the fol lowing words

Beautiful indeed a re her armsAnd white, s tronger than ‘

a horse,Beaut iful and love ly

,she is wel l-adorned,

O f a love ly ma iden’

s form,

Very courageous , wel l-deve loped.

54 AVESTAN LITERATURE

G irded high, ta l l in form,

O f glorious l ineage, nobly born ,

Wea ring shoes o f ankle-heightGo lden-hued and bright .

’

Donning the golden mouth—coveringStands she, the goodArdvi Sura AnahitaC lad in fine garmentA l l embroidered in go ldAdorned w ith ear-ringsO f four corners and gold,She of noble l ineage wea rs a necklace,Ardvi Sura AnahitaAround her love ly neck .

Tight ly ha s she girded her wa is t

That we l l -shaped maybe her brea s tsThat p leas ing maybe her brea s ts .

Upon her head she wea rs a crownArdvi Sura Anahita ,

W ith a hundred s tar s and golden ,

Eight its s ides , o f a Cha riot ’ s des ignW ith beautifu l fi l lets ,Good in s ize and fair o f make .

C lad in beaver ga rments , isArdvi Su ra Anahita ,

O f three hundred beavers .

’

Yt . 5 . 7 , 64, 78, 1 23 , 1 26- 1 29 .

The onward flow o f the waters of Ardv i Sura is descr ibeda s under

The great f a r-famed ,Who is a s much in greatnes sA s a ll these watersThat run a long on this ea rth .

W 110,the s trong one , flow s forth

From the height H uka irya

To the S ea Vouruka sha .

A l l the shores a round the S ea Vouruka shaA re in commotion ,

The whole middle i s bubb l ing upWhen she flows forth unto them,

A rdvi Su ra Anahita .

To whom be long a thou sand lakesTo whom a thou sand ou tlets;Any one o f these lakesAnd any o f these out lets( I s ) a forty days ’ r ideFor a man mounted on a good hors e .

And the outflow of th isOne wa ter o f mine penetrates

unto a ll the seven zones . And ( the outflow ) o f th is wa ter

Flow s continuous lyBoth summer and w inter .

’

Ny . 4 . 4-6 .

In the Litany to the moon we have

How does the moon wax ? How does the moon wane ? Fifteen daysdoes the moon wax . F1 f teen days does the moon wane . As long a s is her

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56 AVESTAN LITERATURE

three nights they fight together, 0 Sp itama Za rathushtra ! And the

demon Apaosha proves superior, overpowers and vanquishes the radiant,glorious T ishtrya .

Then from there he fleesFrom the s ea Vourukasha

To a Hathra ’

s dis tanceIn woe and dis tres s he cries out

The radiant and glorious TishtryaWoe to me, Ahura Mazda !I am undone, ye waters and p lants !Lost is my fortune, O Mazda -worshipping religion.

”

In his second encounter with Apaosha , Tishtrya triumphs

over h im .

Ha i l , cried he,The radiant and glorious Tishtrya ,Ha i l unto me, Ahura Mazda ,

Ha i l, ye wa ters and p lants ,

Hai l , O Mazda -worshipping re ligion ,

Ha i lbe unto you , ye countries ,Onward f or you the water—streamsWi l l unhindered flowTo the corn o f the la rge seeds ,To the gra s s o f the sma l l s eeds ,And to the materia l wor ld.

”

Yt . 8. 22 , 23, 29 .

In the deep s i lence of the n ight, broken by occas iona l yelp ing

of dogs , the angel S raosha keeps watch over the s leeping coun

try , and goes his round o f inspection in a cha riot drawn by four

s teeds . The text des cribes these horses .

Whom four horsesWhite , shin ing, beaut iful .Holy, inte l l igent , and shadow les sCa rry through the heaven ly region .

O f horn their hoofsShod w ith go ld.

‘Swifter they than hors es , swifter than t he w ind , sw ifter than thera in , swifter than the clouds , swifter than the w inged birds , swifter thana wel l-da rted a rrow .

A l l these they overtake .

Those who fo l low them from behindDo not overtake them from behind.

Who together w ith two weaponsDrive forward carry ingThe good

,holy S raosha

Reaching the Indus on the eas t‘

Striking f ar in the wes t.’Ys . 57 . 2 7-29 .

Among the tamed bea sts of burden u sed in I ran, the camelwas the chief means of transport and was a lso used for riding.

AVESTAN LITERATURE 57

The fol lowing verses v ividly describe his qua lifica tions and h is

form .

In the shape o f a came l , burden-bea ring,Doci le and dashing ,S trong and swift o f steps ,

Supp lying ha iry ga rments to man.

Who o f a ll ma les in rut

Pos ses ses the greates t s trengthAnd the greates t vigourWhen he goes to h is fema les .

Indeed those fema les a re bes t protectedWhom protects the burden-bearing came l

o f‘

s trong fore legs , s tout hump, ha iry eyes , shaking head, impos ing ,and courageous .

Whose f a r reaching glanceReaches f a r evenIn the da rk o f the n ight.Who throws white foamA long h is mouth ,Of good knees and good feetWho s tands looking roundAs an a ll-powerful ruler.

’

Yt. 1 4. 1 1 -1 3.

The poet vividly describes the fl ight of Va reghna , the swiftest

among birds , in the fol lowing manner

In the shape of the b ird Vareghna ,Soaring from below,

Pouncing from above ,Who among birds is the sw iftes t,Lightes t o f them that fly .

He a lone among the l ivingEqua l s an a rrow

’

s fl ightHowever we l l it ha s been da rted.

Who lus tily fl ies upAt the firs t break o f dawnWishing the night tobe no more ,W ishing the mom tobe ever more ,

Skimming over the heights o f the hi l l s ,Skimming over the tops o f the mounta ins ,S kimming over the depths o f the va l leys ,Sk imming over the summits o f the trees

,

Lis tening to the s ongs o f the birds .

Yt. 1 4. 10-2 1 .

S imi les , me taphors , and oth er notab le character is t i cs .

Zoroas triani sm is declared tobe the bes t of a ll re l igions , and theauthor us es four s imiles to exempl i fy the excel lence of the

fa ith . Just a s the sea Vourukasha ,we a re told, is greater than

other waters , or a s a great s tream flows sw i fter than a sma l l

rivulet , or as a great tree overshadows sma l l plants , or aga in ,

as the heavens enc ircle the ea rth;so is the rel igion of Zarathush

58 AVESTAN LITERATURE

tra greater than a ll other religions .

1 1 This excel lent fa ith cleans esman from ev il thoughts , evil words , and evi l deeds , j ust a s a

powerful wind cleanses a p la in .

1 2 The sacred spel ls destroy

evil thoughts of man as complete ly as fi re devours the f ragrantwood ?“The mind of a courtesan is a s wavering as a cloud

driven by the w ind .

1 4 The s ta r Tishtrya’

s fl ight is l ikened untothe a rrow darted by Erekhsha ,

the sw iftes t a rcher of Iran .

1 5

The wicked fiend flees always l ike a wel l-darted a rrow at the

recita l of the holy hymns ?“The sun rises f rom behind the

great mounta in Hara Bereza iti,and covers it over w ith l ight ,

s imilarly can a r ighteous person con found Angra Ma inyu withholy prayers and rise above his w i l l . 1 7 S raosha

’

s company issought by the fa ith ful that he may protect them even a s the

shepherd dog guards cattle?“The demons tremble before the

soul of a righteous dead person a s a sheep on wh ich a wo l fis pouncing ?“As a man shakes with fear when he sees a weapon

or an a rrow or a lance or a s tone f rom a s l ing a imed at h im;so does fire tremble in f ront of boil ing water, lest it may boi l

over and extingu ish it ?o The soul of a person who ha s ill-treated

dogs upon earth goes to the next world howling more loudlythan a sheep does before a wol f ? 1 O ff ering l ibations to watersa fter sunset is equiva lent to throw ing them downright into the

j aws of a venomou s snake ?2 A wicked person ca rries harmeverywhere during l i fe ,but when dead he is as impotent of

defi lement and harm a s a f rog that has been dead more than a

yea r and whose venom is dried up?“Men cook their mea ls and

eat food;even so do the demons feed in the bur ia l p laces .

24 Zarathushtra caus ed the demons who roamed about the earth in

human form to s ink benea th the earth ? 5 Angra Ma inyu says

that Za rathu shtra smites him wi th the holy spel l Ahuna Va irya ,

which s eems to him a sbig a s tone a s a house and that theprophet burns him with righteousnes s wh ich the Ev il Sp irit feelsa s i f burning w ith molten bra s s ?“It is s in to a l low Ahura Maz

da’

s gi fts to run to wa ste and unneces sary wa ste of a thing, we

1 ’Vd . 5 . 22 -25.

Vd . 3. 42;8. 30.

Ys . 7 1 . 8.

Ys . 9 . 32 .

Yt . 8. 6 , 37.

Vd . 9 . 46 .

”Yt . 10. 1 18.

Yt. 1 1 . 7.

Yt. 24. 27;Vd . 1 9 . 33;Aog. 1 9 .

TdFr . 32-35.

2‘Vd . I 3. 8.

2“Nr . , bk. 2 . 7 . 4.

2“Vd . 5 . 35 , 36 .

Vd . 7 . 57 .

2“Ys . 9 . 1 5 .

Yt. I 7. 20.

AVESTAN LITERATURE 59

are informed , o f even as sma l l a quant ity as a thread tha t a

ma id would let fa l l wh ile spinn ing, is wrong .

27

The man who rec ites the names o f Ahura Mazda , a s a lso

the man who sacrifices unto the Gua rd ian Sp ir its , is protectedfrom harm in such a way a s a thousand men may watch over

one man ?“Tishtrya keeps the fa iry Duzhya irya in bonds with

such a force a s a thousand s trong men wou l d u se in keep ing one

man in cha in .

29 In speaking o f the superiority of M ithra ’

s w is

dom to man ’

s,it is a ffirmed that i f man ’

s w isdom were a hundred

t imes greater it would not r is e to the leve l of M ithra ’

s w isdom ,

and it is further s a id tha t i f man ’

s ea rs were a hundred t imesbetter he wou ld not hea r so we l l a s M ithra .

30 Shou l d the evil

thoughts , words , and deeds o f manbe a hundred t imes wors e,they wou ld not rise so h igh a s the good thoughts , words , and

deeds of M ithra .

3 1 One lying unto M ithra caus es as much h a rm

a s a hundred ew icked persons together wou ld .

32 I t gr ieves the

sun,moon , and the s ta rs to shine upon a man defiled by the dead .

“3The voice of the wa i l ing of a poor man who is w ronged , a s

we l l a s Haoma ’

s voice in the s acr ificia l prayers off ered to AhuraMazda ,

is sa id to reach up to the sky above and sp read over a ll

the seven zones below .

“4 The Frava sh is come to the help of man

w ith the good b les s ings o f rectitude, a s w ide a s the earth , a s

long a s the rivers , and as h igh a s the sun .

“5M ithra takes away f rom the l iars the s trength o f the i r arms ,

the sw if tnes s of the ir feet , the eyes ight from the ir eyes , and

the hea ring f rom the ir cars?“A devout prayer con founds the

eyes ight , hearing, speech , inte l lect , hands , and feet o f the

w icked .

“7 The two eyes of an evil-w isher cannot look , nor can

his mouth open f or ha rm , in pres ence o f any one who ha s devoutlyrecited Ahuna Va irya

?“Verethraghna b inds the hands and feet

of the l iars , and takes the seeing and hea ring away f rom their

eyes and ea rs ?“Azh i Dahaka’

s fervent prayer is that he maymake a ll the seven zones of the earth empty of men .

40

Two-footed being is the expres s ion used to des ignate man ,

Vd . 5 . 60-62 . Ys . 60. 4;Yt . 1 3. 32 .

Yt . 1 . 1 9;1 3. 7 1 . Yt . 1 0. 23, 63.

Yt . 8. 55 . Yt. 1 1 . 2 .

Yt . 1 0. 1 07 . Yt. 1 1 . 4-6 .

Yt . 10. 106 . Yt .“Yt . Yt . 5 . 29 , 30;1 5 . 1 9 , 20.

Vd . 9 . 4 1 . Yt . 1 1 . 1 7, 22;Vd . 5 . 35, 36, 38;1 5. 1 9 .

Yt. 10. 85, 89 .

60 AVESTAN LITERATURE

and Zarathushtra is the chief o f this two- footed racer-f 2 While

r is ing up and s itting down , wh i le s itting down and ris ing up a re

the inverted claus es used to denote at a ll times .

43 To driveback s icknes s to s icknes s and death to death s ignifies thei r re

mova l .“Zarathu shtra is‘the anti-fiend to the fiend .

4 5 The

swi ftnes s of the horse is l ikened to the movements o f the sun,

and he is usua l ly ca l led the sw i ft-hors ed sun . The moon ,on

the other hand , is a l lotted the semblance of the bull, and is gen

era lly ca l led pos ses sed of the seed of the bull .

References are found in the texts to the u se o f riddles .

Yoishta , a p ious man, sacr ifices unto Ardvi Sura to enable him

to answer the riddles propounded by the sorcerer Akhtya .

“S imila rly , Aka Manah cha l lenges Zarathu shtra with riddles .

“The antithes is between good and evi l is emphas ized by the

u se of distinctive words f or the organs , speech , and act ions of

the heavenly be ings and r ighteous persons on the one hand and

the inferna l c rew and the w icked persons on the other . A member of the good creation , whether celestia l or terrestria l , ha s a

head and a belly, he l ives in a house and eats and speaks and

wa lks , whereas the inmate of the evil creation has a skull and

a gut and he l ives in a burrow and devours and how ls and rushes .

The Aves tan vocabula ry is thus interspers ed w ith oppos ite lin

gu is tic express ions to des ignate the two oppos ite worlds of good

and evil .48

Maxims . One a lone is the path of righteousnes s , a ll otherpaths are no path s

?“He is not heroic who is not heroic in

righteousnes s , he - is not va l iant who is not va l iant in righteous

nes s .

5 0 Wicked is he who is good to the w icked , righteous is

he who is f r iend to the righteous .

5 1 Next to l i fe , the s econd

bes t good for man is purity .

5 2 He is a thief of duty, who fa i ls

Yt. I 3. 4 1 .

Yt . I . 1 7 .

Vd . 20. 1 , 2 .

Vd . 1 9 . 46 .

Yt . 5 . 8 1 , 82 .

Vd . 1 9 . 4.

See Frachtenberg , E tymolog ica l S tudies in Ormaadian and Ak r i

manian words in the Aves ta in Spiegel Memoria l Volume, pp . 269 -289 ,

Bombay, 1 908.

Ys . 72 . 1 1 .

"TdFr . 1 03, 104.

Ys . 46. 6 .

Ys . 48. 5;Vd . 5. 2 1 .

AVESTAN LITERATURE 6 1

in his obl igations to others ?“Happines s unto h im from whomis happines s to any one .

5 4 He ga ins noth ing , who ga ins not his

soul .“5 “None sha l l p ity him who is p itiles s to himsel f ?“He

gives a tongu e to the wol f , who teaches the holy spe l ls to the

w icked .

“7Vd . 4. 1 .

Ys . 43. I .Chithrem Buyat 3.

Aog. 49 .

TdFr. 3;Aerpt . bk . 1 . 8. 9 .

CHAPTER VII I

K IANIAN SOCIETY

Soc iety d ivided on ra c ial bas is . The I ran ians of th is periodst i l l ca l led thems elves Aryans

,and grouped a ll peoples not o f

thei r race under the comprehens ive des ignation non-Aryan .

They were surrounded in their new s ett lements by many non

Aryan aborigina l tribes wh ich proved a constant source of men

ace to them . These ma raud ing id ler s swooped down f rom the

deserts to despoi l the ferti le fie l ds t i l led by the indus try of the

Iran ian peas antry , and to dr ive away their cattle;The Aves tantexts a re unsparing in their denunciation o f thes e hos tile non

Aryan races , and a s sert that their lands a re among the crea tions

of Angra Ma inyu .

1 Thes e enem ies of the Aryans sought the ir

destructionbu t were a lways ba ffled in their ev i l intent ? W iththe exception o f a f ew fam i lies that were friend ly to Zarathushtra ,

“the Turanians of the north were the most hostile to the

A ryans and the ir w icked king, Franrasyan ,s trove three t imes in

va 1n to capture the Aryan G lory of the K ianians .

4 The AryanGlory, on the contrary

,routed and extinguished a ll non-Aryan

peop les .

5 The north rema ined a source of perpetua l menace to

the Iran ians . Hence it is not surpris ing that the northern regions

a re ca l led in the Aves tan texts the abode o f Angra Ma inyu and

h is in ferna l crew .

“Soc iety d ivided on rel ig iou s bas i s . In addit ion to thei r

generic name, Aryan , the people of Iran now came tobe knowna fter the names of their nationa l God and of their prophet . Za rathushtra had introduced them to the worsh ip o f one supreme God ,

Ahura Mazda , and the peop le now adopted, as their communa ldes ignat ion,

the name , Mazdayasna , or the worshipper of Mazda .

The names Mazdaya sna Za rathushtri , or the Ma z da-worshippingZoroa strian ,

and Zara thu sh tri,or Zoroa str ian

, were other specific

Yt. 1 9 . 57, 60, 62 -64.

Yt . 1 8. 2;1 9 . 68.

Vd . 7 . 2;

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64 K IANIAN SOCIETY

texts do not en l ighten u s in any way on the quest ion of thei rorigin . I t is expres s ly sa id in one instance that there are four

distinct pishtra or profes s ions , and that they are athravan, pr iest ,’

ra thaeshta/r,

‘wa rr ior,

’

vc’

i s trya f shnyan t, husbandman ,

’

and

h i'

i iti, artisan .

’ 1 4 Though We have abundant materia l that dea lswith the work of the a rtisans of the va rious clas ses , such a s ,

the goldsm ith s and blacksm ith s , masons and carpenters , pottersand weavers , the des ignation h i

'

l iti representing the a rti san cla s soccurs once on ly in the Avestan l iterature . The pr iests , wa r

r iors , and husbandmen are the three clas ses usual ly mentionedtogether . Ragha , the ancient city of great renown ,

is spoken of

a s the place of three races and the Pahlavi commentators expla in

that the three orders originated in this famous city .

1 5

We sha l l recur to th is fourfold div is ion in subsequent chapters which dea l w ith the various profes s ions and occupations of

the early I ran ians . Suffice it to note here that the Avesta recognizes the four orders of the pries ts , wa rriors , agriculturists , and

a rtisans , corresponding to the four Vedic clas ses of the pries ts ,warriors , agriculturists , and s er fs . I t is interesting to note, also,that in India these clas ses developed into rigid cas tes ,but inPers ia , as we sha l l see later, priesthood a lone evolved into a

separate ca ste by itsel f , whereas the other three orders rema ined

divis ive in name only .

Soc ial pol i ty . The type o f civi lization preva i l ing in Iran in

the days of Zarathushtra had a l ready pa s sed beyond the s tage

that is ca l led ‘primitive .

’

The socia l development of AncientI ran

,a s we may glean f rom the Avestan works , had a l ready

reached a state of h igh organizat ion ,with graded socia l ranks .

The texts refer to the people of the fi rs t rank and middle rank ?“The poor, who natura l ly formed the bulk of the populat ion , a re

sa id tobe under the spec ia l p rotect ion of S raosha .

1 7 The Gathas

speak of the three ma in divi s ions of society, without giving in formation about thei r proper s ign ificance . These are xvaetu,

a iryarnan, and verezena , which probably indicate , respectively, theimmediate as soc iates and disciples of the prophet, the nobi l ity

of the land , and the working classes ?“The Younger Avesta constantly speaks of a fourfold divis ion

Ys . 1 9 . 1 7. Ys . 57. 9 .

Vd . I . 1 6;P hl . Vd . 1 . I 6 . Ys . 32 . 1;33. 3, 4;46 . 1;49 . 7.“Yt . 1 0. 1 7;Vd . 1 3.

KIANIAN SOC IETY 65

o f society into nmdna ,‘fam ily

,

’

vis ,‘clan,

’

zonta,

‘t ribe,

’

and

danghu,‘oc mmunity . The fam ily

, as we sha l l see in the nextchapter , was the earl ies t form of soc iety . Severa l fami l iesunited together for protect ion and he lp , and formed a clan,

w ith the e ldes t o f the c lan , a s its chie f . Th is v il lage-ma ster pres ided over the meetings of the members o f his clan ,

headed thesea sona l fea s ts , and tr ied a t the v il lage tr ibuna l a ll off enders

aga ins t c lan rules . The cons tant contacts between such d iff erentgroups led them to un ite into a s til l la rger body, in wh ich we

see the formation of a tribe , w ith its triba l chie f who ca l led a s

semblies , and promu lgated decrees f or the gu idance of his tr ibes

men . Fina l ly , w ith the growth o f intercourse between these

tribes , we find them un iting in the larges t aggregate o f society,the commun ity or nation . Thus man continued to l ive h is in

dependent l ife in the respective spheres o f the family , clan ,or

tr ibe and at the same t ime shared the larger l i fe of the con

federation of these groups , that is , o f the community .

CHAPTER IX

THE FAM ILY

The Zoroas tr ian type of th e family . The ba s is of Iran ian

society is the family . The word nma'

na means both house and

household or fam ily .

’ Pa rents,ch ildren ,

and those connected

by blood , l iving under one roof , cons titute a family . The pic

ture of the idea l family, such a s we may glean f rom the Avestantexts , is that of a hous eholder l iv ing with h is wife and children ,

in a hous e in which the cattle thr ive , the fire grows , virtue in

creases , wel fa re a ris es , and the dog prospers .

“l The cock maybe added to these pos ses s ions of a happy home, f or it is the dutyof this domest ic b ird to wake the members o f the fami ly a t the

dawn ?

Th e family centres in th e hea rth . Every family had its own

fi re, which was kept burning day and n ight , and wa s never tobe extingui shed . When the family reti red at night, the mistress

of the house ca reful ly covered the fire with a shes , to pres erve it

until the morning . Her fi rs t act on a ris ing was to ceremonious lywash and cleanse her hands , remove the a shes tha t protected the

fi re during the night , and to revive the l ive coa ls into a flame

with f ragrant wood and fuel .According to the sacred texts , the fi re woke up the mas ter

o f the house a t n ight and sought nourishment from him .

“Whenthe houselord approached the fi re a t the ear ly dawn , and f ed it

with fuel , the fi re that burned upon the hearth b les sed the hous elord with herds o i oxen

,sons , long l i fe and happines s

? The

house fire cooked the evening and the morning mea ls and looked

f or sacrificia l off erings of dry and f ragrant fue l from the people

of the house .

“The I ran ians had brought with them the legacy of the rever

ence f or the sacred fire, which , f rom immemoria l times , theyhad shared , in company w ith the other members of the Aryan

Vd. 3. 2 , 3. Vd. 1 8. 26 , 27.

Vd . 1 8. 23-25, 28, 29 . Ys . 62 . 7;Ny. 5 . 1 3.

Vd . 1 8. 18,1 9 .

THE FAM ILY 67

s tock, in thei r or igina l habita tion . Za ra thushtra exa lted the

holy flame to the mos t eminent pos ition in h is new fa ith . Fire

wa s now des ignated the son of Ahura Mazda , and the bright

emblem represented , in a ll Mazdayasnian households , the supreme

godhead who is himsel f a ll l ight . The domes tic hea rth became

a l so the family a l ta r , a round which the fam ily gathered f or its

devotions . W ith fuel in hand and with ceremonia l offer ings ,the hou seholder prayed that the sacred emblem maybe everburning and ever bla z ing in his hou se,“and demanded of the

fire we l l -being and sus tenance , l i fe and va lour , hol ines s and wis

dom, and glorious off spring? The fire o f the house , thereupon ,

b les sed him w ith a flock o f catt le, a multitude o f men , an active

mind, an act ive Sp irit , and a happy l i fe .

8 The fa ther made thedomes t ic off erings to the sacred fire, a s had h is ances tors in their

days , and wou ld his descendants a lso,in their turn ,

a f ter h isdeath . O

'

f the severa l days of a year s et apart f or the com

memoration o f the dead , one of especia l interes t is the nine

teenth day Fravardin , o f the n inth month,named Ada r, a fter

the ange l of F ire , consecrated to the Gua rdian Sp irits . This

c lose a s sociation between invocation of the spirits o f the dead

and the sacred fire is probab ly reminiscent of the ancient practice of celebrating the feas t of the dead , w ith particu la r ca re , inthe month ded icated to fire . The dea r ones of a fam ily , who

left it at dea th , had l ived their lives a round the same fire on

the same hea rth , before wh ich their surviv ing rela tives gathered

to off er the sacrificia l repa s t . Dea th had taken them away f rom

their earthly abode ,but the fi re of the house , f or wh ich the

fam i ly fervent ly invoked everlas t ing l ife , was s til l there , a l ivein a b laz ing flame

, to perpetuate the undying connection betweenthe l iving and the dead . Though the ances tra l dead were iav is ib le to their l iv ing descendan ts they came down from the

heaven s on the days sacred to them , entered their former abode ,wa lked around the hearth , pa rtook o f the sacrific ia l feas t pre

pared in their honour , rejoiced in the joys of their descendants ,and gr ieved in the ir sorrows . During l ife they were helpersand supporters of the ir kith , a fter dea th they were s til l theirguardians and protectors .

Ys . 62 . 3;Ny . 5 . 9 .

Ys . 62 . 4;Ny . 5 . 10,1 1 .

Ys . 62 . 1 0;Ny . 5. 1 6 .

68 THE FAM ILY

Th e fami ly th rives under divine protect ion . Some o f the

heaven ly beings act as family div init ies , and help the pious f amilies in obta in ing the bles sings of l ife and warding off mis f ortunes . S raosha ,

it is sa id , rears an abode of strength and courage for poor men and women .

“Far from that house flee a ll

ev ils wherein he is be friended and beloved .

1 0 As the gen iusof truth , M ithra bles ses the fam i ly of truthful persons with herdsof oxen and ma le off spring .

1 1 The house in wh ich Ashi , thegen iu s o f r iches , puts her foot, becomes rich in cattle

1“Thehouseholders imp lore her to thwa rt the ma l ice of the i r evi lwishers .

1 3 Hea lth and happ ines s preva il in a hous e in which

Haoma is honoured .

1 4 H e is invoked to thwart the evi l purpose

of ma l icious persons .

1 5 The wicked Druj flees f rom the house

which is sh ie lded by a rchangels ?“Sacrifices are off ered f or the

wel fare,furtherance, and p rosper ity o f the fami ly and for the

remova l of want and pa in .

1 7 Reward and recompense of the

righteous , prosperity , glory, happines s , and the long predominance

of the Zoroa strian re l igion a re p ious ly des ired f or the house?“

and bened ictions are pronounced at the end of the da i ly p rayersthat obedience may rout d isobedience, peace may smite s tri fe,charity may dispel m iser l ines s , devotion may triumph over im

pious thoughts , truth may banish fa lsehood , and righteousnes s

may drive out wickednes s f rom the house of the fa ithful ?“In addition to the he lp that the members of the household

receive f rom div ine beings , the fam ily turns f or protection and

succour to the Fravash is , or the Guardian Spirits of the dead .

Dea th does not interrupt the loving intercourse between the l ivingand the dead . The depa rted ones do not forsake those whom

they have left behind , and des i re , in turn, that their l iving kins

fo lk w i l l not forget them . Their interes t in the wel fare o f the i r

fami ly ha s not ceased . Like winged b irds they come flying upon

earth , vis it their former abodes , and long f or sacrifices . On th is

s ide , the l iv ing members of the fami ly , out o f fi l ia l regard f or

their dead ancestors , pray f or their arriva l and extend them a

cord ia l welcome to the hous e?“so that contented they may wa lkin the house, leave it satisfied and without compla int, and ca rryback with them to heaven the devotions of the l iving to Ahura

Ys . 57. 1 0. Ys . 52 . 2 . Vsp . 1 1 . 1 3.

Ys . 57. 1 4, 34. Ys . 1 0. 7 . Ys . 60. 2 , 3.

Yt. 1 0. 28 . Ys . 9 . 28. Ys . 60. 5 .

Yt. I 7. 6, 8. Yt. 2 . 1 1 , 1 2 . Yt. 1 3. 1 47.

THE FAM ILY 69

Mazda and the a rchangels ? 1 With off erings and sacrifices ,

prayers and devotions , the fam ily prays for the ir benedictions ,22

and the prop itiated Fravash is b les s the household w ith flocks o f

ca ttle and heroes , with horses and cha riot ?“P arent s . Gaya Ma retan , the primeva l man ,

is the fa ther of

the great human family , and a ll the d iff erent races o f mankindhave sprung f rom his ma le descent . Hence the descent o f ch ildren from the ea r l iest t imes came tobe reckoned in Ancient Iranthrough the father, who wa s ca l led nmano-pa iti, ma s ter of the

house or fami ly .

’

H is wi fe who was the sole m is tres s of the

domes tic economy o f the household wa s ca l led nmano-pa thni ,

mis tres s of the house .

’ Pr imari ly,the duty o f the father wa s to

protect and support his fam i ly .

24 In times of peace he hunted

and til led the fields , fel led the trees and worked in various ways ,to earn a l iving . When war came to his gates , he fought f or the

sa fety of his.

kin . The mother managed the household , and with

the help o f the fema le members o f the family , ground the corn

and cooked the food , tended the cattle and m i lked the cows , spunand wove , sowed the seeds and plucked the weeds , reaped the

ha rves t and winnowed the corn , and, above a ll, looked a fter therea r ing and early tra ining of the children . Though the mistres s

of the house superintended the domest ic a ff a irs , it is interes ting

to note that the hous ehold fi re , in the firs t part o f the n ight,ca l ls the mas ter of the house, and not his w ife , to ari se and feedhim with clean wood , to keep him from being ext inguished ?“This is because, a s the head o f the fam ily, the fa ther wa s a lso

head of the cu lt of the hearth-fire .

Ch i ld ren . The usua l Aves tan word f or a ch il d is f raza inti ,bu t aperenayu,not o f ful l age ,

’

chithra ,‘

progeny ,’

and taokh

man, seed ,’

occas iona l ly s erve a s substitutes .

Ahura Mazda holds the father of a family f a r above him who

is ch ildles s ?“The prophet s anctifies childhood , and every Zoroas trian man and woman prays f or a numerous progeny . The

crea tor ma inta ins and develop s the infant in the womb of the

mother, and preserves it from dea th? 7 One o f the boons a sked

by ma idens f rom Vayu is tha t, when wedded,they maybe bles s ed

w ith children ?“M ithra ’

s bened iction upon the family that s acri

Yt . 1 3. 1 56 , 1 57 . Yt. 13. 1 1 , 1 5 , 22 .

Ys . 60. 4. Yt . 1 5. 40.

Yt . 1 3. 52 .

70 THE FAM ILY

fices unto h im is that virtuous off spring sha l lbe born to it ?“The Fravash is , a lso, are invoked f or the bes towa l o f a virtuousoff spring,“0 wh ich they give unto those who lie not unto M ithra ? 1

O ff spring mu ltip ly in a hous e in wh ich Ashi enters .

32 That i l lustrions children may never des ert the house is the un ivers a l f ami ly prayer

?“Tobe without children is , according to Zoroastrian ism ,

the

greates t ca lamity that can befa l l a family . Ch ildles snes s is a

curse pronounced by s ome angels upon persons who off endthem . M ithra ,

it is sa id , depr ives the off ending person of h is

chi ld ,34

and the house in wh ich peop le lie unto this ange l of truth

rema ins ch ild les s ?“The mys tica l p lant Haoma curses him who

does not ceremonious ly prepare h im f or sacrificia l purpose , s o

that he will l ive w ithout off spring in this world . The s ame curse

is hurled by cattle aga inst the mas ter who i l l treats them , and

who does not feed them wel l ?“I t is interes t ing to note the virtues and qual ifications that the

Iran ian pa rents des ired in thei r ch ildren . Tobe dutiful to the irparents , reverentia l to their elders , and tobe di l igent workersf or the support of the household were not the only characteristicsdemanded in off spring. The idea l of the ch ild gleaned f rom the

Aves tan texts is of one we l l-deve loped in body and m ind , whowill one day s it in the a s sembly of the people, dom inate over a ll

in the region, who w il l l iberate the dis tres sed , promote the wel

fare of the house, v il lage, town, and country , and further the

renown of h is country ?7

Among the Kianian peop le , ch ildren were reared w ith great

a ff ection ?“They were fondled and supported unti l the age o f

seven years?“when they were cons idered fi t to receive educat ion .

In their longings f or children , we find that the early I ranians

undoubtedly va lued sons more than daughters .

40 A son ,in the

Yt . 10. 1 08.

Yt . 1 3. 1 34.

Yt . 1 0. 3.

Yt . 1 8. 4, 5 .

Ys . 60. 7 .

Yt . IO. 1 1 0.

”Yt . IO. 38.

Ys . 1 1 . 1 ,

Ys . 60. 7;Ys . 1 0. 8.

Vd I s 45Yt. 24. Dk . vol. 1 6,bk . 8. 3o. 9 , p. .20

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72 THE FAM ILY

son by adoption,in ca se a man had none born unto him . The

cult of the ances tra l dead occupied a prominent p lace in the

rel igious l i fe o f the I ranian peop le, and adoption of a son en

sured the cont inuance of the race of the dead person ,and per

petuated the fam i ly cult . The cus tom of adopting a son preva ilsin the community to th is day . A daughter is not s o adopted ,because she leaves the fam i ly o f her b irth and enters a new

fami ly when she is married . It maybe noted here that , in the

S asanian period, a s we sha l l have occas ion to see later, womencame tobe adopted to guard the interests of their fam i l ies . The

extant Avestan texts do not en l ighten us on the methods o f

adoption in vogue among the peop le,but we learn f rom the con

tents of the lost Aves tan Nasks that there were va rious modeso f adoption . These involved such questions a s the fitnes s , or

otherwi se , of a person tobe adopted , his remova l f rom the pos ition in circums tances of his fault?“the inher itance o f wea lth

through adopt ion?“the l iabi l ity of the adopted one regard ing

the debt of his adopter ,“0the gu i lt o f a pers on who neglected h is

duty a s an adopted heir,“1

and others , di scus sed in the lega l

books of the period .

The fami ly group . The I ran l an fam il ies were a s a rule large ,and ch ildren and grandchi ldren usua lly l ived together under thes ame roof . Thi s common house requ ired periodica l enla rgementto accommodate the grow ing numbers until apartments and houses

clus tered around the or igina l ances tra l abode . The sons l ived

w ith thei r parents , and , when they were marr ied, thei r w ives

came to l ive with them . Ch ildren born of these unions l ived

and throve in the hous e of their grand father , who arranged f or

the i r marriages,even a s he had done in the ca se of h is own sons .

Thus the mas ter and mis tres s of the house usua l ly l ived to see

their family s teadily expanding before their eyes , and rejoiced

in the autumn o f l i fe to see the smi l ing faces of their third and

fourth generat ions . At the death o f their fa ther, the sons did

not s eparate,but cont inued to l ive under the roof that coveredtheir ancestra l hearth .

The K ianian fam ily wa s h igh ly‘

organized , and, in the extant

Dk .,vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 35. 1 3, p . 31 .

Dk .,vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 35. 1 5, p . 3 1 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 40. 9 , p . 57.

Dk ., vol. 1 6, bk . 8. 42 , 14, pp . 65, 66.

THE FAM ILY 73

texts , we meet w ith about '

twenty-two sepa ra te terms to des ig

na te d iff erent relationship s .

Servant s and s laves . The poor o f both the Zoroa s tr ian and

the non-Zoroas trian communities mus t have suppl ied the I ran ian

fam il ies w ith domesti c servants . Peop le of the midd le c las sgenera l ly managed their own hous ehol ds , farms and ca ttle or

pou ltry yards . R ich fami l ies , feuda l ch ief s , and land holdersemployed a la rge number of servants to work on thei r es tates ,or for domes tic s erv ice . The servants usua l ly received kind trea tment f rom t he ir mas ters , and ,

in many cases , were treated a s

members of their fami l ies . The Vendidad puts a servant below

his mas ter and m is tres s ,bu t above the ch ild o f his ma ster in the

sca le of fees s evera lly tobe pa id to the phys ician to purify themof defi lement .

“2I t is qu ite probable that f rom the earl ies t times the Aryan

settlers of I ran had forced the capt ive abor igines into s lavery .

The abor igines o f Gilan and Mazandaran aga ins t whom the Avestan writers inveigh in so b itter term s evidently furn ished la rgenumbers o f s laves , when they were conquered .

According to the D inkard , s evera l Aves tan Nask s , which are

now los t to us , conta ined much informa tion about the trea tment

o f the s laves by their Iranian masters . S agatum Nask, f or ex

ample, d iscus sed the right of ownership o f the off spring o f a

fema le s lave in one’

s pos s es s ion .

“3 We g lean f rom the con

tents of Nikadum Na sk tha t s laves of good behav iour , who hadserved their ma s ters wel l , expected f reedom f or themselves , andgenerous—hearted persons a re s een ,

in such cases , res ign ing theirright of ownership , and l iberating them .

“4 The Shah Namahabounds in ins tances , according to wh ich prisoners o f wa r were

reduced to s lavery and brought to I ran . S laves o f both sexesusua l ly formed part of the tr ibute , wh ich va s sa l k ings annua l ly

sent to the Iran ian sovere ign . S imi la r ly , the roya l gi ft to heroes ,warriors , and noblemen genera l ly , inc luded , among other th ingsof grea t va lue, ma le and fema le s laves in large numbers .

Vd . 9 . 38.

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 40. 29 , p . 6 1 .

Dk , vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 6 . 8, pp . 44, 45 .

CHAPTER X

WOMAN AND MARRIAGE

W oman in K ian ian I ran . The pos it ion of woman ,a s we

glean from the Avestan texts , wa s high indeed . The works of

the earliest period speak of her as the compan ion of man . She

did not ve i l hersel f , and attended socia l and rel igious gatherings

in company with man . I t is declared tobe her duty to procla imand teach what she be l ieved tobe true and good ? At homewoman enjoyed economic f reedom . She was a helpmate f or

her husband , and wie lded great influence over the fam ily . She

owned and managed property ,“cou ld act a s the guardian of a son

d is inherited by h is father,“and could lega l ly conduct a plea inher husband ’s beha l f , and manage his a ff a i rs in his name ? She

had the privilege, a lso, of seeking redres s in court aga inst a

cruel husband , and s ecuring his pun ishment .

“The husband hadno r ight to a rrange a marriage f or his daughter without the

approva l and consent of h is w i fe .

“Her evidence wa s competentin a court o f law ,

and she could even become a j udge ? In the

early days of his religious min is try , Zarathushtra sought to w inQueen Hutaosa a s an ally in his s acred mis s ion ,

hop ing to ga inthe favour of the roya l court through her influence . The prophets acr ificed unto Drva spa and Ash i, and a sked of them , a s a boon ,

that the nob le queen m ight embrace h is new fa ith .

“Women participated in the ceremonia l r ites , some o f which

they performed by thei r own hands .

“We gather from the sa

cred books that on certa in occas ions they acted as officiating

priestes ses?0

Women of the poorer clas ses fol lowed regula r occupations

1Ys . 35 . 6 .

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 1 a , p . 65;vol . 1 6, bk. 8. 30. 5;35. 9 , pp. 1 9 , 31 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 42 . 1 8, p . 66 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 1 1 a, p . 65.

Dk .,vol . I 5 , bk . 8. 1 9 . 88, p . 78.

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 42 . IO, p . 65.

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 2 1 . 2 1 , p . 97 .

Yt. 9 . 26;1 7. 46 .

Aerpt ., bk . 3. 1 -8.

Dk ., vol. 1 6, bk . 8. 28. 6, p . 1 4

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76 WOMAN AND MARRIAGE

invocation ?“S imilarly are thei r souls honoured in sacrifice ?“Holy ma ids share the privi lege of being thus invoked with the

elderly members o f thei r s ex .

“4 In addit ion to the righteous

I ranian women, this celebration of piety in woman embraces

the righteous women of the Aryan and Turanian , Sa irimyan and

Sa ini , Dahi and all other countries ?“The Fravardin Ya sht commemorates the memory of some p ious ma ids and women by thei r

names ?“Just as during her l i fe upon earth woman is genera l ly the

equa l of man in socia l , a s we l l a s in religious matters , so is she

held tobe in the world a fter death . Like man , she is individua l ly

respons ible for her good or evi l deeds . A woman ’

s soul traverses

the s ame regions on its way to the other world as the soul of a

man,it is escorted to the same sea t of j udgment, j ust ice is

adminis tered to it, and reward or retribution is dea lt ou t to it,

according to its deserts , precisely a s to the soul of a man .

I t may , however ,be noted here that , though rel igion genera l ly

put woman on a level of equa lity w ith man , she had her natura l

disabi l ities which made her correspondingly inferior to man . In

common w ith a ll primitive peoples , ancient I ran ians dreaded the

periodic menstrua l function in woman . She wa s isolated during

her per iod in a secluded pa rt of the house, the food was pas sed

to her f rom a d is tance, her touch wa s supposed tobe defiling,

and her very look was held tobe desecrating to holy obj ects .

Long u sage rendered the cus tom sacred , and rel igi ous tabu cametobe a ttached to her person . This tabu was never l i fted . The

custom had deeply entered into the da ily l i fe of the people, and

woman , without any revolt on her part at being branded as un

clean and dangerous , meekly submitted to th is treatment;probably consol ing hers el f with the thought that this sex function of

hers was the inevitable curs e of Angra Ma inyu hanging over herfemin ine head .

Ideal of I ran ian womanh ood . The anc ient Iranian type of

womanly virtue is a s lofty as is the pos ition of woman in Iran iansociety . Virtue and d il igence in woman a re honoured .

“7 The

Ys . 1 . 6;3. 8;4. 1 1;7. 8;26 . 4, 6 , 8, 1 0;Vsp . Yt .1 49 . 1 54, 1 55.

Ys . 39 . 2;Yt . 1 3. 1 54.

2‘Yt. 1 3. 141 , 1 42 .

Yt . 1 3. 1 43, 1 44.

Yt . 13. 1 39-142 .

Ys . 23. 3.

WOMAN AND MARRIAGE 77

prophet exhorts brides to s trive to exce l even the ir husbands in

righteousnes s ?“Woman is a sked to embrace fa ithfully good

thoughts , good words , and good deeds , and tobe devoted to ,

and tobe worthy o f , s isterhood with Arma iti , the fema le geniu so f devotion ?“Hvovi , the w ife o f Zarathushtra ,

imp lores Dacna ,

the femin ine impersonation o f re l igion, to grant that her prophet

husband should inspi re her to think , speak, and act accord ing tothe precepts o f religion ?“Good fortune , good b irth , and good

form a re some of the feminine qua l ifications most highly va lued ,“1but a chas te body is declared tobe the richest treasure of woman .

Conj uga l infide l ity is an unpardonab le off ence aga ins t society ,and an inexpiable s in aga inst Ashi , the fema le genius of cha stity .

The in fringement of cha s tity on the part o f woman grieves Ash i ,who is p ictured a s bewa i l ingly seek ing to flee to the heavens or

s ink into the-earth a t the s ight o f an uncha s te woman ?“The I ran ian v iew of marr iage . Zoroas trian ism , as a l ready

seen, s tands pre-eminently for every kind of increase and progres s , and marriage, being the surest means for the propagation of

the race , came tobe regarded a s a rel igious function of incom

pa rable merit . The begetting of chi ldren , it is held , furthers thekingdom of Ahura Mazda , and cripples the power of AngraMa inyu . I t is expres s ly sa id that Ahura Mazda pre fers a mar

ried man l iving w ith h is w i fe and ch ildren to an unmarriedman ?“I t is a s in to prevent a maiden f rom marry ing?“andAshi is grieved at those who dis suade ma id s f rom marrying and

begett ing ch i ldren ?“I t is an act o f great rel igious merit to help

poor persons to marry?“I t is decla red tobe one means o f ex

pia ting s ins ?7

Marriage is a rel igious duty incumbent upon a ll,upon priest

as much a s upon layman . The a scetic idea l o f l ife is foreignto the teach ings of Zarathushtra , and in Iran ma rriage wa s never

cons idered an

.

unw i l ling concess ion to human f ra ilty . Matter ,accord ing to Zoroas trianism ,

is not inherent ly ev i l . The wa rbetween the flesh and the spirit is recogn ized . Yet the flesh is not

tobe crippled and c ru shed;the spirit has to regula te and con

Ys . 53. 5. Vd . 4. 47.

”Vsp. 3. 4. Dk., vol. 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 90, p . 78.

Yt . 1 6 . 1 5. Yt . 1 7. 59 .”Vsp . 2 . 7. Vd . 4. 44.

Yt. 1 7. 57, 58. Vd. 1 4. 1 5.

78 WOMAN AND MARRIAGE

trol it . Hence the cel ibate s tate, even f or a minister of the fa ith ,is not held tobe in any way hol ier than ma rried l ife .

We gather no in format ion rega rding divorce from the extant

Avestan texts . Ma rriage, we know , wa s not cons idered indis

soluble . There were no restrictions aga ins t the re-marriage of

either a widower or of a Widow .

Form of marriage . The Iranians who l ived before the com

ing of Zarathushtra , a s we l l as those of h is time were , in the

ma in,monogamous . There a re no mentions of mu l tiple mar

riages in the Avestan texts . Instances of po lygamy , however ,occurred among the h igher cla s s es , f or , according to the ShahNamah , kings and heroes often indulged in a p lura lity of wives

and mistres ses?“Avers ion to ma rry ing ou t s ide th e Mazd ian pa le . In the

pre-Zoroastrian , a s wel l as in Zoroas trian Iran ,

marriages were

contracted between the members of the Mazda-worshipping com

mun ity only . M ixed ma rriages between Zoroas trians and non

Zoroastr ians were d iscouraged , and those between the fa ithful

and the Daeva -worshippers were detes ted a s subvers ive of the

purity of the Zoroastrian fold . Though th is wa s the establ ishedcustom o f the peop le , the Shah Namah mentions that s evera l

kings and heroes brought a l ien maidens f rom foreign lands , andmated with them ?“The lost Husparum Na sk refers to instancesin which , a s it seems , non-I ranian ma idens were sought sometimes for I ranian husbands .

40

Ma rr iage regulations evidently perm itted a ll iances betweenmen and women of a ll the four cla s s es of Iran ian society . The

priest ly class had not a s yet risen to the power, exercised in the

later period , of arrogating to its el f the right of marrying girlsf rom the la ity , wh i le dec l ining to give their own daughters to

the youths of another clas s .

The proper age for ma rr iage . The lost Hu sparum Nask ,we a re in formed , had d iscus sed the ques tion of proper age for

ma idens to ma rry . We gather f rom the Aves tan texts , a s a lsofrom the Shah Namah , that boys and girls were not a ffianced

in their childhood by the parents o f Ancient Iran . Ma rriages ,a s a rule , were contracted when youth s and maidens had reached

ShN. 2 . 1 95, 269 , 2 70-272 , 2 74-276;3. 323.

ShN. 2 . 86-88;4. 331 , 332;5 . 2051;6 . 24, 25.

Dk . , vol. 1 6, bk. 8. 30. 8, p. 20.

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80 WOMAN AND MARRIAGE

a loving wi fe adorning hersel f in gay atti re and ornaments , suchas would make her attractive in the eyes of her husband , re

clining on couches provided with soft cushions , and anxious ly

wa iting to greet him with charms of beauty , on his return homef rom da i ly toi l .4 8 Tobe loved whol ly and s ingly by the one ,

with whom she has linked ‘h er hea rt and soul , is the supremeea rthly des ire hidden in woman ’

s heart. I t is w ith this pa s s ion

ate des ire that we see Hu taosa of the Naotara fam ily, who laterbecame the wi fe of King Vishta spa , imp loring Vayu to make her

dea r and beloved in the hous e of her roya l hu sband ?“Ch ildren born in wedlock . We have seen tha t Ahura Ma zda

rejoices when a man ra is es a home to h imse l f , with w ife and

ch i ldren . H is m inistering angels a ss ist youths and ma idens inobta ining l ife-partners of their choice . This interes t o f the heavonly beings in the matrimonia l a l liance o f man and woman doesnot terminate with the un ion of the coup le,but continues unabatedthroughout its ma rried l i fe . A fter thei r ma rriage, both the hu sband and wife continue to look to them f or various boons that

would conduce to their happ ines s . For example, thei r continua l

fervent prayer is that their union maybe bles sed with ch ildren .

When the wi fe is in a condition to ant icipate maternity, she gent ly

begs of Anahita to give her an easy de l ivery ?“The fire of AhuraMazda shines in burn ing flames in a corner of the room to wa rdoff any evi l that maybe lurk ing there w ith intent to inj ure thenew l i fe . Every new birth , whether itbe in the spacious ha l l

o f a roya l pa lace, or on the rough ground of a farm house, sendsa thri l l of joy through the who le creation of Ahura Mazda , and

cas ts a shadow of gloom over the wicked world of Angra Ma inyu .

The Evi l Spirit and h is brood seek the inj ury and death of the

new born infant, and divine help is sought f or its protect ion .

The anc ient I ranians cons idered it the mother’

s duty to nurture

the infant at her own brea st . Proper and t imely m ilk , therefore ,became the ea rnest prayer o f the mother a fter sa fe del ivery . As

it wa s the charge of Anah ita to fi l l the brea s ts o f women with

milk, she f reely gave it in sufficient quantity to her whom she

had a lready favoured with motherhood .

“1The w edding hymn . We do not know with what religious

rites wa s marr iage solemnized among the Iranian people, either

Yt . 1 7. 1 0, 1 1 . Yt. 5. 2 , 87.

Yt. 1 5. 35, 36. Yt. 5. 2 .

WOMAN AND MARRIAGE 81

in the pre-Zoroa s trian or Zoroas trian periods . The last of the

Catha s conta in some f ragments o f the earl iest wedd ing hymn

probably recited in the days o f the prophet . I t re fers to the

celebrat ion of the marriage o f P ouruchis ti , the younges t daugh

ter of the prophet . The wedd ing takes p lace very l ikely at the

bride ’

s house , and Za rathu sh tra h im se l f gives away his daughterin marriage . The un ion o f the bridegroom and bride is ha l lowedby the prophet

’

s bened iction and counsel . Marriage , being recom

mended as a re l igious duty , it is not surpris ing to see the prophet

strongly empha s iz ing the sacred character of married l ife in his

admonit ions to the marry ing couple . He exhorts the hu sband

and wi fe to s trive to exce l one another in the pract ice of right

eou snes s , for the atta inment of a happy wedded l i fe .

“2 Woe wi l lbe fa l l that couple, he v igorous ly dec lares , which fol lows the pathof wickednes s ?“He admonishes the bride to take counsel w ithher own undefs tanding, to l ive in spir itua l fe l lowsh ip w ith Mazda ,

Good Thought and Righteou snes s , and to practise the noble deeds

of Devotion .

“4I t is interest ing to note that this nuptia l hymn composed by

the prophet , and evident ly recited by him on various occas ions

during his l ife, d id not continue as a part of the wedding ceremon ia l among the I ranians a f ter his day . The wedding hymnthat has reached us is composed in P azand , and dates from the

Sa san ian period . There a re, however , th ree Avestan pa s sages ,“5

embod ied in thi s P azand hymn . The ange l A iryaman is invokedin one of them for the joy of the marrying couple

?“A iryamanis genera l ly mentioned in the Aves tan texts a s the genius o f

hea lth , working usua l ly in conj unction w ith Asha Vahishta . But

A iryaman ,whose origin goes back to the Indo-Iran ian period ,

pr imari ly represented ma trimonia l a l l iance . I t seem s , however ,that a t a very ea rly date o f the Aryan sett lement in Ind ia and

Pers ia ,he los t his origina l cha racter in both countr ies and as

sumed other functions . The fact that the Aves tan pa s sage invoking his help is embod ied in the nupt ia l prayer , composed at a

late period , shows that the memory o f his ea r ly a s soc iation w ithhuman ma rriage had not entirely faded in Iran .

Ys . 54. 1;59 . 30, 31 .

CHAPTER x1

EDUCATION

The rel ig iousbas is of educat ion . The men for whom some

kind of tra ining was cons idered indispens ab le f rom the ear l iestt imes were the priests . As the guardians and exponents of re

ligious truth to the people , it was recognized on a ll hands that

they should qua l i fy themselves by ear ly instruction . The very

nature of their sacred ca l l ing demanded that they shouldbeeducated . The recita l of prayers , wh ich was the ch ief work of

the priests , required that the words and sy l lables shouldbe pronounced correctly to secure thei r des i red obj ect . S im ilar ly, most

scrupulous care wa s needed in administering cha rms and recitingspel ls to wa rd off evi l . M inutes t care was aga in needed in the

performance of ritua l , in the consecration of sacrificia l off erings ,and in the handl ing of ceremonia l imp lements , i f the efficacy o f

rel igious rites wa s tobe a s sured . Any error or neglect on the

part of the offi ciat ing priest in the discharge o f his holy dutieswould f rus trate the object of ceremon ia l undertakings . Prayers

properly off ered and ritua ls rightly performed , it wa s bel ieved ,would reach the angels;whereas their benefit would accrue to

the demons , i f they were wrongly handled . Hence it wa s in re

ligion that educat ion first had its roots in Iran , and the min

is ters of rel igion became the ear ly teachers as wel l .Value of educat ion . As Ahura Mazda is the founta in of

a ll knowledge,a s aga ins t Angra Ma inyu who is ignorance itsel f ,

the acquirement of knowledge soon came tobe recogn ized as a

great virtue . The fa ithful are enjoined to help those who ap

proach them seeking know ledge ? The unders tanding of AhuraMazda is adored

,

“and both the teachers and the pupilsbeg

Anahita to give them knowledge .

“The Avestan texts genera l lyspeak of the innate wisdom with which a child is endowed by

providence at birth, and the acquired wisdom which the adult

obta ins through education, and both are eagerly prayed f or .

Vd . 4. 44. Yt. 1 . 31 . Yt . 5 . 86 .

82

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84 EDUCATION

teach ing or lea rn ing, he proves fa l se to h is noble profes s ion ?“The teacher who did not help h is pupils wa s regarded a s inner .

The method of teach ing . The teacher probab ly d ictated or

himsel f w rote out da i ly , s ome portion of the sacred texts on

tablets or c lay-coloured wooden s lates . The pupils , on their part ,learned the texts by rote , and tr ied to gra sp the meaning

?“Memory work , natura l ly occupied a prominent p lace in the system o f

teaching . The pries t had to recite long s ections of the sacredtexts by hea rt in the ceremon ia l s , and the d iscip les consequentlyneeded a strong retentive memory ?“The pries ts who went

abroad preach ing, sacrificed unto Ch is ti , the geniu s o f re l igiousWisdom ,

to give them a good memory ?“Important maxims and

proverbs were genera l ly memori zed?" Therefore , per fect mem

ory is tobe reverenced by discip les ?“Pupils were probab lytaught the u se of the fingers f or easy ma thematica l ca lculations .

Th e s ubj ect s of teaching . Ch i l dren of pries ts and laymen

a l ike were taught the rud iments of lea rn ing . Rel igion,medicine,

and law seem tobe the three ch ie f branches of knowledge to

which higher education extended . The warrior chief s,themselves

amb itiou s of m il itary g lory,were natura l ly eager that their son s

shou ld reap laurel s 011 the batt leground , and make a name in the

anna l s o f their country . They in s tructed their sons in the art

of war fa re, taught them how to hand le thebow ,to throw the

j ave l in , to r ide the hors e,inured them to hard sh ip and privation ,

and taught them to emu late the heroic deeds of the wa rrior

champ ions of the house o f Za l . E lementary learning wa s im

parted to youths o f the upper c las ses , and parents , who a spired

to see their sons occupy adm inis tra tive pos itions when they came

of age , a rranged to give them a h igher education in the l iteratureand laws of their country .

Th e t ime of s tudy . S eeking wi sdom a ll n ight long is the

favourite expres s ion used in reference to a youth o f s tudious

habits 1“The firs t and the la st pa rts of the day and the night

were regarded as particularly suited for schola r ly pursuits , and

the m iddle part of the day , a s wel l the m idd le part of the night,were dec lared tobe the periods o f res t

?“As the new day wa s

Vd . 1 8. 5, 6 .

1 "Vd . 3. 33.

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 8. 50, p . 59 .

1“Yt. 1 . 3 1 .

Dk .,vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 62 , p . 88. Yt . 24. 4 1;Vd . I 8. 5, 6 .

Vd . 4. 45. Vd . 4. 45 .

EDUCATION 85

counted , according to the Iranian ca lenda r , from sunrise , the first

period o f s tudy began with the ear ly part o f the day . The

morning s es s ion evidently c losed a l itt le be fore midday , and the

pupi ls returned home f or the ir mea ls and res t . The cla sses aga in

met in the a fternoon , and continued their work unti l sunset , which

terminated the regula r day ’s work at the school . O f the four

periods set apa rt f or s tudy , the fi rs t two periods o f the day were

thus pa s sed at the schoo l , and the rema in ing two per iods of the

night, probably a coup le o f hours be fore going to s leep and the

ea rly hours o f the dawn , were devoted to the prepa ra tion o f the

school les sons at home .

Educat ion of women . The porta ls o f the s eats of lea rningwere Open to girls a s we l l a s to boys . Girls of the upper and

m iddle cla s ses , as u sua l , learned the rudiments ,but many seem

to have s tudied the h igher branches . As we sha l l s ee later,women offic iated a s pries ts at certa in times , and this funct ion

mus t have neces s itated s ome sort o f l iterary qua l ifica tion . Be

s ides , re ference is made to the part p layed by women in the ad

ministration o f j us tice . I t is expres s ly stated that a womanlearned in law is tobe pre ferred , in the office of a j udge , to a

man ignorant of it ? 1

S choo ls . We have no trace of specia l bu ildings set apart f or

giving ins truction to the youth o f Iran . A room or a veranda ina pries t ’s house , or a room or a house annexed to a fire-temple ,

or a place in the courtyard adjoin ing a temple probab ly served a s

the school . Probably , the pries tly teacher u sed a low woodens tool f or hims el f , while the pupil s sa t cros s - legged on fe lts uponthe floor , w ith tablets of wooden boa rd in hand to w rite upon ,

and swayed the i r bodies to and f ro,wh ile reciting the ir les sons .

Dk vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 2 1 . 2 1 , p . 9 7.

CHAPTER XI I

KINGSHIP

Th e t it les o f a s overe ign . The usua l Aves tan word f or kingis khsha thra ,

wh ich in its very meaning is ind icative of h is func

t ion of ruling . As a proper noun,Khsha thra is the name o f the

fourth a rchangel , who impersonates the kingdom o f AhuraMazda . The term has been appl ied to a ll Zoroa strian kings who

have ruled over I ran and ha s even survived the fina l extinct ion

of the Zoroa s tr ian roya l l ine . The tit le Shah by wh ich the

Mos lem kings o f Pers ia a re known to the present day is derived

f rom the origina l Avestan khsha thra .

Bes ides khsha thra , another term mean ing king is dainghn-paiti,‘lord of the country,

’ which is app l ied to King Vishtaspa? The

corresponding term f or queen is dainghn-pa thni, l itera l ly lady o fthe country .

’ Becaus e of his overlordsh ip of a ll space , f rom his

s eat in the heavens , M ithra receives the permanent t itle, lord of

a ll countries ?

The office of the k ing is hered i ta ry . Among the K ianians ,succes s ion to the throne was regularly in the ma le l ine . In only

one ca se do we find a woman a scend ing the throne in the person

of Queen Huma i . The e ldes t son‘

of a king wa s the heir ap‘

pa rent, and the people looked to h im a s the legitimate succes sorof his roya l father . H e l ived w ith h is father, fought h is father

’

s

battles , and ruled some province a s s igned to him during hisfa ther ’s l i fetime .

“When there wa s no ma le or fema le i s sue o f

the king, some other member o f the roya l house wa s chosen to

succeed to the throne . Kavi H aos ravah , thus , appointed Luhraspto the sovereignty of I ran a fter h im .

Though the eldes t son regu lar ly succeeded to his father ’sthrone , heroic a tta inments and rema rkab le p rowes s on the partof another prince sometimes influenced the choice of a sovereign,

in naming his succes sor . Thus King Kavi Usa had three sons .

Yt. 23. 1 .

4.

ShN. 2 . 1 99 .

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88 KINGSHIP

taspa and Queen Huma i crowned thei r successors Luhrasp, Bah

man and Darab , respective ly , with thei r own hands .

“The s tatus of th e k ing. The Iranian king w ielded both tem

pora l and sp i ritua l authority, and theoretica l ly, his power wa s

absolute .

“The king had the power of l i fe and dea th over h is

subj ects . He could wage‘war with a neighbour , or declare

peace, according to his w i l l . Yet,in the exercise of h is sover

eign right , we find h im in constant consu ltation w ith the elders

of the rea lm , and seeking the ratification of the nobles and heroes ,whenever he declared war or concluded peace . Though gener

a l ly oi overbea ring and despotic nature , the king had at times tobow be fore the censure of the courtiers . For examp le, Gudarz ,the warrior , rebuked King Kavi Us a , in the presence of the

nobles , f or his w ild adventure in es saying the sky , which had

endangered the l i fe of the sovereign and the s a fety of the country;and the great k ing humbly a cknow ledged the fol ly of his rash

action ?“When Kavi Haos rav‘

ah grew melancholy in the later

years of his l ife, and contemplated exchanging the roya l robe

of a king f or the white ra iment of a hermit, and ret iring to the

mounta ins , Za l admonished and rebuked him .

1 1 The same hero

protested on beha l f o f the ch ie fs and nobles , aga inst Haos ravah’

s

deci s ion to appoint Luhra sp his succes sor ?“Another great kingof this period , King V ishta spa , the patron of the nationa l fa itho f I ran ,

had,by an unscrupulous act , brought about the untimely

death of h is va l iant s on ,As f andiyar . When the nobles of the

land received the news o f the tragic end of the prince, theyupbra ided the king for h is ungenerous trea tment o f h is son , and

lef t the pa lace in a' body ?“

Th e k ing and th e peop le. I t wa s a rare privilege of the

fortunate f ew to receive audience with the king . The ma s s es

o i -people contented themselves with dis tant glimps es o f the august

personage on the New Year ’s Day, when the king appeared on

exa lted place out s ide the pa lace wa l ls , to receive homage of his

people. S imilarly, the subj ects had the Opportunity of s eeing

thei r roya l master when a war broke out, and the king led his

a rmies in person to the battlefield , or when he returned trium

phant to his capita l . The king on such occas ions , marched in

ShN. 4. 300;5. 279 , 3 10. ShN. 4. 286 -288.

Yt. 1 3. 1 8, 69;1 5. 50, 54. ShN . 4. 301 .

'

ShN. 2 . 1 05 . 106 . ShN. 5 . 252 .

KINGSHIP 89

s tate , preceded by nob les , chie fs , and commanders , am id the re

joicing o f the people , who decora ted the s treets w ith w reaths , and

showered flowers and coins upon the king . Unswerving loya ltyto the person of the sovere ign wa s the duty o f all subj ects . The

king ’s we l fare wa s prayed for in every Zoroa s trian household .

A specia l prayer invoking bles s ings upon the ru l ing k ing , fol lowsevery df rinakdn or prayer for bles s ings , rec ited on va rious oc

ca s ions in an ind iv idua l ’s house or in the fire-temple , even to

th is day . The officia ting priest herein invokes upon the sovere ign

o f the land the bless ings of victory , long rule , hea l th , a long li feand a happy l i fe . I t is , however, only the j us t king , he whose

rule conduces to the we l fa re of the righteous and to the a i

fl iction of the w icked , who is so bles sed by the people . Good

sovereign ty is invoked 1“and only good rulers a lone , who de

s troy the ev il done by the w icked?“should rece ive the people

’

s

bles s ings . The fervent prayer of the people is that good kings ,and not evil ones , may ru le over them ?“There is hardship ins tore f or thos e who help the w icked to ga in kingsh ip .

1 7 Bles sed

a re they , it is sa id , who hur l the w icked rulers f rom power?“

The occupants of the throne, who are not sol icitous for the happines s of their subjects thwart the furtherance of righteousnes sin the world , and the angel s hea r the prayers of the ill-treatedsubj ects to overthrow such evil ru lers . Haoma ,

f or example ,dethroned the tyrant k ing Keresani ?“

Th e k ing in re la t ion to the ch iefs of the coun try . The kingwa s in theory the absolute owner o f the soi l . H e occa s iona l lymade l ibera l grants o f land s or territories to his immed ia te followers , who had rendered h im consp icuous services in t imes o f

need . Th is impl ied that the rec ipients o f the roya l favour should

render loya l s ervice to the sovere ign in both peace and war .

These holders o f lands became hered ita ry ma sters of the ir es ta tesand independent managers o f the ir a ff a i rs . I t wa s the ir duty toattend the roya l court , when a new king came to the throne , oron other important occa s ions o f the s ta te, and pay homage to the

king ?“S im ilarly , it wa s thei r duty to supply fighting men and

materia l s to the king in the t ime of war and to follow him to

thebattlefield .

“1 Such marchlords and Chiefta ins ma inta ined reg

Ys . 5 . 5;37 . 5 . Ys . 46 . 4;48. 10.

Ys . 53. 8. Ys . 9 . 24.

Ys . 8. 5;48. 5;60. 8, 9 . ShN . 3. 1 7 : 5 . 180, 18 1 .

Ys . 31 . 1 5. ShN. 4~ 1 45. 1 46;5 . 47. 94

90 KINGSHIP

ula r a rmies , enacted laws , executed j ustice, levied taxes , and ruled

over the peop le l iving in their territories .

By f ar the mos t prom inent chief s to stand by the throne of

I ran were the wa rrior chiefs of Zabulis tan . A succes s ive l ine of

heroes of matchles s prowes sf

f rom thi s province fought f or the ir

king, often s aved the country f rom impending danger , and wielded

immens e influence at the roya l court . When an enemy wa s known

tobe knocking a t the gate , when a dragon threatened the l ives

o f the people , or when any kind of danger a rose , the kings and

courtiers hastened to s end mes s ages to Zal and Rustam to come

to their“help

?“The K ianian kings he ld these heroes in such

great respect tha t they s ent a company of nobles , with tymba l s

and p ipes , severa l days ’ journey , or often went thems elves , tomeet the heroes coming f rom the i r provinces?

“and accompan ied

them cons iderable dis tances , on their departure f rom the court .

“4The kings often descended from the throne on the approach o f

the mighty heroes , and made them s it upon it?“King Kavi Usa ,

was once wrath with Rustam ,rebuked him in the presence o f

the courtiers , and the hero left the court . Ultimately , the kinghad to expres s regret, and reconci le himsel f to the wa rrior cham

p ion ?“When the courtiers wished to p lead f or anything, they

deputed Rustam f or the task .

“7 Even members of the roya lfamily occa s iona l ly sought h is help for s imilar purposes . WhenFa riburz, f or example

,des ired to marry the widow Farangiz , he

a sked Rus tam to procure the roya l s anction ?“When QueenSudabah wa s proved guilty o f the p lot o f bla sting the character o fher s tep son , prince Syava rshan , w ith the meanes t o f ca lumnies ,Rus tam dragged the queen out and ki l led her in the presenceo f her roya l husband ?“Sometimes the education of an heir

to the throne wa s entrusted to the hands of the heroes , who keptthe prince with them unt i l he had come of age and completed h istra in ing ?“Rustam was commonly ca l led by the nobles

,a s a lso

by the kings , the crown bes tower , and the king maker .“1 KingShN . z . 92;3. 1 43, 1 44 ,

274, 3 1 9 .

ShN. 3. 18, 281 , 282 , 327, 354.

ShN. 3. 283.

2“ShN . 2 . 1 66 , 1 98;3. 1 8, 1 9 , 274.

ShN. 2 . 1 42 -1 44, 1 47 .“7ShN. 3. 1 1 2 , 1 1 3;4. 287, 301 , 302 .

ShN . 3. 1 46 .

ShN . 2 . 340.

ShN . 2 . 1 96 , 225.

ShN. 2 . 1 22,1 25;3. 1 43;5 . 1 74.

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92 KINGSHIP

bent downwa rd ?“Attended by his body-guards , the king now

advanced towa rds the throne and took his seat . The sovereign

genera l ly s at upon the throne w ith the crown upon h is head“7and with an ox—head mace in h is hand ?“The court officia ls nowtook their s eats upon low golden , ivory , or wooden s tool s ?“Theking’s seat wa s a lways elevated above the others . The seat of

honour wa s held tobe a t the right hand of the king?“and the

courtiers took their s eats accord ing to thei r respective ranks and

d ignities . We s ee the matchles s Iranian hero, Rus tam , s trongly

resenting the seat on the lef t hand , wh ich prince As f andiyar of

f ered him at their firs t encounter, and rem ind ing the a rrogant

prince of the und isputed priv i lege , wh ich had a lways been ac

corded him, of s itting on the right hand o f the I ran ian kings .

4 1

When a courtier addres sed the king, he rose f rom his s eat ,

and rema ined s tanding ?“When one approached the throne , to

give anything to the king or to receive someth ing from the roya lhands , he firs t kis sed the ground?“or the throne .

44 The rever

ent ial attitude u sua l ly observed by princes and nob les , while con

vers ing w ith their sovereign , wa s to s tand with folded a rms ,downca s t eyes , and bowed head ?“When a s tranger approached

the king w ith a petition ,he pros tra ted h imsel f on h is knees , and

touched h is forehead and nos e to the ground , be fore addres s inghim .

Envoys and ambas s adors . The king persona l ly control led

the foreign a ff a irs of the s tate . H e received ambas sadors a t his

court and sent envoys to foreign lands . Before s ending an em

bas sy abroad , he consulted w ith the elders o f the court , and obta ined their a s s is tance in dra fting the mes sage . Genera l ly

,he

himsel f dictated the letter to the court s cribe and had the roya lsea l affixed to it in his presence . The qual ifications deemed es sential in an envoy were fluency of speech , shrewdnes s , and discret ion ?“The person of the envoy was he ld s acred, and an amba s s ador f rom an enemy king wa s a lways immune f rom moles tation . King Vishtaspa wa s enraged a t firs t w ith the envoy of

Arej ataspa , who threa tened Iran w i th inva s ion ,i f the I ranian

ShN. 5 . 1 70. ShN. 4. 286;6 . 45.

ShN. 4. 200. ShN . 2. 63;3. 1 8, 1 14, 1 1 5;4 302 .

ShN. 2 . 222;3. 26;4. 29 2 . ShN . 2 . 77;3. 328;4. 236 .

ShN . 4. 357 . ShN. 2 . 36;4. 2 79 , 3 1 2;5 . 76 , 83.

Yt . ShN . 4. 1 45.

ShN. 5 . 200.

KINGSHIP 93

king did not renounce the new fa ith o f Zarathushtra . The king

told the members of the Tu ranian embas sy that he wou l d havehung them a ll a l ive, had not the re l igion o f h is country enjoinedthat the sa fety of envoys wa s tobe preserved inviolate ? 7 As a

ru le ,they were trea ted with honour and courtesy . From the

Shah Namah we learn the manner in wh ich foreign m is s ions

were rece ived a t the Iran ian court . When an amba s sador hadbeen escorted to the presence o f the king , by the court chamber

la in ,h is firs t act on approach ing the throne wa s to do reverence

to its roya l occupant . The fore igner was then given a goldens tool or an honourable seat in the court?“and , either ora l ly del ivered the mes s age of h is roya l mas ter , or del ivered the letter

wh ich he had brought with h im from his own count ry . In the

latter case , the king ordered the scribe to read the letter a loud to

him and h is m in is ters . The amba s sador and h is party were then

lodged in a comfortable place , accorded a banquet at wh ich the

nobles of the land were present , and shown other courtes iesbefitting the ir pos ition

?“Meanwhile, the king consulted his min

is ters , and prepared the rep ly, which was either written , or

ora l ly del ivered to the envoy . When the embas sy had fin ished itswork, and were prepa red to leave the country , the king bestowedrich gi fts upon its ch ief , such a s , a crown of emera lds , a pa ir of

ear-rings , a golden torque, s laves , or purs es?“

Roya l g i ft s . The king, a s a rule , lav ished h igh honours and

rich gi fts on those who had ea rned h is roya l favour . Heroicach ievements and works of great va lour per formed by warriors ,or d is tinguished s ervices rendered by the nob les

,received l ibera l

recognition a t the hands of the sovere igns . King Kavata , f or

example , in appreciation of Rus tam’

s fi rst encounter w ith the

Turanian king , bestowed upon h im and Za l five elephants , w ithl itters in laid w ith tu rquois e and overspread w ith c loth of gold ,

a roya l robe of gol d,a crown, and a gi rd le wrought of jewels and

turquoise;and , in add ition to these r ich gifts , bes towed the

sovere ign ty of N imruz on Zal and h is descendants ? 1 S imi larly ,when , a fter his seven memorable exploits , Rustam reachedMazandaran and rescued King Kav i Usa who had been madea prisoner , the king rewa rded h is l iberator with a throne jewel led

ShN . 5 . 43. ShN. 4. 207 , 359 .

ShN. 4. 200,20 1 . ShN . 2 . 2 1 .

ShN . 4. 357. 358.

94 KINGSHIP

in turquoise, a crown of gems , a robe of gold , a torque , an armlet,two hundred s laves of both the sexes , a hundred s teeds in golden

harness , a hundred mules with golden bridles , loaded withbrocades , a hundred purses fi lled w ith coins , bright stu ff s , perfumes

and trinkets , a ruby gob let fi l led with musk, and a turquois e

goblet fi lled w ith rose water ?“Among such a rt icles of roya l gi ft

were usua l ly found swords in gold scabba rds , s tudded w ith richj ewels , s ignet rings , ca sques and coats of ma i l , goblets of topa zand lapis -lazuli , girdles and tunics , tapes tries and embroideries ,beaver skins and carpets , diadems and bracelets , elephants and

camels , tents and pavilions , and var iou s other obj ects o f va lue ?“More va luable stil l for those who had won the roya l favour

was the bes towa l by the king, in recognition of high ly meritor iou s services , of roya l patents , empowering the recip ients to ex

ercise sovereign rights over certa in cities or provinces . Zal and

Rustam ,Tus and Giv, were thus authorized by such roya l patents

to rule over N imruz , and other p laces of importance“4 The

king vis ited in s tate the great fire—temp les , either to off er hissupp l icat ions to Ahura Mazda f or help in a war upon which hewas embarking;to off er thanksgivings for a v ictory a l ready won

over an enemy , or to pray in the temple a s a devout worshipper o f

Ahura Mazda . On such occa s ions , he endowed the sacredshrines with munificent sums of money , adorned them with

j ewels , and l ibera l ly -bestowed riches upon the priests ?“S imilarly, the king

’

s triumphant march through vi l lages and towns ,on h is way f rom the battlefield to the cap ita l , was the occas ionof di stribution of a lms among the poor people .

ShN . 2 . 77.

ShN. 77, 1 98;3. 26-29 , 283, 356;4. 58, 236, 258, 295.

ShN 2 77. 399;4 297 390;5 1 74. 29 3ShN. 4. 255 .

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96 LAW AND JUSTICE

officiating judges;“the ma intenance o f the dignity of the

j udges;7 misca rriages of j us tice;and var ious ques tions relatingto the subject .

Na ture o f law . The outs tanding feature of Iranian jurisprudence is the re l igious character inde l ib ly s tamped upon it bythe pries thood , who ow ing ‘to the belief of the div ine origin o f

law were recognized a s its natura l interpreters , and ,in the ear ly

days o f Iranian society , a l so, a s its on ly j urists and j udges . Al llaws , whether s acred or profane , civi l or crim ina l , a re influ

enced and regulated by rel igious be l ief s and r itua l practices .

Ahura Mazda h imse l f is represented as laying down ru les and

precepts f or the conduct of man in h is re lation to society, or

w ith reference to the genera l conduct o f h is l ife upon earth .

The Vendidad is thus the codification of rel igious , eth ica l , ec

cles iastica l, ritua l , socia l , pena l , and hygen ic laws . The I ran ians tate took cogni zance of wrongs wh ich were pure ly theologica l .Rel igious off ences were puni shed w ith a s much rigour a s were

c ivil and crim ina l wrongs . Re l igious penances , sacrificia latonements , ceremon ia l Obs ervances a re

,a s we sha l l see later ,

among the forms of pun ishments prescr ibed a long w ith bodilychast isement for var ious crimes .

Admin i s trators of j us t ice . In the ear l ier periods of I ranian

society, the tribuna l s of j u s tice were ev idently composed of

pr iests who were superior to the laity in inte l l igence . Later,w ith the spread of learn ing, lay j udges began to . share the

j udicia l work of the country . Even women , as we sha l l see

anon , often acted as j udges . The j udges decided cases that

came before them accord ing to the rules and regulations la id

down in the Avesta and Zend , in accordance w ith the decis ions

and genera l verdicts of the ancients .

“Cons equently,the pries ts ,

be ing more intima tely acqua inted with the re l igious lore , re

f a ined all h igher j ud icia l pos itions in thei r hands , and all con

tested lawsuits came before them f or decis ion .

Qual ificat ions of a j udge . Tobe wel l-vers ed in law wa s , of

cours e , the prime es s sentia l in a j udge ?“I t is express ly sa idthat even a woman or a minor learned in law is tobe pre ferred,

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 73, p . 76 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 2 1 . 1 6, pp . 95, 96 .

Dk .,vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 8. 1 5 , p . 5 1;1 9 . 1 04, p . 80.

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 9 . 69 , p . 76 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 9 . 74, p . 76 .

LAW AND JUSTICE 97

f or appointment a s a j udge , to an adult who is ignorant of

law? 1 A j udge whose dec is ions of ten prove tobe erroneous

is unqua l ified for h is pos t ?2 Experience in a learned j udgewho ha s been on the bench for severa l years is va lued , and h is

rul ings and dec is ions a re v iewed w ith great confidence ?“Though learning is an es sentia l qua l ification in a j udge, up

r ightnes s o f cha racter , we are told , is ind ispensab le to him. Aj udge shou ldbe an inveterate foe of brigands , tyrants and mu r

derers ?“The merit o f the work o f a t ruthful j udge is grea terthan any other meritorious deed ?“A good j udge spreads happi

nes s among the peop le , whereas a fa lse one br ings ca lam ity to

the country ?“An hones t person who holds the sca les of jus

tice in his hands causes joy to the ange l s , and spreads sorrow

among the demons . H is good work is further rewa rded in the

next world , j us t as heavy retribution fa l ls to the lot o f an evi lj udge ?“The re is no atonement that can wash away the gu ilt

of a fa ls e j udge ?“He is a s inner who dec lares the innocentguilty and the gui lty innocent ?“Crimina l is the j udge who

decides w ith reference to the s ta tus of the litigants?“and whose

rul ings are swayed by pa rty feel ings?-1 Ra shnu , the angel o f

truth , bef riends the poor who have fa i led to secure j ustice at

the hands of a d ishonest j udge whom Angra Ma inyu courts?“

Persons who thus abused their power as j udges were evidently

punished by the state?“

P la ces of j us t ice . We have a l rea dy s tated that in the ear ly

period of the evolution of I ran ian society, the pr iests a loneexecuted jud icia l functions , and that it was at a later s tage thatthe la ity secured the pr iv ilege of sharing the lega l adminis tra tiono f the country . S im ilarly , fire-temples , or some adjoining partsof these p laces of worsh ip, served a l so a s the early law courts .

Law be ing rega rded as a branch of religion , and the min is ters

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , 8. 1 9 . 29 , p . 69;2 1 . 2 1 , p . 97 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 76 , p . 77;2 1 . 10, p . 9 5.

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 42 . 9 , pp . 64, 65 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 59 , p . 88.

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 6 1, p . 88.

Dk ., vol . 1 6

,bk. 8. 30. 28, p . 22 .

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. p . 22 .

Dk . , vol. 1 5 , bk. 8. 2 1 . 1 9 , p . 96 .

Dk ., vol 1 6bk 8 42 8 p 64

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 5 1 , p . 86 .

Dk vol . 1 5, bk 8. 2 1 . 26 , p . 9 7 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 57 , p . 87 .

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk 8. 1 9 . 8

, p. 63.

98 LAW AND JUSTICE

of rel igion having the gua rdianship of j ustice in the i r hands , it

wasbut natura l that the temples shouldbe the centres of both

rel igious and j udicia l activities . A s we sha l l have occas ion to

see, ritua ls were given an important place in the tr ia l o f lawsuits , especia l ly in the adm ini stration of oath s and in the per

f ormance of ordea ls . Besfides , the fire and the ceremon ia l im

plements required f or the performance of ritua l s on such occas ions couldbe of an ea sy acces s in the c lose vicinity of the

temples .

Legal p rocedu re . The p lace set apart for the adm inistration

o f j ustice was usua l ly thronged by the l itigating pa rt ies , the irf riends , relat ives , and witnes ses . Proper measures were taken

to ma inta in the dignity of the court, and disciplinary rules were

la id down f or the general guidance of the peop le . D isturbancecaused by those gathered in the premises , e ither by loud ta lking

or by the u s e of improper words by persons who lost their caseswere promptly punished ?“The j udges were helped in their

work by subordinate officia ls , with whom the aggrieved parties

lodged thei r compla ints . The compla inant , or s evera l of themin cases when severa l creditors proceeded aga inst a common

debtor,a sked f or a summons ?“The accused couldbe held in

ba i l , i f proper security was produced?“Otherwise, he was re

moved to the house of detention pending his tria l . Attemptswere evidently made to e l icit confes s ion f rom the gui lty , and the

texts refer to ful l con fess ion of gui lt,2 7

or partia l confess ion?“orthe one made on diff erent occa s ions in a s many as three ver

s ions ?“The disputants could , i f they so chose, appoint an

a rb itrator , and come to an amicable s ettlement, instead of fight

ing out thei r ca se in the court ?“Attempts were made to do away with undue delays in dea l ing

out j ustice, and t ime l imits were fixed f or the de l ivery of

j udgments and examin ing w itnes ses , as a l so f or the genera l con

duct o f the ca se?1 Both compla inant and defendant had to

conform to the rules , and had to fini sh their s tatements in the

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 27 , pp . 68, 69 .

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 8. 47 , p . 58.

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 8. 23, p . 52 .

Dk . , vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 25, 1 3 1 , pp . 68, 84.

Dk .,vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 8. 48, 49 , p . 58.

Dk ., vol. 1 6 , bk. 8. 42 . 3, p . 64.Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk. 8. 1 8. 1 6 , 25, pp . 5 1 , 53.

Dk ., vol . 1 5,bk 8. 2 1 . 1 5, p. 95.

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100 LAW AND JUSTICE

The two kinds of evidence recognized were the verba l and the

documentary , both of wh ich mightbe submitted in a case, or

e ither o f the two ?“These were, aga in, divided into variousgrades , and their bearing upon diff erent cases was expla ined .

From the many subj ect headings found in the Dinkard , we

learn that the law o f evidence must have been worked out in

great deta i l in the or igina l works ?“Occas iona l ly , the s tatu s of

the w itness who appea red in the court to give evidence influ

enced the court . Evidence submitted by the ch ie f of a pro

f es s ion,by a high pr ies t , or by three persons together, was con

s idered trustworthy ?“Although full confidence was tobep laced on the evidence of such credible witnes ses , we see the

rule qua l ified by the statement that there might a r ise occa s ions

when the test imony of even a h igh priest , or of three personscol lectively , m ight not count ?“The mode of procedure in ca seo f the ev idence of doubtful persons , and even that of th ieves ,formed part of the genera l discus s ion in the lost works ?“Thes inful nature of giving fa lse evidence was emphas ized by declar ing it a s caused by Angra Ma inyu

?“Law of p roperty . A section of the Husparum Na sk , we are

informed , dea lt with the subj ect o f the ownership of property ?“Articles of law were enacted for the regulat ion of properties set

apart f or the rel igious purposes , as a lso for inheritance and

pos ses s ion of private property . Some seven kinds of property,o f which unfortunate ly no description is given , were not tobeaccepted a s secur ity ?“D isputes occas iona l ly arose, either aboutthe management, or the appropriation , of the proceeds of propert ies given away in char ities , and the court gave its rul ings on

such occa s ions ?“When an adm in istrator o f such a trus t died ,leaving no succes sor to take charge o f it

, the court was movedto intervene . For examp le , when a priest who was the cus

todian of some publ ic funds died in a foreign country , to whichhe had journeyed on his pr iest ly duties , the ques tion a rose of

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 5.

-

5 , pp . 37 , 38.

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 5 . 6- 1 2 , pp . 38-40.

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 60, p . 74.

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 103, p . 80.

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 20. 1 0, p . 9 2 .

Dk ., vol. 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 9 . 1 57 , p . 87 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6

,bk . 8. 35. 1 , pp . 30, 31 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8.

Dk ., vol. 1 5,bk . 8. p. 70.

LAW AND JUSTICE 101

appointing another in his place to manage the property of the

trus t, and the matter wa s then taken to the court .

“1Non-Iranian races l iv ing in Iran , and peop le of the f rontier

territories , who had entered into commercia l transactions w ith

the Iranians , secured jus tice a t the hands o f the I ranian j udges

in the i r disputes w ith the I ranians . Foreigners evident ly held

property in Iran ,and lawsu its often arose in their dea l ings with

the natives of the country ?“In the los t lega l Na sk s were d iscu s s ions of the various d is

putes a ris ing among the holders of joint property ,“3those about

a tes tator d istributing his property before death?“the l iabi l ities

on the property of the deceased parents , and their accep

tance or not on the pa rt o f the heirs?“absence of testimonyrega rding the propr ieta ry r ights o f one

’

s own property?“mis

appropriation of property ,“7pas s ing of some property to the hands

of a criminal?“and other s im ila r problems relating to ownership

?“S eques trat ion and confi s cat ion . A section of the Sakadum,

or eighteenth , Na sk dea ls with the law of s eques tration o f pro

perty , more particularly of an ima ls . Horses and camels , oxenand sheep , formed the chief property o f the people , and the booklays down m inute rules regarding the confiscation

,retention , and

care o f anima ls kept in custody , in part s at is fact ion of the cla imso f the creditors or o f the s ta te . Among the matters d iscus sedin deta i l were : the se1zure and confinement of a hors e , or of a

bea s t of burden;the l im it of t ime w ith in wh ich the anima l wa stobe kept;the charges of a sentine l;the suckl ing of the youngone, when such was with the seques tered anima l;the u se o f

m i lk of such an ima ls;the shea r ing and lamb ing o f sheep in the

fold and the food tobe given them;pena lty f or an an ima l tha twas not properly f ed , and d ied of s tarvation;and various otherques tions bearing upon the subj ect ?“S imilarly , the law books prescribed rules for the confis cation

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 44 , pp . 7 1 , 72 .

Dk ., vol. 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 9 . 26 , p . 68;vol . 1 6

,bk . 8. 35 . 6, p . 31 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 9 . 79 , p . 77 .

Dk . , vo l. 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 8. 30 , p . 53.

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 9 . 45 , 81 , 82 , pp . 72 , 77 , 78.

iii?" igi'

i?11

31

153i9' 32

12169

1 6 bk 8p k: 1 5:be. 53. 5

7113“7““4 ' 4" 24“

Dk . , vol . 1 6, bk . 8. 35 . 2 -4, p . 3 1 .

Dk .

, vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 38. 1 -1 6, 24

-26, pp . 49

-54.

1 02 LAW AND JUSTICE

of a s lave, to work off the debt of a defaulter, that of a cloak ,a water-Skin ,

corn ,c lothes , utens ils , cultivated and uncultivated

fa rms , and of the ornaments of gold , s ilver , and pearls .

“1Loan and interes t . As payment in a ll kinds of bus iness

transactions wa s made in kind , so fields , catt le, gra in, and other

commodities were exchanged ‘

in lending and borrow ing . Bes ides

his cla im over the amount that he may have lent , the creditor

wa s ent itled to some kind of increase , that is , interest on h is

advances . One of the last sections of the S akadum Na sk isca l led Vakhshishtan , or code of increase ?“Law s were enactedregulating the dea l ings between lenders and borrowers , in regard

to the capita l and the interes t?“the renewa l of a contract in caseo f the death of a creditor?“the l iabil ity on the part o f a person

who inheri ted the property of a debtor upon wh ich interes t wa s

runn ing?“the increa se on increa ses , or compound interest;theinheritance by children o f a property and the accumulated in

terest the lega l decis ion in cases where a debtor wa s

unable to fulfi l his obl igat ions at the t ime when they fe l l due;“7the agreement to pay off the debt w ith its incurring interest byins talments;the irregularity on the part of the debtor in h is

yearly payment;the l im it of len iency on the part of the

creditor?“and severa l S imi lar questions bearing upon the subj ect .

OATH

App l icat ions of oath . The Aves tan word f or oath wh ich

occursbu t once in the extant l itera ture is s aokenta, f rom wh ich

the modern Pers ian sngand is der ived . Later Pahlavi and P ers ian works which treat of the period with wh ich we a re present lyconcerned dep ict kings , heroes , and ministers f reely swea ring f or

various purposes . Primari ly , an oath was taken to guarantee thetruthfulnes s o f one

’

s s ta tement, and to avoid incurring suspicion .

When Rustam , f or example, heard that his kinsmen had fought

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 40. 29-34, pp .

Dk . , vo l . 1 6 , bk . 8. 40. 1, p . 56 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 40. 7 , p . 57 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6,bk . 8. 40. 8, p . 57 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6, bk. 8. 40. 9 , p . 57 .

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 40. 1 8, p . 59 .

Dk . , vol . 1 6, bk . 8. 40. 22

, p . 60.

Dk . , vol . 1 6, bk. 8. 40. 27, 28, pp.

Vd. 4. 54.

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1 04 LAW AND JUSTICE

himsel f that the s ta rs were not favourable to Iran in the war

upon wh ich the king wa s emba rking , did not venture to lay

be fore his roya l ma s ter the gloomy forecas t . Therefore , he

begged the king to swea r that he wou ld not harm him ,when he

disclos ed the s ecret o f heavens;and the king swore , a s he wa s

reques ted ?“When ,however , the king heard that the war wou ld

go aga inst him,and that twenty-three of the princes of roya l

blood would fa ll in the cata s trophe tobe suff ered by the

I ran ians , he drew his sword and fe l l upon the d isc loser of th isinausp icious news , and was res tra ined from kil l ing him on ly

when he reca l led the binding nature o f the oa th which he had

sworn ?“When Rus tam p leaded before H aosravah f or Gu r

gin ’

s release f rom imprisonment , the king pleaded his inabil ity to

comply, saying that he had sworn by his throne and crown , by

Mars ,Venu s , the sun and moon,to punish h im, a lthough later he

yie lded to Rustam’

s persua s ion ?“S e l f-imprecatory oa th s . The Aves tan texts ment ion no ln

s tances in which the oath taker swears by any persons or obj ects ,such a s a re f requent in the later works , to which we sha l l haveoccas ion to refer . We have , however , in the sacred texts refer

emees to the mode of taking oath in the form of a curse . M ithra ,

the angel of truth,is accompan ied by Dami Upamana . at the

ordea l court . This co-adj utor of M ithra impersonates the magic

power o f the curse . In the ea rly s tages o f Iran ian Society , when

the ins titutions of human j ustice had not been sufficiently de

ve10ped , divine help wa s invoked in the t ria l o f off enders . The

contend ing parties were put to the oa th , and were made to utter

s el f-imprecations , invoking div ine wrath and untold ca lamitiesupon the person who swore fa lsely . Both the officer who administered the oath , and the person who took it, be l ieved impl icitlythat the ma lediction of Dami Upamana would relentles s ly fol lowthose who foreswore them selves . As the puni shment f or perj ury

aga inst M ithra ,it is sa id , that Dami Upamana fa l ls upon the

off ender, in the shape of a Sharp-toothed , terrible boar , and

des troys h im at a s troke ?“O ath s taken upon d ivine be ings , person s , and object s . As

the oath came tobe recogni zed a s an integra l part of lega l pro

ceedings , bus ines s contracts , agreements , and treaties , the range

YtZ . 41 , 42 . ShN . 3. 332 , 333.

YtZ . 50-52 . Yt . 1 0. 1 27 .

LAW AND JUSTICE 1 05

o f objects to swea r upon widened , until it embraced a ll celestia l

and terres tria l beings and animate and inanima te obj ects . Ac

cord ing to the Pahlav i Ya tkar-i Zariran , K ing Vishtaspa swore

be fore his m inister by the g lory o f Ahura Ma zda ,the Mazda

ya sn ian re l igion , and the li fe o f his own brother .

“1 In another

place we s ee him swearing by the Zend Avesta ,Zarathushtra ,

and fire?“To as sure King Kavi Usa o f his fi rm determination

to act according to h is behes t, young King Haos ravah took an

oath upon God , day and night , sun and moon , throne and

ca sque, s ignet and sword and We have a l ready seen

the same king swea ring by his throne and crown , by Mars and

Venus , by the sun and moon ?“B izan swore by the creator, the

moon, and the Firdaus i puts an oath into the mouth

o f Rustam , and makes h im swear by the king’s li fe and head ,the sun and moon ,

Iran ’

s hos t , and the dus t of the murdered

prince and at another time by the sun , the

scim ita r , and the batt lefield , in add ition to the king’s l i fe and

head ?“Ceremon ial r ites to s trengthen the va l id ity of an oath . We

have a lready re ferred to the connection between the oath and

the ordea l , and“

we sha l l see in our discus s ion that the ordea l , asa l so the oath wh ich preceded it , wa s accompan ied by an elaborate

ritua l . As it seems , there wa s a certa in prescribed manner in

which the various oaths were tobe taken . When Jamaspa a sked

King Vishtaspa to take an oath , he requested him to rub hissword o f s teel and an a rrow of the j aw-bone three times in the

name of Drvaspa , the ange l pres id ing over ca tt le ?“H aos ravah

swore w ith his face turned towards fi re ?“

ORDEALs

Ordea l code . The Aves tan word f or ordea l is varah f romwhich is derived the later anr is tan or the code of The

term era/rah is not found in the Catha s , though ordea ls , especia l lyin an eschato logica l s ens e , a re expres s ly mentioned . The

twel fth Ya sht, ded icated to Ra shnu , dea l s whol ly with the ordea ls .

YtZ . 41 , 42 , 52 . ShN . 3. 226 .

ShN. 5 . 64, 1 73. ShN. 5 . 228 .

ShN. 3. 2 1 , 22 . YtZ . 41 .

Sh .N. 3. 332 . ShN . 3. 2 1,22 .

ShN. 3. 59 , 60. Dk ., vo l. 1 6, bk . 8. 4 1 . I , p . 62 .

106 LAW AND JUSTI CE

There are s tray references to the ordea l s in diff erent Avestantexts which we sha l l s ee as we proceed w ith the subj ect . We

gather , however , from the summary o f the contents of the lostAves tan Nask s given in the Pahlavi Dinkard, that important sec

tions of the Nikadum and Sakadum Nasks were devoted to the

treatment of ordea ls .I

Us e of ordea ls . The ch ie f obj ect of an ordea l , as a lso o f an

oath , wa s to dis cover gu ilt . Persons who swore an oath , or

subm itted to an ordea l , had to fea r the wrath of d ivine beings ,in ca se they were gui lty . I t was bel ieved that a gu ilty person

wouldbe s corched , burnt, drowned , or made to suff er in diverse

ways , according to the nature of the ordea l , to which he was

subj ected .

Thus , the ordea l wa s the indicator of innocence and guilt in

lega l proceedings . When it was impos s ible to discover the t ruth

by direct evidence ,the l itigant pa rties were put to a phys ica l

test . When the r ight of a property wa s contested , resort wa shad to an ordea l .“1 A wi zard , suspected of having caused s ickness by w itchcra ft , was ordered to pas s through an ordea l .

S im ila rly, persons a ccused of sorcery , murder , and other clan

des tine crimes , were pu t to the ordea l ?“Recourse to ordea ls wa so ften had to prove one

’

s s teadfa stnes s in rel igion , a s a lso to demons trate the indi sputable nature of rel igious truths ?“C las s ificat ion of ordea ls . Iran ian j uris ts made two genera l

divis ions of ordea ls . T hes e were hot ordea l s and cold ordea ls .

“5The hot ordea ls cons is ted in wa lking through fire , dipping thehand in boil ing water or oil , or pouring molten meta l on body.

In the co ld ordea ls a person was obl iged to hold s acred Baresman tw igs in the hand , eat exces s ive quant ities o f food , swa l low

a specia l ly prepa red liquid , or cut certa in parts of h is body with

a kn i fe . The origina l number of ordea ls a l leged to have been

prescribed by Zarathu shtra wa s thirty-three?“though no morethan S ix or s even are dis tinct ly ment ioned in the extant I ranianl itera ture .

Ordea lby fi re . In Zarathushtra’

s fa ith fire is the most

Dk ., vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 9 . 67, p . 75 .

Dk . , vol . 1 6,bk. 8. 4 1 . 1

, p . 62 .

Dk . , vol . 1 6, bk. 8. 4 1 . 3, pp . 62 , 63.

Z sp . 2 1 . 24-27.

Ae . 9;Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 55, p. 73;vol. 1 6, bk . 8. 41 . 6, p. 63.

Dk ., vol. 14, bk . 7 . 4 3, p . 37.

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1 08 LAW AND JUSTI CE

cording to the Zatsparam,the prophet is sa id to have been shown,

three phys ica l tes ts to demons trate the truth of the fa ith . One

of these wa s the pouring o f hot meta l on the chest of the prophet ,which fa i led to injure him ?“2 Zarathu shtra is thereupon com

manded by Ahura Mazda to exhort his disciples to resort to this

ordea l to demons trate the truthfulnes s of rel igion, whenever it is

doubted byM i s cel laneou s tes t s . The Aves tan texts enumerate some

other forms of ordea l , w ithout , however , descr ib ing the manner

in which they were app l ied . One of these,a l ready re ferred to,

is

ca lled the Baresman ordea l f rom the fact that the person going

through the ordea l rites held a three-tw igged Baresman in

hand ?“Among the ordea ls incidenta l ly ment ioned by namemaybe mentioned the fa ith ordea l ,1““that of exces s ive eat ing?”

the ordea l of truth- indicating golden waters ,1 07

and the one byinfl icting

Rel igious ba s is of the ordea l . Above a ll an ordea l was an

appea l to divine powers , when human resources had fa iled . The

a rchangels themselves , a s we have seen , are sa id to have demon

s traf ed the worth of ordea ls to the prophet . Hence it was that

the celes tia l beings were invoked , by means o f rel igious

formulas and e laborate ceremonia ls , to come down to the court

to help the human ofli cers of the ordea l court . Ahura Mazda ,

it seems , was invoked through the performance of Yasna sacri

fice at the place in which an ordea l wa s tobe The

s ix s tanza s of Ys . 36 are sa id to refer to s ix forms of hot ordea l ,and mus t have been recited on such occas ions ? 1 0 Zarathu shtra

is sa id to have recited the three cardina l words of his fa ith ,good thoughts , good words , and good deeds , when the archangelstook him through ordea ls .

1 1 1 The Yasht dedicated to Ra shnu ,the genius of truth , is exclus ively devoted to ordea ls , and is thechief prayer which must have been recited on the occas ion of

tria l by ordea l . On being invoked for help , Ahura Mazda is

1“Zsp . 2 1 . 24.

2 1 . 2 5.

1 0‘Yt . 1 2 . 3;Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 8. 38;1 9 . 66 , pp . 55, 75 .

Dk vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 5 pp . 66 , 67 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 9 . 33, p . 69 .

Vd . 4. 54. 55.

Zsp . 2 1 . 26 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 1 4, p . 66;vol . 1 6, bk . 8. 4 1 . 5 , p . 63.

815 . 1 3. 1 7.

Z sp . 2 1 . 24.

LAW AND JUSTI CE 109

depicted as coming down to the place o f an ordea l , accompan iedby the angels Vata , Dami Upamana , Kingly Glory and Saoka ?”

But the ch ie f celestia l functiona ry , whom Ahura Mazda has spe

cia lly appointed for the supervis ion at the ordea l s , is Rashnu .

According to the sacred texts , the offic iating pries t ca l ls him

righteous , mos t upright , mos t holy , mos t knowing , mos t d is

cern ing, mos t fore-knowing, most fa r-see ing , and the best sm iter

and destroyer of thieves and robbers ?” He is imp lored to turn

his steps to the p lace of ordea l , i f he happens tobe at that time

in one of the seven zones of the earth , or on the mountains , or

rivers , or oceans , or s tars , or moon , or sun , or at the farthes t

end of the ea rth , or in heaven?“

R egulat ions about the conduct of ordea l s . Elaborate rulesseem to have been la id down regulating the per formance of or

dea ls . Ow ing to the re l igious aspect of ordea ls , to wh ich wehave a lready re ferred , the j udges and ofl

‘icers who administered

them were taken principa l ly from the pries tly cla s s . The H igh

Pries t pres ided at the function?“

and was helped in his dutiesby severa l officers?“who had specific functions to per form ac

cording to the prescribed laws ?" The number of officers to

watch the ordea l , the order of precedence tobe observed by

those who attended the ordea l tria l s , the number of witnes sesrequired , and other S imilar quest ions of deta i l , were tobe decided in accordance with the prescribed rules?

“The texts referto the time and p lace of ordea l s without , however, much en l ightening us on the subject ?” As ordea ls were accompan ied by the

per formance o f sacrific ia l rites and the recita l of the s acred

formu las by pries ts , it is probab le , that fi re-temples or some ad

joining p laces , a s a lready noticed , must have served a s law courts .

A l l persons were not freely admitted to w itnes s the ordea l proceed ings . Restrictions were la id down aga ins t certa in objects tobe brought in at the tria l , l ikewise , doubt ful persons were deba rred f rom entering the ordea l meetings ?“The quantity and

Yt . 1 2 . 4.

Yt . 1 2 . 7 , 8.

mYt . 1 2 . 9-38.

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 9 . 56, p . 73.

Dk ., vol . 1 6

,bk . 8. 4 1 . 5 , p . 63.

Dk ., vol. 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 9 . 1 6

, p . 67 .

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 54, pp .

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 9 . 55, p . 73.

Dk ., vol. 1 6 , bk. 8. 41 . 4, p. 63.

1 1 0 LAW AND JUST I CE

qua l ity o f wood tobe used at fi re ordea ls , a s a lso the implements

needed at the va rious other ordea ls , were carefu l ly chosen a s

prescribed by rules?2 1 In some ca ses , it s eems that ordea ls were

adj usted w ith reference to the socia l pos ition of the parties con

cerned , and the ordea l rules exempted men of d ist inction and

good repute f rom the phys ica l Ordea ls of les ser or

greater degree of severity were prescribed , in proportion to the

gravity o f the These were fixed by the j udges , in somecases both parties s imultaneous ly volunteered to undergo a cer

ta in kind of ordea l, or , aga in ,

one party cha l lenged the other to

prove its ca se by an ordea l . Judgment evident ly went aga inst

the person by defau lt, i f he shrank from submitting himsel f to the

tes t, when cha l lenged so to do.

CRIMES AND PUN ISHMENT

C las s ificat ion of cr imes . Wrongs l iab le to pun ishment by thes tate maybe ranged under five clas ses . The firs t clas s cons is ted

of cr imes aga inst mora l ity , such a s adultery , abortion , and unna

tura l c rime . Thos e aga inst property cons tituted the second cla s s ,and were chiefly breach o f contract , theft , and robbery . Underthe third group ,

wh ich maybe termed crimes aga ins t the person ,

fel l a s saults and murder . Defilement and unclean l ines s , bur ia lo f the dead , and a ll that contam inates the earth , water, and treeswere punishable wrongs , a ccording to the tenets of the Zoroas

trian legis lators , and can,therefore ,be c las sed a s the crimes

aga ins t pub l ic hea lth . S im i lar ly,the i l l-treat ing and ill-feeding

of anima ls , and other kinds of cruelty to them ,formed the fi fth

class , that is , the crimes aga inst anima l s .

The Aves tan legis lators genera l ly prescribe the corresponding

pena lty f or the in fringement of every rule at the t ime of laying it

down . We sha l l fol low their method and d iscus s crimes and

thei r punishments together.The nature of pun i shmen t . Breaches o f law were pun ished

by flogging, by a fine , by bod ily mutilat ions , or with death , byexclus ion from participation in socia l and rel igiou s fes tiva l s , bypena l servitude, by brand ing, and by compel l ing a crim ina l to ki l l

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 41 , p . 7 1 .

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 9 , p . 67 .

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 40, 66 , pp . 70, 7 1 , 75.

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1 1 2 LAW AND JUSTI CE

w ish to hide hersel f in the heavens , or s ink into the earth ?”

She discards l ibations off ered by The angels

Tishtrya and Verethraghna exhort the fa ithful not to a l low uh

chaste women to share the sacrificia l off erings consecrated in

thei r honour, and declare that p lagues and wars would desolate

thei r country i f they violated theThe texts speak with horror o f a courtezan who l ives a l ife of

shame , and yie lds hers el f indiscriminately to the embraces of the

Mazdayasnians and Daevayasnians , and s tates that the look of

such a woman dries up the waters and p lants and blights the

ea rth;j ust a s her touch demol ishes the good thoughts , good

words , and good deeds of a righteous person?“1 Ahura Mazda

informs the prophet that such a shameles s creature grieves himwith the sores t grief , and pa ins him with the bitteres t pa in , and

declares that she deserves tobe ki l led , even more than gl iding

snakes and howling wolves ?“2 Haoma is implored by his sacri

ficer to hurl his mace a t such .

Abort ion . A man who defi led a virgin l iving in her pa rent ’s

house, or with other guardians , whether she was betrothed or

not , committed a serious crime aga inst society . I f the ma iden

conceived by h im,it wa s his duty to support her, so that neither

she nor her i l legitimate off spring m ight suff er . I f the chi ld d ied

before the birth , ow ing to the lack of support on the part o f the

man ,he was to pay the pena lty o f w il ful Any attempt

of his to procure m iscarriage was a f resh crime , a s heavy a s the

Life that is blos soming in the womb is as sacred as the

one that later proceeds into the wor ld at birth . The destructiono f the fetus was , there fore , regarded a s murder, and it wa s decreed

that , i f the gui lty man and h is victim arranged , with the help o f

an old woman , to procure abortion through drugs,in order to

escape shame, a ll the three were gu i lty of w il fulUnnatura l cr ime . The most heinous crime created by Angra

Ma inyu to p lague human morta ls is There is no ex

p iation for the man who perpetra tes the cr ime , no fine that he

can pay and -

no pena lty that he may suff er would remove his

Yt. 1 7 . 58. Ys . 9 . 32 .”‘Yt . 1 7. 54. 57.

1“Vd . I s. 9 . 13. 1 5- 1 8.

Yt . 8. 59—6 1;1 4. 5 1 -53. Vd . 1 5 . 1 0.

Vd . 1 8. 62 -64. Vd . 1 5 . 9-1 4m

Vd. 1 8. 6 1 , 65.“7Vd . 1 . 1 2 .

LAW AND JUSTI CE 1 1 3

gu ilt ?” Even the man who is forced aga inst h is w il l to subm it

to the crime is tobe scourged w ith e ight hundred s tripes w ithAspa ashtraya and e ight hundred w ith S raosho cha rana?”

The Aves tan texts denounce the sodomite as a demon ,a wor

sh ipper o f the demons , a ma le pa ramour of the demons , a fema le

pa ramour o f the demons , a w ife o f the demons , a sbad a s a

demon ,through and through a demon ,

a demon during l i fe and

a demon a fter death ?“0

CRIMES AGAINST PRO P ERTY

Invio lab i l ity of con tra ct s . M ithra,a s an ange l , is the genius

of truth and guardian of good fa ith among men. When the term

M ithra is us ed a s a common noun ,it s ign ifies contract . The

Nikadum Na sk,a s we learn f rom the contents of the lost

Aves tan works, dea lt with the ques tions o f the b inding nature of

a contract , the“. good that resulted from its proper observance and

the harm that fol lowed its in fr ingement ?“1 We find, fortunately

preserved in the extant Aves tan texts , some mater ia l that gives

u s a vivid idea of the importance which the ancient Iranians

attached to the fulfi lment of contracts .

Ahura Mazda exhorts men through Zarathu shtra never to

break a contract, whether it is entered into w ith a be l iever or a

non-bel iever , for a contract , we are told , holds good for a ll , irre

spective o f their

Bes ides the negotiating parties , who a re d irect ly involved ina transaction , contracts a ff ect a large number of relat ives , friends ,and tribesmen , in proportion to the importance of a contract, or

w ith re ference to the nearnes s or remotenes s of the degree of

relationsh ip between the contract ing pa rties . I f a compact madebetween two f riends is twentyfold in va lue, it becomes fi f ty fold ,

when it is between a husband and w ife,and is declared tobe

a hundred fold between a father and a son . S imila rly , the va lueis a thousand fol d between two nations , and reaches the summ itof ten thous and degrees , when it is made in connection w ith there l igion o f Mazda ?“

The Vendidad furnishes u s with ins tances showing the extent

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 1 6 , p . 82 .

mYt . 10. 2 .“‘Yt. 10. 1 1 6

, 1 1 7.

1 14 LAW AND JUSTI CE

of respons ibil ity attached to the kinsmen of one violating a con

tract . Three hundred persons , we are in formed , a re liable to

sha re the gu ilt of one who breaks the hand-contract . The sca lerises with the greater enormity of the crime, and a thousandpersons are held col lectively respons ib le , to make good the harmdone by a member of their c lan who breaks the s ixth or landcontract ?“4F orms of contra ct . The texts recogn ize s ix distinct graded

types of contract . The series opens with a contract in wh ich

the contracting part ies prom is e, by word of mouth , to fu lfi l certa in conditions , a ttached to the barga in which they have con

cluded . Thi s prel im inary contract is termed a word-contract .

The second clas s , known as a hand-contract ,’

is satisfied , when

the pa rties a ffirm thei r agreement by the s triking of their hands .

Agreement to forfeit to the lender the va lue of a sheep or an ox ,

in default of meeting h is obligations , on the part of the debtor ,constitutes the third and fourth contracts , known ,

respectively,as sheep-contract and ox-contract .

’ When a man s tands se

curity f or a party,it is termed a man-contract .

’

The last con

tract is the one ca l led land-contract ,’

in which a piece of land ,or its equiva lent in va lue, is pawned by the debtor

?“P un ishment for the b reach of cont ra ct . One who does not

fulfi l his obligations , and breaks a contract , is ca l led a thief ofthe He is bel ieved to br ing a s much harm to his

country a s could a hundred evi l

The pena lty f or the breach of var ious contracts is s courging

with s tripes;the number ranging between three hundred to a

thousand each by both of the two above-mentionedTheft and robbery . The firs t section of the lost Duba s ruj id

Nask is sa id to have been devoted to the subj ect o f thieves , thei rarrest , tria l , and The ta

'

yn,

‘thief

,

’

and hazanah,‘robber ,

’

were the constant dis turbers of peace in the I ranian

countries . They broke into cottages in the darknes s of n ight ,and carried away the household goods , or preyed upon the in

dustriou s agriculturists in large bands , looting the i r s torage of

corn and driving away thei r cattle . Hence, it is that we find the

householder praying da i ly for protect ion aga inst them I t is

Yt . 1 0. 2 .

1”Vd . 4. 1 1 -1 6.

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 20. 1 . P P 89 » 9°

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1 1 6 LAW AND JUSTI CE

cus sed in deta il , a lso,the durat ion o f the imprisonment infl icted

f or va rious off ences .

“IWe learn from the contents of the lost Na sk s that they

treated the crime o f the ft under various subdivis ions , such a s of

a thief who operates a lone , a s we l l a s w ith accomplices f“

of

a theft jointly comm ittedby three thieves at three d i ff erent

places; of the s tatu s of the kinsmen of a thief,in a case

o f theft ,16 6

and of h is defenders , who work f or his relea se;1 6 7 o fthe d iff erence between a th ief and a robber;1 6 8 of the non-I ran ian

marauding tribesmen from the frontiers , who s tea l goods f romIranian sett lements , and the prompt act ion requ ired of the au

thorities f or recapturing and restoring them to their owners;1 6 9of the conditions in wh ich the res toration of p lundered good s

was tobe cons idered s at is factory ,1 70of the propriety o f arresting

a fe l low citizen;1“of a th ief serious ly wounding a person and

escap ing with s tolen goods , who had h idden himsel f in the nea r

vicin ity , or had escaped so f ar from the p lace of the cr ime thathis capture wa s hopeless;1 7 2 o f a thief who broke j a il and

escaped with outs ide a s s istance,”3and of a person endeavouring

to l iberate a thief or a robber from fetters or imprisonment .

1 7 4

CRI MES AGAI N ST THE PERSON

As sau lt s . We gather from the contents of the lost AvestanNasks that sect ions o f the Nikadum Na sk , ca l led Zadmistanaand Resh istana , were devoted to the law s touching a s s ault .

1 7 5

The Vendidad preserves a l is t of d iff erent kinds of a s s ault, and

describes their corresponding punishments . I f a man takes a

weapon in h is hand w ith the de l iberate intention of inj uring an

other, he is guilty of the firs t form of a s sau l t ca l led figerepta,stroke ’;i f he brandishes a weapon ,

he commits the crime of

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 20. 2, p . 90.

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 20. 7 , p . 9 1 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 49 , p . 72 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 20. 1 1, p . 9 2 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 20. 1 4, p . 93.

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 20. 1 2, p . 9 2 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 20. 1 3, p . 93.

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 37, p . 85 .

Dk . , vol . I 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 50, p . 73.

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 20. 6 , p . 9 1 .

Dk . , vol. 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 9 . 1 8, p . 67 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 43, p . 7 1 .

Dk ., vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 6 . 1;I 7. I , pp . 41 , 45, 46 .

LAW AND JUSTI CE 1 1 7

avaoirishta ,blow ’;i f he actua l ly wounds a person ,

h is crime is

an aredusho,wound for the infl icting o f a deep wound , he is

gu ilty of xwaru, sore wound ’;when b leed ing results from the

blow , he is respons ible for the crime known as tacha t-vohuni ,

bloody wound i f h is blow fa l l s on a person so as to break a

bone ,he is sued for the crime o f as tobid, bone-break ing ’;and

when he s trikes another wi th such great force that the inj ured

person fa ints , he is tobe punished for the crime of f razd -baodhah, rendering unconscious .

’ ”6

Every repet it ion of a cr ime is met w i th a heavier pun i sh

ment . The pena lty f or comm itting any of the seven a foresa id

a s saults is a fine, and ten s tripes , respectively , with the whipAspa a shtraya ,

and an equa l number w ith S raosho cha rana . The

maximum pena lty in every ca se is the same, to w it , tw ice two

hundred s tr ipes each , with the two wel l known instruments . The

number of ,the s tripes infl icted depends upon the number of times

a certa in kind of a ssau l t has been committed . For example , a

man gu ilty of the firs t , or lowest , form of a ssault receives the

maximum punishment , when he comm its the off ence for the

e ighth time . One accused o f the second form of a s sault isl iable f or the h ighes t punishment on the seventh committa l of thes ame cr ime . S im i la r ly, one gu ilty of the third , fourth , fi fth , ors ixth form o f a s sau l t rece ives the extreme pena lty on the s ixth ,fi fth , fourth or third repetition of the crime . A person gu iltyof comm itting the la s t , or mos t aggravated , form of as saul t is

pun ished w ith ninety s trokes with each o f the two whips , and

receives the maximum pena lty o f tw ice two hundred s tripes w itheach , i f he is convicted for the second time . A man who im

penitently pers ists in crime , and has a l ready received the maximum pena lty prescribed by the code of a s saults , is held tobe a s

an incorrigib le crim ina l . 1 7 7

The contents of the los t Nasks mention the di ff erent kinds ofa s sault with s l ight variat ions .

1 7 8 Counter as saults a re spokenof a s being of eight di ff erent kinds .

1 7 9 By them as saults are

differentia ted according to the kinds o f inj uries infl icted . Acrushing blow , we are informed , may occas ion shrivel l ing of the

Vd . 4. 1 7 ff .

Vd . 4. 1 8 ff .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 64 , 65 , p . 75;vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 30. 3 2

Dk .

,vol. 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 1 46, p. 86 .

9 p 4.

1 18 LAW AND JUSTI CE

body, or may cause blood to flow , either by s triking forci

bly,

1 81or by throwing a person down f rom a great height .

1 82

An assault may cause fright , swe l l ing , unconsc iousnes s , dea fnes sor bl indnes s , or may so inj ure some particula r limb or organ

of the body a s to render it useles s .

1 83

Among the many ques tions discus s ed in the origina l texts ,now los t, are the fo l low ing : the diff erent kinds o f w eapons us ed

in as sault;1 84 a s saults by adults as wel l a s by minors;1 85 murderou s a s saults comm itted by minors , and the respons ib i l ity o f

thei r pa rents f or the crimes;1 8 6 de l iberate plots to a s sau lt;1 8 7the duty of a person who happens to know o f a p lot or con

spiracy aga ins t another ’s l ife;1 8 8 the duty o f a man who s ees

a fel low-traveller kil ling another on a journey;1 89 the duty of re

s tra ining an a s sa i lant , when one happens to meet two personsfight ing , and the wrong of not inter fering to prevent the as sault

upon the weaker pa rty;1 9 ° the duty of a man to help an inj ured

party in s ecuring compensation f or wrong, a s i f he had himsel f

been assaulted;1 9 1 the authoritat ive requ irement o f shooting w ith

an a rrow at a murderer , who es capes and h ides h imsel f in a

crowd;1 9 2 the act of a wounded person who recovers by medi

cine,but later succumbs to h is wounds , holding up some one

in a place in fested with noxious creatures ,1 9 3

a s saults upon non

Zoroas trians and heretics ,19 4

and other va rieties of murderousa ff rays .

CRIMES AGAINST PUBLIC HEALTH

D efi lement and uncleanl ines s . A man who neglects the ru leso f cleanl ines s la id down in the s acred texts , or who spreads the

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 6 . 4, pp . 42 , 43.

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 6 . 2 , pp . 4 1 , 42 .

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 7 . 2 , p . 46.

Dk .,vol. 1 5, bk . 8. I 7 . 4, pp . 46 , 47 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. I 6 . 5;I 7 . 5 , 6 , pp . 43, 47 ,Dk . , vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 8. 2 1

, p . 52 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 6 . 1 0, p . 45 .

Dk ., vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 1 8. 26 , 3 1;1 9 . 1 , pp . 53, 62 .

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 2 , p . 62 .

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 3, p . 62 .

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 57 , p . 60.

Dk ., vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 8. 53, p. 59 .

Dk ., vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 8. 62 , p . 6 1 .

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk. 8. 18. 44, pp . 57, 58.

Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk. 8. 1 9 . 1 47, 1 54, pp . 86 , 87.

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1 20 LAW AND JUSTI CE

maximum punishment is inflicted f or throwing on the ground

the whole body of a dead dog or of a dead man .

202 I f a man

happens to touch a corpse in the wildernes s , it is his duty to

come to an inhab ited place , and seek purification from the first

man whom he meets . I f , however , without being so cleansed

of his impurity , he touches wvater‘

or trees , he is to undergo the

pena lty of four hundred s tripes each w ith the two whips .

203

Vigour and hea lth dis appear f rom a place in which a man ignorant of the work of cleans ing an unclean person , by means o f

ceremonia l lus trat ions , undertakes to purify him .

204 Such fa lsecleansers are declared enemies of publ ic hea lth , and are con

demmed to death .

205 From four hundred to one thousand blows ,w ith the two whips are tobe infl icted on a person who covers

a dead body with unneces sary cloth , thereby hindering the quick

consumption of the flesh by the corpse-eating dogs and birds ,and spreading contagion of putri fying matter .

206 Suppres s ion of

the timely menses o f a woman is punishable with tw ice two

hundred stripes .

207 I f a man have connection with a woman during her menstrua l per iod , he rece ives thirty s tripes w ith the two

whips for the first off ence , and the punishment rises to n inety

s trokes w ith a repetition of the crime f or the fourth time .

208

In another place, it is sa id that he may atone f or his gu ilt e itherby sacrificia l off erings , by kill ing noxious creatures , by buildingthirty bridges over cana ls , or by undergoing the pena lty of twiceone thousand s tripes .

209 Giv ing water to a woman who brings

forth a s till-born child is punishable with two hundred s trokeswith both the whips .

CRIMES AGAINST AN IMALS

P enal ty for crue lty to an ima ls . I ll-treatment of domesticanima ls is a crime punishable w ith flogging . Caus ing inj ury toa new horse , whi le catching him on a mounta in , or pulling thetai l of a horse, or an ox , upon which some one is riding, is a

cruelty , and deserves tobe punished .

21 1 Rigorous punishmentsare prescribed for those who i l l-treat dogs . From fi fty to two

Vd . 6 . 1 0-25. Vd . 1 6 . 1 3.

Vd . 8. 104-1 07 . Vd . 1 6 . 1 4-1 6 .

Vd . 9 . 5 1 -57. Vd . 1 8. 67-76.

Vd . 9 . 47-49 . Vd . 7 . 7 1 , 72 .

Vd. 8. 23-25. Dk ., vol. 1 5,bk . 8. 18. 40, 45, pp. 56, 58.

LAW AND JUSTI CE 1 2 1

hundred s tripes with the two wh ips a re tobe infl icted upon a

person who givesbad food to various cla s ses o f dogs . P un

ishment for ki l l ing one of the d iff erent kinds o f dogs runs from

five hundred to one thousand s tripes w ith the horse goad , and an

equa l number w ith the punishing wh ip . A man who re fuses

shelter to a bitch tha t is nea ring her time , w ith the result that

her young perish , is held l iable to the pena lty for w il ful mur

der.

2 1 4 Seven hundred stripes w ith both the whips a re prescribed

for one who s trikes such a bitch .

2 1 5 The mos t rigorou s punishment , ten thousand blows w ith the two punishing whips , is pre

s cribed for the murderer of a wa ter dog.

2 1 6 The texts then give

a deta i led l is t of va rious redeeming works through wh ich the

culprit can a tone for his crime . We are in formed that the

gu i l ty person can expiate his wrong by carrying ten thou sand

loads of ha rd wood , or ten thousand loads of sweet- scented wood ,to the fi re rby off ering ten thousand sacred Ba resman tw igs inri tua l;by off ering ten thousand l ibations to the waters;bykil l ing ten thousand of each of some nine kinds of noxious crea

tures;by fi l l ing up ten thous and holes;by donating two completesets of implements used for tending the fire, or a s et o f ritua l

implements , to a pr ies t;or by the gift of war implements , or o f

agr icultura l tools;or by procuring a r i l l o f running water for

husbandmen;or by giving a p iece o f a rable land to the pious;or by erecting a s table for oxen;or by the gifts o f beds w ithsheets and cushions;by help ing to contract ma rriage between twofa ithful people;by a present o f ca ttle;by rea ring and supportingtw ice seven whelps;by throwing the s ame number o f bridgesover cana ls;or by repa ir ing e ighteen s tables that need repa irs;by curing tw ice nine people of the ir diseases , or by feeding twicenine pious men with sumptuous food and drink .

2 1 7

mVd . 1 3. 24-27. Vd . 1 5. 20-40 Vd . I 4. 1

, 2 .

Vd . 13. 4, 1 2 -1 6. Vd . I S. 50, BL Vd 140

CHAPTER XIV

PRIEST AND PRIESTHOOD

The s ta tus of th e p r ies ts in I ran ian s oc iety . From the

ana lys is of the lost Na sk s given in the Dinkard , we find that a

s ection of the Hu spa rum, or s eventeenth , Nask dea lt with the

profes s ion of priesthood .

1 Th is has reached u s in part , and

is known a s Aerpatis tan , or the priestly code . Another lost Na skthat treated of priesthood was Varshtmans ra .

2 AS we have

a l ready seen, the first of the four clas ses of Iranian society con

s isted of the priests . From his chie f duty of tending the fi re ,the Zoroas trian pr iest is ‘ ca lled athravan,

l itera l ly , the protector

of fi re . The h igh estimat ion in which the priestly cla s s was held

among the ancient I ranians is tobe seen from the fact that

a thravan is one of the titles a s sumed by Ahura Mazda himsel f .3

S imilarly , when nature rejo ices over the bi rth of Zarathu shtra ,

it ha i ls him as an a thravan .

4 I t is cons idered a mark o f distinc

t ion tobe pos s es sed o f the gifts of an athravan ,

ESand a bless ing to

have sons of the dispos ition of an a thravan.

6 The High Pries tranked s econd to the king in the empire . Marriage , a s we have

seen , being highly meritorious , and a specia l act of virtue,according to the teachings

‘

o f the prophet , the pries ts never took

monast ic vow s . They married and reared families , and held

property j us t a s did the la ity .

I t appea rs that , under certa in circumstances women a lso

worked a s priestes ses . So sacred a work as tha t of officiatinga s a zoom, or the chief priest , a t a sacrificia l ritua l wa s not de

n ied to thei r sex .

7

H ered itary su ccess ion becomes the ru le of pr ies thood .

From the time of the divis ion o f society into four distinct classes ,

1Dk . , vol. 1 6, bk . 8. 2 7 . 1 , pp . 1 2 , 1 3.

Dk .,vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 2 . 2 , p . 9 .

‘Yt . 1 . 1 2 .

‘Yt . 1 3. 94 .

Yt . 1 9 . 53.

‘Ys . IO. 1 5.

‘Dk ., vol. 1 6, bk. 8. 28. 6, p . 1 4

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1 24 PRIEST AND PRIESTHOOD

dispensable f rom him. H e is tobe the embodiment of hol ines sand of rel igious power . A ceremony , however elaborate it maybe , is of no va lue and can not , in the leas t, rejoice the heavenly

beings , i f performed by a pries t devoid o f these qua lifications .

1 3

Unremitt ing s tudy o f the sacred texts is his pa ramount duty .

Ahura Mazda in forms Zarathush tra that he is a rea l pries t who

rema ins awake through the night , seeking knowledge , and adds

that he who s leeps through the n ight , without s tudying, and yetca l ls h ims el f a p r ies t , is a l iar, and one fa lsely a s suming the

pries tly office .

1 4 A true athravan and his dut i ful d isciplesbegknow ledge f or themselves f rom Anahita .

1 5 The priests a sk f or

a good memory f rom Chis ti, the genius of rel igious w isdom .

1 6

Speaking o f the prophet , Anahita ca l ls him an a thravan who

ha s s tudied the sacred law ,who is wis e and clever, and whose

very body is fi l led w ith rel igious spel ls .

1 7

The i r funct ions . The di ff erent cla s ses of priests had thei r

respective dut ies to perform .

1 8 A l l ceremonies , whether for thel iv ing or the dead , were per formed by the pries ts . I t wa s the

athravan who inves ted a child with the sacred shirt and gi rdle ,celebrated marriages , and recited the fina l prayers over the dead .

He wa s a sacrificer in the fire-temple, a cleanser o f the defi led ,

a hea ler of the s ick , an exorciser o f evi l powers , an interpreterof dreams , a reader o f s ta rs , an educator of the youth , an ad

minis trator of j us tice , a scribe at the roya l court , and a council lor

of the king . Thus we find that the Iran ian pries t of th is period

monopol ized a ll power and privilege . The pries t was natura l lythe guardian o f mora ls , and it is decla red tobe the duty of the

High Pries t to recla im wrong-doers by admonitions , or to urgethem to pen itence f or thei r m isconduct .

1 9 I t was he who broughtsuccour to the needy , by ra is ing subscr ipt ions among the wea lthy .

20

He travel led to dis tant lands to preach .

2 1 The only important

work in which he was not engaged was wa r fa re . When the

enti re ma le population was summoned to take up a rms , in the t ime“Yt . 1 0. 1 38, 1 39;24. 1 2 .

Vd . 1 8. 5, 6 .

‘5Yt. 5 . 86 .“Yt . 1 6. 1 7 .

‘7 Yt . 5 . 9 1 .

Dk . , vo l . 1 5, bk . 8. 6 . 5, 9 , pp . 1 3, 1 4.

1 °Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 6 . 5 , pp . 1 3, 1 4.

3 °Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 6 . 1 3, p . 1 5.“Ys . 9 . 24;42 . 6;Yt. 1 6 . 1 7;24. 1 7;Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 2 7 . 2

, 4, 8,p . 1 3.

PRIEST AND PRIESTHOOD 1 25

o f war, the priests a lone were exempted f rom m il itary service .

Means of the i r l ive l ihood . The ch ie f means o f l ivel ihoodo f the priests , occupied with ceremonia l functions , came f rom the

fees received from the la ity for the per formance of sacrificia lr itua ls . The fami ly pries ts received a lms on fes tiva l s and on

other ausp ic ious occas ions . The food and c lothing , consecratedfor ceremonia l purposes , formed another source of income for

the pries ts . The farmers , making offering o f the fi rst crop of the

sea son to the gen ius o f agricul ture , gave the consecra ted gra into them . The phys icians who hea led the Sick , and the cleansers

who purified the defi led , a re specia l ly enjoined to charge no fees

for s ervices to the priests ,bu t to hea l them sole ly to receive theirbles s ings .

23

There were ev idently many res ident pr ies ts in each of the

great fire-temples . Seven hundred devotees , we are informed ,were in the wmple a t Ba lkh , when Arej ataspa ma rched in w ithh is hosts and ki l led some eighty o f the pries ts .

“The founders

of the temp les usua l ly set apa rt large es tates and rich fields , forthe ma intenance of the fire and its votaries . Countles s personsundertook long jou rnies to vis it annua l ly , or at interva l s , some

o f the important shrines , which had acquired a great fame f orsanctity, w ith the pious obj ect of winning rel igiou s merit f or

themselves . The priests attached to the temples recited prayers ,and per formed ceremon ies , f or these devout pilgrims , and re

ce ived handsome fees f rom them . Most profitable of a ll , how

ever, were the roya l v is its pa id to these s acred spots on variousocca s ions , as , for example , at the t ime of emba rking upon a war

or , more conspicuous ly , on the occa s ion of the king ’s triumphantreturn f rom war

,when he lav ished the most precious o f the

spoils on fire-temples . Thus , Kav i Haos ravah celebrated his victories by enrich ing the fi re-temple and showering gold and s ilveron the priests .

25

Implement s and u tens i ls in us e of the p riest s . R itua l appliances and ins truments of punishment are l is ted among the

proper pr iest ly pos ses s ions . One o f the modes of expiating a

wrong was to present one set, or more , of such imp lements f orceremonial purposes .

2 6 As a wielder of authority in the admin

YtZ . 24 ShN. 4. 255 , 259 , 269 .

Vd . 7 . 41;9 . 37. Vd . 14 6-8.

ShN. 5 . 86, 92 .

1 26 PRIEST AND PRIESTHOOD

istration o f j ustice, or in the superv is ion of ritua l performances ,the priest dea lt out pun ishments to the w rong-doers . These

punishing whips of the pr ies t are the wel l known S raosha charana

and Aspa as htrya or the goad .

27 An important form of punish

ment for crimina ls prescribed in the Vendidad, wa s des troying

a certa in number of nox iou s‘creatu res . From its close a s sociation

with the pr ies tly j udge , the weapon ca l led khmf s tmghna,‘the

sm iter of noxious creatures ,’

wa s rega rded a s an instrument of

the priests .

28

The chief utens i ls in da i ly u se by the pr ies ts a t the sacrificia lr ites , even to th is day , a re the mortar , made e ither of s tone or

o f iron ,

2 9 cups ,30

and trays made of s i lver,gold or other meta ls

to hold and s tra in Haoma j u ice .

3 1

As the cus todian s of the fi re, the pries ts , needed ladles and

tongs , a l so axes and s aws , to prepare wood .

32

Among pries tly implements proper maybe ment ioned knives ,spoons , and other art icles , us ed in ab lution ceremonies . An im

portant duty o f a priest wa s , as it is to the present day, to cleanse

a defi led person by elabora te ab lution rites . A meta l kn i fe isrequired to draw the furrow s upon the ground accord ing to the

prescribed rules .

33 The pur ifying l iqu id is tobe given at in

terva ls , according to specified ru les , in such a way that the pries t

does not come in contact w ith the defi led person . Therefore , a

wooden s tick which has n ine knots , w ith a bras s or lead spoon

tied to one end of it , is held by the pries t, so that he can sprink lethe cleans ing l iquid upon the unclean person f rom a s a fe d is

tance .

“Vd . 1 4. 8;1 8. 4.

Vd . 1 8. 2 .

Ys . 22 . 2;24. 2;2 5. 2;Vsp . IO .

-2;I I . 2

, 4, 1 8;1 2 . 5 .

Vd . 5 . 39;1 4. 8;1 9 . 9 .

Ys . 10. 1 7;V sp . IO. 2;I I . 1 8.

Vd . 1 4. 7 .

Vd . 9 . IO.

Vd . 9 . 1 4.

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1 28 WARRIORS AND WARFARE

the ba s is o f their various occupations , held good in the time of

peace on ly, and that the members of the d iff erent groups united

into one who le nation at arms , as soon a s the country entered intowar . Profes s iona l troops , ma inta ined by the king, were, to a

cons iderab le extent compos ed o f men o f the frontier tribes . Thesemercenar ies deserted the k ing, i f higher and better prospects of

booty were prom is ed by the enemy .

D ivme a id invoked in war . In time of wa r, a s in time of

peace , rel igion exerted strong influence upon the ancient Iranians .

The victory or de feat wa s genera l ly attributed to the favour or

d is favour o f the heavenly beings . Cons equent ly,divine b les s ings

were invoked a t every s tage o f the wa r f or the triumph of their

a rms . We gather f rom the contents of one of the lost Nask s

that officiat ing priests , with ceremon ia l appl iances , accompanied

the fighting arm ies to the battlefield . They invoked divine helpf or the ir arm ies , and pronounced imprecations aga inst the enemy .

The text speaks o f the per formance of the Ya sna sacrifice on

the day of battle, the cons ecrat ion of the waters found nea rest

to the loca l ity in which the battle wa s tobe fought;the off er

ing of l ibations the recita l of the Avestan formulas dur ing the

period of fighting , and a t the time of d ischarging the firs t arrow

on the enemy .

3 We glean f rom the Shah Namah that mightyk ings and va liant heroes , s etting a s ide thei r crowns and a rmour,joined the pr ies ts in prayers to God for help ,

before launching

their attack on the enemy;or bent their knees , in the thick of

battle, asking divine help to extr icate themse lves from embarra s s

ing s ituations;or off ered pra ise and thanksgiving at the trium

phant close of the war .

4

The chie f patron of war , according to Avestan texts , wa s

M ithra,whom the kings prop itiated w ith off erings , when they

made war l ike preparations .

5 This angel wa s bel ieved to come,forthw ith , to the succour of his invoker;to breathe courageinto the fighting armies;to Spread consternation among the hos

t ile hordes;to render thei r weapons ineff ective;to break theirl ines a sunder , and to put them to rout .

6

The Guardian Spirits of the dead are other w ill ing helpers , who

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 25 . 24, p . 9 .

ShN. 2 . 73, 75 , 1 67, 1 7 1 , 1 72;3. 247, 28 1;4. 49 , so, 1 27, 208, 209 ,234, 2 55 , 258, 2 59 , 269 , 270;5 . 1 03.

Yt . 1 0. 8.

Yt . 10. 36 , 39 , 40, 43, 48, 1 01 .

WARRIORS AND WARFARE 1 29

can bring d ivine he lp to the wa rriors who invoke them . There

fore , ch ie f s and heroes looked to them a s a l l ies aga inst theirfoes ? Their help , however , was extended only to those who

fought for a j us t cause .

8 Like winged birds , they came flying

to the battlefield , protected thei r invokers aga ins t the enemy ,9

and mowed down the hos tile hordes .

1 0 The sword of the enemy ,we read in the sacred text s , cuts not, h is club s trikes not, h is

a rrow hits not, and h is spear pierces not the favoured one whom

the Fravashis watch and Shield .

1 1 The v ictor who pursues h is

f oe , and the vanqui shed who flees from the field , a sk f rom them

sw if tnes s in running .

1 2 Inspired by the conviction that the celes

t ia l be ings who protect the ir country , and the ancestra l dead who

s ti l l wa tch their actions , are on their s ide, invis ibly fight ing theirbatt les , the soldiers in Ancient Iran marched to the battlefield ful lo f the hope of victory .

Ast ro logers cons u lted to pred ict the res ult of the war .

A s the peop le s trongly be l ieved in the influence of the stars uponman ’

s doings , it was only natura l that the kings should consult

the court a strologers upon the fortune of the ir country , before

emba rking upon a war . When Vishtaspa , for example,made

war l ike preparat ions to meet Arejata spa upon the batt lefie ld , hea sked Jamaspa to read the stars , and acqua int h im with the ulti

mate result of the war . The wise diviner ca lculated the s tars ,

and described in deta i l how va rious mighty heroes would proceed to encounter their foes , how fate would go aga inst them ,

and deprive the roya l fami ly o f no les s than twenty-three heroes ,who would perish in the war .

1 3 The warriors themselves oftendreaded the evi l consequences foretold by the a strologers . Thus ,f or example, tol

‘d Gudarz , in the m ids t of a batt le, that the div iner had revea led to him the secret that , no ma tter how heroica l lythe I ranian arm ies would fight , the ultimate victory res ted with

the enemy .

1 4 S im i larly, on one occas ion ,Rus tam spoke to his

comrades o f the com ing events of the battle a s told by his a strolo

ger ,but urged them to have no m isgivings .

1 5

Cause s tha t led to w ar. The sword was genera l ly the ch ie farbiter between the I ran ians and the i r hosti le neighbours . Wa rs

Yt . 1 3 23, 27, 40. Yt. 1 3. 35.“a

1 3. 39 . 47 .

£t 39 , 46-49;ShN . 5 . 48-53.

1 3. 70. 3. 1 27.

1 °Yt . 1 3. 48. ShN. 3. 2 1 9 .”Yt. 13. 7 1 , 72 .

1 30 WARRIORS AND WARFARE

were genera l ly occas ioned by the des i re f or conquest of new

lands;f or the sake of de fending the i r country aga inst the ag

gres s ion of a power ful enemy;f or pun ishing the marauding tribeswho made f requent ra ids upon Iranian settlements , or for aveng

ing the blood of a roya l person . Very many years of the reign

of a king were usua l ly occup ied in warfa re , and the heritage of

vengeance upon an enemy was often bequeathed to h is succes sor.

The Iranian prince Syavarshan fel l a victim to the intrigue of

the brother of the Turan ian king Franra syan , and this un fortunate

incident involved the two'

countries in a war of long duration .

When King Kavi Usa res igned the throne in his old age, in favour

of h is grandson Haosravah ,the son of the murdered prince

Syavarshan ,he caused the young king to swear, in the presence

of warrior chief s , that the w reaking of vengeance upon the ru l inghouse of Turan shouldbe h is chief object in l ife .

1 6 When Hao

s ravah later fought with the son o f Franra syan ,he in formed h im

that he had not come to the p la in f or throne or s ignet-ring,butto avenge h is father, 1 7 and reiterated his unflinching resolve on

different occas ions .

1 8 Rustam avowed that he would not res t

unti l he avenged the murder of the prince ,

1 9and in reply to the

off ers of the enemy to conclude peace , declared w ith Giv thatthe only way to term inate the hostil ities wa s that the Turanians

Should hand over in bonds to the I ran ian king all those who were

gu ilty of the blood of Syavarshan .20 S imilar ly , when As f andiyar

fel l in the un fortunate encounter with Ru stam , which the greathero tried his utmost to avert , the heritage of vengeance descended

to his son Bahman ,who

, on com ing to the throne, made wa r upon

Rus tam’

s family,f or the hero himsel f wa s dead at that t ime;

ma rched aga inst Zabulistan , and defeated and kil led Framraz,

the son of Rus tam .

2 1

W eapons of w ar . As a mode o f expiat ion of one’

s cr ime of

kil l ing a water-dog, the Vendidad enjoins giving as a pious gi ftthe chief implements of war to a warrior, incidenta lly mentioning among them the javel in , sword , mace,bow and a rrow , s l ingand s l ing-s tone .

22 By f ar the most renowned weapon,however ,

wa s the mace . I t is spoken of a s the strongest and mos t vic

torious of a ll weapons .

23 I t is the weapon wie lded by the angels

ShN. 3. 2 1 , 22 .

3 °ShN. 3. 1 97, 1 98, 205;4. I 7, 1 8.

ShN . 4. 1 72 . ShN. 5 . 283-285 .

ShN. 4. 252 .

”Vd . 1 4 9 .

ShN . 2 . 338, 339 . Yt . 10. 1 32 .

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1 32 WARRIORS AND WARFARE

to its end .

“4 The Shah Namah speaks of an a rrow with threeor four feathers .

4 5 The sha ft had a sharp point at the head , t e

sembling a wil low lea f ,4 6 of bras s ,4 7 or o f s teel .48'

When the warrior marched to the field of battle, he flung

thebow upon his arm, and struck the arrows in h is belt .

49 While

shooting, the a rcher s et his thumbs ta l l to the s tring, stra ightened

the left arm,and curved the right arm.

50

We lea rn f rom the Shah Namah that great heroes , l ike Rustam

,constantly used a la s so to pul l '

an enemy from h is horse .

The la sso wa s made of leather thongs ,51and was of cons iderable

length . When a warrior prepared for the fie ld, he coi led the

la sso, and hung it to his saddlebow , or put it in the s traps .

‘5 2

We obta in some idea of the great length of the las so, when we

read that it required sometimes as many a s s ixty turns to coil it .

s 3

Scimita rs and j ave l ins , daggers and fa lchions , are among the

more important of the other weapons of attack known to the

early Iran ians .

5 4

D efen s ive arms . Wa rriors covered their bodies with heavy

a rmour, when they went to fight .

5 5 The head wa s usua l ly pro

tected by a helmet made of wol f-skin,

5 6o f s teel ,5 7 or of gold ,

5 8

and extended down to protect the face , with a gorget , to cover theneck, l inked to it .

5 9 The other es sentia l p iece of a rmour,the

cuiras s , covered the body between the neck and the girdle . Acuiras s made of the skin of a tiger was the favourite a rmour of

Rustam .

60 Shields ,6 1 brea stp lates and coats of ma il o f meta lwere in genera l u se .

Yt . IO. 39 , 1 01 , 1 29;ShN . 3. 1 81 .

ShN. 2 . 266;3. 1 81;5 . 239 , 240.

ShN. 2 . 354.

Yt . 10. 1 29 .

ShN. 4. 48.

ShN. 2 . 267;3. 1 79 .

ShN . 3. 1 81 .

ShN . 2 . 1 1 6, 339 .

ShN. 2 . 6 1 , 66 , 96 , 1 1 6,1 33;3. 32 , 34, 47, 1 88;5 . 67 , 1 1 1 .

ShN. 2 . 66 .

ShN. 2 . 1 5. 96 , 1 48;3. 302;4. 98;5 . 1 26 .

YtZ . 28;Dk ., vol . 1 6

,bk. 8. 2 5 . 6

, p . 7 .

ShN. 4. 84, 1 04.

Yt . 1 3. 45;ShN. 5 . 69 .

Yt . 1 5 . 57;ShN. 2 . 2 19 .

ShN. 3. 6 1 .

ShN. 2 . 52 , 53, 57, I I I , 1 2 1 , 1 6 1 , 1 68;3. 278;5. 220, 222 , 234.

Yt . 13. 35;1 9 . 54.

ShN. 2 . 1 98 : 4. 39 , 1 72 , 295;5. 69. 223, 234»

WARRIORS AND WARFARE 1 33

Char iots . The second , or the wa rrior , cla ss derives its name

f rom the Indo-Iran ian word ra tha ,

‘a cha riot ,

’

and wa s ca l led

ra thaeshtdr, l itera l ly , one who s tands in a cha riot .

’ Though the

wa rriors rece ived the ir cla s s des igna tion f rom this two-wheeledveh icle , we find in neither the Aves ta or the Shah Namah thatit wa s much used in war by the K ian ian people . The warriors

genera l ly fought on foot, or mounted on horses or elephants .

However, the cha riot wa s a des ired pos ses s ion, and we lea rn

that, when M ithra is propitiated , he bes tows beauti ful cha riotsupon the owner o f the house .

6 3 S im ilar ly , Anahita gives kingdoms fu l l of sound ing chariots .

6 4 The chariot is mentioned in

the Aves tan texts , mos tly in connection with the angel s . Anahita ,

Drvaspa ,M ithra , S raosha ,

and P arendi have their cha r iots .

6 5

Flags andbanners . The d isplay of flags and banners o f

di ff erent colours , and bea ring va rious des igns , was the consp icu

ous feature , when troops marched f rom the cities for the battle

f ront . The renowned banner known a s the Kawa ’

s flag, da tingf rom the first Iran ian dyna s ty, s til l continued tobe the roya l

s tandard of Iran . I t was in the specia l custody of the chie f ofthe army ,6 6 and led the sold iers to the fight .

6 7 I t was hois tedin the centre o f the fighting a rmies , near the enclosures o f the

king and commander of the troops .

6 8 Sometimes the flag was

hoisted upon the back o f an elephant to enable the a rmies to

behold it from a dis tance .

6 9 The roya l s tanda rd wa s the symbolo f the country ’s honour and grea tnes s , and the poet depicts theenemies longing to capture it in the th ick o f the ba ttle , becausethey thought that its los s would darken the dayl ight to the Iranians .

7 0 Bes ides this roya l s tandard , each hero had h is own flagof d iff erent colour and des ign . Red ,

ye l low ,b lack , violet and

the other hues of the various flags,des ignated the di ff erent camp

enclosures of the severa l chief s .

7 1 These flags bore such emblemsa s a l ion, tiger , wol f , gazel le, boa r, eagle, dragon, elephant and

Yt. 10. 30.

Yt. 5. 1 30.

Ys . 57 . 27;Yt . 5 . 1 1;9 . 2;10. 52 , 66 -68 1 . 25;ShN. 2 . 1 54. 406;3 . 38, 39 , 84, 92;4 1 46 .

ShN. 2 . 34 1 , 349.ShN. 2 . 402;3. 89;4. 25, 226 , 292 .

ShN. 5 . 59 .

ShN . 3. 93, 1 35.

ShN. 2 . 283;3. 33.

1 34 WARRIORS AND WARFARE

moon .

7 2 When a hero left his camp to encounter his f oe, h isbanner wa s ca rr ied with him .

7 3

The playing of var ious in s trument s , an accompan iment of

a l l w a rl ike movements . When war was dec lared w ith an enemy ,the people were informed o f it by the sound o f the brazen trum

pets .

“The s couts carried fhe news to the warriors and ch ief s

outs ide the capita l c ity , and the roya l courtya rd soon began tobe fi lled in with the a rmies pouring in from near and dis tantlands , amid the bla re of trumpets , the playing of flutes and the

beating of drums .

7 5 The forces were then a rranged according

to requirements , and drums and tymba ls were mounted on ele

phants .

7 6 When the wa rlike preparations were comp leted , thea rmy wa s inspected by the king. The troops marched pas t theking and left the city , am id the blare of trumpets , the d in of

tymba ls and Indian bel ls , the blas t of clar ions , the rol l of kettledrums , the sounding of pipes , and the clashing o f cymba ls .

”

The a rmy marched on the way to the sound of drums and trum

pets , and encamped on the battlefie ld . On the s ight of the enemy,the fi f es and drums were s truck and the trumpets blared , thegongs and bel ls were sounded , and the cymbal s beat , as a s igna lf or the army to atta ck .

7 8 The new s of the fa l l of a hosti le hero

in s ingle combat or O f the defeat o f the enemy , which ran

through the a rmies l ike wi ldfire, am id the roar of the wa rriors

that rent the a ir , a t once occa s ioned the sounding of drums and

trumps , kettle-drums , gongs and bel ls .

7 9

Food and equ ipment . AS large numbers of sold iers marchedto battle , e labora te a rrangements were required for carrying pro

vis ions , food and fodder f or men and anima l s . The D inkard

mentions chapters of the lost Nask s which treated the matter

of da i ly rations , Including bread , milk and meat for the men ,

and fodder f or the horses .

80 In t imes of need,when the a rmy

was short of food on the battlefield , the soldiers were compel led

to s lay and eat thei r horses .

8 1 The los t texts , we are informed,

ShN . 2 . 1 55;3. 33-35, 1 57;4 32 1;5. 1 1 5, 1 5 1 .

ShN . 2 . 1 6 1;4. 1 7 1 .

ShN . 2 . 1 42 .

YtZ. 26 .

ShN. 2 . 1 48, 227, 402;3. 3 1 , 334;5 . 45.

ShN. 2 . 38, 93;3. 25, 3 1 . 38, 68;4. 1 3;5 . 276 .

ShN . 3. 1 77 , 223;4.

ShN. 3. 2 28,230, 264.

Dk . , vol. 1 6, bk. 8. 25. 2,1 0, 1 2 , pp . 7, 8.

ShN. 3. 7 1 .

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1 36 WARRIORS AND WARFARE

M i l ita ry d is cip l ine . A number of men who are phys ica l ly

s trong may fight w ith weapons in hand like a mob;it ,is d is

cipline a lone that makes them fight l ike a regu lar, tra ined a rmy .

The Dinka rd mentions trea ti ses that conta ined advice and ad

mon itions to soldiers .

9 3 S trict d iscipl ine wa s en forced upon a ll

ranks in the a rmy . The ariny was wel l organ i zed , and tra ined

officers of graded ranks , w ith thei r functions and powers defi

nitely regulated , were given command of fixed numbers of SOI

diers .

9 4 The pos ition o f a command ing officer involved grave re

spons ibilities . Even the ch ie f in command wa s at t imes degraded

from his post , and openly disgraced f or miscarriage of duty .

9 5

The officer in charge of a'

regiment was expected tobe able torecognize the worth of his men s evera l ly

,and to gauge the rela

t ive s trength of h is own a rmy w ith that of the enemy .

9 6 Obedi

ence to thei r commanders , utter d is rega rd of death , cheer ful res ignation on the battlefield , and the hope of rewa rd in the next world

were inculcated in the sold iers .

9 7 One who showed any S ign of

cowa rd ice on the field of battle wa s compe l led to don a pecul iar

cap ,a s a ma rk of ignominy . The man who turned his back upon

the battlefield , and fled before the enemy , was put in bonds and

heavi ly punished .

9 8 Corpora l pun ishment wa s meted ou t to sol

diers f or any breach of dis cip l ine .

9 9 Those in command wereadvised to supply such in formation to the troops as would keepthem cheerful and l ively and to ref ra in from giving out newsl ikely to depres s the sp irits or crea te panic among their men .

1 00

In the case of an emergency , when the army found its el f shorto f horses on the battlefield, it wa s cons idered proper f or the sol

d iers to seize horses graz ing in adjoining fields , and to uti l izethem f or fighting pu rpose fi

01

P ayment s and gift s to th e army . We have a l ready not iced

that the ent ire ma le population was summoned to take up arms

aga ins t a f oe , when the country went to war . Bes ides the army

recruited in this manner , there were mercena ry troops , employed

Dk . , vol. 1 6,bk . 8. 2 5 . 22

, p . 9 .

Dk . , vol . 1 6,bk. 8. 2 5 . 7 , p . 7 .

ShN. 3. 84-87 .

Dk . , vol. 1 6,bk. 8. 25. 1 5 , 1 6 , p . 8.

Dk . , vol. 1 6 , bk. 8. 25 . 1 4, p . 8.

ShN . 3. 226 .

ShN. 3. 46 .

Dk ., vol. 1 6 , bk. 8. 25. 23, p . 9 .

Dk ., vol. 1 6, bk. 8. 25. 1 8, p. 8.

WARRIORS AND WARFARE 1 37

to figh t for the country . We gather f rom the Shah Namah tha t

the genera l method o f paying soldiers for the ir serv ices on such

occas ions was to a l low them one ful l year ’s pay in advance , when

they joined the army .

1 02 Later, i f the army won a victory over the

enemy , the soldiers rece ived their sha re o f the booty .

1 03 Recogn ition o f va lorous deeds o f warrior champ ions and heroic chie fs

was a lways mos t l ibera l . 1 04 Rich j ewe ls and trea sures , crowns ,

thrones , s ilks , brocades , elephants , hors es , camels , s laves , lands ,and prov inces , were among the roya l gi fts bes towed upon those

who had establ ished the ir cla im to reward by their heroic ach ieve

ments .

”6 Sometimes the king announced the awards be forehand;set pr ices on the heads o f enem ies , and handed over the prizes to

those who undertook to ca rry out the roya l behes ts .

1 06 When

Vishta spa was con f ronted w ith reverses in his battle aga ins t

Areja taspa , we s ee him public ly dec la ring , that he would giveaway his "own daughter in marriage to the hero who wou ldavenge the Iran ian blood upon the enemy .

1 07

S cout s and w a tchmen . These were s tationed in time o f

peace Over garrisons and fortres ses to watch aga ins t the in

t rus ion of doubt ful persons from abroad , and in t ime of w ar

to spy upon the movements of the enemy and give in formation

to the a rmy .

1 08 Outpost gua rds rema ined in the watch-towersor on mounta in tops , where they cou ld detect the secret doingso f the enemy .

1 09 During the n ight, they announced the com ing

o f the enemy bybeaconfires on the h il l s . When the gua rds saw

anyone approach ing, they cha l lenged him, and if the personreturned the shout and sa tisfied them tha t he d id not belong tothe host ile party , he was a l lowed to proceed .

1 1 0 I f a spy was de

tected s ta lking round the camp in the dark, he wa s ki l led on the

spot . Negligence of duty on the part of the wa tchmen wa s punishable by bod ily chas tis ement or death

, accord ing to the grav ityof the off ence and its consequences .

1 1 1

ShN . 4. 1 45. 258;s . 47 . 276;ShN . 2 . 75;3. 248,

266;4. 2 1 1, 228.

i“Dk .. vo l . 1 6 , bk . 8. 2 5 . 8, p . 7 .

ShN . 2 . 2 1;3. 24 1 , 356;4. 1 29 , 2 1 7 , 236;5 . 75 .

ShN. 3. 26-28, 29 1 .

i“YtZ . 77 .

1 82 :éDk . , vol . 1 6, bk . 8. 25. 1 9 , p . 8;ShN. 3. 73, 75;4. 32 , 1 50;5 . 54.

3.

ShN . 3. 83. 1 33;4. 25. 52. 53. I 0.

ShN. 2 . 1 5 1;4. 225.

5

ShN. 3. 234. 235 .

1 38 WARRIORS AND WARFARE

S ingle combats general ly pre ceded ma s s a t ta ck . When the

army was camped at a rea sonable d is tance from that of the

enemy , the host i le movement genera l ly began in the follow ing

manner . A hero f rom the troops advanced towards the enemy

pos t and cha l lenged the enemy to send forth a champion to meet

him in s ingle combat .

1 1 2 Th is mode of fighting s ingly is men

tioned a s the good old cu stom o f Iran .

1 1 3 When the cha l lenge

was accepted , it was agreed that none should interfere betweenthe two comba tants from the hos ti le hosts .

1 1 4 The combatants

genera l ly w ithdrew to some di s tance f rom the bel l igerent armies ,each taking an ump ire w ith him . I t was then mutua l ly resolved

that no harm Shouldbe done to the umpires , and that the v ictorshould spare the l i fe of the fa l len , so that he m ightbe ab le tocarry the news of the defeat of the hero to his a rmy .

1 1 5 At t imes ,a fixed number of the p icked warriors of one party were matched

aga inst an equa l number o f the enemy .

1 1 6 The ma in armies , on

such occas ions , watched the conflict between the champions thuschosen f or their respect ive countries . I f no decis ive result came

by fighting with one kind of weapon , they changed them . Thus

we s ee champ ions succes swely fighting w ith a rrow s and maces ,swords and spears , unti l the one or the other party wa s de

feated .

1 1 7 Another favour ite device o f the Iranian hero wa s

to uncoi l his las so and fl ing it over his opponent, ca tching h im in

its coi l . The a im was genera l ly s o accurate that the head or the

wa ist of the enemy wa s caught in the coil, and he wa s forcib ly

dragged , fa l l ing from his horse or e lephant, a helples s captive in

the hands of the hero .

When weapons proved of no ava i l , the combatants agreed towres tl ing , though it wa s regarded a s derogatory f or a king toenter into such a s truggle .

1 1 9 The wres tler a imed to l i ft his ad

vers a ry f rom the ground , or with dexterous movements forwardsand backwards to throw him with the weight of the body .

1 20 I t

was contra ry to the laws of ch iva lry to kil l the enemy the firstt ime he fe l l to the ground . When Sorab hurled Ru stam on the

ground , and drew h is dagger to cut off h is head , the veteran hero

ShN. 2 . 7 1 . 1 1 3, 1 1 4;3. 1 77, 1 79 , 1 80, 1 87 , 249;5 . 63, 223.

ShN . 2 . 1 66 .

1”ShN . 4. 48.

ShN. 3 . 262;4. 1 73. ShN. 4. 95—98.

ShN. 2 . 1 62 , 1 63;3. 70, 101;4. 48;5 . 225 .

ShN. 2 . 385;3. 1 02,1 03, 1 89 , 230.

ShN. 4. 1 74.

ShN. 2 . 1 70, 1 72 , 1 73;3. 263, 264.

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CHAPTER XVI

AGRICULTURISTS AND AGRICULTURE

Excel len ce of h us band ry . Kian ian I ran wa s pre-eminently

an agricultura l country and agriculture was the s taple occupation

of the people . Hence the third cla s s of I ran ian society, composed

of husbandmen ,wa s the mos t numerous . Ahura Ma zda , it is

sa id, created his prophet f or the support and care o f the tillers

of the land ? Zarathushtra leads mankind to choose the hus

bandman a s the promote r o f the world ’s progres s , as aga inst

the marauding nomad who h inders it .

2 C iv il ization begins whenman learns to appreciate the va lue of a fixed abode f or himsel f

and his fam ily;when he is a ttached to the soi l , and when the

s ense of indiv idua l property is fos tered in him . Nature had not

fortified the I ranian settlements aga inst the periodica l intrus ion

o f the nomads , who descended from the Steppes of Turkes tan ,

or emerged f rom the ma rshy lands of Gilan and Mazandaran .

These, wandering in s earch of pasture f or their cattle , often

ra ided the I ran ian settlements , and ca rried away rich booty

in gra in and l ivestock . They were the enemies of all human

progres s , and the prophet inveighs aga ins t them in his sacredsongs . The husbandman , on the other hand , is des cr ibed a s a

watch ful and dil igent person;S leeping l itt le;the firs t to leave h ishouse at the break of day, the la s t to enter it in the evening;toi l ing hard f rom dawn ti l l dark

,and furthering human happ i

nes s .

3

Zarathushtra teaches man the va lue of settled li fe , and shows

him the advantages of the s ettled pursuit of agriculture, whichenables h im to increa se h is early pos ses s ions and prosper, and

gives him an opportuni ty to develop the socia l virtues . Frequent

sowing o f corn is s a id to feed and fatten the rel igion of Mazda .

4

The man who d il igently s ow s corn , sows righteousnes s . H e

s trengthens re l igion to progres s w ith the feet o f a hundred men;nourishes it with the milk of a thousand women ’

s breasts , and

Ys . 29 . 6 . Vd . 1 3. 46 .

Ys . 3 1 . 9 , 1 0. Vd . 3. 30.

AGRICULTURISTS AND AGRICULTURE 1 4 1

ce lebra tes its pra ise by a thousand sacrificia l formulas .

“AngraMa inyu p lans want and m isery , to thwart man ’

s l i fe upon earth .

The fa rmer who grows crops , and feeds hungry mouths , and

enables people to lead an act ive l ife , curbs the power of the arch

enemy of man . The demons , it is sa id , s ta rt and sweat , cough

and fa int, flee and fly, and scorch their j aws , when barley grows

and is pounded , and the flour is kneaded for bread .

6

The man who irrigates and fertil izes the fa l low land , and

trans forms marshy regions into fru itful fie lds , makes the landhappy

? Unhappy is the land that long rema ins uncultivated .

8

The earth bles ses w ith prosperity him who ti l ls it;bu t its curseupon the man who does not cu l tivate it , is tha t he may have tobeg his bread at the doors of others .

9

Fa rm ing agenc ie s . The texts speak of the d iff erent grades

o f ownership in land?0 Individua l s m ight own the fields and

farms , which they ti lled w ith the ir own hands , and ra ise crops

suffi cient to support thei r fam ilies . Severa l persons often combined in partnersh ip to cultivate extens ive area s . Feuda l ch ief s,

and large estate holders , leased lands to smal l tenant- fa rmers, who

cultivated them for a stipulated fixed share o f the crop . Therewere elaborate rules to regu late the working of joint husbandrybetween partners , and the rela tions between land lords and the

tenant cu ltivators .

1 1 Princes,nobles , and feuda l chief s emp loyed

s laves to cu l tivate the i r lands .

Both the ma le and fema le members of a family, and even the

ch ildren ,had their duties on the fa rm work . The men took upon

themselves the ha rd work O f turning up the sod w ith Spades to

prepare the ground for planting crops , o f breaking the c lods o f

earth or o f hoe ing;and women and ch il dren d id the c leaningand weeding, prun ing and cutting , reaping and winnow ing . The

men, however , could notbe cons tant ly present on their farms .

They til led their lands in the time o f peace ,but were ob l iged toleave them , in Obed ience to the ca l l to fight the king’ s battles .

C leans ing th e land before t i l ling. Before beginning cultivation , a piece of ground had tobe c leansed of a ll impurities .

AS a lready noted , the Vendidad en joins tha t the ground , on wh ich

3. 25-29 .

vol. 1 6, bk . 8. 30, 34, p . 23.

Dk ., vol. 1 6

,bk. 8. 30. 3 1 , p. 23.

1 42 AGRICULTURISTS AND AGRICULTURE

a dead man or a dead dog has la in, shouldbe cleans ed of a ll

dead matter and a l lowed to lie fa l low for a year . I f a man t il leda piece of land defi led by the dead , w ith in the prohibited period ,he was l iable f or pun ishment .

1 2 At the end of the specifiedperiod , when the danger of spreading contagion from the dead

had cea sed , the ground was held fit tobe watered and ploughed .

But, even then ,due precautions were required to s ee that no bones ,

ha ir,blood and putrefying matter , wa s lying on the ground . The

man would aga inbe pun ished, i f he at oncebegan sowing theland, w ithout du ly clearing it of all dead matter .1 3

Agr icu l tu ris t s invoke d iv ine h elp . A green sheet of wav

ing corn is every fa rmer ’s des ire . H is dai ly prayer is f or f er

tilizing ra ins , full fruitage, and rich crops . Sacrificial off erings

and consecration of the produce of the fie ld took place at seasona l

fes tiva ls . Sacred formula s were recited at the t ime of the fi rs t

reaping of corn , and the fi rs t crop wa s consecrated as a ceremon ia l

Off ering to Ahura Mazda .

1 4 The creator has created fodder f or

catt le ?5 Asking f or fodder f or their flocks wa s the fervent prayer

of these agricultural peOple .

1 6 The man who grows fodder f or

cattle is pra i sed in the ritua l . 1 7 Tishtrya showers h is ferti liz ing

waters upon the pa sture fields , j u st a s he waters the corn fields .

1 8

He is devoutly invoked to produce the t imely ra ins that wouldclothe the earth with green . But the chie f agricultura l dei ty isM ithra , whose s tanding epithet is gaoyaoi ti,

‘ lord of wide pa s

tures .

’

He causes gra s s to grow in abundance on fields and farm s ,pla ins and va les , so that catt le may f reely graze there

? 9

The k ind of c rops grownby the farmers . The chief gra in

crop wa s wheat , which is spoken of a s the bes t o f all species

of gra in .

20 Sacrificial cakes ca l led Draonah were made of wheat .

Bar ley and other kinds of corn were a lso ra i sed . Bes ides corn

fields, we find

. mention of pas ture fields , on which fodder wa s

grown on an extens ive s ca le .

2 1 The texts speak of hay stacks

Vd . 6 . 1 -5.

Vd . 6 . 6 . 9 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6, bk. 8. 26. 1 1 , pp . 1 1 ,1“Ys . 47. 3;48. 6 .“Ys . 35. 4. 7 .

Vsp . I . 9 .

"Yt. 8. 29 .

1 °Yt . 10. 1 1 2 .

Nr., bk. 1 , ch . 8, App. A. 2 .

Yt. 8. 29;Vd . 3. 4;1 5. 41 , 42 .

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1 44 AGRICULTURISTS AND AGRICULTURE

were made in ca ttle .

30 Happy wa s the man who had in h is

family catt le and herds ,3 1

and auspicious wa s the land on which

flocks and herds lived and throve ?2 The prophet inveighs aga inst

the predatory neighbours , who hara s sed the farmers by frequentra ids upon thei r cattle farms , and aga inst the tyrant chief s whorobbed the pea sants of their

,cattle.

33 H e bles ses the man who

hurls such wicked ones f rom power .“Heavy pun ishment in the

next world is declared tobe in store for those dis turbers of socia lpeace.

35 Cows led astray by marauders imp lore M ithra f or help ,

with tears running over their’

f ace, and long to return to their

farms .

3 6 In the Con fes s ion of Fa ith , the fa ith ful one undertakesto protect cattle f rom thieves and robbers .

3 7 The dog wa s an in

d ispensable companion Of the herder in his work of tend ing the

cattle . The dog who day and n ight watched nea r the fold isespecia l ly ca l led pas us h-haurva, protector of ca tt le.

’ 38 Stablesf or cattle were erected on a cons iderable sca le and it wa s a

means o f expiating one’

s wrongs to erect a s table f or the an ima l sof a pious man .

39

The devout pray f or the prosperity of cattle,40 who contribute

to man ’

s subs istence f‘1 Abundance of catt le in the hou ses and

vi l lages of the Mazdayasnians is the constant des ire .

42 The

Guardian Sp irits o f the dead protect cattle? 3 They bles s the

householder with herds o f ca ttle when they a re invoked and prOp itiated .

44 S im ilar are the bles s ings of the fire of the hearth f or the

householder who tends it carefu l ly and feeds it with properf ue l .4 5 The prophet invokes his bles s ings upon King Vishta spa

that he maybe rich in ca ttle ? 6 Flocks mu l tip ly a thousand fold ina house in wh ich Ash i is invoked .

4 7 M ithra is termed cattlegiv ing,48 and bes tows herds of oxen upon the hous e in which heis propitiated .

49 Tishtrya ,l ikew ise, gives flocks O f ca ttle .

5 0 The

ceremonia l prepa ration o f Haoma j uice in honour Of Ahura

Vd . 7 . 4 1-43;9 . 37-39 .

Vd . 3. 2 .

Vd . 3. 5 . 6 .

Ys . 33. 4;44. 20.

Ys . 46 . 4.

Ys . 49 . 4;5 1 . I 4.

Yt . 1 0. 38, 86.

Ys . 1 2 . 2 .

"Vd . 1 3. 1 7, 1 8.

Vd . 14. 14.

Ys . 45. 9 .

Ys . 48 . 5 .

Ys . 60. 3.

Yt . 1 3. 22 .

Yt . 1 3. 52 .

Ys . 62 . 10;Ny . 5 .

Yt . 23. 4;24. 2 .”Y r 1 8. 4, 5.

Yt . 1 0. 65 .

Yt . 10. 28.

Yt. 85 1 7, 1 9 .

AGRICULTURISTS AND AGRICULTURE 1 45

Mazda and Zara thu shtra brings increase of ca ttle .

5 1 Cattle bringnourishment for men, and w ish them pra i se and victory , food andclothing?52

Vsp . 1 2 . 1 .

Ys . 10. 20;Yt . 14. 6 1 .

CHAPTER XVII

ARTISA‘NS AND ART

Manufa c tur ers . We have a lready s tated that the Aves tantexts on ly once mention the fourth , or artisan

,c la s s by name .

This is by no mean s because of any s tigma of in fer iority, such

a s wa s attached to the correspond ing fourth order O f Indiansociety . A lthough the name of the artis an clas s is not men

t ioned,the texts of ten refer to men l iv ing by handicra fts of vari

ous kinds . The Aves tan peop le had their go l dsm iths and s ilversmiths , who made ear—rings and necklaces f or their women;1 and

the blacksmiths and coppersm iths who sme l ted ores ,2 manu f ac

tured imp lements for ritua l,agr iculture

,and wa rfare , and made

the cooking utens i ls and other articles f or household u se .

3 The

a rt of pottery wa s practised in Iran f rom very early t imes , and

the texts mention the kilns of potter and g laz iers .

4 D ishes and

pitchers , bowls and sundry obj ects f or da i ly u se,bricks and tiles

f or bu ilding purposes , and baked clay pipes , f or the conveyanceof Water , were among the many a rticles made by the potter .

Spinn ing is mentioned a s a specia l occupation f or ma ids a t home .

5

Woven clothes of various descriptions and ca rpets , beddings ,sheets , cushions , and p i l low s , which the texts speak of must have

kept many hands busy .

6 Shoes and s anda ls , 7 ga rments of the

skin of beaver ,8 marten ,ermine, grey squirrel , m in iver and wea sel ,9

water-skins ,1 0 belts , straps , saddles , las sos , and a large numberof other things made o f leather , mus t have requ ired the serv iceo f cobblers . Tents and pavil ion s , flags and banners of va rious

colors and des igns must have required pa inters and tent makers .

‘Yt . 5 . 1 27;1 5 . 57;1 7 . IO;Vd . 88.

Dk .,vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 8. 37, p . 55.

Vd . 8. 89 , 90;1 6. 6 .

Vd . 8. 84, 85 .

Vd . 5 . 60, 6 1;7. 20. 2 1 .

Yt . 5. 102,1 30;1 7. 9;Vd . 5. 27;7 . I o;8. 23-25;1 4. 1 4.

Yt. 5 . 64, 78;1 5 . 57;Vd . 6 . 27.

Yt . 5 . 1 29;Vd . 8. 23-25.

ShN. 2 . 362 .

Dk .,vol . 1 5 , bk. 8. 1 9 . 58, p . 74;vol . 1 6, bk . 8. 40. 30, p . 6 1 .

1 46

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CHAPTER XVII I

ARCHITECTURE

S tru ctura l art . NO a rchitectura l works of this period rema in

to en l ighten u s in regard to the s tructura l ski l l of the anc ient

Iran ian s . The Avestan texts mention human hab itations of the

crudes t type , a s we l l a s s ome of the mos t e laborate and a rtist ic

des ign . Among the abodes of the first kind are mentioned huts

of wood , tents o f felt,dwel l ings made o f l ight materia ls such a s

couldbe moved f rom one p lace to another ? The hous es bu ilt f or

permanent hab itation were a iry and wel l-l ighted . The door gen

era lly opened on the south . The houses had flat roofs and , evi

dently,no upper s tories . In addition to c lay , which was most ly

u sed by poor peop le a s a bu ilding materia l f or their houses ,br icks

,concrete , and s tone were used f or the houses of the upper

c la s s es .

2 La rge we l l -bu i lt houses , w ith doors and windows , verandahs and ba lconies are mentioned in the texts .

3 A S l ives tockcons tituted the ch ief property of the peop le , the houses had generally atta ched to them s tab les or folds for cows and bul locks ,goats and sheep ,

horses and camels .

‘t The D inkard refers to the

los t texts which described the manner o f constructing fa rm

houses , w ith cottages f or farmers and shelters f or catt le and

bea s ts .

5

One hundred to ten thou sand w indows , a hundred or a thou

sand columns and correspondingly numerous ba lconies are men

tioned by the Aves ta in describing the abodes of the angel s and

kings .

“The Shah Namah repeated ly speaks o f the great archi

tectu ral beauty of the roya l pa laces , w ith their spac ious throne

rooms and aud ience and banquet ha l l s , chambers , ba lconies , ga lleries

, and their p lea sure hous es bu ilt of crys ta l , arabesqued

Vd . 8. I , 3.

Vd . 6 . 5 1;8. 8, 10.”Yt . IO. 30;Vd . 2 . 26, 30, 38;7 . 1 5.

Yt . 10. 86;Vd . 1 4. 1 4, 1 7;1 5. 23, 26 , 29 , 32 .

Dk .

,vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 37 . 35, pp . 44 , 45.

Ys . 57 . 2 1;Yt . 5 . 1 01;1 0. 28;24. 45;Vd . 18. 28.

1 48

ARCHITECTURE 1 49

w ith go ld , or s tudded w ith emera lds .

7 But no a rch itectura l monuments rema in to perpetuate the glory o f K i

anian Iran .

Temple bu i l d ings . Re l igion inspires the a rch itecture o f a

na tion , and the peop le ever devote to the erection o f the ir temp lesboth skill and energy commensurate w ith their ma teria l grea t

nes s and prosper ity . Ow ing to the lack o f informa tion in the

extant Aves tan texts , we have no defin ite ideas o f the des ignor cons truction o f the sacred ed ifices o f thi s per iod . S ince the

fi re o f Ahura Ma zda wa s the ch ie f symbo l ic element upon wh ichcentered a ll Zoroa s trian ritua l s and prayers , the s tructures wh ich

protected it were the ch ief temp les o f the fa ith . The p lace o f

the sacred fire is ca l led daitya gd tu , or the law fu l p lace .

’ 8 Three

of the great fires o f th is period a re mentioned by name in the

later Pahlavi texts , which inform us that they were built on

the tops of mounta ins .

“We have no further in formation regarding the buildings . That there mus t have been a defin ite des ign

or s tyle fol lowed in the cons truction of the fi re-temp les , we mayj udge f rom a s ta tement in the Dinka rd that the los t texts ou t

l ined and d iscus sed the w idth and height proper to the doors u sedin these edifices ?“The Shah Namah ment ions domes and cupo la s ,floors of gold and s i lver , and wa l l s inla id w ith precious stones in

the abodes o f fi re .

1 1

Mortuary s t ruc tures . A s the buria l o f the dead is cla s sed

among the mos t inexpiab le of s ins ,1 2

and a s the demol ish ing o f

tombs and the d igging ou t o f corps es a re he ld tobe mer itoriousdeeds , 1 3 mortua ry bu il d ings would notbe expected in Zoroas trianI ran . The Vend idad enjoins the exposure o f the dead on the

summits o f mounta ins where they maybe devoured by corps eeating birds and dogs ?“The dried bones are la ter tobe col lectedand placed in a receptac le made of e ither s tone, concrete or clay .

1 5

The Shah Namah , however , speaks o f cha rnel hous es bu il to f various des igns , w ith lof ty ha l l s , ivory s eats , and gates pa intedred and blue , as the fina l resting places of some kings and heroes

?“ShN. 2 . 30, 1 01 , 1 02;3. 1 9 , 325 .

Vd . 8. 8 1—86 .“P h l. Ny . 5 . 5 , 6;Bd . 1 2 . 18, 34;1 7 . Zsp . 6 . 22;1 1 . 9 .

Dk . , vol. 1 6, bk . 8. 37 . 5, pp. 39 , 40.

ShN. 2 . 409;5 . 34. 35. 7s.”Vd . 1 . 1 3.

Vd 3° 8: 9 9 1 2 : 1 3,Vd . 6 . 44, 45.

Vd . 6 . 49-5 1 .

ShN. 2 . 1 83, 1 84;3. 68, 1 04;4. 27 1;5 . 2 75 .

1 50 ARCHITECTURE

Fort ificat ions . AS the country had often to wage wa rsaga inst its traditiona l foes , the Turanians , and other tribes and

races , it required a strong l ine of defens ive works . Consequentlythe f rontiers mos t exposed to the attacks of enemies were cov

ered with a net-work of strongholds , and important towns weresurrounded by cha ins of fortres ses . Cas tles on lofty heights , 1 7

and fort res ses with s trong wa l ls , ramparts and gates of i ron ra i lings were bu ilt at a ll s trategic points ?“The Shah Namah speaksof the watch-towers , cons tructed on the borders of the importantcities , f rom which sent inels a lways kept wa tch upon the movements of the enemy ?“

Yt . 5 . 54. 57.

1“YtZ . 62

,63;Dk . , vol . 1 6

,bk . 8. 25. 1 7, p . 8;ShN. 2 . 1 31;5. 99 .

ShN. 4. 52;5 . 1 83.

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1 52 PHYS IC IANS AND SURGEONS

that contributes to the hea l ing of the s ick .

8 Bes ides Asha Vah

ishta , the other angels connected with hea l ing are Airyaman and

Haoma . The Guardian Sp irit of King Thraetaona , the reputed

founder o f the a rt o f medicine , is invoked to w iths tand diff erent

kinds of fever and other d is eases .

“P hys i ca l a i lmen t s curedby dru gs or by s urg i ca l operat ion s .

D is eases be l ieved to have or igina ted through phys ica l causes weretreated by medicine prepared most ly f rom herbs and plants , or

by operat ing upon the dis ea sed part of the body?“About thirty

five diff erent kinds of disease a re mentioned by name in the ex

tant Avestan texts ? 1 Ahura Mazda is s a id to have created

myriads of hea ling plants f or the wel fare of man ?2 Waters

are a lso spoken o f a s having the hea l ing power .The qual ifica t ion s of a doctor . The sacred texts refer to

the existence o f elabora te rules that were embodied in the lost

books to tes t the skil l of candidates f or the medica l profes s ion ,

before they were permitted to practise among the peop le?3 I t wa s

h ighly obj ectionable f or an uncertified phys ic ian to trea t the

s ick ?4 I t wa s genera l ly the rule to require a new surgeon to

prove his fitnes s by per forming three operations on the bodies of

demon-worshippers . I f he fa i led in the fi rs t operation and the

patient died , he was given a s econd opportunity , and i f it proved

a s disastrous a s the fi rs t,he wa s given a th ird and la s t chance .

I f the fina l operation proved fa ta l , he was declared to have fa i led ,and wa s p roh ibited from practis ing h is art forever ?“I f , on theOther hand , a ll the three opera tions o f the proba tioner proved

succes s ful , he was declared a qua l ified Surgeon, fi t to pract iseamong the fa ithful .

P rofes s ional d i s c ip l ine . The work of res toring hea lth to

the s ick is highly meritorious , and the hea ler’

s profes s ion is heldin great es teem . The texts speak o f the worthines s of a good

phys ician , a lso o f the unworthines s o f one who acts contrary to

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 36 . 14, p . 34.

°Yt . 1 3. 1 31 .

1 "Yt. 3. 6;Vd . 7. 44;20. 3;Dk . , vol. 1 6

,bk . 37 . 55 , p . 47.“Yt . s. 92. 93;1 3. 1 31;1 4. 48;Vd . 2 . 29;7 . 58. 7 1;20. 3.

6435122 2"

Dk 1 6 bk 8 6 6

’

6O 8. 2o. 4; . 34,Dk ., vol. 1 6, bk. 8. 36 . 24, p . 35.

pp 4

Dk ., vol. 1 6 , bk. 8. 36 . 25, p . 35.

Vd . 7 . 36-38.

Vd. 7. 39. 40.

PHYS IC IANS AND SURGEONS 1 53

the d isc ipl ina ry rules o f the profes s ion .

1 7 A conscientious phys ician , it is sa id , does a ll that his learning enables him to exped itethe recovery o f a s ick person ,

and does not lengthen the s icknes s

o f his patient to extort more money ?“I t is dec la red very w rongfor a phys ician who treats a person a ttacked by a contagious

di sease to move about ca re les s ly , and so become a source o f

spread ing the epidem ic among hea l thy people?“A Zoroa strian

wa s evident ly f ree to practis e among non-Zoroa s trians ,20but

res trictions were imposed upon phys icians o f a l ien fa iths in

practice among the Zoroa s trians . The fa ith ful were bound to

seek , and emp loy , a co- re l ig ionis t a s their hea ler, and were to

consult a non-Iranian phys ician , on ly in the event o f fa ilure to

find one who was an Iranian ?1

The s ca le of fees tobe pa id to phys ic ians . The profess ion

o f the phys ician wa s fa ir ly wel l-organized , and we find that hiss ervices were remunerated accord ing to fixed regulations . The

fees cha rged were in accord with pat ient’

s rank in soc iety , h isgrade , i f an offi cer of the s tate , and a l so with regard to the

seriousnes s of his ma lady ?2 The phys ician ,under such ci rcum

s tances , had to cure a priest in return of h is pious bles s ing only,bu t wa s rewa rded with the present o f e ither oxen ,cows , ma res ,

She-a s ses , and she-came l s , or a cha riot w ith four hors es , as

he hea led the ma s ters and m is tres s es of a house , vil lage , town , or

country?“On h is recovery , the pa tient wa s expected to pay thefees to the doctor w ithout unneces sa ry delay . Before currencycame into vogue , payments were made in k ind . Catt le formedthe chief s tanda rd for the va luation o f commod ities

, or o f s ervices rendered by workmen . Certa in c las ses of pa tients pa id theirfees in kind and some were exempted f rom pay ing anyth ing at

a ll. 24 Doctors were o f ten the recip ients O f food , dres s , hors e , or

property a s persona l gi fts?“

Veterinary s urgeons . In add ition to those who trea ted

human a i lments , the Kianians had the ir veterinar ians , who cured

Dk .

, vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 36 . 1 5 , p . 34.

Dk .,vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 36 . 1 8, p . 34.

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 36 . 1 9 , p . 34.

Vd . 7 . 36—39 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 36, 27 , p . 35 .

Dk .

, vo l. 1 6 , bk . 8. 36 . 2 1 , pp . 34,Vd . 7 . 4 1 -43.

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 36 . p . 35.

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 36 . 1 7 , p . 34.

1 54 PHYS IC IANS AND SURGEONS

the diseases of anima ls , either by medicine or by surgica l opera

t ion ?“The Vendidad names s evera l kinds of dis eases of dogs ? 7

Just a s in the case of a phys i cian who cured mankind , the veteri

narian had his fees regulated according to the worth of the anima l

that he treated ?“Dk ., vol. 1 5, bk . 8. 1 8. p . 56;vol . 1 6

,bk . 8. 30. 29;37. 55, pp.

35 47Vd . 1 4. I 7 .

Vd . 7 . 43.

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SAN ITATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH

mouth , w ithout touch ing his fingers to his l ips . S im ilarly , whendr inking wa ter , the pitcher is not tobe touched to the l ips ,butis tobe he l d a loft and the water a l low ed to drop into the mouth .

The exha led brea th is l ikewis e cons idered unclean . The pries tmust, there fore , wear a white covering over h is mouth , when he

approaches the fi re a ltar , or when he perform s other s acred ceremonies . Bes ides the da i ly baths , and other precautions o f clean

lines s , incumbent on every Zoroa s tr ian , the pries t mus t periodi

ca l ly cleanse h imsel f by r itua l is tic wash ings .

The defi lement caus ed by the dead . The ch ief sources of

contagion ,according to Zoroas tr ianism , are corpses and car

ca ses of dead human beings and anima l s . The germs of disea se

are figuratively ca l led the demons of contagious d iseases . They

gather together in buria l grounds , feed and revel , thrive and

spread , em it poisonous ga ses and nauseous s tench , pol lute theea rth and defi le the a ir , with the result that fevers and plagues

originate f rom these haunts of in fectious diseases ? Buria l of

the dead thus endangers the hea lth of the l iving , and is cla s sed

among inexp iable s ins .

“I f a man ha s buried the dead in the

ground , he is requ ired to dis inter the corpse when the w rong doneha s been expla ined to him .

“I f he does so with in ha l f a yea r or

a yea r he undergoes a pena lty of corpora l puni shment, and is

forthwith purged o f gu i lt ,but i f he does not dig out the corps ef or a period o f two yea rs , he commits a crime wh ich can in no

wisebe a toned .

7

Th e dispos a l of th e dead . The corpses o f the dead being

unc lean a re tobe disposed of in the manner leas t inj urious tothe hea lth of the l iving . I t is s tated that , when a death occurs

through Old age, s icknes s , or any natura l causes , the body of

the dead pers on soon begins to decay;bu t i f the death is due toany accident , wh ich suddenly ends the l i fe of a hea lthy person ,

decompos ition is longer de layed .

“The corpse is tobe removed toits fina l res ting place during the dayt ime, and never a f ter sun

s et,“because the l ight o f the sun is the bes t preventive aga inst the

spread of contagion , and the ca rry ing of a corpse a t night exposesthe corpse-bearers and those who fol low the corpse to its placeo f fina l di sposa l , to infection .

When a death occurred a t a time when heavy snow , ra in, or

Vd . 7 . 56-58. Vd . 3. 8, 9 , 1 2 , 1 3. Vd . 7 . 1 , 2 , 4, 5 .

Vd . 1 . 1 3. Vd . 3. 36-39 . Vd . 8. 4.

SAN ITATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH 1 57

floods made the roads impos s ib le , the Avestan people were en

joined to dig a furrow w ide enough to adm it the corpse , and a

foot deep in hard ground , or ha l f the height of a man ,i f the

ground was soft , in a c lean ,dry

,and s ecluded pa rt o f the house .

The corpse wa s tobe la id in it , and the sur face o f the furrow

was tobe covered up w ith p ieces of bricks or s tones and with

sand . The corpse wa s tobe so kept f or a period o f two or three

n ights , or , if the rigours of the cl imate neces s itated , to the lengthO f even a month , in the hou se , and tobe removed to its fina l rest

ing place , when the snow began to me l t , and the floods began to

flow , and the b irds began to fly , and the p lants began to grow ?“The house wa s then fum igated w ith incense . I f one let the

corpse rema in in the hou se a f ter the c l imatic d ifficu l t ies had pas sedaway he was gu ilty of the w il fu l murder of one o f the fa ith fu l ,and wa s tobe punished for the crime ? 1

Far away from the populated part of a city, to the highest

summit of a mounta in , the corps es were tobe removed for theirfina l disposa l . The dead body , in early t imes wa s fastened with

bras s or s tones , SO that the dogs and birds that devoured its fleshm ight not ca rry the bones to the waters and trees , thus spreadingcontagion through them among mankind . Any d is regard in

carrying ou t these inj unctions wa s punishab le w ith four hundreds tripes

?“A corpse wa s thus tobe p laced provis iona l ly , untilthe vu l tures had done their work on the flesh . The bones werethen tobe col lected in a os suary , made either of s tone or c lay ,and so cons tructed that the rays of the sun could penetrate to

its interior ?“The c leans ing of th e earth defi ledby th e dead . The earth

wh ich grows p lants and trees , corn and fodder , for men and

an ima l s is not tobe defi led by the dead . Pena lty ranging fromtw ice thirty s tr ipes to two thou sand blows , as a lready referred to ,

a i'e pres cribed for those who wanton ly throw upon the grounda bone o f a dead man or a dog of the var ious s izes , beginningf rom the top joint o f the l ittle finger and reach ing the bu lk of

the whole ske leton ,so that grea se and marrow would contaminate

the ground .

“According to the Vend idad , the piece of groundin a field upon wh ich a man or a dog had d ied , was tobe kept

Vd . 5. 1 0-1 3;8. 4-1 0. Vd . 6 . 49-5 1 .

Vd . 5 . 1 4. Vd . 6 . 10-25 .

Vd . 6 . 44-48.

1 58 SAN ITAT ION AND PUBLIC HEALTH

fa l low f or the period of one ful l yea r before it was cult ivated .

Four hundred stripes wa s the punishment f or anyone who

ploughed and sowed it be fore the exp iry of the prohibited

period?“Even a fter this long delay in uti l i z ing the defi led ground

f or cultivation , the farmer had firs t to ca refully exam ine and

remove any bones , hair , or pther parts of the dead , that might

remain there . Fa ilure to observe th is precaution made the hu s

bandman l iable to a pena lty o f two hundred s tripes each w ith the

two puni shing wh ips?“Though a year was requ ired to puri fy

of defilement a piece of ground upon wh ich a corpse had la in

exposed to the l ight of the sun ,it required fi fty fu l l years , we

are told , to restore the natura l purity o f ground under which a

corpse wa s buried;which is to say ,until the corpse is reduced to

the dust ? 7

Though the man who had voluntar i ly defi led the earth , either

by burning or throwing dead matter upon it , wa s rigorous ly punished , he wa s not held respons ible f or any dead matter thrown

upon the earth by an ima ls . For examp le, i f a man wa s wateringa corn field and a dog, a f ox , or a wol f brought in some dead

matter and dropped it in the water,he had s imp ly to remove it

and go on w ith his work without fearing any pena lty . Because ,it is s a id , that i f dead matter thus brought by an ima ls , b irds , or

w inds were to render a man gui lty, li fe wouldbe impos s ible . For

so vas t a number of men and an ima ls die da i ly upon the face of

the earth , that i f their dead matter ca rried by any means , aga inst

wh ich men had no remedy, were to make the man working in

the field a s inner,all des ire on the part of mankind f or cleanli

nes s and righteousnes s would van ish ?“Th e manner of g iving pur ificat ion to th e w aters po l lutedby the dead mat ter . Water , another of the elements so essen

tia l to the li fe o f sentient beings and p lants , wa s tobe kept f reef rom any kind of unclean l ines s , in accordance with the ancient

rel igious precepts , so hygien ic in cha racter . Not only was a manto absta in f rom throwing fi lth in the water, or in any way de

priving it of its natura l purity?“but it was his duty to remove

the cause of impur ity brought about by another . For example ,i f a man who h appened to pa s s by a stream of running water saw

Vd . 5 . 5—7.

Dk . , vol . 1 6, bk. 8. 42 . 27, p . 67.

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1 60 SAN ITATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH

A pena lty of tw ice four hundred blows a ttaches to him who,

a fter coming in contact with the dead , touches the waters beforerece iv ing purificat ion

?“Trea tment of c lothes th at h ave come in conta ct w ith the

dead. The garments worn by a person suff ering from a con

t agious d is ea se a re tobe des troyed . I f a man ref ra ins f romu s

'

ng such c lothes himsel f ,but sel ls them to others , he is gui ltyof a o

great cr ime aga inst the genera l hea lth of mankind , and is

l iable to heavy punishment ?“The clothes that have come in

contact w iti a person who has died of ordinary s icknes s maybec leansed acco d ing to the prescribed ru les . The upper sheet of

the bedding on wh ich a man has died , a s we l l a s those clothesthat have come in contact w ith the dead , a re tobe regarded as

defi led by corruption, in fection ,and po l lution

? 7 The garments

upon which blood or vom it or matter o f the dead ha s fa l len are

tobe rent and buried in the ground ,but i f they are not s o

inj ured they canbe c leansed ?8 I f the ga rments a re o f leather ,they are tobe wa shed three times with bu l l ’s urine, tobe rubbedthree times with the dry sand , tobe wa shed three times withWa ter, and then tobe exposed on the w indow for three months;but i f the garmentsbe of woven cloth , they are tobe wa shedand rubbed by the same materia ls s ix t imes , and tobe exposedto the a ir for a period of S ix month s .

29 The clothes that have

been worn by a woman who ha s brought forth a s til l-born Childmaybe cleans ed with bul l ’s urine and wa ter

?“But the c lothesand Sheets tha t have come in contact with a dead man ,

or the

ones worn by the a foresa id woman,cannotbe u sed by a pries t,

a wa rrior or a husbandman, even a fter ca reful washing and

cleans ing . They a re tobe taken in u se for low purpose on ly.such a s , by a woman during her men ses , or a s bandages and

coverings f or the s ick .

The p roces s of c leans ing defi led u ten s i l s . Ves sel s u sedfor eating that have been defi led by contact W ith the dead ma tterare tobe c leansed according to the p rescribed ru les I f the

vessels are Of gold one wa shing w ith th e bu l l’

s urine , one rubbing with the dry sand , and one wash i ng w ith the water are

enough to restore their former purity .I f the ves selsbe O f s i lver,

2“Vd . 8 104, 1 05 . V

ido 7 . I 4. 1 5.

"Dk vol. 1 6

,bk . 8. 29 . 9 , IO, p 18. vid . 5 . 56 .”

Vd . 7 . Vid . 5 57-59;7 1 7- 1 9

SAN ITATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH 1 6 1

tw ice a s much wa shing and rubb ing are required to cleanse them

thorough ly . Ves sels of bras s , s teel , and s tone a re tobe wa shedand rubbed three , four , and s ix times respective ly , be fore they

maybe taken into u s e aga in . Utens ils made of ea rth , wood ,and c lay tha t have incurred pol lution can under no c ircums tancesbe c leansed , and are never tobe used aga in ?“For the same

rea son , the woman in her per iod ica l s icknes s or in ch ildbed , istobe given food in ves sels made o f bras s , lead or other meta l;but never in wooden or earthen ves sels , a s these may notbemade c lean ?“Impurity and wood for th e fire . A man is not to pol lute

the wood that he takes f or the fire with any dead matter . He

is free f rom guilt , i f it is defiled by means which he cannot

control . Thus , if a man d ies in the depth of a va l ley , and a

b ird feeds on his corpse , and a f terwa rds fl ies to the summ it

o f a mounta in , s its on a tree and vomits on a branch, or other

w i se makes if unc lean;and a man comes up in sea rch of woodfor the fi re , unknowingly cuts the same branch and sp l its itinto logs and takes them in use

,he does not incur the gu i l t

Of Spreading defi lement?‘ Fuel known to have been defi led

by dead matter is tobe p laced on the ground, portions of varied

length a re tobe cut off as spec ified w ith re ference to the hardness or softness , wetnes s or d rynes s o f the wood , and a re tobe Sprinkled w ith water be fore they are used ?“

The method of cleans ing var ious object s detfi ledby th e

dead . Corn and fodder are tobe c leansed according to the pre

s cribed rules , in order to remove pol lution . A certa in portion

o f corn is tobe disca rded, according a s it is dry or wet , spl itor thrashed , and the rema inder taken in u se a fter spr inkling itwith water ?“I f the Haoma plant is defiled by the dead matter , four fingers

length of the twig shou ldbe cut off from the place of defi lement ,and the rema inder shouldbe taken in u se only a fter it has beenla id a s ide for a whole year.

“7A cow that has eaten dead matter becomes unclean thereby,

and her milk is not tobe used in l ibations f or a yea r;a fter a

yea r , whatever comes f rom her is tobe cons idered pure ?“TheVd . 7 . 76 , 77.

SAN ITATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH

man who eats a carcas s is unclean for ever and ever, and is

l iable to capita l pun ishment?“P recaut ionary meas ures tobe. taken by

‘

one wh o i s defi ledby th e dead in th e w i ldernes s . The man who contracts defile

ment becomes a danger to publ ic hea lth . Even the sun, moon ,

and the stars , it is sa id , grieve to sh ine upon him?“When a man

happens to touch a dead body in the wildernes s , he i s to try h is

best to remove h is defilement . I f the corpse with which he has

come in contactbe part ly eaten by the corpse-eating dogs and

birds , he has to wa sh himsel f thirty times with the bull’

s ur ine,which is bel ieved to pos ses s elements that w i l l thoroughly re

move a ll dirt and grease f rom the skin;but i f the dead matterbe untouched by dogs or birds , he sha l l apply the bul l ’s urine fi f

teen t imes , and rub himsel f dry with it .

4 1 A fter taking thoseprompt measures , he sha l l turn towards an inhabited place to

procure a thorough cleans ing . On his way he must take care

not to touch trees , or the waters of the lakes or rivers which he

pas ses , les t he should contaminate them by h is pol lution . Vio

lat ion of this inj unction makes him l iable to a pena lty of twice

four hundred s tripe s ?“He is to in form the first man who happens to meet him on h is way , of his pol lut ion , and to seek h ishelp for purification . I f the man refus es to cleans e him, the

defi led person is f reed of the third of h is respons ibil ity . When

running on his way , he comes acros s another man,he is aga in

to lay h is case before him and ask f rom him the proper wa sh

ing. I f he a lso refuses , the ha l f of the pol luted person ’

s re

spons ibil ity i s removed . While proceeding to the th ird s tage,he finds a third person who s im ila rly discards his reques t tocleanse him , he is f reed of his entire respons ibi l ity. Fina l ly ,when he reaches a vil lage or a town ,

he shou ld in form any whomhe meets that he ha s been defiled by the dead , and is in needof purification . I f the people care not to give him ablution,

thenhe may wash his body by himse l f with the bul l ’s urine and

water ?“San itary injunct ions for the corps e-bea rers . The corpse

being unclean those that remove the dead to the fina l resting placeare required to observe s trict regulations . The corpse-bearershave to put on specia l white clothes when they carry a corpse .

Vd . 7 . 23, 24. Vd . 8. 97 -99 . Vd. 8. 100-103.

Vd . 9 . 4 1 . Vd . 8. 104-106 .

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1 64 SAN ITATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH

ha ir on his head,he mus t wash it s ix t imes w ith water , and

fina lly fum igate it w ith one of the sweet-scented p lants?“

S egrega t ion of a person defi ledby th e d ead . I f a pers on

s eeks a higher bodily purification than the one deta i led above ,he must s eparate h imsel f in a sepa rate part of a house or a

temp le, refra in f rom touch ing man , an ima l , fi re , water , or trees ,and thu s rema in f or three n ights . On the pa s s ing O f the thirdnight , he is to wash his body and c lothes w ith bul-l ’s ur ine and

water , and aga in retire to his place of seclus ion f or a further

period of three nights . When s ix nights have thus passed , theman mus t take another wa shing a s be fore , and aga in retire to

his place . Fina l ly , when n ine nights have pa ssed , he mu st, f orthe la st t ime , cleanse his body w ith urine and water . There

a fter , f rom the tenth day ,he is clean , and is free to m ing le

with his fe l lows ?“The reward of the cleans er. The s ervices of the purifier

were rewa rded in Kianian I ran according to the s tatus and pos i

tion of the defi led person . The lord of a prov ince , we are in

formed, had to off er a came l of h igh va lue to his cleans er ,wherea s offi cers of lower grades , a s wel l a s women

,chi ldren

and s ervants , had to give h im a s ta l lion,a bu l l , a cow

, or a

lamb ?“Poor peop le , however, who could not a ff ord to giveeven the sma l lest f ee in cattle , gave him something o f lesser va lue ,according to their means , and were a lways care ful to s ee that ,under no circumstances

,did the cleanser leave their hou ses d is

plea sed .

“1 The pr iest , Of cours e, did not pay anything in kind,but gave his pious bles s ing upon the clean ser .SO meritorious is the work of impa rting purificat ion to the

defiled that , in the words of the sacred texts , the cleanser re

joices the entire creation by his work of a rresting the spread of

contagion ?“Furthermore , he is the happy recip ient of parad isea fter his death .

“4 H igh ly meritorious a s is the work of giving

purification to the defi led ,it carr ies great respons ibil ities with it

a lso . The man ,therefore , who,

withou t being we l l versed inthe work of impa rt ing c lean l ines s through religious lustra tions ,fa l se ly undertakes to c leanse a person in fected by the dead, doesa public wrong aga inst the genera l hea lth of the country . Fresh

Vd . 9 . 43. 44 .

SAN ITATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH 1 65

ness and hea lth , it is sa id , depa rt from the place by such an

uns an itary act as his , and s icknes s and death enter the country .

N0 les s than capita l punishment is tobe meted out to thi s fa lsecleanser who endangers the li fe o f the

Vd. 9 . 5 1-57 .

CHAPTER XXI

COMMERCE

Commercia l a ct iv i t ies . The Avestan works conta in no men

tion of coined money , though the Shah Namah leads u s tobel ieve that a system of currency exi s ted at this period . However,the s acred texts re fer to hoards of gold and s ilver brought f rom

dis tant regions? and speak of the u se by the wea lthy o f orna

ments made of these precious meta ls .

“We have a lready noticedthe existence of an elaborate code of laws on contracts , on

individua l and j oint ownership of property, and regulating such

transactions as sel ling , borrow ing, lending and rent ing . There

existed , a lso,a fa irly wel l advanced sys tem o f weights and meas

ures , which indica tes some kind of commercia l activity among

the people o f the t ime . Payments made in produce may have

continued a s before ,but it is probable that coined currency wa sin ci rculation , a t leas t , during the later period . Bactr ia , which

p lays so important a part in the re l igious and secular hi story of

the people, was s ituated on the highway of trade, and the trade

routes between d istant countries met at her gates .

The Aves tan peop le , as we glean from the s acred texts , knew

the Ca spean Sea , as wel l a s large and sma l l waters of the riversand lakes . I t is probable that they navigated these waters insma l l barges . Throwing bridges over cana ls was cons idered

one of the most meritorious acts , f or it enabled the people to

continue thei r trade un interruptedly, and a ff orded free passagesover waterways ?

Commerce with adjoin ing countries wa s evidently carried on

by land . We gather f rom the Shah Namah that products of

diff erent cl imes entered the country and that the merchandise

wa s carried by camels , mules , and donkeys .

W e i gh t s . The Aves tan texts do not preserve all the names

o f the units of weight that the people mu st have emp loyed at this

1Yt. 1 7. 1 4.

Yt . 1 7. 1 0;Dk . , vol. 1 6, bk. 8. 40. 34, p . 62 .

Vd . 1 4. 1 6;1 8. 74.

1 66

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1 68 COMMERCE

d is tances in genera l terms , a s, a dis tance of an arrowshot;“

the di stance which a rider can cover in forty days on a sw i ft

horse;1“the length of a riding circu it;1 1 the length of a row o f

fourteen houses , or a dis tance equa l to the length and breadth

o f the earth ?3

L ineal mea su res . S evera l parts of the body , f rom the top

joint of the l ittle finger to the height of the whole body of a

man , were commonly used for des ignating the length and breadth ,he ight and depth of obj ects . Thus , the length of the top joint of

the sma lles t finger , the fore-finger , the midd le-finger , the rib , thea rm, or the ful l length of a man ’

s body , were named to des ignate va rious s i zes .

1 4 Knee- long, and the length from the foot to

the middle of the thigh , are further examp les of the u s e of the

pa rts o f a man ’

s leg to des ignate var ious lengths ?“A p lough

sha re’s length is spoken of with re ference to the s acred Bares

man tw ig ?“The texts mention four technica l terms of length ,of wh ich vitas ti ha s a definite measure of a span of twelve

fingers , and the others f rc‘

trd thni, f rdbdzu , and vibdeu are mea sures of unknown equiva lences ?“

The measure of the tin ies t obj ect is des ignated by comparingit to the thickness of a ha ir ?“The fis t o f a man ’

s hand is s imi

la rly ment ioned a s a mea sure of thicknes s ?“The thicknes s o f a

brick?“of a barley- s ta lk ,2 1 and o f the body of a horse are a lsomentioned . The height o f a fore-a rm

,or fore-shoulder, or that

between a man ’

s foot and his ear?3s evera l fingers deep?

4or a

f raction of a finger deep , or ank le deep ,knee deep , wa is t deep ,

and a man ’

s fu l l depth?“a hundred times , and a thousand times

YtZ . 43, 44.

Ys . 65 . 4;Yt . 5 . 4, 1 01;1 3. 7;Bd. 1 3. 2;Zsp . 6. 8.

Vd . 2 . 25, 33.

Vd .

Ys . 1 9 . 7;7 1 . 1 5 .

Vd . 6 . I o, 1 2,1 4, 1 6

,1 8

,20

,22

,24, 43;Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk . 8. 1 9 . 143,

ppYs . 57 . 5 .

Vd . 1 9 . 1 9;Nr bk . 2 . 24. 1 .

Vd . 7 . 29 . 30. 33. 34;8. 76-78;9 . 2 .

1“Yt . 1 4. 29;1 6 . 7 .”Yt . 1 4. 33;1 6 . 1 3;Bd . 1 9 . 3 1 .

Vd . 1 3. 30, 37 .

Vd . 1 9 . 1 9;Nr. , bk . 2 . 24. 1 .

Yt . 8. 5 .

Ae . 5 .

Vd . 2 . 22;9 . 6, 7 , 9 , 1 0;1 7 . 5.

Vd . 1 7 . 7 .

Vd . 6 . 27.

COMMERCE 1 69

the he ight of a man a re the expres s ions used to des ignate variousdepths .

2 7

The sy s tem of numera t ion . The Kian ians had in use the

card ina l , ordina l , multiple and f ractiona l numbers . The la rges t

number for which a technica l word occurs is a lthough

the highest number common ly mentioned in a comprehens ive

sense , is In wr iting the compos ite numbers the les ser

numera l a lways precedes the greater, and the order is continued

throughout . For examp le , the number is w ritten and

read ,‘nine , and ninety , and nine hundred , and nine thousand ,

and n inety thousand .

’

Indefinitely la rge numbers a re expres sed ,by such phra ses a s , the fi fties and hundreds , n ine hundreds and

thous ands , and tens of thousands , or by saying, many and manyhundreds , many and many thousands , many and many tens of

thous ands , or aga in by a hundred times a hundred , a thousand

times a thousand , ten thousand times ten thousand , or by the

extreme term ,myriads of myriads .

2 9 An indefinite ly large number is expres sed a lso by compa ring it to the number o f the ha irson a man ’

s head .

30

Quant itat i ve va lues . The di ff erent grades of contracts , as

we have seen in the section on contracts , are denoted by nam ing

them a fter va rious objects , and a s s igning graded va lues to them .

Thus the firs t contract which is transacted by means o f pledgingone

’

s word , is ca l led a word contract,’

and has a specific va lue .

A h igher contract than th is , is negot iated by one party s trikingh is hand upon the hand of the other party , and is termed a handcontract .

’

S imi larly , the other contracts have the a s s igned va luesof a sheep , an ox , a man , or a fie l d respectively .

3 1 In d iscus s ingthe compa rative va lues between two obj ects , the grea tnes s of one

over the other is expres sed by dec lar ing it tobe ten , or a hun

dred , or a thousand , or ten thousand times higher than the other ,or by speaking o f it as be ing as much h igher than the other , a sthe whole earth , or as a ll that is between the earth and the

heavens .

32 The g lory of the waters of Ardvi Sura is s a id tobea s much as that of the whole o f the waters upon the surface of

Yt. 5 . 96 , 102 ,1 2 1;1 2 . 24;1 4. 29;1 6 . 7;Vd . 4. 52 .

Yt . 1 3. 59—62;Vd . 2 2 . 2 , 6 , 9 , 1 5 .

Vsp . 8. 1;Yt. 4. 2;5 . 1 1 7 , 1 20; 13. 48,64 65;14. 53;I 7 . 5 1;24. 1 9;Vd . 7 . 55, 56 .

Yt . 5 . 77.

Vd . 4. 1 -1 6 .

"Yt. 10. 106

,1 07;2 1 . 5-1 7 .

1 70 COMMERCE

the ea rth .

33 The man who marries and labours f or his family,

is higher in virtue than a cel ibate who fasts , by the worth of an

asperena, or by that of a sheep , an ox, or of a man .

34 The

Gua rdian Sp irits of the dead are implored to bes tow upon thei r

survivors riches , as wide-spread as the earth , a s va st a s the rivers ,and as high a s the sun .

35

Yt . 5 . 96 , 1 02 , 1 2 1 .

Vd . 4. 48.

Ys . 60. 4.

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1 72 CALENDAR

zaremaya , spring, in place of either of these words for year .

The number o f years in this ca se is denoted by speaking of an

equiva lent number o f w inters or springs . The I ran ian yea r in

remote times mus t have been a luna r yea r , ca lculated a fter the

twelve revolutions of the moon a round the earth . The year wa s

thus'

d ivided into twelve months of thirty days each . We have

no means of determ ining the proces s through which the peop lewere led to subs titute the solar f or the lunar year . Tradit ion , as

a l ready noted , credits King Yima w ith inaugurating the reform .

At some unknown period , the five days , known to the present t ime

by the names of the five Ga th ic hymns o f Zarathu shtra , were in

terca lated at the end of the twel f th month , to complete the three

hundred and s ixty—five days of the solar yea r . This made the yea r

s t i l l about a qua rte r day short of the exact solar yea r, and a s ixth

additiona l day , a s found in the later Pahlavi text s , wa s added

every fourth yea r, or an extra month wa s interca lated every 1 20

yea rs .

Th e month . The word f or the month is mc'

ionghah, wh ich

a lso s ign ifies the moon . The names o f the months o f the yea r,a s preserved in their later forms , are taken f rom those of the

heavenly beings . The month is divided a fter the movements of

the moon in s ix pa rts of five days each . The firs t two o f thesebea r the names which s ign i fy the new-moon days , and the full

moon days , and the third group comprises the eleventh to the

fi fteenth day ,and a re invoked in the l itany to the moon . The

names of the las t three groups of the second ha l f of the monthare not mentioned .

The day . The thirty days of a month take f or thei r des ignations the names of Ahura Mazda , h is a rchangels and angels .

The fi rst , eighth , fi fteenth , and , twenty-third days of each monthare a lso named a fter Ahura Mazda , thus dividing the month intofour periods , the firs t two of s even days each , and the la st twoof e ight days each . The day ca l led as nya or ayam,

is dividedinto five watches ca l led gdhs . These are hé vam

'

from sunri se tonoon , rapi thwina from noon to 3 p .m. , uzayeirina from the middle of the a fternoon to twil ight, a iwisrfi thrima f rom twilight tom idn ight, and u shahina from midnight to dawn . The nightkhshapcm seems to have been divided

'

into huf rdshmodd iti, ex

tending from sunset to darknes s , erezaurvaesha, f rom darkness

Vd . 1 8. 9 .

CALENDAR I 73

to m idnight , ushc‘

im s aram,f rom m idn ight to grey dawn, and

raocanhdm f raga ti, f rom grey dawn to sunrise .

5

The Kian ians had no fixed era . The P ishdad ians had no

fixed era ,upon wh ich they could base a continuous scheme of

chronology . The Kian ians cou ld have improved upon th is con

d ition ,for they had the opportunity to inaugurate an era a fte r

the prophet Zarathu shtra . Th is was not done, and we find among

them the method o f reckoning events a fter the regna l yea rs of

ind ividua l kings . Thi s sys tem is greatly detrimenta l to the con

s truction of a consecutive his tory , and the difficu lty is furtheraggravated by the fact that the lengths of some of the re igns of

the Kianian Kings a re whol ly unre l iable . Though the extrava

gant length o f the reign of s even hundred to a thousand years o f

Yima, or five hundred yea rs o f King Thraetaona credited to the

mona rch s o f the fi rs t dyna sty , are not met w ith in the case of

the k ings of the Kianian dynas ty, yet the uncerta inty of the regna lyears has not a ltogether le ft u s , when ,

f or examp le, we read

that Vishta spa ,the patron king o f the prophet , ru led f or a hun

dred and twenty years .

C f . Gray , P ers ian Ca lendar , in ERE . 3. 1 29 .

CHAPTER XXI I I

DRESS AND ORNAMENTS

S acred ga rmen t s . Among the diff erent garments which a re

mentioned in the texts , the most prom inent place is given to the

white sacred shirt worn next to the skin by every Zoroa strian ,

and to the girdle tied over it around the wa ist . Tradition creditsKing Yima with the introduction of this dres s , as a distinguish

ing s ign of the I ran ian peop le?but it wa s later adopted by theZoroastrians a s the characteristic costume of the fa ith ful ? Children of e ither sex a s sumed these garments on completing the ir

childhood , or , in genera l , at the age of fi fteen , the age indicated

by the Aves tan w riters a s the proper time o f puberty .

“The shirt

wa s made of cotton,a s a lso of other materia l s , and the texts ex

pla in that it was tobe made j us t so long, that a man workingin a standing pos ition would notbe inconven ienced by it .

4 I t had

short s leeves , and u sua l ly descended to the knees . The girdle

wa s genera l ly made of wool , or of the ha ir of goats or camel s .

5

I t cons is ted of s eventy-two fi laments , and was wound about the

wa ist in three s tr ings , with two knots in the f ront, at the second

round,and two in the rea r , a t the clos e of the third round .

O rd inary garmen t s . Kings and courtiers according to the

Shah Namah wore e labora te cos tumes , made of the costl ies t ma

teria ls , and wrought with beauti ful des igns . Garments of s ilk

with elegant fr inges , tas sels , and rich mant les were used by nobles

and warrior ch ief s .

“Tunics made of cloth embroidered withgold and ornamented w ith jewel s , were worn by kings and pr inceson s tate occa s ions ? Robes o f honour made of the cloth of gold,were the mos t f requent o f the roya l gi fts bestowed upon d istin

gu ished persons of the country . The dres s of the ordinary

Dd. 39 . 22 , 23.

Ys . 9 . 26;Yt . 1 . 1 7;Vd . 1 8. 9 , 1 9 , 2 1;YtZ . 75;Dk .,vol . 1 6

, bk . 8.

26. 8 °

37. 2 5, 26;pp . 1 1 , 43, 44 .

Vd . 1 4. 1 5.

Nr ., bk. 3. 1 . 5, 8-10.

Nr . ,bk . 3. 1 . 1 1

, 1 2 , 1 3, 1 8.

Nr ., bk. 3. 4 1,2 , 4.

ShN. 4. 323;5 . 1 82 , 31 0.

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1 76 DRESS AND ORNAMENTS

and blue'

‘

colour f or mourn ing? 1 T ishtrya ,the ra in s tar , a s sumes

the form of a white horse, when he encounters Apaosha , the

demon of drought , who appears as a black horse ?2 White horses

draw the cha riot o f S raosha ?“On the death of a person,his

corpse wa s wa shed and a rrayed in wh ite ga rments . The corpsebearers , l ikewi se , were clad ent irely in wh ite .

With the estab l i shment of a separate sacerdota l clas s,the

dres s o f the pries ts a ssumed a d is tinct ive form ,differ ing f rom

that of the la ity . A white long tunic reaching to the ank les , witha wh ite turban ,

constituted the priestly dres s .

O rnament s . Gold is the meta l mos t frequently mentioned inthe Avestan texts . I t wa s the chief mater ia l , from which orna

ments were made . Anah ita , we learn , wears golden ear-rings and

necklace?4 and Vayu puts on a golden neck lace, and h is helm,

crown,garment , shoes , and girdle are a ll made of gold ?“Women

who are favoured of Ashi, the genius of fortune , have ear-ringso f gold f or their ears , go l den necklaces to adorn their necks , and

golden anklets upon their feet ?“Men seem to have shared the

pr ivi lege o f decorat ing the ir bodies with j ewe l s , genera l ly the

specia l prerogative of the gentler sex . Chief among the orna

ments u sed by men were ear-rings ,27

neck laces?“and armlets ?“Thes e j ewels , in the ca ses o f roya l and Opulent persons , wereinla id with pearls , rub ies , emera lds , and other precious s tones

?“Pers ia has been known f rom ancient t imes f or the most celebrated turquoise m ines o f the wor ld , and the s ignet-r ings wereu sua l ly made of th is materia l , or of gold .

ShN. 2 . 338;4. 27 1;5 . 2 78.

Yt . 8. 1 8, 20, 2 1 , 26 , 2 7.

Ys . 57 . 2 7.

Yt . 5 . 1 2 7.

Yt . 1 5 . 57 .

2“Yt . 1 7 . 1 0

,1 1 .

ShN . 2 . 30, 402;3. 31 , 243, 267, 296;4. 362;5. 45, 242;6 . 49 .

2“ShN. 2 . 30.

2 °ShN. 2 . 1 25, 402;3. 31 , 296;4. 294;s. 31 , 45, 242 , 310;6 . 39 .

ShN. 3. 31 .

ShN. 3. 340, 341 .

CHAPTER XXIV

DOMESTIC AN IMALS

C las s es of an ima ls . The Aves tan texts d ivide anima l sbelonging to the good creation into five d is tinct c las ses ? They a re

those that l ive in the waters , those that l ive upon land , those tha tfly

, those that a re w i ld , and those that have!

the -hoof/

cloven ?

The other ma in d ivis ion that runs throughout the later texts , is

between the good anima l s , created b Ahur Mazda f or the benefit

o f the wor ld , and the noxious creat ted b An ra Ma in u

f or its des truction . Man domes tica tes and rears the anima lsbelonging to

‘ ihe firs t group ,but he has to wage inces s ant war ,as we sha l l s ee later, aga ins t the creatures of Angra Ma inyu ,

in

order to extirpate them from the ea rth .

Cruelty to anima ls,unneces sary bea ting , plucking o f feathers

of birds , or wantonly inj ur ing them ,catch ing fishes in a manner

which wou ld make them unfit for eating, were punishab le w rongs ,according to the texts .

“

CATTLE

The rearing of catt le . The cow or ox is represented in the

Catha s as the genius o f all an ima l l ife,and the t itle Fa sh ioner

of the Cow is frequently appl ied to the godhead .

4 The moon isu sua l ly spoken of a s pos sess ing the seed of the bu l l . Co’

w s and

oxen , sheep and goa ts formed the chief property o f the Aves tan

peop le , and the pos s ess ion of herds of catt le formed their pa ramount wish . Cows , she-goa ts , and ewes gave them mi lk forfood , the ha i r of the goat wa s usefu l to them in weav ing fabrics ,and the woo l o f the sheep f or making warm garments .

Oxenwere employed in plough ing the fie lds

, for carry ing loads , and

for draw ing wagons .

“The rearing o f cattle was cacr ied a long

Yt . 1 3. 10, 43, 44;1 9 . 69 .

Vsp . 1 . 1;Yt . 8. 36 , 48;1 3. 74.

Dk ., vol . 16 , bk . 8. 23. 1 6

, 7 , pp . 5, 6 .

‘Ys . 29 . 2;ShN. 4. 232 , 254.

1 78 DOMESTIC AN IMALS

extens ively, and the man who neglected to improve the breed , by

giving s trong and hea lthy ma les to his cow s , wa s l iable to pun ish

ment .“

I

Th e import ance of th e’

dog. The dog is the closes t com

panion that man ha s s ecured f or h ims e l f f rom the anima l king

dom, s ince he began domesticat ing anima l s in prim itive times .

Zoroa strian Pers ia ha s , throughout its entire his tory , honouredthe dog,

a s he ha s been honoured in no other country in the

world . The dog wa s an indispensable member in every Iranian

household ,7 and p layed an important part in the re l igious and

domes tic l i fe of the people . The dog figu res in the sacred texts

oftener than any other anima l .

In addition to the cons iderable portion of the Vendidad , which

treats of the dog,the Duba sru j id Na sk , now lost, i s sa id to have

conta ined severa l sections.devoted to discus s ing him.

“The dog was the constant compan ion o f man during l i fe

,and

the rules relating to defilement caused by the dead frequent ly

conta in s imultaneous reference to the corpse of a man and that

of a dog.

The d i ff erent k inds of dogs . The texts speak of at lea stl

ten va riet ies of dogs , among which the shepherd dog wasbelieved tobe pos ses s ed of the greatest natura l intel ligence

,and

occupied the fi rs t place o f importance .

“The dog that watchedthe house of h is master s tood second in the l is t . The most s acreddog, however , was a yel low dog with four eyes , that is , w ith twoSpots above the eyes , or a white dog with ye l low ears ?“Bes idesthe s evera l kinds o f domes ticated dogs , the texts refer to the w ild

dogs , which devoured the corpses of the dead in early times .

1 1

The Vendidad speaks of certa in c las ses of dogs , who do not

watch and work ,but s imp ly l ive in pursuit of their own food .

1 2

The dog a s th e s acred an ima l . Apart f rom the multi farioususes in the da i ly l ife of the people, the dog

’

s presence wa s es sen

Dk . , vol. 1 6, bk. 8. 30. 1 6, 1 7;40. 1 1 - 1 4, 1 6, pp . 2 1 , 57, 58.

Vd . 1 3. 49 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 22 . 1 , p . 1 .

Vd . 5 . 29 . 34;7. 8. 9;1 3. 2 -4. 8. I 6 .

Vd . 8. 1 6—1 8.

Vd . 6 . 45-47;7 . 3. 29. 30, 33. 34;8. 10. 36, 37. 98, 99 .

Vd . 1 3. 1 9 .

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180 DOMESTIC AN IMALS

fold,when the cattle were a s leep

?“H e wa s l iable to pun ishment

f or any negl igence on his part in the per formance of his duty ?“Exces s ive bea ting, however , which makes a dog dumb , or ren

ders him unfit f or work , made the owner h im se l f l iab le to punishment ?4

Bes ides watching the posses s ions o f his ma ster in the hous e,and guarding h is flocks in the fold and fie ld , the dog

’

s service

was inca lculab le on the caravan routes , wh ich were in fested by

the robbers and br igands who s tea lthily watched f or their oppor

tunity to waylay travel lers .

Qua l it ies of dogs . The prime v irtue w ith which the dog hasbeen endowed by Ahura Mazda ,

is watchfulnes s and s leeples s

nes s?“Like a priest , says the Vend idad , he keeps his wants ever

f ew, s atisfies h imsel f w ith what l ittle food he gets , and makes

contentment his specia l characteris tic?“H e is a sta lwart among

his foes , and , l ike an intrep id warrior , marches in f ront of his

flock and fights in defence of catt le ? 7 Ever di l igent a s a husbandman ,

he s leeps l ittle , and is the firs t to leave his ma ster’s housein the morn ing and the la s t to return a t night ?“Posses sed o f

virtues as he is , he is not free f rom fau lts . For it is sa id tha th is m ind is fickle l ike that of a courtes an , and he is fond of s inging and of roam ing about on the s treets

?“Bes ides,l ike a th ief ,

he sometimes takes to s tea l ing, and longs f or darknes s to comethat he may stea l h is mas ter ’s food ?“H e is , moreover , full of

pranks like a child .

3 1

Feeding the dogs . I t was the duty of man to give wholesome food to dogs f or the va luab le services wh ich they renderedh im.

“2 I f a shepherd who requ ired sufficient work from h is

watch dog, neglected to give him’

food f or three consecutive days ,the dog was held j us tified , i f , on the fourth day, he kil led a sheepfrom his mas ter ’ s flock

,and made it h is food .

“3 I f a sheep in the

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 22 . 5 , p . 2 .

Dk .,vol . 1 6, bk . 8. 22 , 9 , 1 8, pp . 2 , 3, 4.

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 23. 5, p . 5 .

Vd . 1 3. 39 .

Vd . 1 3. 45.

Vd . 1 3. 45.

Vd . 1 3. 46 .

Vd . 1 3. 46, 48.

Vd . 1 3. 47 .

Vd . 1 3. 48.

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 2 2 . 3, 4;36 . 1 , pp . 1 , 32 .

Dk .

, vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 22 . 1 5, pp . 3, 4.

DOMESTIC AN IMALS 181

fold fel l ill, and the ma s ter thought o f s laughtering it for h isfood , it wa s h is duty not to forget to give the dog in his yarda proper sha re o f the flesh .

“4 To o ff e r unwholesome foodto the dogs of d iff erent kinds , wa s equiva lent to the wrong o f

s ervingbad food to men and women o f diff erent ranks in so

ciety?“The pena lty for such ill-feed ing o f dogs ranged between

fi f ty and two hundred s tr ipes w ith the two wh ips , in accordance

with the h igh or low qua l ity o f the dogs ?“The care of th e dogs . As the dog wa s so indispensable a

member of the hou sehold , and so va luable an a s set to the agri

cultura l people o f the K ianian per iod , he was nourished w ithgreat care , and accorded kind trea tment . In time o f exces s ive

w inter, his ma s ter wa s bound to provide him w ith wa rm bedding

and fire .

3 7 In ca se o f s icknes s , it wa s the duty o f . h is mas ter

to procure the services o f a veterinary surgeon , and have the dog

properly tre’

ated ?“A dog known tobe mad , was to have the same ca re as an

insane man ?“I f a ll attempts to cure him with med icine fa i led?“a wooden col lar was tobe put around his neck, and he was tobemuzzled .

4 1 I f th is precaution was not taken ,and the dog inj ured

h imsel f by a fa l l in the waters , the owner incurred the gu i lt .

42

I f the dog inj ured a sheep or a man by b it ing , he wa s to lose hisright ea r f or the firs t b ite , and to receive s im ila r pun ishments ,unti l at the fi fth b ite ,

his ta i l was tobe cu t off ?“The Aves tantexts do not speak of kil ling him, and opin ions on the propr ietyof kil l ing him s eem to have been divided , even among the Pahlavicommen tators o f the later period .

“The breed ing of the dogs . The breed ing o f such a useful

anima l a s the dog was regarded as a work of grea t rel igiousmerit ?“To ensure the s trong breed , a bitch was tobe coveredby three dogs in a specia l ly prepa red pa rt o f the fold ?“The

Dk . , vol. 1 6,bk . 8. 22 . 1 6 , p . 4.

Vd . 1 3. 20-23.

Vd . 1 3. 24-27 .

Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 22 . 3, 4, p . 1 .

Vd . 1 4. 1 7;Dk . , vol. 1 6,bk . 8. 32 . 4, p . 25.

Vd . 1 3. 35 .

Vd . 1 3. 38.

Vd . 1 3. 3 1-34.

P hl. Vd . 1 3. 35;Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk . 8. 32 . 1, p . 25 .

Dk . , vol. 1 6 , bk . 8. 30. 1 9 , p . 2 1 .

Vd . 1 5 . 46-49 .

1 82 DOMESTIC AN IMALS

man whose house happened tobe nea res t the spot , on which wasfound a bitch nearing her t ime, wa s bound to support her . In

fact, the texts mention s evera l places , l ike the s tables of camels ,horses , or oxen ,

the folds of sheep , compound wa l ls , or pas turefields , and declares that i f in any such place a bitch wa s discovered in such a conditiom. the owner wa s bound to take her

a t once into h is ca re, and support her , unti l her whelps wereborn . Neglect on the part of the owner of a place on which such

a bitch came to trava i l , made him l iable to the pena lty o f wil ful

murder .47 The supporter of the bitch had to provide her and

her young ones w ith bedding of gra s s or fol iage , and to feed them

unti l the t ime that the pups could run about a t the age of s ix

months , which , according to the texts , is the age when young dogsare capable of s el f-defence and s el f-subs is tence .

48

P enalty f or the i ll-t rea tmen t of dogs . Str ict inj unct ions are

la id down aga inst wantonly inj uring a dog. In addit ion to the

punishment that an inj urer o f a dog suff ers in this wor ld , his

soul suff ers a fter his death at the Bridge o f Judgment ?“I f aman inj ured a shepherd dog, cut Off his ea r or paw , so that hewa s disabled from his work , and a thief or a wol f , in the mean

time, entered the fold , he was bound to make good the loss to thedog ’s ma ster, and a lso incurred the pena lty f or wil fu l ly woundingthe dog.

“0 One who killed dogs O f d iff erent kinds , wa s l iableto a graded pun ishment of tw ice five hundred to a thousand

s tripes , according to the va lue or qua l ity of the dogs .

5 1 An

exceptiona l ly s evere pena lty is prescribed f or one , who kil led a

water dog. The enormity lof the offence is tobe seen f rom the

fact that ten thousand s tripes w ith the two goads , the task o f

ki lling o f severa l thousand nox ious crea tures , or the perform

ance of severa l diff erent acts o f charity by the guilty person to

expiate the crime, were indispensable to secure his absolution

f rom guilt ?“TH E HORSE

H is work'

among th e celes t ia l be ings . The hors e occupies

an important place in the sacred l iterature o f Ancient I ran . He

is the symbol of the s un , whose s tanding epithet is the swift

Vd . 1 5. 20-42 . Vd. 1 3. 10, 1 1 .

Vd . 1 5 . 43-45. Vd . 1 3. 3, 4, 1 2 -1 6;1 5 . 50, 5 1 .

Vd . 1 3. 8, 9 . Vd . 1 4. 1 -1 8.

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1 84 DOMESTIC AN IMALS

rope in hand , and chased w ild hors es , unti l he succeeded in throw

ing the loop o f the rope over the head o f a horse ?“The w i ldhors es we re given to tra iners , who took them to the tra ininggrounds , s ituated a t a certa in d istance from the towns , and pre

pa red them f or domes tic s ervice ?“Cruelty or ill-treatment of a

horse, or keeping him in a fi lthy part of the house , were w rongs

f or wh ich the owner was l iable to pun l shment .

“5 The horse , weread , curses the rider who does not give him proper food .

“6TH E CAMEL

Th e ch ief pack an ima l of I ran . Among the many etymological derivations proposed to expla in the name Zarathushtra ,

is

the one, which sugges ts ushtra , camel ,’ f rom the second element

of the compound word . The anima l employed to carry heavy

loads acros s the country , wa s the camel . Firewood wa s brought

to the towns and villages f rom the j ungles by ca ravans o f

camels ?“An immense tra in of camels wa s indispensable for

carrying war materia ls to the battlefield , and f or bringing the

spoi ls f rom the country of a vanquished enemy ?“Bes ides beingused a s a beast o f burden ,

the came l was a lso used f or riding .

The long ha i r of the came l wa s cut off every year , and was

woven into cloth . The camel is described in the sacred texts ,a s pos ses s ed o f four s tout legs , wel l-kneed and w e l l-footed , s touthumped , o f shaggy eyes , o f quick movements o f head , ta l l , courageou s , of glance f ar seeing in darknes s , throw ing white foam

from the mouth , and pos ses s ing the look o f an a ll-powerful sovereign ?“As the anima l had such manifold uses , both in peaceand in war , the breeding of its species wa s carried on extens ivelyby the people.

7 1

TH E ELEP HANT

The roya l an ima l . The Aves tan texts do not ment ion thisroya l anima l ,bu t the Shah Namah is ful l of re ferences to his

ShN. 3. 26 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6

,bk . 8. 37 . 23, p . 43.

Dk . , vol . 1 5, bk. 8. 1 8. 45, p . 58;vol. 1 6 , bk . 8. 26. 5;37 . 39 , pp .

1 1 , 45Ys . 1 1 . I , 2 .

ShN . 2 . 2 1 9 .

ShN. 4 232 .

Dk ., vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 40. 1 5, p . 58.

Yt . 1 4. 1 1 - 1 3.

Dk ., vol. 1 6, bk. 8. 40. 1 1 -1 4, 1 6,1 7, pp . 57-59 .

DOMESTIC AN IMALS 1 85

use ,both in the time o f peace as we l l a s in that o f war . In

priva te l i fe ,the u se o f the elephant was res tricted to the roya l

household .F inely capar isoned elephants led the van in the roya l

proces s ions . The anima l was l ikew ise employed in fighting ?“The archers , as we have s een in previous pages , were usua lly

s ta tioned on e lephants?3 The king O ften mounted an elephant ,

and witnes sed the fighting from its back .

“Drums and tymba l swere bound on elephants , when the a rmy left for wa r ?“Sometimes the e lephant wa s employed as a beas t o f burden to bring

the booty f rom the ba ttlefield ?“

TH E COCK

The hera ld of dawn . Among the domes tic b irds , the cockwas the mos t s acred . As the admonisher of mankind to disca rd

s loth , and to wake up ea r ly to lead an industrious life , he is

the a l ly of the ever-wakeful S raosha . At break of day the cock

flaps his w ings and crows a loud , to awaken mankind . Bush

yans ta , the demon o f s loth , who des ires to keep pe0p1e w rapped

in s lumber , even a fter the morn ing ha s dawned upon the ea rth ,kis ses their eyel ids and lulls them to s leep aga in . When menr ise at early hours , they dea l a dea th blow to the world of idlenes s . I t is a virtue inculca ted by the prophet , and the bird thatra is es its clarion voice o f wa rn ing aga ins t undue s leep , and ca l lsthem to work , wa s grea tly va lued by the Iranians ?“The gi fto f these birds to the pious , is dec la red tobe a highly meritor iousact

?“Nox i ou s CREATURES

Mer it of ext i rpa t ing noxious creatures that injure the l iving. As it is the sacred duty o f the fa ithful to work f or the

propagation o f a ll species of good an ima l s , so is he bound to

s trive f or the des truction o f the noxious crea tures , that in fest theearth . One o f the sacred implements tha t a pries t usua l ly hand ledis ca l led the khraf s traghna ,

‘the ki l ler of noxious creatures .

’ 7“Convict labour , in ear ly Iran , wa s util ized in des troying noxious

ShN . 2 . 1 53;5 . 55. ShN. 3. 353.

ShN . 4. 1 47 , 1 79;5 . 2 77 . Vd . 18. 1 5 , 1 6 , 23, 24, 26ShN . 2 . 407;3. 3 1 , 32; 1 6

,1 45 . Vd . 1 8. 28.

ShN. 2 . 148, 227;3. 31 , 334;5 . 45. Vd . 1 4. 8;1 8. 2 .

186 DOMESTIC AN IMALS

creatures , and wrong-doers were often ordered by the courts of

law to ki l l specified numbers of them . A lso one mode of ex

piating s ins wa s to destroy such evil creatures ?“Wolves , snakes ,fl ies , insects , and harmful germs were among some of the chief

creatures , aga ins t which the fa ithful a re enjoined to wage a re

lentles s warfa re .

“1 The one evil creature which is execra ted more

than any other , as being the mos t inj urious pest, and the recog

nized source of contagion and death among the l iving, is the fly .

Vd . 14. 5 , 6;1 6 . 1 2;1 8. 73.“1 Vd . 1 . 3, 7, 1 5;7. 26;1 6 . 1 2;1 7. 3;1 8 65;Dk ., vol. 1 6, bk. 8. 42 .

28a , p . 67 .

Vd . 7 . 2 , 3, 5;8. 1 6-18, 69-7 1;9 . 24, 25;1 4. 6.

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1 88 FOOD AND DRINK

sacred fea sts and fes tiva l s , or in funera l repa s ts . P azag Na sk ,we a re in formed by the D inkard , dea lt w ith the manner of s laughtering an anima l accord ing to the rel igious rites .

“The Nirangis tan , an e laborate work on ritua l , devotes s evera l pages to the

d is cus s ion in deta il , a s to the kind , qua l ity , and s ize of the anima l

fit f or a sacrificia l off ering, about the manner o f s laughtering it,

regarding the recita l of the s acred formulas , while immolating

the victim , about the mode of cons ecrating and dedica ting diff erent parts of the an ima l to the va riou s heaven ly beings , and last lyregard ing the way in wh ich to partake o f the sacred viands a t the

c lose o f the r itua l . The flesh o f an anima l , wh ich wa s s ick , or

had died a na tura l dea th , wa s not used either f or food or for

s acrificia l purposes . Fish wa s, l ikewise, u s ed for food a s wel l

a s f or sacrificia l repasts?

Th e manner of eat ing . Peop le genera l ly s at cros s - legged on

carpets Or mats spread on the floor, and a te w ith the fingers .

This was the practice in the houses of poor people, a s a lso on

the occas ion o f the communa l feas ts , when the whole town as

sembled to partake of the sacred mea l . Rich pe0p1e had cha irsand tables , on which the food wa s served .

“The ves sel s used f oreating were made o f various kinds of meta l and other materia ls .

D ishes and cups made o f gold and s i lver decorated the banquet

ha l ls o f princes and nobles , and those o f bra s s and copper were

in vogue among the other cla s s es of peop le .

“Th e u se of w ine in Anc ient I ran . Tradition ,

as we have

a lready seen ,points to King Yima , as the firs t dis coverer o f f er

mentation o f w ine and l iquor . His torica l ly speaking , the ancientI ranians brought with them the know ledge of making di ff erentkinds of l iquor, which they pos ses s ed in common w ith thei r Indo

Aryan neighbours . The chie f exh ilarating drink wh ich wa s a l

ways prepa red ceremon ia l ly, and qua ff ed by the Officia ting pries tsin the midst of the Yasna sacrifice wa s Haoma , the Ved ic Soma .

Whereas other intoxicat ing dr inks , we are told , lead to excite

ment and anger with their accompanying ev ils,this consecrated

beverage engenders piety and rectitude ?“Among the other kinds

o f l iquor used on ordina ry occa s ions were mad lm, m ild or sweet

Dk . , vol . 1 5 , bk . 8. 6 . 1 , 2 , pp . 1 2 , 1 3.

Nr . ,bk . 2 . 1 3. 44;20. 1 5 , 1 6 .

ShN. 3. 1 9 , 31 , 268, 355;4. 3 1 8;5 . 1 97, 2 1 0, 2 1 1 .

Vd . 7 . 73-75;1 6 . 6 .

Ys . 10. 8;Yt. 1 7. 5 .

FOOD AND DRINK 1 89

wine ,’

and hura,‘s trong l iquor ,

’ correspond ing to mad/m and

s ure? o f the Ved ic Aryans . I t is the former that is prescr ibed ,among other th ings , as a hea l th-giv ing drink to a woman , who

ha s brought forth a s til l-born ch il d .

1 1 On the other hand , at

the season festiva ls , when the entire ma le population o f a place

gathered to partake o f a communa l mea l , the strong w ine wa s

served ?“The same qua l ity of l iquor wa s consumed by men on

other occas ions ?“The Shah Namah is ful l o f references o f the free u se o f w ine

by k ings and courtiers , wa rriors and heroes , at state banquets ,sports and hunts , p lea sure parties , and on various other occa

s ions . A ffa irs of smal l or great importance were often d is

cu s sed by kings and m inis ters w ith the cups of w ine in circu lation . Wine was served by the cup

-bearers , who were richlydres s ed in coronets and jewels , robes of brocade and s i lk at

roya l parties'

.

1 4 The roya l cups , goblets , and bowls were made

o f ruby,crys ta l

,and o f the other mater ia l s ?“I t was the custom

at such drinking bouts , to fi l l the cups o f a ll . Everybody presentthen ra ised his cup , and w ith words of pra is e and good w ishes

drank the hea lth of one , whom they w ished to honour ?“Theroya l hea lth wa s drunk by a ll loya l subjects at their pr ivategather ings ?“W ine was drunk with or w ithout water accordingto its qua l ity?“and we s ee m ighty Rustam asking the cup

-bearer

at a pa rty not to weaken the old w ine by m ixing wa ter with it ?“Vd . 5 . 52 -54;7 . 67-69 . ShN. 2 . 1 1 0

,1 41;3. 36 , 2 73;4 257 .

Ae . 4. ShN . 5 . 1 97 , 2 1 1 .

Vd . 1 4. 1 7 . Vd . 5 . 52;7 . 67 .

ShN. 3. 329 , 355. ShN. 5 . 2 1 1 .

ShN. 3. 289;5 . 1 64.

CHAPTER XXVI

FEASTS AND FESTIVALS

Fes t ive occa s ions . A cons iderable number of days in the

year were s et apart f or the celebrat ion of s acred fea sts in honour

of some celes tia l beings , for the commemoration of the dead, or

f or the solemnizat ion of seasona l changes , and of the chief

events in the l i fe o f the people . The rich and poor a like s toppedthe ir da i ly labours , and kept hol iday on such occa s ions . When

a great fes t iva l wa s tobe celebrated a ll the people of villagesadjoining a la rge town

,came on the solemn occa s ion clad in

festa l attire , and joined their co-re l igion ists of the p lace in a

s acred banquet . Such a fest iva l u sua l ly opened with ceremonia lObservances and devotiona l exercises . A sacred feas t wa s pre

pared and the officiating priest invoked the heaven ly beings , or

the Spirit o f the dead,to share the fea st w ith the people . Liba

t ions of water,m ilk

,melted butter , fruits and flowers , cooked

repa sts of vegetables , meat , and fi sh were off ered on the occa

s ion . The consecrated food wa s then eaten ceremonia l ly by all .

Some of the great fest iva ls continued f or severa l days , in which

ca se the latter part of the fes ta l period became more an occas ion

f or enjoyment than f or rel igious Observances . Games and ath

lctic sports , racing and wrest l ing were exhibited f or the enter

ta inment of the throngs of peop le gathered for the celebration .

The mos t prominent of the annua l feasts wa s , o f course , theNew Yea r fes tiva l , wh ich wa s handed down by the P ishdadiansto the K ianians , who continued to celebra te it w ith unabatedzea l . Some of the other important fes tiva ls which the K ianians

either inherited f rom their ancestors , or had established f or

themselves , wil lbe treated in brief in the fol lowing sections .

The s ea s ona l fe s t iva ls . The ce lebration of s easona l changes

was declared tobe the piou s duty of every Mazda-worshipper .

There were s ix chie f agricultura l fest iva ls , each la sting f or fivedays , and fa l l ing at various interva l s during the year . These

fes t iva l s o f the sea sons brought the whole commun ity of a large

1 90

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1 92 FEASTS AND FESTIVALS

The last ten days o f the year are sa cred to the Guardian Spir itsof the dead , who vis it the ea rth on th is occas ion , longing f or

sacrificia l off erings and invocations from their living kins folk ?

The entire populat ion o f a place devoutly bus ied itsel f in pre

paring a fitting we lcome to the spirits o f the dead , who had

l ived and worked f or thebommunal wel fare dur ing their li fet imes . A sepa ra te room wa s provided in every house f or the

purpose , and the members of every fam i ly invoked their an

cestra l dead w ith ceremon ia l gi fts . The Guardian Spir its of the

dead , who were thus honoured , b les sed in their turn,thei r dutifu l

kinsmen w ith flocks of anima l s and men , horses and chariots ,before they wended their way to the heavenly regions , at the

close of the festiva l .“Fea s t of the fi re . The fea st o f the fi re, founded by

Haoshyangha , a s seen in earl ier pages , to commemorate h is discovery of this price les s e lement , continued to -be observed by

the pe0p1e during the K ianian period .

As the rel igious l ife of the peop le moved round the holy fi reof Ahura Mazda ,

it is natura l that the annivers aries of the

foundation o f some of the great fi re- temples were celebra ted

amid great devotiona l fervour . Men ,women ,

and ch ildren

came in throngs , w ith off erings of fragrant wood and fue l ,from diff erent parts of the country

, to participate in the solemn

fes tivities , wh ich extended over severa l days . The temples weregorgeous ly i l luminated at night

, and the devout p i lgrims fromabroad, and the pe0p1e of the town

,fi lled the s treets .

The fes t iva l of w aters . The stap le industry of the peopleof Ancient Iran was agriculture . Angra Ma inyu had cursedthe country w ith arid was tes and ba rren deserts , a longs ide o f

Ahura Mazda ’

s me l low earth which b loomed w ith foliage and

vegetat ion . The ra in fa l l in Iran was genera l ly scanty , and we

have a l ready seen f rom the poetic account of the s trugglebetween Tishtrya , the angel of ra in

, and Apaosha , the demon o f

drought, how m ighty a re the eff orts needed by the former to

prevent his adversary from thwarting his work of wa tering theearth .

“Flocks and herds,men and anima ls , fi shes and b irds , all

turned their eager eyes to thi s ra in-s tar, praying f or his f er

tiliz ing waters , troubled a ll the t ime les t thei r hopesbe f rus

trated , that ra ins should fa il them , and abad harvest fa l l to thei rYt . 1 3. 49 , 50. Yt . 1 3. 5 1 , 52 . Yt . 8. 1 1

,1 5, 1 7 , 1 9 , 23, 24.

FEASTS AND FEST IVALS 1 93

lot ? Strengthened by the sacrificia l off erings of mankind,

Tishtrya triumphantly hurls back his opponent and shoutsba ilto waters , plants , and lands .

“Waters of the sea Vouruka sha ,

the larges t volume o f water known to the I ran ians , are now seen

bubb l ing and boi l ing ,“vapours rise up the height of the adjoin

ing mounta ins?“the wind drives the c louds laden with mois

ture , 1 1 with the help o f the angels and Gua rd ian Spi r its of the

dead , Tishtrya d ivides the water?“the I ranian countr ies a re

b les sed with an abundant ra infa l l , gush ing s treams run through

fields and farms with waves thicker than a horse’ s body?“thethirs ting plants now grow with fresh li fe , and the ea rth is c ladw ith vegetation .

The conj unct ion of the day and the month,which bore the

name of Tishtrya wa s consequently consecrated to the ra in

s ta r , and an annua l fes tiva l was observed am id elaborate r itualobservances '

and accompan ied by fea sting and rejoicing . Thisfea st of the ra ins is pre-Zoroas tr ian , and the name of KingMa inyuchithra ,

Minocheher, of the Shah Namah , is a s soc ia tedwith its inauguration .

1 4 S imila rly,Anahita , the fema le genius

of waters in genera l , had her great festiva l on the day Aban of

the month bearing the same name .

3. 5, 36 , 48. 1:g

t.

3. 33, 40.

t . 29 .

1 .

t . 34, 47.

Yt . 8. 3 1 . Yt. 8. 5 , 42 .

Yt . 8. 32 . Albiruni,Chronology, pp. 205 , 206 .

CHAPTER XXVII

AMUSEMENTS

Th e rel igious jus t ificat ion of amus ement s . Zoroastrian

ism,we have s een, does not encourage an aus tere View of l i fe .

Man has an ins tinctive des ire f or joy , which helps him to rel ievethe monotony o f life . In p lea sant amus ements he s eeks relaxa

tion f rom the s tra in o f work, enta i led upon him by the serious

occupat ions of li fe . Legi timate p leasure and enjoyment refresh

him, s timulate his energy, and enable him to work with renewed

v ita l ity . Zarathu shtra recognizes this plain truth, and joy ,

joyful abode,and j oyful s tate o f l ife are expres s ions f requently

met in the sacred texts . Raman , one of the angels in the celes

t ia l h ierarchy, pres ides over joy , a s the very mean ing of h is

name indicates . The ga iety o f temperament of the ancientI ranians , which we glean from the Aves tan texts , was due to

the cheerful v iew which the prophet gave them of man ’

s l i fe

upon ea rth .

Hunt ing was the ch ief roya l pas t ime . Hunting as a means

of plea sure , or as an occupation to begu ile the t ime , was mostf requent among kings and courtiers , wa rr iors and heroes . The

chief weapons genera l ly us ed in hunting were thebow and a rrow,

mace,lance, and la s so ? Dogs and cheetah s tra ined to the chase

were used to catchbig game , and tra ined fa lcons were ut il ized incatch ing feathered game.

“Fishing and angl ing in the waters of

r ivers , lakes , and oceans , a ttracted pleasure . seekers to their

shores . The game anima ls usua l ly hunted were onagers ,gaze l les , s tags , w i ld boars , wild goats and sheep , phea sants and

water fowls .

“The Iranians were keen sportsmen ,accustomed

to return f rom their hunting excurs ions w ith great kills of

game . The game that dropped by the hunter’

s hands , wa s u su

a l ly roasted on fire on the Spot and eaten . The wa rrior heroRustam is often seen gathering s ticks , thorns , and dry grass on

ShN. 2 . 1 2 1 .

Vd . 1 3. 8;ShN. 2 . 83, 108, 1 93, 359;3. 292 , 293, 296;4. 2 1 8.

ShN. 2 . 45. 47. 108;3. 244. 293;5 . 1 84

1 94

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CHAPTER XXVII I

D IVINATION AND SORCERY

The ar t of d iv inat ion en joyed a great vogu e in I ran . The

s ervices of the diviners , or a stro logers , were in great demand inthe da i ly l ife o f the Iran ians , and no a ff a ir of importance wa s

undertaken w ithout consulting them ,to determ ine the favourab le

or un favourable movements of the heavens . They noted the

hour of a child ’s nat ivity,and made search f or any inauspicious

s igns that m ight have a ttended its b irth . They foreca s ted the

future , interpreted dreams and omens , prepared and read the

horoscopes , and genera l ly in formed peop le of the influence of the

movements o f the heaven ly bod ies on their a ff a irs . Bes ides thesupport that readers of s ta rs received from the genera l publ ic ,the roya l patronage wa s l ibera l ly extended to eminent diviners .

As seen in former pages , there w ere regular court a strologers ,whose services were demanded f or var ious purposes

? They

were a sked to foreca st the des tiny of princes ,“to pred ict the

outcome o f an undertaking o f consequence ,“to draw prognosticat ions be fore embarking upon a war

, and to discover whether theS igns betoken v ictory or defeat .

4 Rich a s were the gi fts w ith

which the kings rewarded.

the services of the a strologers , theri sk of incurring the roya l d is favour was quite a s great . The

wises t o f the a s trologers , like Jama spa , of matchles s renown ,

s tood in the danger of paying w ith his l i fe, when h is prognosticat ion proved tobe unacceptable to h is roya l ma ster .“Sometimesthe as tro logers were summoned to detect crime and find the truthby d ivination , when lega l proceedings had fa iled to detect guilty

persons.“The configuration o f the planets in certa in pos itions

wa s bel ieved to portend some ca lamity,and the diviner ’s he lp

wa s cons idered indi spensable on such occas ions . A group of

1ShN. 2 . 23.

ShN. 2 . 1 96 , 205.

ShN. 2 . 282 -284.

YtZ . 35-39 , 46-49 . 53;ShN. 3. 1 27. 2 1 9;5. 48-53.

YtZ . 40-42 , 5 1 , 52 .

ShN. 2 . 2 1 5-2 1 7.

DIVINATION AND SORCERY 1 97

as trologers of ten sa t together , when they had some matters o f

moment under d iscu s s ion ,and took severa l days to reach a de

cis ion ?

Sorcery is vigorous ly denounced . The I ranians of the pre

Zoroa s trian period , a s a l so o f the times a fter the com ing of the

prophet , are known for the ir relentles s war fare aga inst sorcerers

and witches . King Takhma Urupi , who flourished ages before

the bi rth o f Za ra thu shtra ,is sa id to have broken the power o i

'

those who practised the art o f magic .

“Among the many thingscreated by Angra Ma inyu f or the ha rm o f mankind , is w itch

cra f t .“The world o f righteousnes s is threatened with des truc

t ion, where sorcery preva ils?“Hence every adult undertakes to

work dil igently for its suppres s ion , and abj ures in the recita l o f

the Con fes s ion o f Fa ith , a ll sorcerers and w itches .

1 1 Sorcery

was be l ieved,

tobe capable o f inj uring, a s wel l a s of kil l ing a

person , on whom it wa s practised?“I t was there fore lega l ly

decla red a cap ita l crime , and the w izard wa s condemned to

dea th ?“Wi zards , it is sa id , a ttempted to bring about the deathof the prophet,bu t they fa iled in the ir obj ect ?4 Prayers a re

off ered f or the s trength to sm ite sorcerers and w itches?“and

incantations and spe l ls a re recited to w ith stand their evil doings ?“The lost Nikadum Na sk , we a re in formed , conta inedsevera l such incantations ?“Heavenly beings?“Guard ian Spiritso f the dead?“and the s tars and p lanets?

“a re invoked to help

mankind to w iths tand the machinations of the magicians . Thoseexpert in the a rt o f d iv ina tion made themselves s ti l l more use fulby their ab i l ity to detect the sorcerer , and to save the person ,

aga ins t whom the magic is worked .

ShN. 2 . 2 1 5, 2 1 6 .

Yt . 1 9 . 28, 29 .

Ys . 8. 3;Vd . 1 5 .

Ys . 8. 3;Vd . 18. 55 .

Ys . Yt . 2 . 1 1 .

Vd . 3 4 1; vol . 1 5 ,bk . .8 1 8vol 1 6bk . 8 4 1 . 1 , p . .62

4 5

“Dk . , vol . 1 6 , bk. 8. 4 1 . 1 , p . 62 .“Yt .

Vd . 2o .

Dk . , vol. 1 5 ,bk 8. 18. 46 , p . 58.

Ys . Yt . 1 . 6;Yt . .8 1 2;S r. .2 1 3.

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CHAPTER XXIX

THE MEDES

The ear ly Aryans of W es tern I ran . A s trong migra tory

wave o f the Aryan race had penetrated north-western Pers ia at

about 2000 B .C . The new-comers had driven out the indigenous

peoplebe fOre ,them, or had absorbed them , and had settled

themselves in the newly acqu ired pos ses s ions . As they gradual ly

advanced southwa rds , some of the ir tribes succeeded in found

ing thei r dynas ties , and ruled over cons iderable tracts . The

Kas s ites , for example, who spoke an Aryan tongue , rose to

power in the‘

Zagros in 1 700 B .C .,and the Mittani kings , who,

according to the Boghaz-keui tablets , recently d iscovered in As iaM inor

,worsh ipped old Aryan divinities , exercised power in the

northern Mesopotamia about 1 400 B .C .

By f a r the most prominent of the Aryan s ettlers o f Wes tern

I ran,w ith whom we a re concerned , were the Medes , people o f

the common ethnic s tock w ith their more i l lustrious kindred , thePers ians , who later rep laced them in power . S trabo s tates that

the langu age o f the Medes resembled that of the Pers ians , Bac

trians , and Sogdians ? They a re first mentioned by their name ,Mada or Medes , in the As syrian ins criptions in the ninth cen

tury B .C . According to Herodotus , these ha rdy mounta ineerswere divided into s ix dis tinct tribes , and long lived an unevent

ful nomad ic existence in the rugged highlands , until Deioces ,

son of P hraortes , welded the loose congeries of the ir tribes intoa nation .

“The s ixth Median tribe, accord ing to the same writer,wa s ca l led I t was the sacred cas te , which min isteredto the spiritua l n of the Medes , and later formed the pries thood among the Pers ians . To the cla s s ica l writers in ancienttimes the ir name wa s synonymous with the w isdom of the Eas t ,and the words magic and magician a re rem in iscent of theirfame . W ith the acces s ion to power o f the Medes about 708B .C. , a t the overthrow o f the As syrian Empire , Aryan domination replaced the Semitic in Western I ran . Ecbatana , the

Strabo 1 5. 2 . 8. Herod. 1 . 96 , 101 .

202 THE MEDES

Greek form of the O ld Pers ian Hagamatana , a meeting place

o f many ways became the capita l of the Medes , and the centre

f rom wh ich their civil iz ing influences radiated during the period

of the i r independent nationa l exis tence . The i r emp ire , wh ich

la s ted f or about 1 50 yea rs , extended f rom the Zagros range , the

origina l s eat of their power, to the Ca spian Sea in the north ,and cla imed the provinces of Atropatene, Rhages , Armenia ,Cappadocia ,

Hyrcan ia , Pa rthia , and Bactr ia , as their pos ses s ions

or tributaries .

The i r ra c ial characteris t i cs . The Medes pos ses sed a hand

some phys iognomy and Xenophon tel ls u s that their women wereo f graceful figure, good s ta ture, and o f great beauty .

“The modeo f l i fe impos ed upon them by the cl imate , and the rough and

hard l ife of the mounta ins , had made the Medes v ir i le . They

were a wa rlike people , and thei r name had been a terror among

a ll nations .

4 In the ea rly days they l ived a f ruga l li fe, and it issa id that they cared not f or s i lver and delighted not in gold .

“Growing power and prosperity s eem to have later changed thes imple and martia l habits o f the king and nobles . A life of sel f

indulgence, unbounded luxury, and indolence soon deprived theruling clas s of thei r former viri l ity, and a fter a l ife of 1 50

years , the Median Empire fel l into the hands of their s turdy kinsmen , the Pers ians .

The Med ian k ing and h is cou rt . The king moved w ith

great pomp and dign ity, so a s to inspire awe and respect amongh is subj ects . He thought it derogatory to h is roya l pos ition to

expose his augus t person to the vulgar gaze of the people .

Thinking thus , that the bes t way o f insp iring reverentia l aweamong the pe0p1e was to observe a loofnes s , he secluded h imsel fw ithin the pa lace wa l ls , and appea red before the publ ic on very

rare s tate occa s ions , conducting the a ffa i rs of the s tate throughhis officers , guards , and mes sengers who a ttended at the pa lacegate .

“The offices which required the i r holders to approach theking often were mostly given to the eunuchs .

“The ofli cers who

were thus privileged to appea r before the king,‘

had to observe strict etiquette , and ma intain respectful reserve in thei r

X en. Anab. 3. 2,25.

Ezekie l 31 . 1 1 , 1 2 .

I saiah 1 3. 1 7 .

Herod. 1 . 99 , 1 00;X en . Cyrop. 1 . 3. 8.

For re f . s ee Rawl inson, Five Great Manarchies , 2 . 4 1 5.

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204 THE MEDES

The favourite pastime of the king and courtiers was hunting .

In this the king took an active part , a lthough he o ften contentedhimsel f with witnes s ing the sport

?“The hunting parks , knownas pa radises , which , a s we sha l l see later , occupy so prominent

a place in the pastime of the Achaemenian and Sa sanian kings ,s eem tobe of Median origin ?”

W a rfa re . Herodotus sta tes that the Medes were the firs t

among the As iatics to introduce order and dis cipline in the a rmy ,which previous ly fought in a confused mas s;to div ide the

troops in compan ies , and to form s eparate corps of footmen ,

spea rmen ,a rchers , and horsemen ?“The Medes were a race of

hors e-a rchers?“and the cava l ry was the chief source of thei r

s trength . Med ia wa s famous throughout As ia f or its fine breedof horses , known as the N isaean . As thes e famous horses were

noted for s trengt h , beauty, and speed , so a lso were the men of

the country renowned for the ir great mastery of hors emanship .

Cava lry formed an important part of the Median a rmy ?“Thehorses of the king and nobles had thei r capa risons and ha rnes ses

ornamented w ith gold ?“The chariots were a lso us ed in war

fare by the who are a lways spoken o f a s second to the

Pers ians a lone in point of va lour?“Little is known of the a rms

and a rmours , a s wel l as of the mode of wa r fa re of the Medes .

But Herodotus tel ls u s , that what pa s sed in the Pers ian period

as Pers ian equipment , was in rea l ity Median ?“This is betterseen in the figures of warriors s cu lptured on the roya l edificesof the Achaemen ians , a s we sha l l see in its proper p lace .

D res s and ornaments . S ince the Pers ians adopted the dres sof the Medes?“the best way to der ive an idea of the Med ian

cos tume is to s tudy the cos tumes of the figures on the Pers ianhas -rel ie fs . Long flow ing robes of red , purple, and other

colours , with w ide s leeves and loose cloth , draped in graceful

folds on one s ide, were worn by the courtiers ?“The robe of

honour donned by the Pers ian kings and courtiers on state occas ions reta ins , as we sha l l have occa s ion to s ee , its Median nameamong the Pers ians throughout the i r history . A tiara to cover

X en . Cyrop. 1 . 4. 7 , 1 5 . Raw l inson , op. cit. 2 . 424.

X en . Cyrop. 1 . 4, 5, 1 1 . Herod. 7 . 2 1 0;8. 1 1 3;9 . 31 .

Herod. 1 . 103. Herod.

X en. Cyrop. 1 . 4. 4. Herod. 1 . 1 35;Strabo 1 1,1 3. 9 .

X en . Cyrop. 1 . 3. 1 4, 1 5;6 . 1 0. X en. Cyrop. 8. 3. 3.

X en. Cyrop. 1 . 3. 3.

THE MEDES 205

the head , tunic , drawers , and shoes cons tituted the dress o f men .

"

Rich pe0p1e wore golden necklaces , brace lets , and col lars , and

adorned thei r hors es with golden gi rdles ?“Food and dr ink . The Medes were especia l ly noted for thei r

lavishnes s at the banquet table , which , on great occa s ions , were

pi led with many va riet ies o f meat and game dishes , vegetables

and sauces ?“W ine was f reely used a t banquets?“which wereaccompanied by the mu s ic o f flutes ?“Luxu ry . With the establ ishment of power , and the growth

of wea lth , the viri le qua l it ies that had enabled the Medes to ca rve

Out thei r emp ire began to deteriorate before the vices of un

bridled luxury . The king f requented the soc iety of h is con

cubines and dancing girls , whi le the cup-bearers kept h is cup

fi l led with wine . The roya l examp le wa s fol lowed by the nobles

and ch ief s , who forgot the hardy hab its of their forefathers in

thei r love .

-for a l i fe o f ease and comfort , and their grow ing

fondnes s for rich apparel and choice d iet . They learned , a l so,to

decorate their persons and beauti fy thei r faces by means of ap

plying antimony to the lower eye-lids , and colours to their faces ,and by wearing fa lse ha i r ?“Art and ar ch itecture . Ecbatana , the capita l c ity, was built

with great ski l l , and conta ined the roya l pa lace and other buildings o f great beauty . The roya l edifice is sa id to have occupiedan area o f about two thirds of a m ile . The materia l most ly usedin the s tructure was of ceda r and cypres s wood . The t imber

p il lars and beams , a s a l so the ceil ings , were covered with gold

and s ilver plates , and the roof was formed of s i lver ti les . The

wooden wa l ls of the inner apartments , ornamented with coatingso f prec ious meta ls , seem to have been the particular features of

the ed ifices ?“The city , a ccording to Herodotus , was sur

rounded by seven concentric wa l l s,ris ing one above the other

by means of the battlements , wh ich were a ll pa inted in di ff erentcolours . The pa lace and the roya l t reasury were s ituated with inthe seventh c ircle , whos e wa l ls were crowned with battlements

Herod. 3. 1 2;Ken Cyrop. 1 . 3. 2;Anab. 1 . 5 . 8.

X en . Cyrop. I . 3 2 3;2 . 4, 6 .

X en. Cyrop. I . 3. 4.

X en . Cyrop. 1 . 3. 8, 1 0.

X en . Cyrop. 4 5 . 7.

X en . Cyrop. 1 . 3. 2 .

See Rawl inson, op. cit. 2 . 265.

206 THE MEDES

decorated with s i lver and gold ?“The hou ses of the pe0p1e werebuilt outs ide the circuit of the wa l ls ?“Nothing, however , of thea rch itectura l monuments of the per iod , ha s survived the ravages

of t ime, with the pos s ible exception of a s tone l ion , sculptured in

a s itting posture and measuring about twelve feet f rom head to

ta i l , wh ich now l ies in a mutilated cond ition at

Herod. I . 98.

Herod. 1 . 99 .

S ee Jackson,Pers ia P as t and P res ent, pp . 1 59—1 6 1 , New York , 1 906 .

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CHAPTER XXX

THE ACHAEMEN IANS

The P ers ian s of P ars . O f the var ious groups of the Aryan

peop le who planted the ir sett lements in the wes tern part o f I ran ,

the peop le who had descended to the extreme south , and rose

to an unequa l led greatnes s , were the Pers ians . In the ninth cen

tury B .C . , the As syrian king Sha lmaneser I I is reported to have

undertaken a campa ign agains t the people of Parsua , a tract of

territory in ,the Zagros . As it is probable , the pe0p1e of th is

region were identica l with the Pers ians of the further eas t of

the later period , and the record o f their name in the As syrianinscriptions cou ld thusbe rega rded a s the ear lies t ment ion o f

thei r race . I t wa s in the region corresponding to modern Far

s istan ,tha t the Pers ians had es tablished themselves , when they

began to make their h istory . The tract of land wh ich they occu

pied wa s ca l led Pars , known a s Perse , in its Greek form , and

f rom which is der ived the name Pers ia . In its own country, the

province came tobe known as Fars or Fa rs is tan f rom the timeo f the Arab conques t , and the native tongue o f the whole o f

Pers ia is ca l led up to this day , Fa rs i . Un l ike the Zoroas trianss ti l l l iving in Pers ia , who are ca l led Iran is , or inhabitants o f

Iran , their co-rel igion ists in India continue tobe ca l led Pa rs is ,a f ter the ir il lus trious ances tors of Pa rs .

Herodotus in forms us that the ea rly Pers ians were dividedinto s evera l tribes ,“the mos t noted o f these be ing

, the Pa sar

gadae . The ru l ing house o f the Pers ians , which bui lt the might iest and most extens ive power known to the anc ient wor ld

,is

ca l led a fter the name o f Hakhamanish, the head of the roya l

fam i ly , more fam il iarly known in its Greek form ,Achaemenes .

Medes . They were led by Cyru s, an intrepid Pers ian o f un

bounded energy and in itiative , into revolt aga ins t the Median

“Herod. 1 . 1 25.

2 10 THE ACHAEMEN IANS

rule . The decaying empire fel l before the ha rdy Pers ians , and

the roya l sceptre pas sed into thei r hands . Th is substitution of

the Pers ian in place of the Median power,meant nothing more

than a mere dynast ic change, wh ich rep laced one Aryan ru l inghous e by another o f the same race . The racia l affinity of the

Medes with the Pers ians was be l ieved tobe so comp lete , tha t theBiblica l and cla ss ica l l itera ture usua l ly employ their names a s

a lternative terms . The united Medo-Pers ian Empire founded byCyrus was thus formed of the two component parts of the Aryan

peop le, that had sett led in Western Iran,and were soon welded

into one common na tion . With their superior inte l l igence, theMagi, the pries ts of the Medes , soon imposed their culture uponthe Pers ians , and became the i r priests , instructors , and diviners .

The new emp ire had , dur ing its l i fe of about two centuries and

a quarter, its s eat of power in Pars ,but exercised its sovereignsway over a kingdom whose boundaries embraced the three con

tinents o f As ia ,Europe

,and A f r i ca .

D ivers e c iv i l i zat ions me t in Achaemen ian P ers ia . The

civi l izat ion w itnes sed under the Achaemen ians was mos tly

derivative . The Aryan Medes and Pers ians had founded their

empires on the ru ins of the Semitic Babylonian and As syriankingdoms . Pers ian civi l izat ion rema ined predominant ly Aryan ,

yet Semitic influence had its part in shaping thei r culture . This

is more particu larly evident , a s we sha l l see later, in the sphere

of a rt and a rchitecture . The cuneiform script in which the

Achaemen ian kings record their achievements on rocks , was , as

we sha l l a lso see ,borrrowed f rom the conquered Sem itic peo

p les . Even the Arama ic script, in which the sacred Avestan textshave reached u s , is , a s a l ready pointed out, of Semitic origin .

The Egyptian pe0p1e , who bu ilt the i r great civi l ization on the

N i le, were brought under the Pers ian rule, and the victorsw i l l ingly permitted themselves tobe inspired by the vanquished inthe creation of thei r a rchitectura l monuments . AchaemenianPers ia wa s aga in ln constant touch with Greek civilizat ion

throughout the entire period o f its history . Greek phys icians

served at the roya l court , Greek mercenaries fought under the

Pers ian banner, and in the Pers ian wars aga inst the Greeks , the

two peoples met on various battlefields . East and West , thus

came to close contact in Pers ia , and the progres s ive infi ltration

of ideas on both s ides cont inued to the la st days of the Achae

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2 1 2 THE ACHAEMEN IANS

a lmost all great peop les of the ancient world , they profited by

the multifar ious types of cu lture . The receptive hab it , thus

growing apace , deve loped in the people , the sp irit of adaptabi l ify . The chief part that the Achaemenians p layed in the

spread of civ i l izat ion ,wa s that they became a great civi l iz ing

influence among the numerou s backwa rd races and peoples , w ithwhom their vas t conques ts brought them in contact , and to whom

they gave the priceles s cultura l trea sure , wh ich they thems elves

had a s s imi lated . This made them the tran sm itters of ideas , a

doubtful honour , however , which did not sharpen their abi l ity toinvent and originate .

Theirs wa s a ma scul ine rel igion ,wh ich empha s ized the man ly

and heroic l i fe . They were gay and vivacious , fu l l of l i fe and

cheer fulnes s , amiable and hospitab le, l ively and indus trious ,bois terous and obtrus ive by nature . They were energetic ,but ,theirs was the energy , wh ich exploded w ith sudden outburs ts ,and did not endure . They were noted f or theirprob ity . Truth

wa s a virtue , most h ighly va lued among them . The mos t im

portant item in the education of the youth s , wa s to teach themto speak the truth .

“Lying wa s , according to them , a mos t dis

graceful act .

“The Pers ians ’ love of truth wa s a favourite theme

with the Greeks . The Pers ians in their early days were poor , yetthey were proud .

“They were great s ticklers f or etiquette . The

Pers ians are known f or thei r deep loya lty to their kings . The

idea that loya lty wa s a great virtue was indel ibly impr inted on

the minds of the people, and hi story furn ishes many in stances , in

which men were ready to undergo any hardsh ip , or even to lay

down their l ives for thei r king ?“I t wa s Au ramazda who gavethe throne to the Pers ian king , and it wa s by the grace of Auramazda that the king ruled over his subj ects . Therefore, the kingwas Auramazda ’

s chosen v icegerent upon earth, to whose sacred

person were due unswerving loya lty, devoted duty , and the com

plete submis s ion of his subj ects . Such loya lty o f the pe0p1e f orthei r king, as it

'

seems to us , genera l ly tended to exercise a de

grading influence on the mora l ity o f both the king and the peo

ple . The abject submis s ion of the ru led , made the ru ler an irre

spons ible , arrogant, and capricious autocrat , and made the peopleserv ile and cr inging. I t created a cla s s of sycophants , who were

Herod. 1 . 136 . Herod. 1 . 89 .

Herod . 1 . 1 38. Herod. 8. 1 1 8.

THE ACHAEMEN IANS 2 1 3

ever ready to ca jole thei r k ing in face o f his mos t wanton acts ?“A subject under such circums tances cannot ra ise his eyes , even

when wronged ,and demand j us tice , he da re not th row his pro fane

glance on the augus t person ,but on bended knees he can crave

for mercy . He dare make no demand for any human rights o f

his : he can onlybeg for roya l boons . The subjects do not s trug

gle to make themselves a f ree people , they pray that they mayeverbe a wel l-governed people . This Pers ian idea l o f pol iti ca ll ife wa s in fundamenta l contrast to that of thei r Greek contem

pora ries . In Pers ia , the Kingdom o f Auramazda was the che

rished goa l , wherea s in Greece, the pe0p1e a spired to form a

pol itica l s tate . The w i l l o f Auramazda wa s the supreme law in

Pers ia and the king executed this law a s the representat ive o f

the d ivine l awgiver upon ea rth . The Greeks , on the other hand ,made the w il l of the people the law o f their country , and looked

to their chief magis trate , a s the i r chosen agent , to work that law

on the ir beha l f . Long and close contact w ith these p ioneers of

democratic form of human government fa i led to influence the

pol iti ca l l i fe of the Pers ians ?“The Pers ians were impuls ive and

l iab le tobe moved by sudden gusts of pa s s ion . With ch ildlikeopennes s they yie lded to their emotions in joy or sorrow and

could not compose themselves to menta l ca lm?“The Pers ians o f

the ea rly days were educa ted in s imple habits o f l i fe ,but w ith theeasy inflow o f riches f rom conquered countries , an aptitude f orenjoyment and luxury grew apace among them . An unrestrictedindu lgence of pleasure corrupted their mora ls . The martia l spirito f the wa rriors wa s enervated and ,

ins tead o f the discipl ined , com

pact , wel l-organized a rm ies o f Da rius the Great , which had ca r

ried the Pa rs i banner into the remotes t lands , they could mus teronly a rmed mobs . Thus , when Ea s t and Wes t tried conclus ionsa t Arbela , the m ighty Pers ian Emp i re fel l a prey at the hands o f

A lexander the Great .

Herod. 3, 35;cf . Raw l inson, Five Grea t Mona rchies , 3. 1 7 1 , 1 72 .

C f . Plutarch, Themis tocles , 1 . 1 85.

Herod. 8. 99 .

CHAPTER xxx1

LITERATURE

Th e Acha emen ians w ere not engros s ed w i th in te l lectual

pursu i ts . They produced nothing in the doma in o f l iterature

during the two hundred years , in which they dom ina ted As ia .

The Greek w riters , from the time of Herodotus downward, who

have w ritten on the pol itica l , adm inis trative , and mil itary a ff a i rs

of the P er5 1ans , their rel igious belief s , and socia l cus toms and

manners , having noth ing to say regarding thei r l iterary achieve

ments . The B ibl ica l account of Es ther mentions the ex istence

of a compi lation ca l led the Book of Chronicles , in which , it issa id , the ch ief s tate ordinances and edicts , events of note , and

the memorable achievements of kings and heroes were recorded .

“These anna ls , we are further informed , were often read out to

the king ? No attempt wa s evidently made to give the compila

tion a l itera ry form , the ma in idea being the making o f a col

lection of usefu l s tate occurrences f or roya l information . Eventh is col lection has tota l ly perished , probably in the conflagration

a t Persepol is , thu s extingu ish ing the written record a long w iththe extinction of the empire .

Though the pa rchment has not helped to perpetuate the gloryo f the Pers ians of thi s period , the s tory of Cyrus and Da riusand thei r glorious succes sors , written on sol id s tone , ha s sur

vived the ravages of time . The tril ingua l inscriptions on rocksand mounta ins , record the achievements of the kings

,and a s

the i r ma in purpose is to record in a s brief a space a s pos s ible,the sa l ient features of the work of the k ings , they cannotbeexpected to embody any great l itera ry merit . Yet the inscrip

t ions present severa l specimens‘

o f compos ition in which his

torica l events are recorded in ters e, emphatic , and dignified language . Severa l notable specimens a re given in the fol low ing

pages .

Esther, 2 . 23 10. 2 . Esther, 6. 1 .

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2 1 6 LITERATURE

Thus s ays Darius the King : That which I have done I have a lwaysdone by the grace of Au ramazda . Thou who sha lt herea fter read thisinscription ,

let that which is doneby me appear true unto thee;rega rdit not tobe a lie.

‘Thus says Darius the King : Let Auramazdabe witness that it istrue and not fa l se, a ll this have I done .

‘Thus s ays Darius the King : By the grace of Auramazda there i smuch more, done by me , which is not written in this inscription;f or thisreason it is not written, les t he who sha l l hereafter read this inscription,

to h im that which ha s been done by me should s eem exaggerated, it maynot appea r true to him,

but may seem tobe fa lse.

’

Eh . 4. 40-50

Da rius commemorates his work of digging the Suez Cana l bythe fol lowing inscription

‘Thus says Darius the King : I am a Pers ian;from Pers ia I con

quered Egypt. I commanded this cana l tobe dug from a river namedN i le, which flows in Egypt to the s ea which goes abroad from Pers ia .

Then wa s this cana l dug a s I commanded, and Ships p l ied from Egyptbythis cana l to Pers ia , as it was my wi l l .’

Dar. 5 2 . c. 3

The Great King’s benedictions on those who would in future

publish his inscriptions , and his imprecat ions on those who wouldconcea l them

Thus says Darius the King : I f thou sha lt not concea l this edict,butsha lt make it known to the wor ld, then may Auramazdabe a friend untothee, may thy fami lybe la rge , and mayes t thou l ive long

Thus says Da rius the King : I f thou sha lt concea l th l s edict and sha ltnot make it known to the wor ld, then may Auramazda smite thee, and

may thy fami ly perish.

’

Bh. 4. 53-59

Darius devoutly a scribes all his achievements to the divine

help he received :‘Thus says Darius the King : That which I have done, I have done

w ith the grace o f Auramazda . Aurama zda brought me he lp, and the

other gods tha t there are .

Thus says Darius the King : For this reason Auramazda brought mehelp, and the other gods that there are, because I was not wicked, nor a

l iar, nor a tyrant, neither I nor my fami ly .

’

Eh. 4. 59 -64

Da rius exhorts his descendants to wage a relentles s war

aga inst fa lsehood :

Thus says Darius the King : Thou who mayestbe king herea fter,bewe l l on thy guard aga inst the Lie. The man who i s a liar, h im punishwith good punishment, i f thou thinkest“my country maybe secure.

”

Eh . 4 36-40

Admonitions of the Great King0 man, let not the commandment o f Auramazda seem to thee tobe

disagreeable. Forsake not the Path o f Truth, and s in not .’

Dar. NRa . 6

LITERATURE 2 1 7

The tomb o f Cyrus had , accord ing to Aris tobulus and Ones i

critus , who vis ited the roya l grave, the fol low ing inscriptionswhich , however , have peri shed now .

“‘

.

O man, I am Cyrus , the son o f Cambyses , who founded the Pers ianEmp1re and was King o f As i a . Grudge me not therefore th is monument .’

Another ins cription had the s imple s tatement .

I,Cyrus , King o f Kings , lie here.

’

See Jackson, P ers ia P as t and Present, p . 289 , New York, 1 906 .

CHAP TER XXXI I

SOCIETY

Soc ia l d iv i s ions . Herodotus s tates that the Pa sargadae wa s

the nobles t of the va rious tribes that formed the Pers ian race,and adds that the rul ing house of the Achaemen ians came f romone of its clans .

“The other Pers ian tribes are divided by Hero

dotus among agriculturists and nomads .

“The descendants of

the s ix chief families , whose founders had played conspicuouspa rts in establ ishing the c la im of the roya l family to the throne,formed the nobility of the land , occup ied the highest civ il , mil ita ry, and naval pos itions , and enjoyed exceptiona l privi leges in

the country .

“With very brief respites , the Pers ians were embroi led in pro

tracted wa r fa re , hence the la rgest proportion of the ma le population,

as we sha l l s ee in the proper place, embraced the prof es ~

s ion of a rms .

The Magi , s ays Strabo, adhered to a sedate mode of l i fe .

4

They m ini stered to the spiritua l needs of the people . No sacri

fice was law ful , unles s it was cons ecrated and off ered by them .

“They guarded the roya l tombs ,“interpreted dreams ,7 read the

meaning of the portents ,8 ins tructed the princes ,“and inves tedthe king with the roya l robe ?“Probably there wa s no large commercia l or a rtisan cla ss .

The Pers ians looked to commerce with avers ion, and rega rdedmarket-places a s the breeding grounds of fa lsehood and deceit ?“

Herod. 1 . 1 25;cf . Xenophon,Cyrop. I . 2 . 5;Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 .

Herod. 1 . 1 25.

Herod. 3. 83, 84.

Strabo 1 5. 3. 1 .

Herod. 1 . 1 32 .

Strabo 1 5. 3. 7 .

Herod. 7. 1 2 , 1 4, 1 9;Strabo 1 5. 3.

Herod. 7 . 37.

Rapp , The Religion and Cus toms of the P ers ians and other I ran

ians , tr. Cama , p . 227 .

Plutarch, Artaxerxes , 3. 454.

Herod. 1 . 1 53;2 . 1 67 .

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220 SOCIETY

fema le figures carved on the wa l ls of the pa laces , nor do we

read references in the ins criptions to women o f roya l famil ies .

Herodotus , however , in forms u s tha t Dar ius had ordered a s tatue

of Artys tone , the favourite among h is w ives , tobe w rought ingold ?“I t wa s cons idered a

’

very great insult to compa re a man

to a woman, or to ca l l him wors e than a woman ?“The existence of concubinage among rulers , and members of

upper cla s ses , lead u s to think that the idea l of womanhood pre

va i l ing among the people could not have been very high . The

pa s s ion f or plea sure had so f ar ens laved the kings and their

genera ls , especia l ly in the la ter period , that they did not scruple

to take thei r concubines with numerous a ttendants to the battle

field , when they went to fight the i r country ’s battles ?“Accustomed to have all thei r work done by s laves and eunuchs ,

who fi l led the households of rich fami l ies , the women of upper

cla s ses thought it lowering to their dignity to work with their

hands . They cons idered such work a s the heritage of the poor

a lone , and l ived an idle l i fe .

“Occas iona l ly

, they indulged them

s elves in more man ly games , such a s the skil l ful use of thebowand the j avel in ?“Mar r iage . When a youth had completed his education,

which

wa s u sua l ly at an age not ea rl ier than twenty,he entered into

matr imony w ith the approva l o f h is parents ?“Marriages werenot contracted in childhood , even among poor people, who didnot s end thei r sons to s chool . The age of ma rr iage probably co

incided w ith the yea rs , when boys and girls reached puberty .

There seem to have been no res trictions on the number of wivesa man m ight marry ?“The kings , a s we sha l l see la ter, marrieds evera l w ives and ma inta ined concub ines?“and the nobles , chie fs ,and the wea lthy , fol lowed the roya l example

?“As indulgence insevera l wives depended ma inly on the length of a man ’

s purse ,the poor natura l ly contented thems elves with monogamy .

According to S trabo, ma rriages were solemnized by a cere

Herod . 7 . 69 .

Herod. 7 . 1 1;8. 88;9 . 20, 1 07.

Herod. 7. 83, 1 87;9 . 76 , 81 .

Raw l inson , Five Grea t Mana rchies , 3. 243.

Ctes ias , P ers ica, 54.

X en. Cyrop. 8. 5. 20.

Herod. 1 . 1 35.

Herod. 3. 68,88. 1 30;7. 3, 69 , 224;Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 7;Raw l inson,

op. a t. 3. 477 .

Rawlmson, op. ci t. 3. 238.

SOCIETY 22 1

mony , and were usua l ly held a t the beginn ing o f the verna l equ i

nox . The bridegroom ,he add s , ate noth ing on the wedd ing day ,bu t some f ru it or the ma rrow of a camel , be fore entering the

bride ’

s chamber ?“When the gues ts had pa rtaken o f wine ,the

bride entered the room ,and the groom who was seated in a

p lace o f honour , welcomed her by giv ing her h is r ight hand and

a k is s ?“S oc ia l cus tom s . The Pers ians had genera l ly adopted the

cus tom s of the Medes . Good manner s in the ir soc ia l intercoursewere r igorous ly observed among the pe0p1e , and vio lations wereregarded a s evidences of ill-breeding , tobe s trongly dea l t w ith .

Persons o f priv i leged fam il ies , courtiers , governors , commanderso f the a rmy

, and a ll those occupying h igh pos itions in the state

or exa lted rank in soc iety , received humble obeisance or prostra

tion from their in feriors . When men of equa l rank met on the

street , the‘

y embraced?“and kis sed each other on the l ips ,bu tto persons o f in ferior pos ition ,

the pract ice wa s to off er the cheek ,and to bend one

’

s body to a person o f s ti l l lower rank ?“S trew ing the s treets w ith myrt le boughs , burn ing incense ,

fea s ting, and merry making were fam iliar ways of express ingnationa l joy ,

when the pe0p1e hea rd of the victory of their king

over his enemies;s im ilarly unrestra ined was the expres s ion of

grie f shown by rending the garments and weeping a loud , when

the new s of defeat reached them ?“Mourning f or the death o f a k ing was expres sed by the

rend ing o f one’

s garment and lamentation?“or f or the fa l l o ftheir commander on the battlefield , by the shav ing o f their headsby the sol d iers , and by cutting the manes o f the horses and

sumpter bea sts?“I t was cons idered unbecom ing to eat or drink

anything in the s treets?“a s a l so to sp it , blow the nose , or tobe

seen going a s ide to make water ?“The seat o f honour was a l

ways rega rded as being on the r ight hand?“giving each other

Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 7Arrian, Anabas is 7 . 4. 7 , as quoted by Gray ,

in Marriage ( I ranian) ,ERE . 8. 459 .

X en . Cyrop. 2 . 1 . 1 .

Herod. 1 . 1 34;X en . Cyrop. 1 . 28;5 . 5 . 6;c f . Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 9 .

Herod. 8. 99 .

Herod . 3. 66;8. 99 .

Herod. 9 . 24.

X en . Cy rop. 8. 8. 1 1 .

X en. Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 1 6;8. 1 . 42;8. 8. 8.

X en . Cyrop. 8. 3. 1 0.

222 SOC IETY

thei r right hand concluded an agreement between two persons ,

and the holding up right hands on the part of mes s engers f rom

the enemy on the battlefield , s ignified thei r peaceful intentions?“

Men of rank did not l ike tobe seen travel l ing on foot .

“9From the s culptured figures it maybe seen that men wore

long beards and kept the ha ir hanging in tres ses , or arranged

in curls . In the later period o f growing luxury , fa l se ha ir came

tobe worn to beautify one’

s appearance?“Xenophon attes ts

the use of cosmetics over the face and the colour ing of the eye

l ids among the rich peOple .

“1 B irthday anniversaries were celebrated amid great rejoicings by r ich and poor a like . On such

occa s ions rich families roa sted an ox , a horse, or a camel whole

in ovens , and served the viands to their gues ts , wherea s the poor

contented themselves with sma l ler cattle ?“S laves and eunu ch s . Both the s laves and eunuch s were em

ployed in large numbers by the rich peop le f or domestic services .

These menia ls were a lways drawn f rom non-Pers ian tribes , or

f rom the conquered races ?“People f rom the subdued countries

were often brought to Pers ia a s s laves ?“The servile populat ion

was a s s igned to specia l v i l lages?“or wa s distributed in variousparts of the country . Bes ides a numerous body of s laves s ervingin the roya l household , the s laves abounded in the famil ies of

the governors , grandees , and rich peop le?“

Eunuchs were chiefly employed in the ha rems of the king ,and his When the Pers ian armies of Darius con

quered the Ionian towns that had revolted,they turned their best

youths into eunuch s ?“Among the many articles of tr ibute thatthe king received from h is subj ect races , maybe mentioned 500boy eunuch s annua l ly from Babylon ia ?“Bes ides being employedin the harem , the eunuchs s erved the king as doorkeepers

,at

X en. Cyrop. 4. 6 . 1 0;8. 4. 25, 26 .

X en. Cyrop. 4. 2 . 1 7-1 9;6 . 3. 1 3, 1 7.

Xen. Cyrop. 4. 3. 23;8. 8. 1 9 .

X en. Cyrop. 1 . 3. 2 .

For ref . see Raw l inson,op. cit. 3, 243.

Herod . 1 . 1 33.

Herod. 1 . 1 6 1 .

Herod. 4. 202;7. 1 81 .

Herod. 4. 204.

Herod. 1 . 1 37;7. 107.

Herod. 3. 77, 1 30

Herod. 4. 43.

Herod. 6 . 9 , 32 .

Herod. 3. 92 .

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CHAPTER XXXI I I

EDUCATION

A im of edu cat ion . The Avestan people who inhabited Eastern I ran were primari ly concerned w ith impa rting rel igious in

s tructions to their youths . Their k in of Western Iran,being a

military people;concerned them selves primarily w ith the phys ica ltra ining of their sons and strove to make them hardy warriors .

With th is obj ect in view ,boys were brought up under the s tern

discip l ine of the i r tutors , who tr ied to inure the bodies of youth s

with rigorous exercises , for unrem itting toi l , and for the arduous

per formance of the ir duty . To act promptly and decis ively in

face of danger, tobe of agi le body, to endure fatigue and hard

sh ip , to'be temperate and sel f -denying, and tobe courageous

and regardles s o f l i fe on the battlefield , were the qua l ifications

which were highly va lued in the boys .

Bes ides this,the preceptors o f the youths of the country,

were expected to provide educated men who could govern the

Pers ian dependencies , and administer j u stice in the law courts .

The governors , or sa traps , as they were ca l led , were genera l lyselected from the m i l ita ry ranks . Consequently , not on ly hadthe instructors to tra in youths tobe undaunted warriors ,buta lso to make them soldiers of great administrative abi l ity . S imilarly, the j udges had tobe wel l versed in the laws and customs

of the country,and it was the duty of the teachers to prepare

them for such lega l work . The gates of the house of instruc

t ion were open to a ll cla s ses o f Pers ians , and all those who

could aff ord to send their sons to school s were a t l iberty to do so.

“In ab sence of any in formation , we are not in a pos ition to

form any idea about the education imparted to the girls of the

country .

P er iod of educat ion . In thei r ea rly childhood , ma le ch ildren

were brought up under the care o f their women guardians .

Herodotu s and Strabo in form u s that boys were thus cared for

unti l the age of five , a f ter wh ich they were given over in charge

“X en. Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 1 5 .

EDUCATION 2 5

of thei r ma le tutors .

“Accord ing to other sources , the education

of boys began at the age of s even .

“The entire course of ins truc

tion covered a cons iderab le period . At s ixteen or seventeen

years o f age, the boys fini shed their genera l education ,

“but inmany cases , courses of h igher s tud ies extended to the twentieth ,

“or even to the twenty-fourth year .

“The p lace of ins truct ions . In the capita l city , the sons of

the nobles and rich persons met in the square adjoining the roya l

pa lace , or in the bu ild ings surround ing the lega l courts ? In pro

vincial towns , the p lace of educating youths wa s a t the gates o f

the res idence o f the governor .“In other towns , the school s met

probably in the precincts of some publ ic bui ld ings . The houses

of ins truction ,however , were never s elected in the v icin ity of the

market-place . This precaution wa s taken w ith the object o f sav

ing boys f rom the pernicious eff ect of the atmosphere o f lying,swea ring, and cheating which wa s believed to hang about the

bazars .

“Moral and intel lectual educa t ion . The Pers ians therefore

laid great emphas is on the mora l instruction of their youth s who

wou l d in later lifebe ca l led upon to fi l l pos itions of h igh re

spons ib il ity in the s tate . We have not iced the v igour with wh ich

Dar ius s tigmatized fa lsehood a s a grievous s in aga ins t God , and

a great cr ime aga ins t society . I t is no exaggeration , therefore ,

a s we a re in formed by Herodotus , that the very firs t les son

learned by Pers ian youths at the feet of their preceptors wa sthe rigid adherence to truth ?“They were instru cted in the fun

damentals of the ir rel igion and were acqua inted with the ca rdina l virtues enjoined therein ?“The teachers narrated

, w ith or

w ithout mus ic , the work of the celes tia l be ings , or exp loits of

the ancient heroes , and achievements of the great men of theircountry, and exhorted them to emulate the ir nob le examp les

?“Herod. 1 . 136;cf. Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 7.

For re f . see G ray , Educa tion (Pers ian) , in ERE . 5 . 207 .

X en . Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 8.

Herod . 1 . 1 36 .

Strabo 1 5 3. 1 8.

X en . Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 3, 4;8. 8. 1 3;Anab. 1 . 9 , 3.

X en . Cyrop. 8. 6 . 10.

Herod. 1 . 1 53.

Herod. 1 . 1 36 .

S ee Rapp , The Relig ion and Cus toms of the Pers ians otherI ranians , tr. Cama , pp . 29 2 , 293.

Strabo 1 5. 3. 18.

226 EDUCAT ION

P hys ical tra in ing. The rugged vi rtues which they had

brought f rom thei r mounta in home had enabled the Pers ians tobuild the la rgest empire known to the world in early times , and

these the teachers sought to insti l into the youths by proper in

s truction . Boys were made t o rise at the ea rly dawn,at the

sound of brazen ins truments , and were ordered to assemble a t

some appointed place . They were then div ided in compan ies of

fi f ty under the leadersh ip of a prince,or a governor ’s son , and

were made to run a cons iderable d is tance ?“Riding and dex

terous hand l ing of the horse, mounting or a l ighting, when

at ful l speed, throw ing the j avelin and darting the a rrow, swim

m ing,hunt ing , pursuing thieves and robbers , farming and plant

ing, constructing l ines and nets for hunting, and var ious other

exercises which tended to ha rden their s inew s and made them

s trong and ha rdy, were emp loyed in their tra ining ?“Bes ides this ,they were dr i l led in the exercis e of the breath and lungs , made topract ise loud speaking, were exposed to the r igours of climate,made to go on long marches under the heat of the s corching sun ,

or aga inst biting f ros t and cold , were made to cros s rivers , keep

ing their armour and clothes dry , were ordered to pas ture ani

ma ls , and to watch a ll n ight in the open a ir ?“Their dai ly foodwa s bread, sa lt, roasted or boi led meat, and water , or was often

st i l l coa rs er , in order to fos ter in them s imp le hab its of l i fe ?“When the boys grew up to twenty years of age , they were

given suboidinate pos itions , either a s foot- sold iers or mounted

gua rds ?“1 ° Strabo 1 5. 3. 1 8.

Herod. I . 1 36;X en . Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 9- 1 1;Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 8.

1“Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 8.

1“Strabo 1 5 . 3. 18;X en . Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 8.

Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 8.

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228 KINGSH IP

the people invoked the bles s ings upon him .

“The king’s birthdaywas celebrated w ith great fest ivities by h is subj ects throughoutthe empire .

“I t was the highest honour to have the opportunity

f or a glance o f the augu s t personage . Those who had the privilege of approaching him,

had to prostrate themselves before him

in profound humility ,“until he commanded them to rise, and to

stand with folded hands as long a s they rema ined in the roya l

presence . The court iers , a s wel l as the capta ins of the a rmy,were obl iged to pas s their hands through their robes , when they

s tood in the presence of the king ?“The on ly person whom the

king honoured a s his superior , was the queen-mother, i f she

wa s l iv ing . He a l lowed himsel f tobe greatly influenced by her,and sat below her at the dinner table in his pa lace ?“Though the king wa s thus above a ll human law

,he felt him

sel f bound to recognize the higher or divine law of Auramazda .

However great and unequa l led h is s tatus among mankind, the.

king wa s h imsel f the min ister of God upon earth to di spense hisgoodnes s to mankind , and was , there fore , in duty bound to carry

out the behests o f the heaven ly king . We are informed that a

C hamberla in wa s ordered to approach his roya l ma ster every

morning, to remind him of the duty which God had imposedupon him ?“This anxiety to ga in the goodw il l o f his heavenly

mas ter, and the fear of the divine wrath,had a very restra ining

and sa lutary eff ect upon the character of the king . Da rius openlyavows that Au ramazda and other heaven ly beings helped him ,

because he was not wicked , nor a l iar, nor a tyrant, and becausehe ruled according to the law o f righteou snes s ?“

The king in public l i fe . Whenever the king appearedbefore the public , or attended the court, he wa lked with dign ifiedgravity of deportment , befitting his exa lted pos ition . Dressed inthe richest and most impos ing garments , and adorned with themost precious j ewels , he advanced to his seat with ma j estic steps .

An attendant held over his head , a Sha llow, tent-shaped parasol ,

supported on a long s t ick ornamented at the top . In his r ight

Herod. 1 . 1 32 .

Rapp , The Religion and Cus toms of the Pers ian and other I rani ans

,tr. Cama

, p . 344.

lb. p . 320.

X en . Cyrop. 8. 3. 1 0;H ellenics , 2 . 1 . 8.

Rapp, op. cit. p . 306 .

lb. pp . 326 , 327.

Bh. 4. 62-64.

KINGSH IP 229

hand , the king bore the roya l sceptre of gold , which wa s a long

s taff , topped w ith a rounded shape and pointed at the bottom .

He never a l lowed himse l f tobe seen on foot outs ide h is pa lace

grounds ?“On important occas ions , when the king ma rched in

s tate , the roads were s topped to traffi c , and rows of troops s tood

on each s ide of the way through which the roya l pageant was to

pas s .A large number of guards , drawn up four deep , occupied

places on either s ide o f the roya l gates . The horse , foot , and

chariots , a ll joined the proces s ion ,and were s tationed ha l f on

each s ide. I f the occas ion required tha t the king should off er sac

rifices , the bulls and horses , with golden yokes on thei r necks

and crowns , emerged firs t from the roya l gates . The sacred

fire, borne by men upon a large a lta r , was immediately fol lowedin a chariot by the king who wa s a tt ired in magnificent cos tume o f

purple . A large number of wand-bea rers rode behind him with

javel ins in their hands . Then followed thousands of horsemen

of severa l races , led by Pers ian cava l ry, and the rear was closedby the chariots , ranged four abreast ?“Usua l ly , the king tooka direct interes t in the a ff a i rs o f the s tate, and kept himsel f

familiar with the happen ings in the various satrapies , into whichhis va s t emp i re wa s divided . He consulted his w ise counsel lors

on private a s wel l as publ ic a ff a i rs . He i s sued orders to his govcruors on important matters , and heard their repl ies . He showedspecia l roya l favour to those of his governors who rendered meritorious s ervices?“or puni shed those who a ttempted to riva l h imin power and otherwise disobeyed him ?“S imilarly, the kingreceived envoys and amba s sadors f rom distant countries , heardtheir mes sages , and , in consultation with his minis ters , dictatedthe reply to the scribes . He heard the grievances of the people ,and pun ished his offic ia ls , who proved dishonest in thei r duty ?“He issued roya l decrees , had them written in diff erent languagesspoken by the va rious subj ects o f his vast empire?“and dispatched hera lds throughout his kingdom proc la iming his orders .

When he intended to prepare for war , he s ent mes sengers to hisgovernors to furnish men , sh ips , an ima l s , and other mater ia ls .

H e appointed commanders o f the a rmy , and replaced thos e whofa iled o f a good record of ach ievements on the battlefiel d . A s

Rapp, op. cit. p . 341 . Herod. 4. 1 66 .

X en. Cyrop. 8. 3. 9-18, 34. Herod. 5 . 25;7 . 1 94.

Herod. 5. 106 . Es ther 1 . 1 9-22 ,

230 KINGSHIP

a rule, he him sel f led his a rmy aga inst an enemy , or watchedand guided the actions of the soldiers with keen interes t .

The royal cou rt“

. The king wa s surrounded by severa l nobles

and officers o f graded ranks , who served a s h is court iers . Be

s ides the roya l family, there were s ix chief families of nobles ,whose representatives had specia l r ights and privi leges . Thesewere the men who had col laborated with Dariu s in overthrowing

the u surper Smerdis . I t wa s agreed among them , when Dariusa s cended the throne , that they should have f ree access to the

pa lace to communicate w ith the king, and that the specia l priv i

leges which they enjoyed, shouldbe a l lowed to thei r successors

a fter them ?“Thes e men , who were the nobles t in point of the i r

extraction,were second in pos it ion to the king a lone . They were

the ch ief counsel lors of the king, and played the most prominent

part in the conduct of the a ff a irs of the s tate?“They enjoyed the

confidence of the king, and it wa s cons idered highly reprehens iblef or the courtiers to d ivulge the s ecrets of the king or the s tate

?“Important civi l ian off ices of the s tate, and commandership of the

a rmy , fel l to the lot of the members of these privi leged fam il ies .

Court astrologers , who were drawn f rom the race o f the Magi ,were among those that formed the roya l court , and were often

consulted to interpret dreams of their roya l ma s ter , or to readgood omens before embarking upon war .

The s cribes wrote down roya l edicts and put the roya l sea lupon them in the presence of the king ?“They read out to the

king, the documents received f rom the governors , or mes sagesfrom fore ign kings , and prepa red the dra ft rep l ies , as d ictatedby him . As a l ready noticed , it was the custom to record state

ordinances , roya l ed icts , the names and consp icuous s ervices of

those, whom the king honoured , and a ll events worthy of note,

in a compi lation, ca lled , the Book of Chron icles of the kings of

Pers ia and Med ia?“and to read the anna ls ‘

to the king, wheneverhe requ ired ?“The scr ibes accompan ied the king when he wentto the battlefield and did the clerica l work , a s at the court ?“

The chamber la ins , bodyguards , an attendant w ith a fly—chaser

Herod. 3. 83, 84.

Es ther 1 . 14;Ezra 7 . 1 4;Herod. 3. 84, 1 18.

Rapp . op. ci t. p . 349 .

Esther 3. 1 2;8. 9 .

Es ther 2 . 23;1 0. 2 .

Esther 6 . 1 .

Herod. 7. 100;8. 90.

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232 KINGSHIP

specia l favour to those who were devoted ly attached to him,he

sent di shes from the roya l table . The recipient o f such dis tinc

t ion rose in publ ic es timation and was bel ieved tobe greatly inthe confidence of the king ?“When the king returned to his na

tive country , he brought pres ents f or all Pers ians , both men and

women ?“The king never ta sted any other water,bu t that which was

taken f or him f rom the r iver flow ing by Susa . Not on ly did he

drink th is water,when he s tayed at the cap ita l ,but the water ,

a fter being boiled and fi l led in S i lver flagons , was carried in largequant ities wherever he travel led in t1me of peace , and to the

battlefield , when he went to wa r?“

The royal hous eho ld . As it wa s a rranged among the con

spirators aga ins t Smerdis , the king married f rom the s even privi

leged famil ies . H e espoused severa l w ives?“and bes ides kept a

con s iderable number of concub ines in his harem!'

O f this multi

tude of w ives and concubines , the one who found h is grea tes t

favour , was chosen as the chie f queen , and wa s inves ted with

large power in the house of women . She enjoyed privi leges de

nied to others , who shared the roya l a ff ection w ith her . She was

pr ivileged to wear a roya l crown?“and to pres ide over the roya l

fea s t wh ich she gave to women in her pa lace?“She wa s pro

vided with large income of her own?“and the fema le attendants

and the concub ines o f the s eragl io served her w ith humble prostration ?“But despite th is authority she w ielded in the women ’

s

apartment , she wa s not s ecure aga inst occas iona l -roya l displeasure . I f the king wa s off ended w ith her, he degraded her f romher pos ition ,

and exa lted another in her p lace?“Each wi fe had

a separate chamber a l lotted to her , in which she l ived with her

fema le a ttendants ?“

The concubines who fi lled the ha rem in la rge numbers occu

p ied separate apartments , and were p laced under the close super

vis ion o f the ch ie f o f eunuchs , who was termed the keeper of

women ?“The concub ines sang and danced to enterta in thei rroya l master in the palace?“and accompan ied him under survei l

X en . Cyrop. 8. 2 . 4. Raw l inson, op. ci t. 3. 2 1 8.

X en . Cyrop. 8. 5. 2 1 . lb.Herod. 1 . 1 88. Es ther 2 . 1 7 .

Herod. 3. 68, 88;7. 3, 69 , 224. Herod. 3. 68.

Esther 1 . 1 1 2 . Esther 2 . 8.

lb. 1 . 9 . Rawlinson, op. cit. p , 2 1 9 .

KINGSHIP 233

lance o f eunuchs to the battlefie ld?“and to the hunting ground ?“Eunuchs have usua l ly been an inev itable adj unct to the in

mates o i the ha rem . They were found princ ipa l ly in the women’

s

qua rter of the pa lace , in service of the w ives and concub ines o f

the k ing, and sometimes rose even to high pos itions in the

state?“

The entire es tabli shment was under the cha rge of an officer

s tyled the ma s ter of the roya l household ?“Herod . 7 . 1 87. Raw l inson, op. cit. 3. 22 1 .

Raw linson,op. ci t. 3. 2 1 9 . lb. 3. 2 1 3.

Herod. 3. 77, 1 30.

CHAPTER xxxv

ADM IN ISTRATION

The s at rap ies . The empire built by the Pers ians wa s large r

than any that had exis ted before them in As ia , and embraced

peoples of va rious creeds and languages a s subj ect races . Da riussuccess ful ly organi zed the d iverse parts loosely s cattered throughout the va s t a rea by a we l l-ordered sys tem o f government into

a consolidated homogeneous empire. For this purpos e, the em

p ire wa s divided , according to Herodotus , into twenty govern

ments ,“or, according to the inscriptions , into twenty—three .

“Overeach of these provinces , the king appointed a ru ler

,ca l led a

satrap , a fter the Greek pronunciation o f the Pers ian word khsha

trapa mean ing, the governor of a prov ince .

“These satraps were

usua l ly members of the roya l fam i ly,“or of the nob il ity of the

land .

“The term of office wa s sometimes f or l i fe ,“but genera l lyextended to an indefinite per iod , until the king reca l led one f or

other service, or removed him f or mi sconduct . The cu stom arosein the later period of a l low ing the sons o f satraps to succeed

to the offices of thei r fathers .

“The centra l government did not

inter fere w ith the conduct o f the interna l a ff a irs of the diverse

subject races ,but gave them the right to manage their a ff a irs , in

accordance w ith their own respective laws and cus toms . The

governors ruled in the king’s name, and ma inta ined h is suzera inty

over them . They imposed taxes to col lect the sums at whichthe i r provinces were a s ses sed , rece ived the tr ibutes due to the

crown, administered j us tice, ma inta ined publ ic roads and caravanroutes , promoted agriculture and trade in time of pea ce, and sup

plied men and materia ls to the king, when he went to war. On

matters of great importance, they acted only a fter receiving roya l

Herod. 3. 89 .

Bh . 1 . 1 4-1 7 .

Bh . 3. 1 4, 56;Herod. 1 . 1 92 .

Herod. 3. 70;5. 25, 27, 30;6 . 94;7 . 7, 9 . 1 1 3.

X en. Cyrop. 8. 6. 7 .

Herod. 3. 1 60.

See Rawlinson, Five Grea t Manarchies, 3. 484.

234

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236 ADM IN ISTRATION

a lwaysmet with a generous recogn ition on the part of the mon

a rch ?“S im ilar ly , immed iate reca l l to the capita l , r igorous pun

ishment, or .ins tantaneous death , awa ited a fa lse governor , who

tyrann ized over the peop le , rapacious ly exacted undue amounts

for his persona l aggrandizement f rom his subj ects , or otherw ise

abused his power ?“In the ea rly days of the empire , the dependencies did not con

tribute fixed sums in tribute to the coffers o f the crown,butbrought gi fts f or the king, and it was Darius who firs t intro

duced the sys tem o f fixed tribues payable annua l ly, both in

money and in kind , and commensurate with the resources of each

tributary province ?“The only except ion wa s in the case o f

Pers ia , the native place o f the conquerors , wh ich wa s exempt

f rom all impos itions?“The Pers ian people were, however, re

quired to make the king a present whenever he pas s ed through

thei r towns . The pres ent was a voluntary gi ft made by every

individua l accord ing to h is means . The amount which the vari

ous satrapies had to pay in money ranged between one hundred

and s eventy to a thousand ta lents of s ilver , and , in the case o f

the king ’s Indian s atrapy , to three hundred and s ixty ta lents of

gold , equiva lent to over a m il l ion s terl ing ?“A ltogether the tribu te in money, apart f rom what wa s pa id in kind , amounted tonea rly four mil l ion s terl ing ?“Bes ides the tr ibute pa id in money ,each satrapy had to contribute annua l ly food and forage to the

roya l hou sehold and to the king’s army , and to supply va rious

other commodities which the s evera l‘

s atrapies produced in thei rcountries . The rich sa trapy of Babylonia a lone furnished a ll

provis ion to the crown tha t could la st f or four months o f a

yea r, and the“other satrapies d iv ided between themselves the

respons ibility of supplying the roya l demands for the rema ininge ight months o f a year ?“In addit ion to paying her due tribute ,remitt ing the income o f her fisheries , Egypt had to feedPers ian troops quartered at Memphis

?“Among other things in

kind , severa l thousand anima l s , such a s horses , colts , mules , andsheep were brought every year to the capita l f rom va rious provinces ?“The Ethiop ians brought two hundred logs of ebony ,

Herod. 7 . 1 06,1 07 . Herod. 3. 9 5.

Herod . 3. 1 28;4. 1 66 . Herod. 1 . 1 92 .

Herod. 3. 89 . Herod. 3. 9 1 .

Herod. 3. 9 7. Herod. 3. 90;Strabo 1 1 . 13. 8;14. 9 .

Herod. 3. 90-94.

ADM IN ISTRATION 237

twenty elephant tusks , and five s laves;the Co lch ians twenty boysand an equa l number of gi rls , and the Arabs contributed a thou

s and ta lents of frankincense every yea r ?“No les s than five hun

dredboy eunuch s came annual ly f rom Babylon ia , to pas s the i r

m is erab le lives in the Pers ian harems ?“This wa s what the subject races had to pay dur ing the time

of peace . They had to supp ly men and ma teria ls , as we sha l l see

later,to the king when he emba rked upon war .

There were probab ly other sources , which furn ished more

income to the roya l trea sury . Herodotus gives us an example

o f a great river flow ing am id hi l ls , w ith var ious open ings to di f

f erent lands . The Pers ian king, he says , blocked up the passages

between the h i l ls with dykes and flood—gates , and the water thuscol lected was suppl ied by a s tate officer to the peOple f or i rriga

tion of their fields , by opening the gates and a l low ing a mea suredquantity of water to pa s s a t a time to each fie ld , on payment of

a fixed amount ?“This wa s pos s ibly done w ith the waters of

a ll rivers and lakes of the empire . We have a lready seen that

the income of the Egyptian fi sheries went to the crown , s imilarly,it seems , m ines , qua rries , and forests brought la rge revenue tothe s tate .

When a new k ing a scended the thronebe remitted the tributedue f rom the prov inces

?“The pretender Smerd is , w ith a viewto winning their good-w i l l , proc la imed to a ll na tions , on his

u surpation of the Pers ian throne , that they were to pay no duesfor three years ?“In recognition o f the remarkab le serv ices of a

satrap , the king occas iona l ly exempted h im f or l i fe f rom a ll pay

ments ?“Coinage . The gold and s i lver wh ich poured into the roya l

treasury a s part o f the tribute , were melted and s tored in ingots ,and later coined into money , acording to requirements ?“Thecoinage was model led on that o f Lyd ia ,

which fe l l before Cyrus .

I t was a bimeta ll ic currency of gold and s ilver, and the relationbetween the va lues of the two meta ls wa s fixed . Herodotus as ~

serts that gold wa s thirteen t imes more va luable than s ilver?“andXenophon in form s u s that twenty of the Pers ian s ilver coin s

pas sed for one o f gold ?“The ratio o f va lue of gold to s ilver

Herod . 3. 96 .

Herod. 3 . 95 .

X en. Anab. 1 . 7. 1 8.

238 ADMIN ISTRAT ION

was fi xed at 1 3% to 1 . The gold coin was ca l led daric, a fter

the Greek adj ective formed f ro-m Da rius ?“I t was a lso ca l led ,the pers ian archer,

’

a s it bore the impres s ion of the king holding

abow in his hand . The gold daric weighed as much as 1 30

gra ins (grm . and the s i lver coin genera l ly ca l led the shekel

weighed up to 86 gra ins (grm . Darius u sed the purestgold for . his coins , which were f or a cons iderable period , the

only gold coins in use in the world at that time . I t was the ex

elus ive roya l privilege to is sue gold coins ,but the satraps were

empowered to strike s ilver coins in their own names , and w ith

the impress ion of thei r heads upon them , when need demanded,

especia l ly on their m il itary expeditions?“These coins were in

vas t circulation, and governed the trade of As ia M inor,unti l the

fa l l of the Achaemen ian Empi re . We may derive an idea of the

enormous quantity in u se f rom Herodotus , who in form s us that

a wea lthy Lydian placed before Xerxes nearly four mi l lions of

gold da rics ?“A lexander carried away va st hoards of thi s pre

cious meta l , when he conquered Pers ia?“A cons iderable number of the gold darics and s i lver Shekels

have been discovered in recent years . They are genera l ly thick ,irregula r, inartist ic lumps o f meta l with impres s ions on both

the s ides . The coins have engraved on them on one s ide, thefigure of the king with the roya l crown on h is head

,and with

spea r andbow in his hands , or that o f the king fight ing with a

l ion, or s tanding in a chariot drawn by two hors es , with the

charioteer standing in front of him , and an attendant with a fly

chaser behind him;and on the reverse an oblong incuse with

va rious des igns ?“The s ilver Shekels that are now found inhoards , genera l ly contain some marks stamped upon them , per

haps , by the bankers or the officia l s ?“There is evidence thatf ractions of these gold and s i lver coins with the impres s ion of

the king’s head were a l so in circulation ?“P os t s and cour iers . With the vast extens ion of the empire,

See Gardner, A H is tory of Ancient Coinage, Ox ford,Ib. p. 32 .

Herod. 4. 1 66 .

Gardner. ci t. pp . 313-31 7. 333. 334.Herod. 7 . 28.

Diodorus 1 7. 66 .

Raw linson, op. ci t. 3. 343.

Gardner, op. cit. pp. 1 79, 1 80.

Ib. p . 89 .

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240 ADMINISTRATION

office ?“Capita l punishment awa ited a j udge who a l lowed him

sel f tobe br ibed ?“One o f the roya l j udges of Cambyses , whothus suff ered h imsel f to contam inate h is hands w ith base meta l ,was condemned by the king tobe put to death . The skin of his

body was then ordered tobe spread on the seat o f j udgment, and

his son who was appointed to succeed h is father a s a j udge, was

made to s it on the lega l throne cushioned with the skin of h is

father , a s a da ily wa rn ing to him of the dire consequences of

s ell ing j ustice for gold ?“I t appears that the past services of a

man who was convicted of a crime were taken into cons iderationbefore a sentence wa s

‘

pronounced upon him. Punishment wa smeted out to him only , i f , a fte r weigh ing the good andbad deedsof the whole tenor o f his l ife in the sca le o f j ustice, the latter

were found to outweigh the good act ions ?“As w ith other peoples of early times , the methods of punish

ment among the Pers ians were barbarous and cruel . In his rock

inscript ions , Darius records how he ordered the nose, the ea rs ,and the tongue of rebels cut off , and thei r eyes put out , and thevictims were fina l ly crucified ?“Muti lation o f limbs

,pelt ing to

death with stones , suff ocating with ashes , burning a l ive , confining

m a trough , flaying, and impa ling were some of the forms of

punishments ?“Pol itica l pri soners were usua l ly sent into exile ?“Herod. 3. 3 1 .

Herod. 5 . 25;7 . 1 94.

Herod. 5 . 25 .

Herod. 1 . 1 37;7 . 1 94.

Bh . 1 . 81 -83;2 . 70—79;3. 49-52 ,

83-90.

Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 7;f or re f . s ee Raw linson, op. ci t. 3. 246, 247.

Herod. 3. 93;7. 80.

CHAPTER XXXVI

WARFARE

The w arrior ’s p rofes s ion . We have a l ready seen that the

Pers ian male ch i ldren were tra ined from their tender yearsthrough rigorous d iscipl ine and hard exerci ses to enable them

to become good sold iers , when they reached manhood . Ma rtia l

spir it , courage , and warl ike d ispos ition were studious ly fos teredin all youths . Prowes s in arm s wa s regarded a s the sures t proof

of manly excel lence ,“and noble exp loits the sures t way of a tta in

ing distinction and grea tnes s .

“D is incl ination on the part o f a

subject to en l ist at the king ’s ca l l , when h e went to war wa s a

capita l crime . Darius , we are in formed by Herodotus , was peti

tioned by a father who had three sons , to spare one from joining

the expedit ion , w ith the consequence that a ll the three sons were

pu t to death by the roya l order , to set an example to others .

“Another man whose four sons had gone to the battlefield , re lyingon the roya l favour

,which he h imse l f enjoyed

,asked Xerxes to

a l low his fi fth son to rema in beh ind in the c ity to manage his la rgeestates ,but found his son cut into two by the k ing’ s command ,and placed on both the s ides of the road

,over wh ich the a rmy

wa s to pa s s? M i l itary s ervice was thus re lentles s ly enf orced

on a ll those, who cou ld bear a rm s , with the exception of the

priests . Such ca lls to arms were so frequent , and the interval s of

peace of so short duration , that compulsory serv ice must havebeen viewed with great b itternes s by those o f the king ’s subj ectswho longed f or a protracted per iod of peace , in which to fol lowtheir avocat ions unmo les ted . I t is , probab ly, to w in over the

sympathy of such clas ses o f peop le that we see Smerd is prom ising immunity f rom mi l itary serv ice f or three yea rs , when he

usurped the throne .

“D ivine a id was a lways invokedbefore s ett ing ou t on an

exp edit ion . In h is rock ins criptions , Da rius repea tedly a scribes

Herod. 1 . 1 36 . Herod. 4 . 84. Herod. 3. 67 .

Herod. 3. 1 54. Herod. 7 . 38-40.

241

242 WARFARE

a ll his victories to the help wh ich he received from Auramazda .

The Magi accompan ied the a rm ies w ith the sacred fi re , kept it

burning on the field, and off ered prayers in its pres ence f or the

triumph of the Pers ian a rms . Herodotus mention s in connectionwith the expedit ion of Xerxes , th’ e/ hQJL charEt drawM ght

wh ite horses,with the char ioteer wa lking on foot behind them ,

holding the re ins in h is hands , a s it was cons idered impious f ora morta l to mount the s acred car .

“S acrificial off erings and l iba

t ions to the heaven ly beings were made by the Magi a t variou s

s tages on the march , and the king and his Pers ian soldiers off eredtheir prayers .

“Before cros s ing the br idge that wa s to land thegrand a rmy o f Xerxes on the land o f Europe, l ibations were

poured , a fter sunrise , f rom a go lden gob let into the s ea . The

goblet and a short Pers ian sword , we are informed , were then

thrown into the sea . The whole bridge was meanwhile strewed

with myrtle boughs and per fumed w ithbu rning ‘

incense ?

As trologers were l ikew ise consulted to foretel l the i s sues of

war like undertakings , to find out the propitious s ign ificance o f

the portents o f the ecl ipses , that took p lace in the m idst of warl ike preparations .

“Ga ther ing the s inews of w ar . When the king decided to

embark upon a wa r,he dispatched h is hera lds to the governors

of his satrapies and to the va s sa l kings and commanded - them to

supply himw ith fighting men,horses , provi s ions , ships , and trans

ports?“Subj ect nat ion s that l ived by the Side of rivers , wh ich

the armies of the king should happen to cros s on thei r march ,were a sked to bridge them

,to dig cana ls where neces sary, or

to make cables f or the bridges ?“Darius, we are in formed

,caused

two p i l lars of wh ite ma rble tobe erected on the shores o f the

Bosphorus , which wa s br idged by h is command , and ordered thenames of a ll the nations that formed h is a rmy on his expedit ionaga inst the Scyth ians tobe inscr ibed on them ?“Over s ixty di ff erent races , observing d iverse fa iths , and speaking a number of

languages furn ished the land army and the fleet of Xerxes , when

Herod. 7. 40.

Herod. 7 . 43, 53, 1 1 3, 1 1 4, 1 80, 1 9 1 .

8 Herod. 7 . 54.

Herod. 7 . 1 2 , 14, 1 9 , 37;Pluta rch, Alexander, 2 . 478.

Herod. 2 . 1;3. 1 , 44;4. 83, 89;5 . 26;6 . 6 , 48, 95;7 . 1 , 2 1 .

Herod. 4. 83;7. 22 -25, 34.

Herod. 4. 87.

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244 WARFARE

number d ied , his place wa s a t once fi l led up by another , so that

their number shou ld at no timebe more or les s than exactly ten

thousand . Over the capta ins of the above named s evera l groups

were appointed s ix officers in h igh command , and the entire force

wa s p laced under the supreme command o f the commander-inchie f , who wa s the king h im sel f ?“In abs ence of the king, thecommand wa s given to a Pers ian or a Median ?“I f the kingwas not s at isfied w ith the work of a commander , he removed

h im and s et another in his p lace .

O n to th e fi eld . Arrangements were made on a large sca le,when the army wa s ready to march , and everyth ing wa s so man

aged that the movements were marked with strict regula rity and

order . We have from Herodotu s an interes ting descr iption of the

way in which the hos ts of Xerxes moved f rom the headqua rters .

The baggage-bearers and sumpter beas ts carrying heavy baggage ,we are in formed , moved in the f ront , and were fol lowed by aboutha l f the a rmy of var ious nations . A cons iderab le empty space

was then lef t between them and the rema in ing part of the army .

A thousand o f the bes t Pers ian hors emen began the l ine of the

s econd ha l f o f the troops , and were fol lowed immediately by a

thousand o f the bes t spearmen ,w ith their spear

-heads pointing

to the ground . Then came ten of the s acred hors es , da inti lycaparisoned , fol lowed by the holy char iot, drawn by eight m ilk

white steeds . The king now rode in a char iot,with the charioteer

s tanding by his s ide . H e occa s iona l ly a l ighted f rom his chariotand trave l led in a l itter . He wa s fo l lowedby a thousand bravePers ian spearmen ,

with a thousand picked Pers ian h orsemenbehind them . Then came the bes t ten thousand , the Immorta ls , onfoot . Thes e carr ied spears ornamented w ith golden or s ilver

pomegranates . They were fol lowed by the best ten thousandhorsemen . An empty space divided these and the rema iningtroops which fol lowed in a long drawn l ine ?“The came l corpswa s pa rticularly kept la s t of a ll

,a s it wa s bel ieved that the

came ls f rightened the hors es ?“In add ition to the troops and the camp -bearers

,hera lds , s couts ,

scribes , and numerous other men attached to the army for vari

Herod. 7 . 81 -83;c f . X en . Cyrop. 8. 1 . 1 4.

Herod. 5 . 2 , 2 5 .

Herod. 6 . 94Herod. 7 . 40, 41 .

Herod. 1 . 80;7. 87;Xen. Cyrop. 7 . 1 . 2 7, 48.

WARFARE 245

ous services , there was the roya l household?“concub ines of the

king and of the Pers ian commanders , trave l l ing in l itters , eunuchs ,and attendants , that added to the motley th rong

?“Bes ides taking large quantities o f provis ions and food a long

w ith the a rmy , elabora te precautions were taken to lay up vas t

s tores o f provis ions f or the a rmy , horses and beas ts of burden ,

a t various convenient places , th rough wh ich the a rmy wa s to

pa s s?“S imilarly, sh ips ca rried va s t s tores and s teered thei r

way in such a manner a s tobe clos e to the land forces ?“Byway of further precautions , the king s ent hera lds to a ll p lacesthrough wh ich his troops were to pas s , tobe prepa red to fea sthim and his army . This roya l behes t was carried out a t an

enormous cos t to the peop le of thos e p laces?“The countries tha t

were conquered supp l ied corn?“In sp ite of a ll such a rrange

ments , when, provis ions fa iled in the mids t o f fighting operat ions ,cava l ry horses and sumpter beas ts were s laughtered to feed thetroops

?“Arms and armour . The foot soldiers and horsemen were

armed a l ike , w ith the d iff erence tha t the latter usua l ly wore helmets of bras s or s teel ?“Among the weapons u sed for off ens ive

purposes , maybe mentioned , fi rs t , thebow which wa s of um

common s ize , and the a rrows of reed . Thebow which had bothits extremities ending in an outward curve , was ca rr ied on the

left shoulder , w ith the a rm pas s ed through it or le f t hanging a t

the lef t s ide , and the a rrow s were carried in quivers hanging a t

the back ?“A sword resemb l ing a dagger lay suspended f romthe gird le in a sheath a long the right th igh ?“A short spea r

made o f cornel-wood ,“7 a spear w ith a golden and s ilver pomegranate or apple a t its lower end?

“or a long spea r , such as

Darius I I I u sed aga ins t the Macedonians?“was another weapon

Herod . 8. 1 03, 1 04, 1 07;Pluta rch , A lexander, 2 . 480.

Herod. 7 . 83, 187;8. 104, 1 05;9 . 76 , 8 1;Pluta rch, A lexander, 2Herod. 7 . 25 .

Herod. 4. 97;6 . 44;7 . 1 86,1 9 1 .

Herod. 7 . 32 , 1 1 8, 1 1 9 .

Herod. 7 . 50.

Raw l ins on , Five Grea t Mona rchies , 3. 503.

Herod. 7 . 84 .

Herod. 1 . 2 1 4;5 . 49;7 . 6 1,2 18;X en . Anab. 3. 4. 1 7 .

Herod. 7 . 54, 6 1;X en . Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 1 3 : 2 . 1 . 9 , 1 6;7 . 1 . 2 .

Herod. 7 . 2 1 1;X en. Cyrop. 7 . 1 . 2 .

Herod. 7 . 41 .

Diordorus 47. 53. 1 .

246 WARFARE

of importance . A formidable weapon us ed ch iefly by horsemenwas the j avel in . Two were a lways carried by each man, the one

to fl ing and the other to s tab ?“The battle-axe,bi l l

, sp iked ba l l ,and s l ing were other fam il ia r weapons of the Pers ians

?“The foot-soldiers did not

,wear helmets l ike the horsemen

,butordinary t ia ra s ?“The tun ics with which they covered their

bodies had fixed upon them iron s ca les , l ike those o f a fi sh ?“They wore corse lets over the brea s t?“or brea st-plates com

posed of iron sca les?“or even o f gold sca les in the case of thosein high command ?“The soldiers bore wicker sh ields?“whichwere held in the left hands ?“The sh ields were la rge enough

to cover the wa rrior f rom head to foot, and when a numberwere set s ide by s ide, with overlapping edges , an a ff ective brea st

work or rampart wa s formed , from behind which the a rchersshot their a rrows ?“The horses were protected with bra zenforehead pieces , brea stplates , and shoulder and thigh p ieces

?“The w ar ch a r iot s When the king went to the field

,he

drove in a chariot, a ccompan ied by a charioteer, and f rom it

is sued his commands to the offi cers and troops ?“Chariots werea lso formidable instruments on the battlefield , large numbers of

them being often the wheels having i ron scythes fixedto them on each s ide , enabled the infl iction of cons iderabledamage to the enemy forces , when driven through thei r lines ?“Theirlong axletrees gave such a breadth that they could notbe eas i lyoverturned ?“Cha riots were drawn by either two or four

horses ?“There was a door a t the rea r, which was closed , whenthe driver and the combatant had entered ?“The charioteer was

Herod. 9 . 49;Xen. Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 9;Anab. 1 . 8. 3.“Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 9;X en . Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 9;7 . 4. 1 1,1 4, 1 5;8. 8. 23;

Anab. 3. 3. 6;4. 1 6.

Herod. 7 . 6 1;Strabo 1 5. 3. 1 9 .

Herod. 7 . 6 1 .

Herod. 1 . 1 35;X en . Cyrop. 1 . 1 3;2 . 1 . 9 . 1 6;6 . 4. 1 .

Herod. 7 . 6 1;8. 1 1 3;X en. Cyrop. 7 . 1 . 2;Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 9 .

Herod. 9 . 2 2 .

Herod. 7 . 6 1 9 . 6 1 -63;Xen. Cyrop. 8. 8. 23;Anab. 1 . 8. 9;Strabo1 5 3. 1 9 .

X en . Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 1 3;2 . 1 . 9 , 1 6 .

Herod. 9 . 6 1, 99 , 102 .

X en. Cyrop. 6 . 4. 1;7 . 1 . 2;8. 8. 22 .

Herod. 7 . 40, 1 00;X en. Anab. 1 . 2 . 1 8. 3.

Cf. Herod. 7 . 86;see Raw l inson, op. ci t. 3, 1 79 , n. 1 0.

X en . Cyrop. 6 . 1 . 30;6 . 2 . 7 , 8;7. 1 . 31 , 47;8. 8. 24;Anab. 1 . 8. 1 0.

X en . Cyrop. 6 . 1 . 29 .

For ref . see Raw l inson, op. cit. 3. 181 , n . 9 , 10.

X en. Cyrop. 6. 4. 10.

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248 WARFARE

In fixing the order of the battle , the centre was rega rded as

the place of s a fety, and consequently the infantry was placed

there . When the king led the a rmies hims el f , he rema ined in

the centre , mounted on hors eback , and surrounded by a mountedguard ?“When the cha r iots were used in the battle, they were

s tationed in the f ront , w ith the cava lry on the two wings ?“The firs t l ine o f foot soldiers wa s severa l men deep . They

darted their arrows f rom behind the rampart of the i r shields?“and were fol lowed by the j avel in th rowers and s l ingers . Xeno

phon re la tes that huge moving towers were fixed on wagons ,drawn by s ixteen oxen ,

and mounted by twenty men w ith thei r

j avel ins and s l ings ?“We find that an elephant corps was brought

to the field in the batt le of Arbela by the las t of the Achaemen

ians ?“When the enemy wa s a t close quarters , the battle cry

wa s ra is ed with the s inging of war songs , and the troops were

ordered to attack ?“When the king wa s himsel f'

in command,he conducted the attack

, or watched the battle f rom a dis tance ?“When the enemy had taken refuge in h is country , and shut

hims el f w ith in h is defences , the place wa s bes ieged . Such s iegess ometimes las ted f or a cons iderable t ime, before the town wa s

captured by s tratagem , or forced to capitulate ow ing to the shortage o f provis ions

?“Mounds of earth were heaped up aga instthe wa l ls of the town to fa cil ita te s ca l ing?“towers were erectednear the wa l ls , and ladders w ere placed to climb up?

“the wa l ls

were o ften underm ined to make a breach?“or a rrows w ith piecesof l ighted tow attached to them were darted to set fi re to the

barricade ?“Th e fleet . The Pers ians were not a nautica l people , and

though thei r va st conques ts had made them ma sters of the wa tersof the Pers ian Gul f , the Ca spian , and the Mediterranean S eas ,

they had no dockya rds , and bu ilt no ships?“For serv ice on the

X en . Anab. 1 . 8. 24, Raw linson, op. ci t. 3. 533.

S ee Raw linson, op. ci t. 3. 1 82 , 533.

Herod. 9 . 6 1 .

X en . Cyrop. 6 . 1 . 52 -54;7 . 1 . 39 .

Raw l inson, op. ci t. 532 , 534.

X en . Cyrop. 7 . 1 . 25, 26 .

Herod. 7 . 2 1 2 .

Herod . 3. 1 5 1 , 1 52 .

Herod. 1 . 1 62 .

X en. Cyrop. 7 . 2 . 2 .

Herod. 4. 200;5 . 1 1 5;6 . 18.

Herod. 8. 52 .

Ct. Herod. I . 143.

WARFARE 249

sea ,they depended entirely upon their subj ect races , to whom

hera lds were d ispatched w ith roya l command in time of war ,

to supply contingents o f ships and transports f or the fleet ?“When the Phoen icians were subdued , they suppl ied the ma in sea

service?“but la ter, over a dozen nava l s ta tes thus contributed

to the mak ing of the Pers ian fleet ?“Bes ides this , the people

dwe l l ing by the sea were compe l led to furnish ships and men for

the Pers ian fleet , when it pa s s ed by the ir countries?“S ix hun

dred large ves sels sa iled f or Ionia with Darius?“and a ltogether

five thousand heavy and l ight boats and transports are s a id to

have formed the fleet o f Xerxes , when he ca rried h is legions intoGreece ?“The ships employed were of diff erent cla s ses , some

were big enough to accommodate about two hundred and thi rty

persons , some were thirty or fi fty oared ga l leys , and others werel ight The crews of the ves sel s were composed of thosenations , which supp l ied the ships . The la rges t cla s s of ships wa s

each manned by two hundred foreign sa ilors , and ca rried thirtyfight ing men,

who were a lways Pers ians , Medes , and

The commanders of the fleet were Pers ians of di s tinction .

The chief in command was respons ible f or the s a fety of the

fleet, and the d iscipl ine of the crews and fighting men . He wenthis rounds to vis it the wa tches on boa rd the ships?

“and is sued

orders to his s ta ff . When the king accompanied the fleet, heregulated the conduct of the fight in consultation w ith the chie f

commanders . When the‘ great fleet o f Xerxes was ready for

action aga ins t the enemy , he sat in a ves sel under a golden awn

ing, and sa i led round the entire fleet , making enquir ies and ordering h is s cribe to note down important matters

?“When the

battle had begun ,he watched it f rom the shore?“and whenever he

saw any of his capta ins per forming worthy exploits , he had his

Herod. 6 . 48;7 . 1 , 2 1 .

Herod. 3. 1 9 .

Herod. 3. 44; 5 . 26;6 6;7. 2 1 , 89 -9 5 ,Herod. 7 . 1 10

,1 1 5 , 1 22 .

Herod. 4. 87;6 . 9 . 95.

Herod . 7 . 89 , 97 , 1 84, 1 85 .

Herod . 7 . 97, 1 84.

Herod. 7 . 96 , 1 84.

Herod. 4. 1 67;5 . 32;7 . 97;8. 89 , 1 30.

Herod. 5 . 33.

Herod. 7 . 1 00.

Herod. 8. 69.

250 WARFARE

scribe record his name?“or whenever he thought it neces sary ,he embarked in a ves sel .

Just a s the tributary nat ions were compel led to furnish ships

and crews , s o were they compel led to dig cana ls?“to build br idges

of boats?“

or to make cables of papyrus and flax f or the

Xerxes cons tructed two floating bridges of boats ,ranged close together w ith a wooden p latform which was cov

ered with earth and brushwood , and flanked by h igh bulwarks

on both s ides . The two bridges connected the As iatic and Euro

pean shores . H is infantry and cava lry pa s sed over one bridge,and the sumpter beas ts and camp fol lowers cros sed by the

The nava l figh t . The chief nava l tactics employed by the

Pers ian fleet was to row their ves sels skil ful ly at fu l l speed

aga inst those of the enemy , and to hur l them aga inst the vul

nerable pa rt s of the enemy ’s ships , so a s to s ink or disable them .

When the ves sels came at clos e quarters , the soldiers on the

ships of the fleet , fought s tubbornly . The great bulk of the P er

s ian fleet , however, wa s O ften an occas ion of disaster to thei r

masters . The ships being in such a la rge number were often

so closely crowded together , that great confus ion resulted, and

better chances of a ttack were aff orded to the enemy , who ad

vantageou sly handled his comparatively fewer ves sels in regu

lar order, and infl icted great damage upon the

The treatment of the vanqu ish ed . Herodotus a ttes ts that

the Pers ians were generous in their trea tment o f the vanquished,and that they were wont to show honour to an enemy who hadfought The sons of rebe l chie fs were treated with

great cons idera tion and, sometimes , were even gi ven rule overthei r fa thers ’ territories ?“At . times , the conquered king wasmade to l ive during the rema inder o f his l i fe at the Pers ian court

,

as an honoured guest of the Inhabitants of a captured

place secured thei r f reedom by paying tribute and submittingto mil ita ry s ervice, a s required ?“On other occas ions , the prisoners of war were removed from . thei r own country, and sett led

Herod. 8. 90. Herod. 8. 1 6 , 86 , 89 .

Herod. 7 . 1 28. Herod. 6 . 30;7. 1 81, 238.

Herod. 7. 1 22 . Herod. 3. 1 5.

Herod. 4. 85, 87;7. 24. Herod. 1 . 1 30, 1 53, 207;3. 36.

Herod. 7 . 25, 34. Herod. 1 . 1 69 .

Herod. 7. 55.

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CHAPTER XXXVII

ART AND ARCHITECTURE

Arch i tectura l rema ins . Though the ravages o f t ime have

level led to the ground the mos t impos ing edifices of this period ,the ruins that s t i l l rema in serve to revea l the depa rted grandeur

o f Pers ian a rchitectura l mas terp ieces . The modern des cendants

of thebuilders o f these monuments are indebted to western

s cholarship and enterpri se , for the reviva l of the ir a rchitectura l

glory by means of elaborate a rcheologica l researches , no les s

than f or the phi lologica l interpretation of thei r s acred l iterature .

The admirable results o f the laborious work o f the explorers ,excavators , and decipherers in the field of I ran ian a rcheologica l

resea rch , during the pas t seventy-five years , have been publ ished

in many e legantly printed and a rt is tica l ly i l lus trated volumes .

Th e royal arch itect ure . The a rchaeologica l remnants o f this

period , which enable u s to form an idea o f the a rchitectura lglory of the Achaemenians , a re chiefly o f the

'

palaces , in which

the great kings l ived , and o f the funera ry s tructures which re

ceived their morta l rema ins . The Achaemen ian kings , who re

s tored and rebu ilt the temple of a subject people and who re

peatedly a scr ibed their greatnes s to Auramazda ,would natura l lybe expected to ra ise s tructura l monuments of exquis ite grandeur

and beauty, a s houses of worship . No rel ics , however, of the

res idences of the common people have yet been definitely identified . The I ran ian gen ius in arch itecture ha s d isp layed its bestin the cons tru ction of the pa laces . Strabo mentions on the au

thority of Polycletus , a contempora ry of A lexander , that everynew king constructed a new pa lace , which bore his name, and

had his image engraved upon it, together w ith a cluster of bui ld

ings , wh ich s erved a s trea suries and s torehouses to receive the

va s t tributes from the subject races Pa sargadae and Persepolis ,Ecbatana and Sus a ,

had the ir great pa laces of d iff erent des ignsand dimens ions ,but sma l l pa laces were a lso cons tructed in other

Ezra - 1 1;3. 7;4. 3;6 . 1 -1 5;I s . 2 Chron. 36. 22 , 23.

Strabo 1 5 . 3. 2 1 .

ART AND ARCHITECTURE 253

centres o f les ser importance , in the neighbourhood of the sea , or

nea r h il ls noted for their brac ing c l imate ? The builders of these

magnificent ed ifices , wh ich perpetuated in stone the names of

their roya l masters , drew their inspirat ion f rom Assyria , Babylon ia and Egypt . Though the Pers ians , thus , borrowed much thatwa s fine in the a rch itectura l treasure of the nations conqueredby them ,

their a rch itects adapted and a s s imilated , added and

a l tered much o f their own w ith great mechanica l ski l l and createda s tyle cha racteri stica l ly Pers ian . Greek a rtis ans and cra f tsmen

were employed in large numbers to work w ith the ski l led Pers ianworkmen .

The pa laces . The outstanding feature of the roya l res i

dences is that they a re constructed on e levated p latforms of huge

dimens ions upheld by a rtificia l platforms o f hewn l imes tone of

va st s ize , which cou l dbe obta ined in grea t abundance f rom the

rocky soi l of Pers ia . The pa laces that s tood on e levated p latforms , enabled their roya l occupants to look down from thei r

ma jes tic height upon the city that s tretched at their feet . The

blocks of s tone were fa stened together without cement by meta l

clamps . The great plat form a t Persepol is is about feet in

lengt h and about feet in breadth , and ranges between 20

and 50 feet in height above the pla in , according to the elevation

of the severa l terraces . These h igh terraces a re reached by elaborate sta ircases , so spac ious , and of so gentle a s lope, that a

group o f pers ons on horseback , ten abreast , can r ide w ith ea se

up the doub le ramping fl ights . The grand s tairca se is genera l lycons idered to have no equa l in ancient or modern world in pointof magnificence , grandeur , and beauty .

The wa l ls flank ing the s ta irca se are elaborate ly ornamentedw ith sculptures inba s -re l ief representing the various scenes of

the court l ife . The more conspicuous figures wh ich decoratethe terrace wa ll s are of a l ion combating with a bu l l or devour ingit;of rows o f guardsmen with spears or swords or shields or

abow and quiver;o f household a ttendants ca rrying in hand

materia ls for banquet or toi let;of men o f conquered nations ,clad in d iverse cos tumes bringing tribute and gi fts , accompaniedby horses and donkeys;of ca ttle and sheep ,

char iots and came l s;of beautifu l ly carved rows of cypres s trees and rosettes , and of

inscriptions on tablets commemorating the name o f the king .

C f . Strabo 1 5 . 3. 3.

254 ART AND ARCHITECTURE

In.

the palaces at Persepol i s , these ornamenta l sculptures are

carved on stone,bu t at Sus a where stone had tobe brought f roma great distance and at a cons iderable inconven ience , figures of

a rchers , lions and other obj ects and decorat ions are fa shioned ou t

of enamel led clay . The a rtr of impa rting var ious colours by giv

ing va rying degree o f heat to diff erent c lays , was borrowed bythe Pers ians f rom the Cha ldaeans , and wa s util ized in decoratingthe s ta irca se, wa l l s and other parts of the pa laces .

On the grand plat form stands the roya l pa laces , the larges t

of which covering an a rea of over sq. f t .

, the private

apa rtments , harems , and bui ldings to accommodate the bodyguards , household s ervants , menia ls , and the numerous retinue

o f the king;the Audience Ha l l in wh ich , on great occa s ions , the

king sat enthroned , on an elevated sea t , with a ll rega l pomp , to

rece ive tributa ry chief s , foreign ambas sadors,and high person

ages . Two w inged , human-headed bulls , As syr ian in cha racter ,flank the ma s s ive porta ls of the p ropy laea ,

which lead to the

pa lace and guard the roya l gates . The most conspicuou s feature

of the magn ificent edifice , is the hypostyle construction of the

ha l l , pronounced tobe the creation of the Pers ian architect .

“Here the a rch itect manages to support the roof on fluted columns ,each rest ing on a r ichly carved bel l-shaped ba se, and gently tapering towards the top . The la rgest number of columns known to

have supported one of the most magn ificent s tructures , as seen

from the rema ins stil l ex isting, is one hundred . The capita lon the top of the column 1 5 regarded a s typica l ly Pers ian in its

origin , and the most characteristic feature of the architecture o f

th is period .

“I t cons ists of two bulls , or of two un icorns , withthei r faces turned in Oppos ite directions , and w ith their legs

f olded back . The height of each column is over s ixty feet, withonly two or three sections . .The columns were evident ly spanned

by wooden beams , over which rested the elaborately constructedfla t roof . In addition to inscribing h is name in d iff erent pa rt sof the roya l edifices , the king ha s his images carved in diff erent

pos itions . On the doorways , he is represented a s combatingwith conventiona l ized monsters;or a s wa lking on foot , at

tended by bearers oi umbrel la , fly-flap , and roya l handkerchief;

garrot

S

and Chipiez, H is tory of Art in P ers ia, p 66, London,1 892 .

p . 7 .

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256 ART AND ARCHITECTURE

and the right hand ra i sed in pious adoration of Auramazda ,whos e w inged effigy is seen floating above . Facing the mon

a rch , is the s acred fi re burning in the vase, and the sun shining

high up beh ind the d ivine figure . The diff erent tombs o f thiscla s s are a ll bu i lt on the model of the tomb of Da rius , who a i

fixes his s ignature and descr ibes in brie f h is ach ievements and

exhortations f or truth in trilingua l inscript ion .

“Cuneiform ins cript ion s . A s the magn ificent roya l s tructures

were des igned to perpetuate the grea tnes s and glory of the

mighty rulers , more direct means were adopted to inscribe theirach ievements in s tone , in cunei form script which was borrowed

f rom the Baby lonians and As syrians . The inscriptions are

carved in no les s than three languages,the origina l in ofli cial

Pers ian , and two vers ions in Baby lonian and E lamitic . Twenty

five centuries have elaps ed , s ince the ingen ious s culptors ch isel ledon the porta ls and pa lace wa l ls , the p latform and tombs , rocksand pil lars

,in wedge-shaped writing, the glor ious records of

their roya l masters , yet the inscriptions have survived the ravagesof time to commemorate the pas t grea tnes s of the Pers ian kings .

The cunei form inscr iptions lay dumb and dead f or ages , andthei r modern decipherment wi l l rema in a memorable achieve

ment of the n ineteenth century . I t ha s fa llen to the lot of a

noble band of wes tern scholars and travel lers to discover and

decipher the inscr iptions , and to force them to yield up the i r

s ecrets . Most noted among these, a re Groten f end , the firs t to

d iscover the key to unlock the great trea sure,and Rawl inson ,

the foremost to make the inscript ions known to the world in a

way that wil l know no death . Wel l have they earned the bles sings of Dar ius , wh ich he pronounces w ith prophetic ins ight inh is great inscriptions at Behis tan , upon those who would rescueh is record f rom obl ivion .

The glypt ic art . The art of cutting and engraving s ea l s , s ignets and gems was developed to a cons iderable extent , and the

precious rema ins discovered of this a rt,represent various themes

worked by the artist . A s ignet-cy l inder of Da rius,f or example ,

ha s the king ’s name engraved on it in a tri lingua l inscription .

The king is represented a s hunting a l ion f rom his chariot,driven by a char ioteer s tanding in f ront of h im . The beas t isshown stand ing on his hind legs and is pierced w ith two a rrows ,

Ib. pp . 296 -300, 31 9 .

ART AND ARCH ITECTURE 257

and a young l ion has fa llen on the ground . The hunting s ceneis enclosed between two pa lms , and the conventiona l d ivine figure

is carved floating above . Another cyl inder dep icts the’

k ing w ith

his quiver th rown behind his s hou lder, and hold ing an enemy w ithone hand , and piercing him with a spea r held in the other . The

enemy is s een bending on one knee and turn ing for mercy, and

four other foes are stand ing beh ind the k ing w ith thei r handsbehind their backs and their necks tied by a rope . A Pers iana rcher , the king combating with one or two anima l s , and s imilardes igns are tobe noticed on the extant specimens of the glypticart of the Achaemenians .

“We have a l ready seen, that the goldand s ilver coins s truck during the per iod , are mos tly inart is t icin des ign , with uncouth l ikenesses of the kings in different poses ,carved on one s ide, and with va riou s des ign s on the reverse .

‘C f . Perrot and Chipiez, op. ci t. pp. 45 1 -457.

CHAPTER XXXVIII

DRESS AND ORNAMENTS

Dres s . In the1 r ea rly poor condition , when the Pers ians had

not yet risen to em inence,they wore garments made of leather .“

Like many other things which they borrowed f romthe Medes ,when they replaced them in power , they adopted the Median

dres s , recogniz ing it a s super ior to their own .

“S trabo relates

that the tiara , tunics with s leeves reaching to the hands , and

trousers suitable to the co ld cl imate of Media , were adopted

by the Pers ians , though they l ived in a warmer cl imate in the

south .

“The robe of honour wh ich formed the specia l gi ft , when

the king w ished to bestow a mark of roya l favour upon deserving persons , was a lways known a s the Median robe .

“Th is robewa s u sua l ly o f purple or s carlet colour .“I t wa s cons ideredindecorous to leave any part of the body bare,

“consequently,the

dres s covered an individua l from head to foot ? Triple drawers ,a double tun ic with s leeves reach ing to the knees , a white undergarment with the upper garments o f diff erent colours , consti

tuted the dres s of the chief s . Th ey wore a cloak o f purp le or

violet or of other va riegated co lours .

“The head wa s coveredwith a turban ,

“wh ich according to S trabo, resembled that of theMagi?“or w ith a fi llet , or with a piece o f fine l inen wrappedround the head ?“A l inen shirt wa s worn next to the skin . Atun ic made o f leather or of coars e or fine cloth , w ith looses leeves worn over the under-shirt

,covered the body f rom the

neck to the ankle, and fitted it t ightly . Around the wa ist , wa sa gi rdle knotted at the f ront . A pair of ordina ry or embroidered

HerOd . 1 . 7 1 .

Herod. 1 . 1 35 .

S trabo 1 1 . 1 3. 9 .

Herod. 3. 84;7 . 1 1 6;X en . Cyrop. 8. 3. 1 .

X en . Cyrop. 8. 3. 3.

Rapp , The Religion a nd Cus toms of the P ers ians and other I rani

ans , t r . Cama . pp . 3 1 1 , 3 1 2 .

Strabo 1 1 . 1 3. 9 .

S trabo 1 5 . 3. 1 9 .

Herod. 5 . 49 .

1 ° Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 9 .

Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 9 .

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CHAPTER XXXIX

FOOD AND DRINK

Food . In thei r ear l ier days , when the conquests of diff erent

countries had not brought them vast riches , and acqua inted them

w ith . luxuriou s food and delicacies , the Pers ians contented them

selves w ith pla in and s imple food .

“But a s they ros e in power

and wea lth , the rich among them s tocked their tables with delicious courses , sweets , and del icacies . New dishes and s auceswere contrived by clever cooks for the rich .

“Wheat andbarley among the gra ins , and the flesh of goats and sheep , oxen and

as ses , horses and came l s , s tags and w ild-boars , geese and

ostriches , with poultry, fi sh , and f ru its formed the ch ief a rticleso f food consumed by diff erent classes , a s thei r means permitted

?

Per s ian enterta inments were very expens ive , says Strabo . En

tire anima l s , he adds , were brought upon the table ? Meat was

either boiled or roa sted , or sometimes the anima l wa s cooked

whole .

“At rel igious festiva l s , when an an ima l wa s s acrificed ,it wa s cut into pieces and boi led , and when the priest had fin

ished his ceremony over the flesh , it wa s u sed f or food .

“Cyrusenterta ined h is a rmy with sheep , goats , oxen , and bread .

“I t issa id , that no les s than fi fteen thousand persons were f ed da i ly

by the kings , within the boundary o f the pa lace,and a thousand

bea sts , with large numbers of feathered game and poultry , were

required for each repa st .“Herodotus s tates that the Pers ians

a te more of deserts than sol id dishes , and adds that the deserts

were not served on the table, all at once ,but by short interva ls .

“In former times , the people were accustomed to have only one

Herod. 1 . 7 1 .

X en . Cyrop. 8. 8. I 6.

Raw l inson , Five Great Monarchies , 3. 235-237.

Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 9 .

Herod . 1 . 1 33.

Herod. 1 . 1 32 .

Herod. 1 . 1 26 .

Raw l inson , op. ci t. 3. 2 1 4.

Herod. 1 . 1 33.

FOOD AND DRINK 26 1

full mea l a day?“Poor people s at on the floor to pa rtake o f

thei r mea ls ,bu t rich families used tables for the purpose .

Dr ink. Herodotus s ta tes that the Pers ians were not ao

qua inted w ith the luxury of wine in thei r ea rlier days , and drank

wa ter only?“Cyrus , the founder of the empire , is shown serv

ing wine to his a rmy ?“The fondnes s for drinking wine latergrew among the pe0p1e o f all clas ses , and la rge quantit ies were

consumed ?“I t became a matter of pride for a man tobe able todrink and bea r much w ine ?“Aff a irs of importance were dis

cussed a t'

night , under the exh ilarating influence of w ine , and , in

the morn ing, the mas ter of the house la id the results of de l iberat ion be fore a ll for their approva l ?“Rich famil ies used ornamented cups to drink w ine ?“The offi ce of cup

-bea rers , whoserved wine at the roya l court , wa s a pos ition o f honour ?“Atroya l banquets , r ich wine wa s served to the roya lty in goldengoblets , whereas the others sha red an infer ior beverage ?“S trabos tates tha t the roya l wine was imported f rom Syria ?“

X en. Cyrop. I . 2 . 1 1;8. 8. 9 .

Herod. 1 . 7 1 .

Herod. 1 . 1 26 .

Herod. 1 . 1 33.

S ee Rapp, tr. Cama , p . 285 .

Herod. 1 . 1 33;cf . Strabo 1 5 . 3.

Strabo 1 5 . 3. 1 9 .

Herod. 3. 34.

Raw linson, op. cit. 3. 2 1 4, 2 1 5 .

Strabo 1 5 . 3. 22 .

CHAPTER XL

AMUSEMENTS

D ivers ions and sports . We have not much in formation re

garding the amusements , indulged in by ord inary pe0p1e . Footraces and horse races , w res tl ing and j avel in throw ing , swimming,and other a thletic sports , formed part o f the tra ining of the

youth . Indulgence in some of these sportive exercises;or w itnes s ing them a s performed by others on fes tive occa s ions , proba

b ly s erved the common people, a s a means to amuse the m ind

and begui le time . Mus ica l instruments , we have s een , were em

p loyed in war , and the army ma rched to the sound of pipes and

the beating of drums . S imi la rly , they formed part in the roya l

proces s ions , and on occas ions o f public rej o1c1ng,but we do not

know , to what degree o f perfection mus ic wa s cultiva ted in the

private l ife of the people . I t is certa in ,that it never formed a

concom itant to rel igious s ervices , and Herodotus , who describes

the mode of sacrificia l ritua l,a ttes ts that it wa s a ccompan ied by

the sound o f no mus ica l ins trument .

“Pluta rch s tates that the king of ten begu iled his roya l ca res by

p laying d ice in the pa lace w ith the members o f h is fam ily . The

s takes often rose to a thousand gold coins , or for the persons

of s laves and eunuchs .

“The chas e . The chief source o f amusement of the king and

courtiers and men of upper clas ses wa s hunting . S tags and ante

lopes , wi ld a s ses and w i ld boars , bea rs and leopards were the

usua l chie f game .

“We have a lready spoken of the s ignet cylindersand gems with the king’s figure engraved upon them , represent

ing him a s hunting a lion f rom h is cha riot . The king, a s a rule ,wa s accompan ied on the hunt by his favourites and great persons

of the rea lm .

“I t wa s , however, an act’

of unpardonable a ffront

to the king f or any one of the royal party to discharge his a rrow,

Herod. 1 . 1 32 . X en . Cyrop. 1 . 4. 7 .

P luta rch, Artaxerxes , 3. 464, 465. X en. Cyrop. 1 . 2 . 9 .

262

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A PERIOD OF STAGNATION

From B .C . 330 to AD . 2 25

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268 ZOROASTRIANI

CIVILIZATION ARRESTED

o f Alexander , and a ll important offices in the country, under theSe leucids were held by them . When the Greco-Macedon ian rule

wa s supplanted by the Pa rthian , the contact of Pers ia with the

pe0p1e of the West , did not cease enti rely . The Parthians took

pride in ca l l ing thems elves‘. P hilhellenics , and had a veneer o f

Greek C ivi l ization . Pa rthia , bes ides , wa s in constant war with

Rome, and Roman legions penetrated the Parthian regions . The

Pers ians now living a s a subj ect people in the land o f their an

ces tors , had thus the Opportunity of keep ing uninterrupted , their

intercours e w ith the Wes t , which had firs t begun under the early

Achaemen ians . I t wa s at th is period that the worsh ip of M ithra ,

a Zoroas trian angel,s trongly influenced the western armies .

Among his many functions , M ithra was a lso the angel of war .

When the Pa rthian and Roman a rm ies fought w ith fluctuating

result , M ithra triumphed in completely conquering the Romansoldiers to his cu l t . When the war l ike votaries

—o f M ithra re

turned to Europe , they sowed the seeds of the M ithra ic cult inRome, a s early a s the second ha l f of the fi rst century B .C . The

new cult spread f ar and wide in Europe, unti l in 307 A .D . ,

D iocletian officia l ly recognized M ithra as the Protector o f the

Roman Empire.

Christian propaganda now spread in Pers ia , which , as we sha l l

have occa s ion to see in subs equent pages , wa s des tined to grow

into a great sp i ritua l force to conf ront the state rel igion of

Sasanian I ran .

Th e Aves tan and O ld P ers ian languages supplantedby theP ah lavi . The mos t s ignificant change that took place during the

a l ien rule in Pers ia ,was the pas s ing away of the Aves tan tongue

o f the K ianians , and of the O ld Pers ian of the Achaemen ians .

The way in which the new language o riginated , and the proces s

of the Semiti c admixture with the Aryan language of the people ,are enveloped in darknes s . The name of the new language isP ahlavi , supposed tobe cognate w ith P arthava or Parthian ,

meaning heroic .The Pahlavi language is an admixture of Aryan and Semit ic .

The Aryan element in the Pahlavi language is the natura l heritage that it derives f rom its mother tongue, the Aves ta . The

Semitic element is the Arama ic , which closely resembles Syriac .

Words of the mos t common occurrence, pronouns , particles ,

numera ls , and auxi l iaries are in a large measure Arama ic. To

ZOROASTRIAN CIVILIZAT ION ARRESTED 269

these Semitic borrowings a re tagged I ran ian terminations , and it

is the Iranian syntact ica l structure o f the language , that rescuesit from be ing clas sed under the Sem itic group . This S em itic

e lement tha t ha s encroached upon the Iranian language o f the

period , is termed , Huzva rish , meaning , obsolete . The Sem itic

words , it is genera l ly bel ieved , served on ly a s ideograms , that is ,they were not read , a s they were written . For examp le , thewriter o f the text wrote the S emitic word lahma, bread ,

’butwhen he read it , he pronounced it nan, the I ranian equiva lent

wh ich means bread .

The Pah lavi is written in Arama ic character, and , l ike most

S emitic languages , is penned from right to left . The a lphabet

conta in s an extremely l imited number of letters , not more than

fourteen . A s imple character , consequently , has more than one

phonetic va lue a ttached to it . Thus , when one written s ign symbolizes va r iou s sounds , and leads to a number of read ings of an

obscure word , it renders the text mos t ambiguous and difficult tounders tand .

The sacred works written in the Aves tan tongu e soon becameunintel l igible to a llbut the learned priests , who now undertooktheir trans la tions and explanations in the new language of the

people . These explanations or commentar ies , ca l led againti in

Avesta , a s we have a lready seen,and Z and in the later tongue,

began tobe prepa red in Pahlavi , during this period , and con

tinued into Sasan ian times .

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CHAPTER XLI I

THE SASAN IANS

The resus c ita t ion of the Zoroas trian Emp ire . The KinglyG lory , symbol ic of the power and greatnes s of the Pers ians , once

aga in clave unto a brave , s ta lwart son o f the house of Sasan ,a

s c ion o f the roya l fam ily of the Achaemenians , a fter whose

name the la s t Zoroas trian dyna s ty of Pers ia is known in hi s tory .

A rtakhshir Papakan founded the Sa sanian dynas ty , which la stedf or four centur ies . Sasanian roya l ty had a great pas t in the

g lorious achievements of the Achaemenian kings , whose lawfu ldescendants they a lways proc la imed thems elves . Every powerfu l king who a scended the throne thought it his bounded duty torega in a ll territor ies once pos ses sed by the Achaemenians , and

los t a t the time of the Alexand rian conques t . The Sa sanians

thus nursed the thought of revenge , and a spired to revive the

pa s t g lory . Th is amb ition wa s man i fested in the wa rs of con

quest waged by its great kings , with the result that the peoples eldom en joyed an und isturbed period of tranquil lity . The ru lers.

were so much absorbed in organ iz ing and conducting wa rs , thatthe h igher pursu its of l i fe were , to a great extent

,relegated to

the background . Yet to their cred it it maybe sa id that theS a sanian monarch s found t ime, in the m ids t o f an inces sant ratt leo f swords to advance a rch itecture , expres s ive of the l ife o f the

times , and wh ich , as we sha l l see later , has lef t an indel ible im

pres s on the des igns adopted by their Mohammedan succes sors .

The dream of rev iv ing the Achaemen ian Empire w ith a ll its

Sp lendour and r iches wa s rea l1zed 1n the re 1gn of Khus ru P ag iz ,

the mos t noted f or magn ificence , and gorgeou s Sp lendour , o f a ll

the S asan ian monarch s . u t t i e emp 1re s 5 a r , 1 1therto in the

ascendant , wa s beginning to s ink , w ith the decay o f the empire’

s

manhood wh ich was fast s etting in . C iv il i za tion brought las s itude , a love o f ea se

, and underm ined their character . Peopleemu la ted court luxuries and abandoned themselves to unbrid ledindu lgence , wh ich rendered them eff em ina te . Soc ia l dis integration , mora l lax ity , intr igue , and d isunion p lunged the count ry

273

2374 THE SASANIANS

into a ch ron ic state of c ivil war, and sapped the vitals of the

emp ire . The peop le were torn with interna l dis s ens ions . The

country wa s le ft b leeding and exhaus ted by long wa rs . The

empire wa s ga sp ing in the las t throes . When ,therefore , the

Arab hordes , burn ing w ith the fervour of a new fa ith and pu lsat

ing w ith the v igour of a youth fu l race , poured down uponPers ia ,

bent , a s it was , under the infirmities of age , they suc

ceeded in w res ting the sceptre f rom her hands . Thus , the f or

tune of Zoroa strian Pers ia fel l , never aga in to r ise .

The Arabs a ss im i lated thems e lves to the S a sanian system o f

adminis tration ,and took over una l tered their land sys tem and

organizat ion .

Th ei r cha ra cteri st ics . The Sa san ians Were a handsome race

of men w ith a grace ful carriage and man ly bearing . They were

fu l l of l i fe and gay of d ispos ition . The sporting instinct wa s a

marked tra it in their cha ra cter , a s it had been w ith ancient

Iran ians . They reta ined the aptitude o f their ancient race to

as s im ilate new idea s . The tra it o f adaptab i l ity“wh ich they had

inherited f rom the Achaemen ians made them imita tive . They

were not endowed with richnes s o f imaginat ion . They actedfrom the impulse o f the moment and were ea s i ly inflamed into

.pas s ion . Theirs wa s a mercuria l temperament .

\ They were

a lert of m ind and enthus ia s tic ,bu t their enthus iasm wa s of a

type that rap id ly g low s to wh ite heat , and cools equa l ly soon .

They had no genius f or commerce . Like their ear ly kinsmen ,

the Achaemen ians , the Sa sanian peop le were noted f or their loya lty to the pers on of their ru ler . The foremost title w h ich the

S asan ian monarchs a s sumed when they donned the crown was

the D iv ine? Thus divin ity hedged the king and con f errred upon

h im absolute r ight to ru le . Providence had p laced the people

under his sway and theirs wa s the duty to yield h im loya l homage,and complete submis s ion . The a r is tocracy , in their turn ,

he l d the

peop le in thra l l in the name of the king, and dried up the spr ings

o f pa trioti sm . The powerfu l Mohad h ierarchy , whom even the

king o ften dreaded , fettered rea son in the name of re l igion ,and

en forced orthodoxy w ith threats of punishment in both the

wor lds . Men and women were dr i l led from "in fancy tobow the

head be fore tempora l power , and bend the knee before Sp iri tua lauthority . Both king and pr iest contributed towa rds the en f ee

b l ing Qf ind ividua l ity .

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276 THE SASAN IANS

o ften embittered by the fanatica l zea l of the priests on both

Sides , and ended in open s tri fe, destructions of the Zoroastrian

temp les and Christian churches , and the ultimate persecut ion of

the Chris tians . The resemb lances between Zoroastriani sm and

Christ ianity , a s regards fheir fundamenta l teach ings , are very

great . Zoroastr ian ism ,a s s een in former pages , has influenced

Juda ism , and through it Chris tian ity in its formative s tages . But

the ethics o f the two religions present a g laring d is tinction . The

keynote of Zoroa strianism is s truggle, which is apt to develop

s tern v irtues in man . Chr istianity , on the other hand,is a rel i

gion of sorrow , and recommends tender v irtues ln its adherents .

The two great rel igions l ived s ide by s ide in Sa san ian Pers ia .

Chri stian ity encouraged monastic virtues , it glorified a li fe of

cel ibacy , poverty, sacrifice , and su ffering . The two ideal s cla shed ,and the Zo roastrian priests denounced the mode of l ife that theChristian sett lers led at their very gate .

“Yet they saw beforetheir eyes » the serene fortitude , pas s ionate zea l , wa rmth o f feel

ings , deep devotion ,and unfa ltering readines s w ith wh ich the

Chris tians,a s wel l a s the Zoroa str ian renegades to the riva l fa ith ,

res igned themselves to persecution and its a ttendant sufferings .

The Sasanian rel igion made apostacy a capita l crime . Yet therewere persons , and thos e o ften of the highest ranks , who substituted the cros s f or the fi re, and cheerfu l ly faced all hardships .

“Among these were men ,

f or examp le , l ike the famous Zoro

a s trian andarzpa t,‘rel igious preceptor ,

’

who embraced Christianity;and rose to the pos ition of Patriarch under the nameMar Aba the Great . The law of the country condemned an

apos tate to dea th , and the Zoroa strian pries thood c lamoured f orh is capita l punishment , a s they d id later to secure the roya l orderto ca s t his body to the dogs , when he died ,but King Nosh irvan

enterta ined such great adm iration f or the lofty character O f thePatr ia rch , that he tried to pos tpone his case a s long a s he could,and

, when obl iged to imprison h im and to send h im into exi le ,to a l lay the fury of the power ful h ierarchy, he did not les senhis respect f or him, and ultimately released

,him ? The.h igh

idea l ism exh ib ited by those Chri stians who nobly t rans lated themora l precepts of the founder of their rel igion in their exem

Wigram, op. cit. p . 64;E lisaeus , H is tory of Vartan, p . 1 3, London,

i“Wigram, op. cit. pp . 32 , 33.“Ib. pp . 184, zoo-209 .

THE SASAN IANS 277

plary l ives mus t have impres sed their Zoroa s tr ian neighbours .

The ascetic v i rtues of the Ch ris tian Church fa iled to exert their

direct influence upon the Zoroas trian w r itings o f th is per iod ,bu tit is not a ltogether improbable that when the D inka rd ,

for ex

ample ,lays grea t s tres s ou the baneful influence o f the flesh over

the spir it , and extols poverty , its authors occa s ionally thought

in terms of the eth ics of the a l ien fa ith that thrived in their

m ids t .We have s tated above that throughout thei r l i fe of four hun

dred years the Sasanians were in direct intercourse with the

West . Sasanian a rch itecture , a s we sha l l see la ter , has not es

caped Byzantine influence . Roman engineers o f Va lerian built

the grea t dyke a t Shus ter“and Roman workmen worked the

Pers ian gold mines .

“Roman merchants traded in Pers ia , and

Greek phys ic ians were ma inta ined at the roya l court ?“Tans a r ,the ta lented Da s tur , is reputed to have been a Pla tonis t , and

Neo-Platonism had penetra ted to Pers ia ?“An ec lectic re l igionof great force appeared in Pers ia , ca l led Manichaeism , a f ter it s

founder Mani . Though re lentles s ly persecuted in the country

of its origin , it spread throughout Centra l As ia , and A f rica ,and

in the fourth century invaded Europe , where it powerfu l ly con

tes ted rel igious supremacy in the Roman Empire down to the

M idd le Ages . The greatest figure of the Chris tian Church of

the time , S t . Augus tine , wa s a profes sed fol lower of the new

fa ith for severa l years o f his l ife , and , even when he later ceasedtobe its adherent , he cou l d not free himsel f from the influenceof its teach ings , especia l ly its s trong dua l is tic ph ilosophy , inspiredby Zoroastrianism , and imparted it to Chris tian doctrine ?“KingOrmazd I I is sa id to have had a s trong inc l inat ion towa rdsGreek culture ?“King Noshirvan , himse l f a s tudent of Pla toand Aristotle , had welcomed the Greek ph ilosophers to his court,when they were driven out by Justinian , and the ph i losoph ica lschools in Athens were closed by the emperor

?“S evera l GreekTaba ri , tr. NOldeke , Gechichte der Pers er und Araber zur zei t der

S as aniden, p . 33, Leyden , 1879 .

Raw l inson , S eventh Grea t Orienta l Monarchy , pp . 264, 285 .”Ibp 449Darmesteter , Le ttre de Tans a r an roi de Taba r is tan . in JA vo l .

1 44, p" Winde lband, (Eng. tr . Tufts ) , A H is tory of Ph ilosophy, p . 286 ,

New York, 1 905.

For re f . see Rawl inson, op. cit. p. 1 41 .”7 pp 448. 449

278 THE SASAN IANS

ph ilosophica l and s cien tific works were trans lated into Pah lavi .This Pah lav i vers ion o f Greek Phi losophy and S cience la ter sup

p l ied the materia l s w ith wh ich the Arabs bu ilt their great sys temsoi Arab ian Phi losophy and Arab ian S cience .

Ind ia may ,be mentioried a s another great country tha t 1n

flueneed S asanian Pers ia . The game o f ches s , a s we sha l l haveocca s ion to s ee in subs equent pages , wa s brought to Pers ia in

the reign o f Nosh irvan, and the same k ing , who a lways patronized l itera ture , had the famou s S anskrit l iterature of fab les translated into Pah lav i . The Pers ians in this ca se a re s een p layingtheir cha racteris tic rOle o f transm itters o f the cultura l trea sure sgleaned from the peop le w ith whom they came in contact . Thusthe roya l game , as we l l a s the render ings of the Pah lav i vers iono f the fables , la ter trave l led to Europe .

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280 PAHLAV I AND P AZAND LITERATURE

nacular. The work of trans lat ing the Aves tan texts , a lreadybegun by the Zoroas trian pries ts during the la tter part of the

Parthian period , continued w ith increased zea l , and e laborate com

mentaries were added to exp la in the difficulties o f the origina ltexts . A very cons iderable‘portion of this litera ture has reached

us . In addition to this , there grew up a cons iderable ma ss o f

exegetica l materia l . According to the estimate of Wes t , Pahlavi

texts amounting to some words , dea l ing w ith various re

ligious subj ects , are now extant .

“As the language of the period is ha lting , so the thought itse l f

is cringing . I t is not f ree . In matters rel igious and theologica l ,the writers of the period are s een constant ly a ttempting to trans

p lant thei r l i fe to the age of the Vendidad . Ra ther than speak

their own thoughts , they content themselves w ith interpretingand amp l ifying thos e of the Aves tan wri ters . We do not meet

with any s igns o f independent inquiry , origina l thought , fla shes

o f imagination ,and bold speculation on the problems of life , in

the Pahlavi l iterature .

The author o f the D inkard informs us that when KingArtakhshir, the founder of the la st Zoroa strian Emp ire , had thecol lection and compi la tion o f the scattered rel igious texts com

pleted under the supervis ion of his il lustrious Da s tur Tansar ,his son Shapur I ordered a col lection o f a ll ava i lable I ran ian texts

on s ecular subj ects ?“The Sa sanian kings patronized‘

learn ing,and favoured the publication and trans lation of the best foreign

works on secu lar subj ects into Pahlavi . The movement rece ivedthe greates t impetus under the en lightened rule of Noshirvan ,

famed in the history of the Ea st,under the t itle , the Just . The

famous academy that this great king establ ished at Jund-i Shapurwa s f requented by the learned men o f the world , and severa lof the best Greek and Sanskrit books , a s a lready noted in

previous pages , were rendered into Pahlavi by the roya l command . No rema ins , however , of this l itera ry activity whichso enriched the indigenous l iterature with the foreign works ,have been pres erved in the form of books;f or these Pahlaviworks have

'

been irretrievab ly los t . Some Pahlavi works,it

seems , deal ing with various subj ects were preserved f or a con

s iderable time after the down fa l l of the emp i re . For,Masud i

attes ts that he saw in the early part of the tenth century, an

lb. 2 . 90.2“Dk . vol . 9 , p . 578.

PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE 28 1

Arabic vers ion o f a Pahlavi work , which dea lt w ith the various

sciences and h is tory o f the Sa san ians , il lus trated with the por

tra its o f the kings .

“O f the secula r l iterature origina ted by theI ranians themse lves , a ll tha t ha s survived to the present day ,

equa l s about the tenth pa rt o f the works on rel igious subjects

now extant . The extant Pahlavi l iterature deal s w ith socia l ,hygienic and lega l subjects , and ethics . A sol itary treatise in

de fence of dua l ism shows some approach to phi losophica l d isqu i

s itiou . A Book o f Kings , ca l led Khuda i Namak, perhaps a f ter

the Chronic le O f Kings o f the Achaemen ians , existed up to the

time of Firdaus i , who draws much o f h is materia ls f rom it . Th is

is un fortuna tely los t , and we have now left with us on ly two

short his torica l works , or properly speaking his torica l romances ,one dea ling with the re l igious wars waged by the early K ianian

king, Gushtasp , dur ing the l i fet ime o f the prophet , and the other

dea l ing w ith the l ife of the founder o f the S asan ian dynas ty .

The Pahlav i l iterature is younger by severa l centuries than

the Aves tan , yet a lthough a cons iderab le body of the Aves tan

poetry ha s been preserved , not a Single l ine o f Pahlavi poetryhas come down to u s . The former has surv ived to this day ,

because of its s acred cha ra cter , being the integra l pa rt o f the

l iturgy . The Pahlavi poetry ha s perished , because of its s ecu la rnature , though it is unfortunate tha t thousands of l ines o f prosel itera ture , of even purely secula r type, should have been pre

served , whi le not the remotest trace shouldbe left o f its poetry .

P azand or Pars i . When the Aves ta became extinct a s the

language of common intercourse , the sacred works written in it ,

were , a s we have seen,rendered into Pahlavi . This explana tory

Pahlavi vers ion o f the origina l Aves tan text is ca l led Zand . But

a language loaded w ith logograms or foreign words , which , f arfrom being natura l ized , had l ingered as mere outlaws , and whichthe tongue held too profane tobe pronounced , needed s implification . This need wa s suppl ied later by transcribing the Pah lavitext with the e l im ination o f a ll foreign Huzvarish words , and

rep lac ing them by the Iranian equ 1va lents . The script employedin such transcription during the Sasanian per iod is Avestan , and

is ca l led P azand f rom the Ave stan word pai ti za inti ,‘further

explanat ion or added commentary .

’

The Pahlavi language w ith

“For ref . see Chr istensen, L

’

Empire des S asanides , tr. Nariman,in

J IA . 8. 434.

282 PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE

its adm ixture of S emitic neve r a tta ined to s acred character, and

prayers were never composed in the language . But w ith the

P azand the ca se wa s d iff erent . Severa l long and short expiatory ,benedictory prayers , rec itals in pra ise o f the name of God , and

m iscel laneous formula s , were composed in th is tongue during

the Sas anian ru le , and a re used a s supplementary prayers to the

Aves tan prayers to the present day .

W ith the down fa l l of the Zoroastrian Emp ire , when Pers iaembraced I s lam ,

the Arab ic script , sacred to the fa ith o f the con

queror, drove out the Pah lavi s cript , wh ich therea fter wa s con

fined to the learned Zoroa s trian pr iests . In addition , therefore ,to transcr ib ing thei r Pahlavi texts in Aves tan characters , a s

shown above , the pries ts now resorted a lso to the u se of the

Arabic characters , that is , the a lphabet now emp loyed in ModernPers ian . The Pahlavi texts which they copied in this new script ,subs tituting the Iranian equ iva lents for the S em itic words , wherever they occured in the origina l Pahlav i, is cal led Pars i . The

P azand mode o f w riting continued, s ide by s ide with the Pa rs i ,f or a cons iderable time ,but gradua l ly fel l into disuse , and the

Zoroa strian works began tobe written in the Modern Pers ian

a lphabet . The P azand thus became the intermediary between

the Pah lav i and Modern Pers ian . The Arab conquerors suc

ceeded in introducing their a lphabet in Pers ia , and in giving a

number of Arabic words to the Pers ian language ,but they fa iledto impos e their language on the people . The language of Moham

medan Pers ia a t the pres ent day , barring the Arabic element thathas entered it , is the l inea l descendant of Avesta , the sacred

tongue of the Zoroa strian s , that originated some three thousand

years ago.

The P azand , as it seems , wa s not confined to the borders of

Iran ,but extended even into Centra l As ia . Important discoveries have recently been made in Turfan , and manuscripts givingP azand vers ions , in Syriac script , of Manichaean writings and

f ragments of the New Tes tament in the kindred Soghdian d ia lect ,have been found .

P ah lav i ins cr ipt ion s . Like their predeces sors o f the Achaemenian per iod , the Sasanian kings inscribed their doings on the

rocks . The inscr iptions a re found s cattered in Pers ia ,genera l ly

inscribed in,two d ifferent d ia lects , ca l led Cha ldaeo-Pahlavi and

S a s an ian Pah lavi . Though younger in point of time by nearly

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284 PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE

then look advantageous ly in it and emulate h is noble examp le . But i f theteachings o f the preceptor a re not exemp l ified in h is own natu re

,and he

is himse lf a blank, the discip le cannot benefit by h is contact w ith h im,f or

a man cannot s ee in an empty goblet, a s he can in a mirror .

’

Dk ., vol . 1 1 , bk. 6 . 223, 2 24, p . 84

Nature, we a re informed , rejoices over the movements o f a

philanthropist

‘Happy is the land on which a phi lanthrop is t wa lks , happy the windthat blows over h im, happy the hors e which he r ides , happy a re the catt leon whose products he subs is ts , and happy indeed are the sun and themoon and the s tars tha t shine upon h im.

’

S d . 79 . 2

Ormazd admonishes mankind through h is prophet not to pos t

pone to-day ’s work unti l to-morrow

Pos tpone not f or to-morrow the good deed tha t thou a r t able to do today . Presume not, because o f thy youth , tha t there is s ti l l time , thinking ,

“I wi l l do it a fterwa rds .

” There have been many -men whose life ,a fter such pos tponement, has beenbut one day . Strive, therefore,not to pos tpone to-day’ s work f or to-morrow . For the w icked Ahrimanha s created two demons , one w ith the name De lay

,and the other ca l led

Afterwa rds . Both thes e demons unite in their fight, and s truggle w ithman

,s o tha t his work may fa l l behind and remain undone . When any

duty and good deeds come before man , he, the demon named De lay , speaksunto him :

“Thou wi lt l ive long , and w i ltbe able to do it at any t ime.

”

And the demon who has Afterwa rds f or his name te l l s him :“Leave it

now , thou w i ltbe able to do it la ter . Thu s do these two demons res tra in

the soul from performing i ts duty, unti l the end comes , the works fa l lbehind undone

,and ful l o f sorrow and pen itence, w ithout the benefit o f

duty and good deeds performed, the soul leaves this wor ld.

’

S d . 81 . 10—1 8

The eff ect of harsh words

‘Speak not arrogant and harsh words , f or Whoso speaks a rrogantand ha rsh words , i s l ike a fi re burning in a jungle , which devours ant

and fow l and noxious creatures .

’

AnAtM. 92

The pos ition of the earth in the cosmos

‘The sky , and the earth, and the water , and all e l se that there is , is

l ike unto an egg o f a bird . The sky i s a rrangedby the ski l l o f Q rmazdl ike an egg over the ea rth. And the ea rth is s ta tioned in the midst o f

the sky l ike the yolk in an egg.

’

Mkh . 44 . 8-10

The fol lowing is a graph ic description o f the hos ts o f war

preparing f or the field

‘The shouts o f the hos ts o f I ran went up to heaven, and the sound

o f their tramping feet reached down to he l l . The road on wh ich theymarched was so dug up, that the dust covered the wa ters and made themunfit to drink for a month. For fifty days it cleared not, and the bi rds

PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE 285

did not find their nests , unti l they res ted on the heads o f the horses,or on

the points o f the lances , or on the tops o f the h igh hil l s . The clouds o f

dust made it impos s ible to discern between the night and the day .

’

YtZ . 29 -31

The furious ons laught o f a hero upon the ba ttlefield is described in the fol lowing words

‘And that s turdy commander, the s ta lwa rt Za rir fought as force

ful ly a s the ange l Ata r, whose fi re works havoc When it fa l ls upon the

mounta ins , and is he lped by the W ind . He k i l led ten o f the Khyons a t

the forwa rd s troke o f the sword, and e leven o f them a t the backwa rds troke . When hunger and thirs t overtook him, he saw the blood o f the

Khyons and was satiated.

’

YtZ . 70

King Gu shta sp consu lts his great a s tro loger be fore going tothe war :

‘I knowh that thou Jama sp a rt w ise and fores eeing . And thou dostknow even this that when it ra ins for ten days

,how many drops f al l on

the ground and how many drops fa l l over the drop s . And thou knowesta l so which t rees blos som du r ing the day , and which during the n ight ,and which under the moon . Then aga in

,thou knowes t which gent le

breeze ha s mois ture in it , and which ha s it not . And thou knowes t eventhe pos ition tha t the moon w i l l occupy in the con ste l lation of the Dragon .

Te l l me,therefore

, which o f my sons and brothers w i l l l ive , and whichwi l l die in this batt le o f Gu shta sp .

’

YtZ . 35-39

The w ise Jamasp forete l l s the i s sue o f the war in the fol lowing words

He is happy who is not born o f h is mother , or i f born,is dead, or

would not comp lete the span o f h is l ife . A month from now wi l l thes ta lwarts s truggle with the s ta lwa rts , and he roes fight w ith the heroes;many sons w ith their mothers w i l lbe w ithout the ir fathers , and manyfa thers wi l lbe w ithout thei r son s , and many s is ters wi l lbe without theirbrothers , and many w ives w il lbe w ithout the ir husbands . Twentythree o f thy sons and brothers W i l l perish.

’

YtZ . 45, 46 . 49

The w riter o f the D inka rd descr ibes the four fo l d d ivis ion o f

society , compa res them to the various parts of the human body ,and determ ines their pos ition in the wor l d

, in accordance withtheir respective u sefu lnes s

‘The pos it ion o f the head in the human body belongs to the priests ,

the hands represent the wa rriors , the be l ly s tands f or the agriculturis ts ,and the feet des ignate the a rtis ans . Manifes t ly , in greatnes s and exce llence , pries thood is the head o f the wor ld , the p rofe s s ion o f the wa rr iors

s tands f or the hands o f the world;the wo rk o f the agr icultur is ts is f orthe be l ly o f the wor ld, and tha t o f the art isans counts for the feet o f

the wor ld.

’

Dk ., vol . I , p . 37

fl

286 PAHLAVl AND FAZ‘

AND LITERATURE

Righteousnes s is thus described in a P azand text

‘There comes a day , S pitman Za rtu sht, or a n ight , when the catt le

leave the ma s ter , or the ma s ter leaves the ca tt le,and the sou l leaves the

body ful l o f des ires . Righteou snes s a lone, which is the grea tes t , best , andthe finest o f a ll that i s in exi s tence , never pa rts from men .

‘The w icked acqu ire catt le, the w icked acqu i re hors es

, the w ickedacquire flocks o f sheep;bu t the w icked tyrant acqu ires not a s tore o f

r ighteousnes s . S eek f or you rs e l f , 0 Za rtu sht , ye men and women ! a

s tore o f righteou snes s,f or the s tore o f r ighteousnes s brings comp lete

sa lvat ion,O Za rtu sht . For

,the ox turn s to du s t , s i lver and go ld tu rn

to dus t , the va l iant hero turns to du s t , a ll morta l s tu rn to dus t;what one

thing does not tu rn to dus t i s the righteou snes s which a man p ractise supon the earth.

’

Aog . 5 1 , 52 , 82 -84

The trans itor ines s o f earthly pos s es s ions and l ife a re depictedthus :

Even though a man may l ive a hundred yea rs in this wor ld, s ti l l in

the end he ha s to wend hi s way to the B ridge o f Judgment . For ,when the body decays and the ske leton fa l l s , the l ife w i l l forsake the

body and depa rt , s ens es w i l l then s leep and the ske leton w i l l lie use les s .

The eyes tha t a re clo sed w i l l not ope n ,the heart that i s disea s ed

w i l l not move , the hands tha t a re broken w i l l not s tir,and the feet that

a re broken w i l l not wa lk . Now w i l l the bodybe p laced on the b ierandbe removed to

”

the Tower o f S i lence . Wea lth and power w i l lthen pas s to the pos ses s ion o f another, and the w ife w i l l think o f anotherhusband.

’

AnAtM. 1 39 , 1 42'

- 1 45

The shades of death , we know , a re a ll a round , and death hol dscarniva l . So has it a lways been and s o sha l l it everbe . Nameand fame , greatnes s and g lory , power and pr ide a ll s leep in deathat last . M ighty kings whos e names ring through the wor ld leavetheir pa laces , to s leep their eterna l s leep on the bare earth .

Every man fi l l s h is hour upon th is earth , puts off his ea rth lygarment

,and qu iet ly pa s ses away , when the hand o f death knocks

at h is door and ca l ls him. Man becomes dus t and the dust doesnot s tir , nor speak . Such is death , and it is portrayed in the

fol lowing l ines in a P azand trea tise .

men forget dea th, they think not o f the working o f t ime and

the peri shable nature o f the body , they a re intoxicated with p ridein the ir youth , they w i l lbe fu l l o f s orrow on the day o f their death. I f .

on this ma teria l wor ld o f s even regions , one man is to die , every one

should think,

“Veri ly

,I am that man .

”For h is own good sens e should

inform man that unto a ll morta l s tha t a re created or a re born,sha l l

come the unseen , s tea lthy Demon o f Dea th .

‘When a man goe s on a j ou rney,he takes provis ions with him. I f

the j ourney is o f one day , he takes provi s ions f o r two days , i f the

journey is o f two days , he takes p rovi s ions f or three days , i f the j ourney is o f ten days , he take s p rovis ions f or fi fteen days , and he knows

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288 PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE‘This is the edict o f me, the Mazda -worshipper, Shapur , the D ivine ,

King o f Kings o f I ran and non- Iran , o f ce les tia l descent from God,son

o f the‘Mazda-worshipper Artakh shir, the D ivine, King o f Kings o f Iran

and non-I ran , o f celestia l descent from God, grandson of Papak, theD ivine, the King.

’

Haj iabad Inscript ion 1 -44

’

The funera l oration which King Nosh irvan prepa res shortly

be fore his death , and commands his m in is ters to read to the pub l icat the time of the disposa l o f his dead body, reads thus

‘As s oon a s l ife separates from my body, then you should lift up

this throne o f mine and take it to I s fahan,and having depos ited my

body there, you should in a loud voice declare unto the peop le : 0 men ,

absta in from commit ting s in and exert you rs e lves in the performance o fmeri torious deeds , and cons ider the wea lth o f this wor ld a s o f no conse

quence. Since this is the body that wa s moving yesterday and peop lecould approach it a t a distance o f three s teps , which a lways and a t a ll

p laces increa sed righteousnes s and wea lth o f the world,but to-day i f any

one were to p lace h is hand upon it , he wou ld have to cleanse h ims el f o fpol lutionby means o f ablution ceremony , or e l s e pe0p1e would neitherpermit h im to off er sacr ifices unto God nor to hold intercou rs e w ith thegood. Yes terday this hand wa s not extended to any one, owing to the

ma j es ty or sovereignty, wherea s none p laces his hand on it to-day f or fea ro f po l lution . Peop le of the wor ld, conduct yours e lves in such a mannerthat the bles s ings of a ll may fo l low you . Let the conduct o f your a ffa irsbe accompan ied by truthfu l thoughts . Work s trenuou s ly and zea lou s lyf or mankind . Be just and discreet in your actions . In matters re l igiou s

,

act in unison w ith the generous and truthful per sons . Li sten to the ad

vice o f those who speak to you about the herea fter, and act accordinglyw ith discretion and s incerity. Be content with your lot and conspire not

to deprive others lo f theirs . In your dea l ings w ith the"

poor,be not

eva s ive and a rrogant . Remember tha t wea lth and aff luence pas s away,power and posses s ions turn into sorrow,

advers ity, and poverty . Life inthis wor ld i s short , the way to the next i s long;terrible is the enemy,and the judge there i s upright . Merit w i l l notbe had on credit there .

Practise not deceit or bribery . M istake not your body f or the soul . I t

w i l l notbe pos s ible f or you to cros s the Br idge o f Judgment , un les s youhave accumula ted much merit . In the next wor ld , there a re j udges l ikeM ihr and Ra shn . Be o f good re l igion , and you w i l l go to the Abode o f

Songs . D ispair not in ques t o f glory . Goodnes s is poss ible o f atta inmentby any one

,irrespect ive o f h is pos ition . Remember that this wor ld is

trans itory. Acquit yourse l f from the bodi ly toi l s o f this wor ld withgoodnes s , and prepare yourse lf by your deeds for the spiritua l wor ld.

Let this a l sobe sa id, that every one should reflect : Whence have I come ,why have I come hither, whither have I to go, and what sha l l they a sk o f

me there ? I do know that I have come from the creator O rmazd, I amhere to fight evi l , and I have to go back to the creator O rmazd.

”

Andarz-i Khus ru-i Kawatan

S imi l ies , metaphors , and other notab le chara c teris t ics . I t

is sa id about rel igion that i f one proceeds three s teps towardsit, re l igion wi l l advance a thousand s teps to greet him.

6 Re

ligion , we are informed , is a s connected w ith the sacred spe l l s , a s

Dk ., vol . 1 0, bk . 6 . 6 1 , p . 1 7 .

PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE 289

flesh is with the sk in or wax w ith the parchment ,"or aga in it is

connected w ith the Ahunavar formu la as the ha ir is w ith the

beauty o f the face .

8 Re l ig ious med ita tion is spoken o f a s the

a rmour of the sou l . 9 The lodgement o f angel s in upr ight men

is s a id tobe such as is tha t o f wa ter in clay .

1 0 Rega rd ing thewa tch fu l ca re tha t angel s take o f good men in this world , it issa id that j us t as a man w ithho lds unwholesome th ings from a

ch i ld , wh ich it thinks del ic ious , so do ange l s keep away harmfu lth ings from men ,

wh ich they in their ignorance th ink good .

1 1

The ange l s , it is further added , protect and guard men in the

same manner a s a shepherd pas tures ca tt le in a good fie l d , andkeeps them back f rom a dangerous p lace .

1 2 Orma z d ’ s act o f

creating the un iverse f rom pr ima l subs tance is l ikened to the

weaver ’ s act of weav ing h is cloth f rom wool . 1 3 Ormazd has so

planned the aff a irs of the world through his forethought , that

the arch-enemy of goodnes s wi l l u l timate ly fa l l an impotent victim in the hands of the fa ther of goodnes s , as exp la ined in the

fol lowing words : The owner o f an orchard s ets a sna re , or a

trap ,to ca tch the w ild anima ls and bi rd s that destroy h is fru its .

When the intruders a re caught in the trap , they s trugg le to f reethemselves and are u ltimately exhau s ted , the gardener then ap

proaches and removes them . Even so has O rmazd a rranged the

sky a s a trap f or Ahriman , w ith time a s the exhauster of his

s trength to bring about h is fina l fa l l .“The angel S rosh ,it is

s a id , acts f or the sou l that enters the threshol d o f the next worlda t death , in the same he lpfu l manner a s does a m idw ife

,when a

new babe is born in th is wor ld .

1 5 The d iff erent periods in the

h is tory o f Zoroas trian Iran are represented by the var iousbranches of a tree . The one o f gold represents the glor iou sepoch o f the coming o f the prophet , and the acceptance o f his

fa ith by King Gushtasp . The other per iods are represented bythe variou s branches o f s i lver , and other meta l s , unti l the wors ttimes a f ter the fa l l of the Zoroa strian Empire a re denoted by theiron branch .

” The chaotic and tumultuous period in the h is toryo f the ir country is ca l led the wol f per iod , a s contrasted to the

7Dk .

,vol . 1 2

, bk . 6 . 324, p . 32 . Dk . , vol . 1 3, bk . 6 . E . 1 , p .I

.

S lS . 1 9 . 1 5;c f . Dk . , vo l. I, p . 1 7 . Dk . , vol . 7 , p . 425 .

Dk ., vol . 1 1 , bk . 6 . 266 , p . 1 02 Sg. 4. 63-80.

Dk . , vol . 9 , p . 593. Sd . 58. 6-8 .

Dk ., vol. 1 1, bk . 6 . 222

, p . 83. BYt. 1 . 1 -5;2 . 1 4-22 .

290 PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE

peaceful one , which is termed the sheep period .

1 7 The sky is

spoken of a s encircling the earth , a s an egg does a bird .

1 8 The

p lanets a re compa red to the br igands and highwaymen , who robthe caravan o f its goods , and a re s a id tobe depriv ing the g iftsof Prov idence f rom the worthy , and bes towing them upon um

worthy pe0p1e .

1 9 A righteou s person is dec lared tobe a s beauti

ful a s a fa ir ma iden and asbeneficent a s the sun;and it is sa idthat he loves goodnes s as a father loves his son .

20 M ighty is the

power of r ighteousnes s , and we a re in formed that i f a r ighteou s

person says to a mounta in w ith h is ho ly tongue,‘move on ,

’

it

w il l move .

2 1 Man is admon ished tobe watchful of the evi l thatdogs h is s teps in th is world , and is in formed that j us t a s he goes

not without shoes , and moves with great caution in a place which

is infested w ith snakes and s corpions or is fu l l o f thorns , les t thenoxious creatures might s ting h im or the thorns m ight prick h isfeet;so should he beware o f evi l in his l ife .

” ‘

The breath of a

l iving being is l ikened to a burn ing flame, and it is sa id that, j u st

as the fiery glow departs when inflammab le materia l is burnedup, so does l i fe depart f rom the body , when breath leaves it .

23

The soul is ca l led the tenant , who dwel ls in the bod ily house dur

ing l ife, and leaves it a t death , j ust a s a man vacates one abodef or another .24 The human body is a tenement with the senses

f or its windows , and the soul is the owner of the house, who

commun icates with the outer world through these windows .

"5

The soul manages the body a s a hous eholder conducts a hous e ,or a rider manages h is hors e .

26 The house fa l ls to pieces , when

the ma in pi l lar gives way;even s o does the body perish , whenthe sp i rit departs .

2 7 Regarding man ’

s inte l lect , it is sa id , thatit i l lumines man ’

s soul in the same way , a s the sun l ights theearth and a s the fire l ights the house .

28 One who can contro lh is des i res is decla red tobe l ike a ski l led rider

, who us es his

BYt. 3. 40.

Dk . , vol . 2 , p . 79 .

Sg . 4. 24-2 7 .

Dk . , vol . 6 , p . 362 .

Dk . , vol . 1 0,bk . 6 . 60, p . I 7 .

Dk . , vol . 1 2 , bk . 6 . B . 47 , pp . 49 ,Dd. 23. 2 .

Dd. 23. 6 .

Dk . , vol . I , p . 57 .

Dk . , vol . 6 , pp . 353, 380, 38 1 .

Dk .,vol . 6 , p . 353.

Dk ., vol . 6, p . 354.

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292 PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE

wea lth of the wor ld , it is sa id , is l ike a bird that fl ies f rom tree

to tree, and res ts not on any one o f them .

39 Death is dec laredtobe neces sary in the proper working of the un ivers e . I t is ex

p la ined tha t, a s p lanting a s wel l a s pruning a re es sentia l to the

growth of a plant , so death , though it cuts away li fe, ha stens the

perfection of the soul , hence death advances l i fe .

40 The textsdes cribe the condition preva i l ing in he l l a s under : Darknes s inhel l is sa id tobe s uch a s cou ldbe held by hand .

4 1 I f a ll the

wood in the world were put to the fi re , it would not emit a

sme l l .” The sol itude,

in hel l is so appa l l ing that though the

souls in hel l are a s many a s would a thousand menbe in a

s inge span ,or though they are a s close to one another a s are

the . ears to the eyes , and a s numerous a s the ha irs on the mane

of a horse, yet every one fee ls hims el f a lone .

43.The s tench of

hel l is such a s couldbe cut with a kni fe .

44 At the time o f Resurrection ,

a wicked s ou l wil lbe a s conspicuous in the a s semblyo f the r ighteous ones , a s a black sheep among the white ones .

45

When the righteous wil l pa s s°

f rom the w icked on the Day of

Resurrection, every one wil l shed tears wh ich wil l rea ch the

legs .

4 6 In the peace ful reign of Gushta sp ,the wol f and the

lamb drank water w ith one another .47 Good men are spoken of

a s resembl ing the nature of cattle , a sbad men a re des ignated of

wolfish The earth , it is declared , w il l tremble l ike a

sheep before a wol f , when Goch ihr w il l fa l l on her a t the timeof Resurrection .

4 9 When Ahriman rushed to the sky ,it trembled

a s a sheep be fore a wol f .50 I t is s a id that the ground on wh ichthe dead body of an ungrateful person is la id , shudders a s a

sheep trembles before a wol f .5 1 Ju st a s a person shudders at

finding a serpent or a scorpion in his s leep ing ga rment, so does

AnAtM. 88.

Dk .,vol . 5 , p. 330.

Bd . 28. 47;Mkh . 7 . 3 1;AV . 1 8.

AV . 54.

Bd . 28. 47;AV. 54.

Bd . 28. 47 .

J sp . 3. 5 .

Bd . 30. 1 4.

Ka ikobad,Yunan Das tu r

’

s Epis tle, m H oshang Memor ia l Volume,p . 506 ,

Bombay, 1 9 1 8.

Dk . , vol . I , p . 48;vol . p . 322 .

Bd . 30. 1 8;J sp . 3. 7 .

Bd . 3. 1 2;Z sp . 2 . 2 .

Sd . 65 . 5 .

PAHLAVI AND P AZAND LITERATURE 293

the ea rth tremble ,when a corpse is interred in it .

5 2 The ea rth

is sa id tobe a s much d is tres sed , when a w icked person wa lks on

it , a s a mother on whose bosom is pla ced a dead son.

5 3 The s ta rs ,moon , and sun ,

we a re told , shine unw i l l ingly upon an unc lean

person .

“I t is s a id in pra ise o f knowledge , tha t it is man’

s embellisher in the time of prosper ity , and in the days o f his ad

vers ity , it is his saviour and gua rd ian .

5 5 Man’

s dispos ition graced

w ith wisdom is l ike unto a clea r founta in ,but one w ithout w isdom is l ike a founta in that is choked up .

5 e I t is not good to withho l d know ledge f rom others , f or it is sa id that a w i se man who

w ithholds know ledge f rom others , is l ike a wel l-watered ga rdenbearing no f ru it .

5 7 Rega rd ing true friendsh ip ,man is advised

not to make an old enemy h is friend , f or it is s a id , he is l ike a

black serpent that forgets not vengeance a fter a hundred years .

Man is , on the other hand , a sked to make an old friend his new

friend , f or an old f riend is dec la red tobe l ike old w ine which

grows me l lower and fitter to drink .

5 8 In the l ifetime of his

parents , an individua l is sa id tobe l ike a lion in a forest and

fears none ,but a man without his parents is l ikened unto a helples s w idow .

5 9 A later text des cr ibes a s under the cond ition o f

the soul of a person who leaves the earth without is sue . Aman w ithout a son , we are told , l ingers at the B ridge of

Judgment , and cannot cros s it , in the same manner a s a man inthis world finds himsel f in a j ungle in fes ted w ith wild an ima l s ,w ith h is native town at a short d is tance, which he can s ee ,bu tcannot reach , s ince a river intercepts the j ung le and his town ,

and the only bridge to convey him over the waters to the others ide ,

is broken .

6 0 A good king is sa id to impa rt lus tre on a ll

from his exa lted pos ition , even a s a s tream of wa ter flow ing f romthe top o f a h il l spreads verdure in the p la in below , or a s a fi re

burning on the summ it of a mounta in canbe seen at a d is

tance .

6 1 He is l ike a fertili z ing c loud .

6 2’

The ch ief of a com

munity is l ike a shepherd who gua rds his flock s .

6 3 Jus t a s fire

cleanses gold and s ilver o f a ll dros s , so does the Kingly G loryguard every k ing f rom a ll improper actions .

6 4 Va s t numbers a re

“2Sd . 33. 2 . AnAtM . 89 .

8 18 . 1 5 . 23. S d . 18. 9 .

BpM. 2 . 3. 5 . Dk . , vol . 3, p . 180.

Gs . 1 47 . Dk . , vo l . 7 , p . 468.

S IS . 20. 3. Dk . , vol . 7 , p . 483.

Dk .

,vol . 7 , p . 460. Ka ikobad , op. cit , pp . 507 , 508.

AnAtM. 99 , 100.

294 PAHLAV I AND P AZAND LITERATURE

des cribed in the fo l low ing manner . I t is s a id rega rding the evi l

crea tion tha t Ahriman s o fi l led the ea rth w ith noxious creatures ,that they did not leave empty space of the s ize of the point o f a

need le .

6 5 The Guard ian Sp irits , it is decla red , protected the

sky in numbers a s la rge as the ha irs on the head .

6 6 Plants grew

upon the earth l ike ha ir upon the head of man .

6 7 The eye of a

greedy person-

is sa id tobe a noose, in wh ich , i f the whole world

fa l l s , it is a s noth ing .

6 8 The spirit of the earth compla ined beforeOrma zd of the w rong that Ahr iman had brought over it

,w ith

a cry a s loud a s a thousand men would make, i f they cried out

a ll at once .

6 9 Des cribing the los s caus ed by the s laughter o f

many men by an enemy , it is s a id that the number of men kil led

a re so many , that a thou sand women can therea f ter findbut oneman to greet 7 ° To the m ind o f a ruthles s , w icked pers on ,

it

is s a id , that the ki l l ing of a righteous person and a fly isbut oneand the same th ing .

7 1 The word s o f a thou sand—

men cannot so

ea s i ly convince one man, a s a s ingle action of one man can

convince a thousand .

7 2 To fi l l one ’s mouth w ith rub ies and pear lsis the expres s ion us ed , when one w ishes to rewa rd the services o f

another w ith gifts .

7 3 We sha l l conclude by quoting a f ew prov

erbs and max ims taken f rom var ious texts : Whoso s inks a

we l l f or his enemy fa l ls into it h imse l f .” As the swi ftest hors eneeds a whip ,

or the sha rpest kni fe requ ires a whets tone , so a lsothe w is es t man requires couns el . 7 5 Poverty through honest l iving is better than opu lence through dishonesty .

7 6 One truthfulman is better than a world o f l iars .

7 7 A gi f t to the w icked isl ike putting a morsel in the j aw s of a dragon .

7 8 Li fe is changeable a s the colours of the spring .

7 9 The heart of a l ibera l person

is as wa rm as fi re, that of a mi ser is as cold as ice .

80 Do not untoothers , what is not good f or yourse l f . 8 1 Speak not as i f seen

by you , that which is only heard by you f rom others .

82 Make not

a writer of books your enemy .

83

Bd . 3. 1 5, 20;Z sp . 2 . 9 .

Bd . 6 . 3;Z sp . 5 . 2 .

Bd . 9 . 3.

Bd . 28. 27 .

Bd . 4. 2;Zsp . 3. I .BYt . 3. 22 .

BYt . 2 . 50.

Dk .,vol . 1 3, bk . 6 . E . 1 5 , p . 4.

KrNArtP . 1 0. I 4.

AnAtM. 1 08.

5 15 . 1 0. 28.

Mkh . 1 5 . 4.

S d . 62 . 5 .

S d . 90. I .

Dk ., vol . 6, p . 390.

Dk . , vol . 9 , p . 555 .

5 18 . I 3. 2 9;AnAtM. 8.

AnAtM. 1 5 .

AnAtM. 36 .

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296 SOC IETY

group is thus le ft w ithout the help of a fire , wh ich it could cla im

a s especia l ly s acred to its clas s . In enumera ting the four clas ses

and des cribing their respective duties , Tansa r substitutes f or the

third , or agr icultura l , cla s s , that of the s cr ibes , among whom

he includes the writers who prepare eccles ia stica l , pol itica l , lega l ,and sundry documents , a s we l l a s phys icians , poets , and a strolo

gers .

8

Members o f all clas ses were eligible to h igher pos ts , with

the exception of ba sta rds , who were never appointed to respons ible pos itions .

9 There were, however , certa in priv ileged fam i l ieso f nobles who had heredita ry t enure of some o f the most im

portant offices in the empi re .

1 0 Among the other nob les whohe ld h igh rank in s ociety, were the vazurgdn,

or e lders,dzd tdn

,

or grandees , and odshpuhrgdn, or feuda l lords .

“I t was thought

des irable , it seems , f or a ll to fo l low the profes s ions o f their

ancestors , and Tansar expla ins that i f a man of’

ma rked ta lentsbelonged to a certa in clas s ,but wa s fit to per form the dut ies

pecul iar to a member of another clas s , h is ca s e wa s tobe broughtto the not ice of the king, and on exam ination of his cas e by the

pries ts , he wa s tobe a l lowed to embrace a pro fes s ion outs ideh is group .

1 2

Da rmes teter,Lettre de Tansa r ou roi de Tabaris tan

,in JA .

,1 894,

I, pp . 5 1 7 , 5 1 8.

9Dd . 78. 1 2 .

1 ° Chris tens en , L’

Empire des S as anides , tr . Nariman,in J IA . 8. 55-60.

K rNArtP . IO. 6 .

Da rmes teter,op. cit., p . 5 1 9 .

CHAPTER XLV

THE FAM ILY

P a rent s and ch i l dren . The socia l un it wa s the fam i ly , a s

it wa s in early Iran , and k insh ip continued tobe reckoned throughthe fa ther . W ith pious zea l the head o f the fam ily obs erved

the cu lt o f the ances tra l dead , and zea lous ly gu a rded the fi re of

the fam ily hearth , as h is ancestors had done before him. Anumerous fam i ly was sti l l the ardent prayer o f the fa ithfu l . 1

Ba rrennes sbrought a woman into dis favour , and exposed her to

taunts and reproaches in her husband’

s house . Ch il dren , on the

other hand , brought a wi fe the love and rega rd of a ll her hu s

band ’s fami ly .

Among the precepts f or the ca re and rearing o f ch ildren , the

fol low ing a re notable : A chi ld,it is s a id , shouldbe nourished

on m i lk until its second or th ird year , and shouldbe fondledunti l its seventh yea r .2 I t was the duty o f the parents to ins tructthei r ch i l dren a fter their s eventh yea r ,3 and to acqua int them

with their duty in the world,before they reached the age of

fi f teen .

4 The good deed s done by ch ildren , when they come o f

age , bring cred it to their pa rents , who share in the mer it of thenoble deeds of their ch ildren .

5 On the other hand , i f the pa rentshave neglected the duty o f incu lcating good hab its in the ir children , and the la tter comm it w icked deeds , the parents a re re

spons ible for the m isconduct of their children .

“I t is the dutyof the ch ildren tobe respectful and grate ful to their pa rents f ora ll they have done f or them .

7 In the l ifetime of their parents ,the children ,

it is sa id , behave w ith the courage o f a l ion ,butafter their death , they become a s weak a s a w idowed woman .

8

‘Dk . . vo l . 9 , pp . 634, 637, 639 .

Dk ., vo l . 4. p . 263.

1b.1 43.

2 2;1 2 . 1 4;Sd . 1 8. Gs . 1‘Sd . 5 1 . 1—5;Gs . 1 43.

3 43

Dk .,vol . 4, p . 263;vol. 6 , p . 404.

‘AnAtM. 89 .

298 THE FAM ILY

Ungrateful children that harass thei r parents , have retribution

meted out to them in the next wor ld,

9and peop le were enjoined

not to have any dea l ings w ith children ,who were wanting in

their fi l ia l duty .

1 0 Persons who have disp leased their parents

reap no reward in heaven f or good works done upon earth .

1 1

A man who had no p rogeny was w ithout name and fame in this

world .

1 2 S ons were va lued more than daughters a s before, 13

and one who was not bles s ed with a son suff ered in the next

world .

Adopt ion . The institut ion o f adoption , we have noted ,existed among the K ianian people . I t continued to flourish

among the Sa sanians , and, with some mod ifications , flouri shes

among the i r descendants to the present day . The act of obta in

ing a son by a doption ,in absence of a natura l ma le is sue ,

was ,

in the ma in ,rel igiou s . The chief obj ect wa s to ensure the

cont inuation o f fami ly worship . This rel igiou s a spect is em

pha s ised very s trongly , and the author of a la ter, w idely popular

work, the Sad Dar, goes to the extravagant length of declaring

an individua l ’s sa lvation impos s ible, i f he left the world without

a natura l or an adopted son . The author attempts a fantas tic interpretation of the words [ Ml/1 6W,

son,

’

and puha l, bridge,’ which

are written a l ike in the Pahlavi language . I t is a l leged that theword f or a son s ignifies a bridge, hence a son i s the bridge, by

which a lone , it is pos s ible to enter the next world .

1 4 A manwithout a son , we a re further enl ightened , is ca l led a man w ith

out a br idge, and is unable to bridge the gul f between the two

wor lds .

1 5 No matter how righteous a man might have been inthi s world , i f he ha s no son of his blood, and i f he has fa i ledto obta in one by adoption , his soul is deta ined at the Bridge of

Judgment , and the heavenly j udges decl ine to make a reckon ingof his deeds . Lamenting l ingers the soul a t the earthly end of

the Bridge of Judgment, j us t l ike a man in a wildernes s in fes tedwith wild an ima ls , who sees his home town before him ,but isunable to reach the place of sa fety, because the bridge acros s

‘AV . 65.

AnAtM. 93.

Sd . 40. 1 -3.”Andarz ihd-i P es hinikdn

,tr . Dhabhar, in S ir J ams etj ee J ej eebhoy

Madre

gla

s

J ubilee Volume, p . 74, Bombay, 1 9 14.

1 2 . 1 4.

Sd . 1 8. 4.

Sd . 18. 5 .

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CHAPTER XLVI

WOMAN AND MARRIAGE

W oman . An idea l woman , it is s a id, is the one who is of

good na ture , respectable , virtuou s , help ful;1 and an ornament

to her husband and h is household ? Woman in Sasanian Iran ,

owned property, officiated in m inor ceremonies , and acted a s a

guardian of the family , when no ma le member was l iving to

guard its interes ts . She cou l d a spire to the throne in ab s ence o f

ma le succes sors o f a king;a s we find two queens succes s ively

ra ised to the throne in the las t days of the emp ire . We have

ins tances o f the fema le members of the roya l family engaging

in manly sports . Thu s Sh irin ,the beautiful w i fe of Khus ru

Pa rvi z,is reported by N izami to have played polo

? The P ah

lavi w riters of the per iod;however, do not s eem to hold woman

in a s h igh esteem a s did the writers of the K ian ian period .

Woman ,it is a l leged , ha s no w isdom , and a later P azand text

dep icts a man a s thanking his creator , that he had made h im a

man and not a woman .

4 Adarbad Mahra spand advis es his son

not to impart his s ecret to woman ,

5and the D inkard upholds

the advice .

6 She is not tobe accepted , says another late work ,a s a witnes s in the courts o f law .

7 H er firs t and la st duty , itis s a id , is to obey her husband

,and the Pahlav i w riters , who a re

of cours e a ll of the ma le s ex ,condemn her to suff erings in he l l ,

i f she wa s wanting in obed ience to her lord .

8 V ira f pictures thesoul of a woman , wending its way towa rds in ferna l regions ,reminding the pious s oul of her husband , that as her lord uponearth , it wa s his duty to have guided her on the path of r ighteou snes s , and not to have a l lowed her to lapse in wickednes s ,

1 Mkh . I 4. 1 2;6 1 . 7 .

2Dk . , vol . I I , bk . 6 . 93, pp . 7 , 8.

S ee Sykes , A H is tory of P ers ia ,1 . 508, London ,

1 9 1 5 .

‘Andarz ihd—i P esh iu ikdn

,t r. Bhabhar , in S ir J ams etj ee J ej eebhoy

Madres sa J ubi lee Volume, pp . 73, 74, n . 6 .

AnAtM. 1 4.

Dk . , vol . 1 2, bk. 6 . B . 48, p . 50.

Mkh . 39 . 37 .

Dk ., vol. 5, p . 272;Gs . 76;AV . 1 3;26;70;82 .

300

WOMAN AND MARRIAGE 301

so tha t now ,a fter dea th , she cou l d have accompanied him

to heaven ,ins tead o f going to he l l .“A post

-Sa san ian work ,long held in very grea t es teem ,

has it, tha t though it is the dutyo f man to pray three times a day , the prayer proper for a woman

is tha t during three wa tches o f a day , she should approach her

husband with fo l ded hands , and s eek to know h is w i l l , that she

may carry it out obediently .

1 0 To l iken a man to a woman , or

to attribute to him a woman ’

s work , wa s tantamount to accu s ing

him of cowardice. K ing Hormazd IV grows j ea lou s o f h is

v ictorious genera l Bahram , and on pretext of a sma l l de feat tha tthe genera l once su ff ered , he sent him a dis taff

,some cotton , and

a set of women ’

s garments .

1 1

The menses , wh ich were bel ieved to have been caused byAhr iman

,had , as we have noticed in ear l ier pages

,made woman ’

s

pos ition in fe rior to man . H er profane touch wa s a pol lution ,

and her impure look was a desecration to all that came near her

during her per iods . Th is v iew s tiff ened w ith the pas s ing o f

time, and woman , consequent ly, suff ered , in comparison to man inrespect to her status in l i fe .

Ma rr iage . Ferti l ity among sentient beings , we have seen ,

s trengthens the Kingdom of Ormazd,and s teril ity is the curse

o f Ahriman . Ma rr iage , there fore, wa s incumbent upon everyman and woman in S asanian society , a s it wa s a l so in the Kianian .

1 2 The S asan ian legis lators looked with great d is favour uponthe Ch ristians who l ived in their country , becau se their fa ithimposed the ce l ibacy upon the ir priests . Pa rents genera l ly a r

ranged the marr iages o f their ch il dren,when they atta ined

maturity;of ten with the he lp of profes s iona l agents o f goodrepute .

1 3

In their choice o f ma tes f or one another , the idea l unionwa s he ld tobe the one which was contracted between an intelli

gent, lea rned man , and a young , prudent , and modes t woman .

“Just as a r ich soi l , in which s eeds are sown

,produces good f ruits

,

so,it is sa id , w il l such unions between husbands of lea rn ing and

w ives o f respectable families , bring forth chi ldren who wil l de

AV. 68.

Sd . 59 . 1 -5 .

Rawl inson , The S eventh C red Or ienta l Mona rchy , pp . 469 , 470.

Mkh . 29 . 4;Dk . , vol . 9 . DD. 609 ,63 Gs . 1 2 3, 1

AnAtM. 43.

4 55

Ib. so, 54, 1 1 1 .

302 WOMAN AND MARRIAGE

l ight to fol low the path of rectitude .

1 5 A girl , it is s aid , shou ldchoose a husband who is of good d ispos ition , hea lthy , and w ise ,and should not obj ect i f he is poor .

1 6

A sol itary pas sage sugges ts tha t , a s f ar a s pos s ib le , one shou l dnot contemp late a s econdmarr iage , a fter the death o f his or her

first partner .1 7 In the late Pers ian Rivayat l iterature , which often

gives expres s ion to the thoughts and bel ief s in vogue in the

ea rl ier centuries , in add ition to those preva i l ing in their own

days , we are in formed that a w idow without ch ildren might,i f

she l iked , remarry four months and ten days a fter the death

o f her husband . I f she had an in fant whom she suckled, she

should take another husband , when eighteen month s had pas sed

s ince the death of her firs t husband . Bu t i f the w idow was o f so

advanced an age a s to a l low her no hope o f begetting children ,

it was des irable that she should not remarry !? S im ilarly , the

w i fe of a man who has forsaken the fa ith of Zoroa s tr ianism ,is

a sked to wa it for a period of one year , to a l low h im time to

repent f or his error and come back to the fold . I f he did not

repent, the woman was at l iberty to rema rry .

1 9 I t is further

added that‘

it wouldbe s inful f or a young widow to s tubbornly

refus e to rema rry , when someone came forwa rd to take her to

w ife ?0

Ma rriage,it seems , couldbe d is solved on va l id grounds .

The husband could divorce h is w ife f or un fa ithfu lnes s,and the

wi fe could d ivorce the husband for desertion and ill- treatment .

I f a husband intrigued to seek severance of nupt ia l bond , whenhis w i fe wa s innocent o f wrong-doing, the wife was at l ibertyto seek redres s in a court of law . I f the j udge found the husband guilty , he could cons ign him to prison ,but i f the hu sbandrepented , and off ered to take back his w ife

,he wa s tobe s et

f ree ? 1 Though the wife had the correspond ing power to d ivorceher husband , she genera l ly condoned his lapses into immora l ityand negl igence, except under circum stances that forced her to

seek protection of the court.

Dk ., vol . 5, pp . 314, 3 1 5;AnAtM. 50, 90.

Ib. 55, 56.

Dk ., vol . 9 , pp. 637 , 638.

Rivaya t-i DarabH ormuzdiar, tr. Mehrj i Rana , p . 369 , Navsari,

Ib., p . 368.

Ib., p . 370.

Dk .,vol . 9 , p . 639 .

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304 WOMAN AND MARRIAGE

A w edd ing ceremony . Marriage being a div ine ord inance,its celebration wa s a lways accompanied by re l igious rites; The

ceremony closed with the forma l pries t ly benediction and words

of counse l addres sed to the coup le . The Pah lavi text o f the

form of ma rr iage contract h as reached u s?s One representative

of the bridegroom and the fa ther or a guard ian of the bride

attested to the forma l contract . The parents o f the bridegroom

prom ised to pay 3000 s i lver coins to the br ide ’

s pa rents a s the

bride price. The P azand wedd ing hymn ,recited at the present

day ,mentions 2000 s ilver coins and two gold coins of the m int

of N i shapur , a s the amount w ith wh ich the bride wa s tobedowered . The br ide , according to the Pahlavi text

, promises

l ifelong devotion to her husband and a fa ithful obs ervance o f

womanly v irtues , and the bridegroom , on h is part, undertakes

to provide f or her and to make her happy .

M ixed ma rr iages looked upon a s det rimen tal to soc ial

s o l idar ity . There were socia l and rel igious barriers ra is edaga inst the intermarriage of a Zoroa strian with a non-Zoroa strian .

The Dinkard condemns such unions in s trong terms ? 6 The

barriers , however, do not seem to have been impregnable, forthe kings and f or men of upper clas ses . King Yazdagard INosh irvan , Bahram Gu r wedded non-Zoroastrian women .

Shahpur I I I gave h is s ister in marriage to the Christian king o f

Armen ia .

28 The fami ly o f the Pers ian genera l Shahrbarz was

united with the roya l fam i ly of Heracl iu s by ma rriage ties ?9

J amasp Asana , The P ah lavi Texts , pp . 1 41-1 43;intrd .by Anklesa ria ,

pp 47-49 , Bombay, 1 9 13.

Dk ., vol . 2 , pp . 97-1 02 .

Shatroiha-i A iran, 47, 53;Raw l in son,

op. ci t , pp . 45 1 , 452 , 459 , 497,

Raw l inson,op. ci t., p . 259 .

Ib., pp . 541 , 542 .

CHAPTER XLVII

EDUCATION

The va l ue of educat ion . The Sa sanians held the educat ion

of the youth o f the ir country as their ch ief duty , and the writerso f the period p lead for it in most emphatic words . Education ,

we are in formed , mou l ds man’

s character , it makes him noble ,

l

it is a l ight-giving eye o f man , nay ,it is the very l ife o f man .

“In the t ime o f prosperity , it is sa id , educa tion adds lus tre to a

man ’

s name ,, and proves tobe h is s aviour in the days of his

advers ity .

4 The second bes t good for man , a fter nature ’

s gi ft

of innate intel l igence , is instruct ion? No one pos ses ses a super

flu ity of know ledge , a man cannotbe deprived o f h is learning,

and the precious gif ts of unders tand ing and inte l lect cannotbebought f or a price .

“Wi sdom ,it i s sa id , is better than wea lth ,

and a poor man who is learned is more be loved of the heavenly

beings than a r ich man who is ignorant .

7 I t is the duty of all

to impart learning to the ignorant .

“Man shou ld acqu ire leaming, so that he maybe ab le to ea rn an independent l iv ing for himse l f ? I t is the duty o f parents to give education to their ch ild ren .

P receptors and their d is c ip les . The teachers were knowna s f ra

‘

haugikan and andars pa tan1 ‘ The profes s ion of the

teacher wa s he l d in h igh es teem . He wa s the person who

shaped the character of the you th,

1 2and consequent ly wa s the

rea l benefactor o f the country ?“H is respons ib il ities were con

Gs . 35.

AnA tM. 58.

Dk . , vo l. 1 2,bk . 6 . 3 1 6 , p . 28.

G s . 1 47 .

Dk . , vo l . 3, p . 1 34.

Mkh . 40. 6-8,1 9 -2 1 .

Mkh . 47 . 6;58. 7 .

8 18 . 20. 6 , 7 .

Dk . , vo l . 9 . pp . 585 , 586 .

Sd . 5 1 . 1 -6;Gs . 1 43;AnAtMSg . 1 . 40.

Dk . , vo l . 6 , p . 404.

Dk . , vol . 3, p . 1 34.

306 EDUCATION

s idered equa l ly great . He wa s h imsel f tobe the embodiment o f

virtue, and was to embel l ish h is own nature in a manner, as to

make it transpa rent l ike a m irror , so tha t his disciples could s ee

his good actions reflected in it , and could emulate them . I f the

teacher h im s el f fa i led to Live according to his precepts , his l i fewouldbe a blank , and h is pupils cou ld not find in him a source

of inspiration?“I t is the duty of the pupi l s tobe a lways grate

ful to their preceptors?“and to endeavour to emulate their ex

amp les ?“The teach ing . Re l igious know ledge formed an indi spensab le

part of the system o f education ,and secu lar tra ining occupied a

seconda ry place . The s chool wa s genera l ly s ituated on the

premises of the fire—temp les in towns and villages . The sons

of the king and of other members of the roya l fam ily were edu

cated at the school attached to the pa lace . Sons o f the feuda lchief s and provincia l satraps often l ived at the roya l pa lace, andwere instructed a long w ith the pr inces in the f rdhangis tdn or the

col lege,in reading , wr iting, horsemansh ip , and other a rt s .

1 7 The

art of war fa re , the game of polo,and a rchery maybe mentioned

a s other subj ects in which instruction wa s imparted to the

princes ?“Higher ins truction was imparted to those, who a s

pired to adminis tra tive pos itions in the country . Men whoseamb ition it wa s to achieve glory on the battlefield , acquiredtra ining in the a rt of war fa re . Higher s tud ies in l iterature ,medicine , ph i losophy , and kindred subj ects were carried on in

the ce lebrated academy o f Nosh irvan at Jund- i Shapur , to wh ichschola rs came f rom d iff erent parts of the world , in search of

know ledge .

S eekers a fter knowledge a re advis ed to spend one th ird partof the day and n ight in s tudy ?“Young scholars are a sked to

rise before sunri se for their s tudies , and are adv is ed to do theirwork most attentively at the school ?0

Dk ., vol . 1 1 , bk . 6 . 223, 2 24, p . 84.

Dk .,vol. 6 , p . 404.

Dk . , vol. 5, p . 283.

K rNArtP . I . 23, 25, 39;cf . Unvala , The P ahlavi text K ing Hus rav

and h i sboy, 8- 1 2 .

ShN. 6 . 329 , 379 , 380.

Gs . 1 26 .

Anda rz-i Kotaka'

n,tr . Freiman ,

in Das tur Hoshang Memoria lVolume, pp . 488, 489 , Bombay, 1 9 1 8.

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308 KINGSHIP

brocade .

“The Church rema ined indis solub ly joined together

w ith the State, and the s overeign was rega rded a s the Defenderof the Fa ith , who united the pos itions o f king and priest in his

own person .

“Th e law of s ucces s ion .

’

The office of the king wa s hereditary .

As a rule, the eldes t son succeeded his father,but the legitimatecla im o f the heir apparent wa s occas iona l ly set a s ide by the kingin favour of a younger son , who happened tobe h is favourite ,or of a prince born to him by his best beloved wi fe , who per

suaded him to des ignate her off spring f or the throne . Undersuch c ircumstances , the king informed h is minis ter of his wi sh ,or executed a forma l testament , a S 'Kobad d id before h is death ?“In some ca ses , the king mentioned the name of his succes sor in

a letter , and without in form ing his sons or m in is ters about his

decis ion regard ing h is succes sor , s ea led the document and de

pos ited it in the roya l treasury . On the death of the king ,the roya l letter wa s opened in the a s sembly of the princes and

nobles . The prince on whom the roya l choice had fa l len,and

who was mentioned by h is roya l father a s his succes sor, was

then ra ised to the throne , and his other brothers were appointed

governors o f the prov inces . The brothers thu s removed fromthe Court , we a re informed , very s eldom met aga in .

1 1 The High

Pr ies t, a ided by other d ignita r ies,crowned a new king, when he

came to the throne,and showered bened ictions upon him

?2

With the growth of the power of the Church , the voice of the

pries ts became more influentia l in the appo intment o f a king.

According to the s tatement of Tan sa r , the ruling king wa s re

qu ired to write w ith h is own handwriting three mes sages inwh ich he expres sed h is w i shes regarding his succes sor , and

entrus ted them to a re l iable cus todian . The mes sages were f orthe H igh Pries t , the Grand Viz ier, and the Commander-in-chie f .On the pa s s ing away of the k ing, the three d ignitar ies were tomeet together to d iscus s the s ituation . I f there was an unan i

mou s agreement between them , they were to make the announcement,but i f the H igh Pries t wa s o f another opinion , the con

ShN. 6 . 286;Ma sudi, tr . Ba rbier de Meynard,2 . 1 62 .“

Dk . , vol . 9 , p . 575 .

1 0ShN. 7 . 2 10.

1 ’ Hori , A Chines e Accoun t of P ers ia in the S ixth Century, in SpiegelMemor ia l Volume

, p . 248, Bombay, 1 908;ShN . 7 . 2 1 0,2 1 1 .

ShN. 6 . 409 .

KINGSHIP 309

ference wa s to close . The High Pr ies t had then to summon a

synod o f priests , consu l t them and invoke Ormazd and h is heav

enly m inis ters by suppl ica tions for guidance. The nobles and

court iers were then to meet together , and the H igh Pr ies t wa s to

announce the name o f the pr ince as the rightful succes sor to the

throne , and the a s sembly wa s to receive his announcement a s

inspired by Ormazd . Then the High Pries t solemnly sa id ,‘the

heavenly beings have decreed that N or M sha l lbe king . Ac

know ledge , therefore , O people , h imas your k ing , and you w il lbe happy .

’

The chosen prince was then tobe s eated on a throne ,

and a crown tobe placed on his head . On being sworn by the

H igh Pr ies t in the name of God , and the re l igion o f Zoroas ter ,the new king responded , a s is the wi l l of God , I w i l l work f orthe wel fare of the pe0p1e .

’ 1“The acces s ion o f a new king to

the throne : d id not , however, a lways come out in a peace fu lmanner . S evera l c la imants o ften came out with their fo l lowersand fought f or the throne

,which ultimately fe l l to h im

, who,

w ith force of a rms , a s serted his right by de feating and des troying his riva ls . When a minor prince was ra ised to the throne ,a council of s tate or a regent managed the a ff a irs , unti l the princecame of age and took the reins of his emp i re in his hands .

“Genera lly , it wa s the ma le is sues of a king that occupied the

throne,but , fa il ing these, there were no res trictions to ra i s ingthe fema les to the throne , and we find two pr inces ses who suc

ces s ively occup ied the throne . When a person o f roya l b loodwas not found , the D inkard s tates , that the nobil ity o f the country should, w ithout persona l predi lections , proceed to choos e a

person of noble birth , good repute , and upright behav iour?“

The occupant of the throne wa s required tobe without gla ringbodily disfigurements . A prince who was bl inded by his riva lcla imant to the throne, lost h is t itle to it ?“

The power of th e king. The occupant of the throne who ,

as we have seen , styled h ims el f a god among men was absolutein power . He he l d in the hol low of his hands the l i fe and

property of every one o f h is subjects . He endowed , at h is w i l l ,the nobles and chie fs with d istinctions and wea l th . H e could

,

Darmes teter , Lettre de Tans ar au roi de Tabar is tan, in JA .

,1 894,

1 . DD. 544 , 545C f . ShN. 6 . 329 , 360.

Dk . , vol . 9 , p . 608.

Christensen , op. cit. 8. 431 .

310 KINGSHIP

a s wel l,deprive one of h is l i fe and property at his caprice .

Though the w i l l o f the sovereign wa s supreme, there were, how

ever,other forces in existence , which o ften a cted a s a check to

the unlim ited power of the king . The Mohad h ierarchy , which

rose to great power and influence in Sasan ian I ran ,had a s trong

hold over the peop le, and cou ld eas ily s tir up a revolt aga inst a

king,whom they d is l iked . Thus , though in theory, the king

wa s ab solute in power, he cou ld not , in practice , show a tota l

di s rega rd,

f or the es tabl ished usages and ins titutions . The belief

that the king wa s the representative of God upon earth , did not ,

however, restra in the people f rom revolting aga inst the roya l

authority, when the king’s act ions d id not savour o f divine in

spira tion ,and when iniqu ity and oppres s ivenes s s igna l ized his

rule. We have , consequently , examp les in wh ich tyrant kingshave been compel led by the powerful hiera rchy and the hereditary

nobil ity to change their po l icy f or the wel fa re of the people .

S imilar ly,unpopula r princes were often prevented from coming

to the throne, or, in extreme ca ses , pe0p1e rose in insurrection

and deposed , or incapacitated , or kil led their ru lers . I t is s tated

that a king who is weak or indiff erent to the we l fare of the

people , or is incapable of averting threatened danger to h is

country , and cannot keep it f ree f rom trouble,is tobe replaced

by a better one, even by fighting w ith h im, i f neces sary .

1 7

Th e e th ics of k ings . Though the d ivine r ight of the king

to rule over men a s the representative o f Ormazd was never

contes ted , we lea rn from the extant writings on the dut ies of

kings , that the king wa s expected to conduct h im sel f in a manner

worthy of his exa lted pos ition . Jus t a s a s tream of water , it is

sa id , flowing from the top of a mounta in, spreads a carpet of

verdure on the p lains below , or a s a fire l ighted on the . hill shedsits bril l iant l ight a ll around

, so should a good kingbe a f ruitfulsource of goodnes s f or h is subj ects . He should, in the firs t

place,be rel igious , and pos ses sed '

of good dispos ition,he shou l d

practi se forbearance, love h is subj ects , and s trive for their welfare , he should bea r in m ind the trans itorines s of a ll earth lypower , choose w ise and noble courtiers

,apprec iate the mer it of

the worthy , s it in open court and render j us tice to those who

a re wronged , and puni sh the wrong—doers,be generous l ike water ,

Mkh. 33. 10;Dk ., vol. 2 , p. 1 1 5.

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3 1 2 KINGSH IP

of h is people ?“He should patronize lea rning and rel ieve the

learned from the anx iety o f earn ing the ir l ivelihood , s o that

they may devote the ir t ime in pursu it o f know ledge, and shouldhelp those that a re des erving and needy ?" H e should a ssuage

the suff erings of his subj edts , shou ld treat them a s his own ch i ldren ,

should work to make them exa lted , and should render hiscountry renowned and great ?“Goodnes s shown by the king to

the people under h is sway , makes h im the favoured o f God ?“The king should fight aga inst a coming danger , ever hope ful of

succes s , should notbe despondent , and should not dread evil , f or ,that would make h im m iserable?“H e shouldbe pos ses sed o f

fores ight and confidence , and should neverbe cowardly .

4 1 On

the other hand, it is the bounden duty of the peop le to obey the

w i l l o f the king .

42 They shou ldbe grateful to h im in thought ,word , and deed , for the protection and s ecurity he gives them ?“The k ing is the giver o f law and order unto the peop le, an embe l

lishment on fes tive occa s ions , the refuge and a sylum o f the subj ect in t imes o f fea r ?“Peop le should addres s the king a f ter

mature cons ideration ?“Even a good action done by a subj ectin oppos ition to the roya l w i l l , loses its merit ?“Good-w i l lshould a lways preva i l between the king and his subj ects ? 7

Th e roya l court . According to Ma sud i, a register was keptin which were recorded the graded ranks of the courtiers , withthe i r descriptions , titles , rights , and functions ?“Among the

ch ief functionar ies , who sha red the respons ib il ity with the kingo f managing the a ff a irs of the kingdom , were, accord ing to the

same author , M‘

obaddn Moboti , ‘the H igh Pries t;Vazurg Far

md tdr,‘the Grand Vizier ,

’

who bore the Achaemenian titleH azd

’

rpa t;Ar teshtdrdn S dlc‘

i r or I ran S ipc'

ihpa t, the Commanderin-chie f;Dapirdn Mahis t or [ ran Dapirpa t,

‘the Secreta ry o f

S tate;and Vds tryosdn Solar or Vd s tryosc‘

inpa t,‘the M inister o f

Dk . , vol . 7, p . 468 .

Dk ., vol . 9 , pp . 608, 609 .

Dk ., vol . 7 , pp . 430, 431 .

Dk . , vol. 7 , p . 490.

Dk ., vol . 8, p . 468.

Dk .,vol . 8, pp . 481 -483.

Dk . , vol . 1, p . 9 .

Dk ., vol . 6 , pp . 404, 4 18, 4 1 9;vol . 9 , p. 559 .

Da rmes teter , op. ci t ., p . 528.

Dk .,vol . 9 , pp . 600

,60 1 .

Dk . , vol . 1 1,bk . 6 . 232 , 233, pp . 88, 89 .

Dk . , vol 5, p . 283.

S ee Chr i s tensen ,op. cit. 9 . 33.

KINGSHIP 31 3

Agriculture;’ who of ten control led commerce , labour and s im i

lar departments , and wa s then ca l led H u tokhshpa t .

” Members

o f the great priv ileged fam i l ies were genera l ly se lected to holdthe offices of grea t trus t ?“Mos t o f the kings of th is periodtook a keen persona l interes t in pub l ic a ff a irs o f the empire a t

home , and in the matter of its relat ions w ith foreign powers .

Some of them , occa s iona l ly , pres ided over the law courts and

pa s s ed judgments on culprits .

-Ou more important occas ions of

emba rking upon war w ith a hos ti le power , the king consu l ted thes a traps and

’

va s sal k ings , in addition to his court iers and com

manders .

The splendour and pomp exhibited by the S asanian Courtwa s not equa l led by any roya l court o f the t ime . P unctillious

attention wa s pa id to the obs erva tion o f minute forms o f court

et iquette . Al l movements in the court were regu la ted by s tr ict

ceremony , and the mas ter of ceremon ies was respons ib le f or

their ca re ful obs ervance . On grea t occa s ions , when the king

wa s to grace the ha l l of audience w ith h is presence , the nobles

and court iers came atti red in rich robes o f honour , and the m i l ita ry chiefs in the i r ful l cos tumes , a rranged thems e lves mos tcare fu l ly in the strict order of their rank . On the announce

ment , by the chamberla in , of .the approach of the king , a ll s toodw ith bent heads and lowered hands amid s tony s ilence , inter

rupted only by the ma j es tic s teps of the sovereign ,dres sed in the

mos t magnificent robe, s tudded w ith the riches t jewe l s . Whenthe king had s eated himsel f on the throne

, w ith the crown on the

head and the sceptre in the hand ,“1 am id grea t solemn ity of de

meanou r , and the features expres s ive of roya l power , the ofli

cers of s tate sat in their respect ive places , f rom ten to th irty feetd is tance from the king. A rich curta in screened the august faceo f the king from a ll . When any of the courtiers had to approachthe king, or when the king summoned any one to his presence ,

the master of ceremon ies drew the curta in , and ushered himinto the roya l presence . On approach ing near the augu s t sov

ereign ,the ind iv idua l threw h imse l f a t the feet of the throne ,

and kis sed the earth . The k ing then commanded him to r ise to

h is feet . The suppl iant stood in h is p lace , took out a clean whitehandkerch ief from h is s lee‘

ve , and he ld it before h is mouth to

prevent h is breath profaning the roya l surround ings even f rom

Ib., 8. 76-78, 85 . Ib. 8. 355.

" ShN. 6 . 2 58 .

31 4 KINGSHIP

a distance ?“H e then addres sed the king in a ll humi l ity , and

received the command , wh ich the s overeign was p leased to give ,and , making a lowbow ,

retired from the roya l presence w ithbackward s teps . The s igns of humil ity and reverence thus ex

hibited in the presence of the king, were to a cons iderab le extent

tobe observed , a ccording to the Shah Namah , even when ,f ar

f rom the roya l ga ze , outs ide the pa lace or the city , one rece ived

a mes sage or any other obj ect in the name of the king . For

examp le, i f a roya l mes s enger came to a satrap or a courtier or a

genera l or any of the subj ect , with a roya l edict;the receiver ,however exa l ted his po s ition ,

had to dismount f rom his hors e ,i f he wa s riding , or rise from his seat , i f he happened to s it, on

the approach of the roya l mes s enger , wa s to receive the docu

ment reverentia l ly , ra ise it to his l ips , or pres s it to his eyes,or

put it on his head , before reading it .

Meritorious services on the part of the courtiers were lavi sh lyawarded by the king . Titles and persona l d istinctions , robes of

honour and choices t gifts fe l l to the lot of those , who were so

fortuna te as to rece ive some ma rk of the roya l bounty .

“3When the envoys of a foreign country came to Pers ia on an

important mis s ion ,the king received them in audience, with the

honour due to their pos ition ,and

,i f the a ff a irs requ ired that the

emba s sy should s tay f or some days in Pers ia , the king lodged theenvoys in comfortable apartments , lav ishly enterta ined them at

banquet, cha se , and sports , and on the occa s ion of thei r depa rture pres ented each member of the emba s sy w ith a robe o f

honour .

“4Th e k ing in pub l ic . Though acces s to the king in time of

peace was the privilege of very f ew, the outbreak of a war

enabled the peop le of the towns and villages to s ee the king at

close quarters , f or , a s a genera l rule, a s we sha l l s ee later , thek ing led h is arm ies in person aga ins t the enemy , leaving his son ,

or brother, or chief min is ter , in charge of the a ff a irs a t home .

S im ila r ly , wh ile making his triumphant entry into h is capita l ,a fter secur ing a v ictory in the war , or on other state occa s ions ,the k ing a l lowed h im se l f tobe seen by his subj ects in h is im

peria l s ta te , and his ma j estic l ight sh one upon them . Peoplethronged in their fes tive a ttire on the streets , wh ich were gay ly

Christensen , op. cit. 9 . 34. ShN. 7 . 339 -343.lb. 9 . 36, .37.

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31 6 KINGSHIP

a s ide his roya l ins ign ia , and donned a wh ite dres s . On h is re

turn f rom the battlefie l ds , he usua l ly v is ited the great fi re

temples , and showered r ich gifts upon their cus todians .

A king ’s death wa s mourned f or forty days by h is loya l

subj ects ?“Th e roya l harem. The S a san ian monarchs , l ike thei r

Achaemenian predeces sors , ma inta ined large s eraglios . The

women’

who fi l led the harem came f rom a ll grades of Iranian

people . We have a lready seen how’

some of the great k ings had

espoused the daughters o f the kings of a l ien races , to consol idatethe friendly ties binding their empire to others l

Genera l ly , one w i fe o f the roya l blood occup ied the supreme

pos ition , and wa s held tobe the ch ie f consort . She wa s the lega lw i fe , whos e ch ildren were the legitimate succes sors to the throne .

Occas iona l ly , a w ife or a concub ine of a lower pos ition , was

e leva ted w ith the inves tment of roya l ins ignia to the rank of a

privi leged w ife .

We s ee f rom the graph ic des cription of the chiva lrous ad

ventures of Bahram Gur in the Shah Namah,that on his hunting

exped itions , whenever the sportive king gave his horse the reinin quest of game , and fi l led thebag w ith the w ild a s ses brows ing

on the pla ins , some vi llage la s s living in an adjoining hut wonh is roya l love , and was taken home to swe l l the number of h is

serag l io . The w ives and concubines in the harem o f Khus ru

Pa rviz a re sa id to have been unusua l ly numerous ?“Eunuchs and s laves per formed menia l services o f the inmates

o f the harem .

ShN . 6 . 306 , 32 1;7 . 1 5 1 . Raw l inson, op. ci t., p . 498.

CHAPTER XLIX

ADM IN ISTRATION

Organ iza t ion of the emp ire . No les s than two hundred and

forty ka t khuda'

e, or petty feuda l ch ie fs , a re dec la red to have

ru led over thei r petty sta tes in Pers ia ,when A rtakhshir , the

founder of the S a sanian dyna sty , appea red on the scene ? A f terw res ting the sceptre f rom the hand s of the Pa rthian king Artaban , who wa s the mos t power fu l of these hered itary ch ie fs ,

“the

conqueror continued to extend his dom in ions by conquests , and

soon succeeded in bringing the numerou s independent s tates

under h is one supreme control . Those o f the ch ief s who submitted to the new king, and bound thems e lves by an oa th o f

a l legiance to acknow ledge the Grea t King a s their sovereign ,to

pay him a fixed tribute , and to serve him w ith their arm ies in

times of war , were a l lowed to reta in their terr itories . Thesekinglets , ca l led shotroyc

‘

ir, had to receive their crowns at the

hands of the Great King , and to come to the roya l court on great

occas ions to pay thei r homage to him ? The sa trapia l form o f

government , so noted among the Achaemenians , wa s introducedin. the country , and the many prov inces o f the empire were governed by the s atraps appointed by the king , and were known a s

marspan, pa thospdn,or os tdndordn ? These prov incia l governors

had under them off icers who managed their dis tricts , and were

ca l led delikan or s hahr ikdn .

“As the emp ire continued to expandby new conques ts , it wa s found inconvenient to contro l and superv ise the doings of the numerou s governors . King Noshirvan the

Just , who is univers a l ly cred ited w ith hav ing introduced f a r

reach ing re forms in the var ious departments o f the s ta te , therefore ,

reduced the severa l sa trapies into four dist inct groups , andp laced a t the head o f each div is ion , an efficient and trus tworthy

K rNArtP . 1 . 1 .

ShN. 6 . 225 .

Da rmes teter,Lettre de Tansa r au roi fle Tabaris tan

,in JA ., 1 894.

See Chris tensen ,L

’

Empire des S as anides,tr . Nariman,

in J IA ., 8.

1 3 1 , 1 32 .“lb.

318 ADMIN ISTRATION

viceroy . The king, consequently , had to dea l with four viceroys

instead of with many governors , some of whom had thei r seats

of government very remote from the cap ita l . The governors of

the various provinces worked under the directions of the heads

of the four ch ief governments , and the latter in turn reported

from t ime to t ime to the king . Like his great Achaemen ian predeces sors , the king

“journeyed frequent ly through his dom inions ,

and made pers ona l inqu iries into the cond ition o f h is subj ects .

A la rge number o f detectives and spies moved f rom one end of

the empire to another at the roya l behest , and reported upon the

misdoings o f the ru l ing cla s s , and the suff erings of the pe0p1e .

I t wa s the duty o f the king , s ays Tansar , to appoint trus ted ,wise, and upright men f or this respons ible duty . For, i f in

trigu ing persons happened to occupy this office , they would very

l ikely fi l l the king’s ears with ca lumny , and work upon the vanity

or fears of the sovereign to ruin their Opponents.The l ives and

property of the worthy and innocent not being secure, the intoler

able s tate o f a ff a irs would soon bring about a revolution in the

country , and the king wou l dbe respons ible f or the consequences .

“When ca ses of mal-admini s tration reached the ea rs of the king ,he sent commis s ions to col lect evidence and make inqu iries on

the spot . I f these courts of inqu iry reported that the gu i lt wasproved in the case of a satrap or any officia l , the gui lty partywas severely punished .

7

Th e revenue sys tem. Among the many sources o f income

that fi l led the roya l treasury the taxes gathered f rom the arableland within the emp ire formed the most important item . The

long preva i l ing custom was , that the crown cla imed annua l ly

f rom the farmer a certa in proportion of the produce , wh ich wa sfixed by the government officia ls , and , accord ing to Mirkhond and

Tabari , u sua l ly fluctuated between one-tenth and one-ha l f o f theentire produce of the es timated productivenes s of the soil .“Th issystem left the fa rmer uns a fe in h is pos it ion ,

for he had every

year to look with uncerta inty to the tax ga therer, who might ,at h is caprice, make a greater demand for the s tate . The cu l tivator , theref ore , had no interest in the soil that he til led , he hadno incentive to increase h is output , and introduce improvements ,

Darmesteter, op. cit , JA ., 1 894, 1 . pp . 532 , 533;ShN. 7 . 224-228.

Mirkhond , Memoires sur Divers es Antiqu i tes de la P ers e, S i lvestredc Sacy, pp . 38 1 , 382 , Pa ris , 1 793.

S ee Raw l inson , The S eventh Grea t Orienta l Mona rchy , pp . 440, 44 1 .

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320 ADM IN ISTRATION

In times of famine and drought , attempts were made to re

l ieve the distres s of the peop le . For example , a terrible drought

v is ited the country in the re ign of P iroz , and la sted for seven

years . The king, thereupon ,rem itted taxes , dec l ined to take any

revenue f rom the peop le , and Opened his roya l trea sury, broughtin gra in f rom d is tant lands , dis tributed it among the pe0p1e, andthu s protected them aga ins t the d ire consequences of the

s courge ?"

When Bahram Gur a scended the throne , he s igna l ized the

occa sion by forgiv ing all a rrears of taxes ?“Co inage . Both gold and s i lver coins were

,a s we have seen ,

in c irculation among the Achaemenians . When Artakh shir es

tablished the new Zoroa s trian Empire a fter five centuries of a l ienru le in Pers ia , Pa rth ian coins of both the meta l s were current .

He adopted the Pa rth ian model , wh ich with the later modificat ionunder Roman influence

,rema ined the ba s is of S a san ian coin

age . The Sa san ian gold coin o f the ear ly period , weighing 1 36

gra ins , is of the Roman model ?“The s ilver coins a re found in

va st numbers , and from the names and tit les of the kings , theirregna l years , and the m int-ma rks that they exh ib it, we know

exactly the time and p lace where they were struck . We sha l lcons ider the a rtistic va lue o f the coins in subs equent pages .

Roads and pos t-hou s es . We had s een that the d is tant parts

of the extens ive emp ire were l inked by trunk roads by the Achaemenians . Under the S a san ians , these were kept in cons tant re

pa irs , and new roads were constructed . Bridges were thrown to

span the water cours es that intersected the caravan routes . Longs trings of came l s laden w ith goods and droves of loaded hors es ,mules and donkeys worked day and n ight f or the dealers in

merchand is e . Post-hou ses were es tab l ished at various p laces , andguards were stationed on the ma in routes to ensure the sa fetyo f the caravans and trave l lers . Caravansarais were erected f orthe shelter of wea ry wayfa rers , and provi s ion was made f or theirupkeep . The pos ta l service o f the per iod wa s mode l led on the

Achaemen ian sys tem , and the Arab conquerors la ter adopted it ,a long w ith many other ins titutions o f the Sasan ians .

Raw l inson , op. cit, pp . 3 1 4, 3 1 5 .

ShN. 7 . 1 1 .

Raw l inson, op. ci t , p . 69 .

CHAPTER L

LAW AND JUSTICE

The nature of Sas an ian leg is lat ion. Law in Sa san ian I ran

cont inued tobe regarded a s an integra l part of rel igion . The

j uri sts of the new empire looked to the Avesta a s the founta in

o f law . The los t Aves tan works were a s s iduous ly col lected , andthe sections of law found therein were codified . As law had its

origin in rel igion ,the priests , who were the depos itaries of re

ligious learnin‘

g,were a lso the bes t interpreters of lega l texts .

Likewise , they were regarded as the proper persons to hold h ighj ud icia l pos it ions in the country . The h ighes t eccles ias tica l func

tionary ,therefore , exerci sed supreme author ity in j urisprudence

a lso . King Artakhshir consulted his H igh Priest on how to

dea l with his queen, when her p lot to poison her roya l husbandhad been d iscovered , and the H igh Priest recommended her exe

cution ? The ultimate j udicia l authority, however , was ves ted

in the king , who was the vicegerent upon ea rth o f the d ivine lawgiver Ormazd. The peace ful progres s of the world , it is s a id ,depends upon j us tice , and the king is enjoined to pres ide in

person occas iona l ly in open courts , in order to extirpate inj usticef rom the country .

“King Hormazd I I is reported to have pre

s ided in person a t such courts , to which poor peop le o f the

empire brought thei r compla ints , when they were hara s sed bythe rich and powerful

? The pena lty of death or mutilat ions ,says the Dinkard , was not tobe infl icted w ithout re ference to theking’s approval

?

The judges . The j udges f or civ il , a s wel l a s crimina l , ju stice were , a s be fore, mostly drawn f rom the pr ies t ly cla s s .

“TheAvestan term s raoshdvarez ,

which s ign ified the eccles ias tica l

KrNArtP . 9 . 1 5 , 1 6;ShN. 6 . 260.

Dk ., vol . 3, p . 1 82 .

Raw l inson, The S eventh Grea t Orienta l Monarchy, pp. 1 39 , 1 40.

Dk ., vol . 9 , p . 632 .

Hori, A Chines e Account of Pers ia in the S ixth Century ,in Spiegel

Memoria l Volume, p. 248, Bombay, 1 908.

32 1

322 LAW AND JUST ICE

j udge, is occas iona l ly found under its Pahlavi equiva lent sroshdvarzcla

'

r,but the most usua l title now appl ied , to dis t inguish a

j udge, is dd tbar, upholder of j ust ice,’ f rom which is derived

the Pers ian word ddvar . Among the j udges of va rious grades ,the fina l decis ions of the High Priest are declared tobe mostauthoritat ive, owing to h is righteous thoughts“An impa rt ia lj udge, the text says , who never gives a fal se j udgment is lovedby O rmazd .

7 A j udge who does not accept a bribe is l ike untoO rmazd;but Whoso,

in his greed for money , demeans h imsel f

on the bench resembles Ahriman .

“I t is the duty of a j udge

a lways to weigh the s ca le evenly between the rich and the poor.

To the minors who are brought f or tria l to the court , the j udge

is advised to show specia l con s iderat ion in dea l ing with thei r

crimes .

“A j udge who is fa l se to his respons ible pos ition, causesgreat harm to all

,

1“and is l ikened unto a demon .

1 1 Ra in fa l l turnsout s canty , sweetnes s departs f rom the m ilk of cattle, and chi ldren perish at their b irth , in a place having a corrupt j udge inits midst ?“

In his account of the horrible tortures a l leged tobe metedout to the s inners in hel l , Vira f depicts the souls of corrupt

j udges as be ing suspended by one leg with their heads downward ,eyes scooped out , tongues chopped off , the bodies racked with

forks , heads pierced with i ron spikes ,1 3

or , according to otherinstances , as s laying the i r own children and devouring thei r

bra ins .

“The angels make a lodging in the persons o f good

judges ?“The dispensers of j ustice a re exhorted to deliver true

j udgments , i f they des ire tobe saved at the Bridge of Judg

ment ?“They are admon ished to keep the fear of hel l in mind ,wh i le pronouncing sentences upon culprits ?“An upright j udgewho happens to give wrong j udgments , owing to the lack of '

proper lega l abi lity, is forgiven by Orma zd ?“The heavenly

j udge compensates those who are the victims of inj ustice in thisworld ?“An ideal j udge embel l ishes j ustice,but a corrupt j udgeimpa i rs it

?“I t is there fore declared that care ful inquiry should

Dk ., vol. 2 , p . 69 . AV. 9 1 .

Dk ., vol . 8, p . 438. Dk .,vol . 9 , p . 593.

Mkh 39 45. 46 . Dk .. vol . 5 , p . 3 1 5;vol . 7 , p . 474Dk ., vol. 7 , p . 440. AnAtM. 69 .

Dk ., vol. 8, p . 456. Dk . , vol . 7 , p . 474.

1“Dk . , vol . 8, p . 480. Dk . , vol . 7 , p . 473.

1 8. Dk ., vol . 8, p . 457 .

AV. 79 .

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324 LAw AND JUST ICE

left s isters , whom he had supported during his lifetime , it was the

duty of the widow to give them , food and ma intenance f rom

the income of her late husband ’s property?“

Adopt ion on c ivilbas is . We have noted in previous pages

how the a rdent des i re to pe rpetuate the cult of the ancestra l dead

of the fam ily led to the custom of adopting a son,in default o f

one begotten . The inst itution of adoption in thi s ca se had a

rel igious bas i s , and the adopted son was bel ieved able to fac i l itate the way to heaven of departed members of the family byceremonies performed in their beha l f . We read , a lso, in the

Pahlavi Dad istan-i Denik of an institution of adoption ,which

seems to have a c ivil ba s is , w ith the fundamenta l V iew of sa fe

guarding and managing the property o f a decea sed person ,who

has left no grown son to succeed him. The gua rdians in th is

ca se are not neces sari ly men only , a s we sha l l see later,but thewidow , or an unma rried daughter of the dead man ,

or any other

of h is relations . The Pahlavi word s a tor, adopted son,

’

is u sed

to cover both methods of'

adOpt ing a son , a like f or rel igious pur

pose , and as a guardian f or civi l interests . To avoid con fus ion,

we sha l l ca l l the person ,man or woman , appointed to manage the

property of a dead person by the des ignation, fam ily guardian .

. I f a man died leaving a wi fe and sons , his estate was tobemanaged by the sons , under the guidance and control of the i r

mother . When a fam ily wa s not bles sed w ith sons , the widow

acted a s the guard ian o f the fami ly .

“1 When some of the a ff ai rs

of the dead person were of such a nature that they could notbewel l managed by a woman ,

it wa s customa ry to appoint a ma le

family gua rd ian ?“A son-in- law ,f or example , under such cir

cumstances , could very wel l help the hou se-m istres s ,but he wasnot a l lowed to act w ithout her cons ent . When ,

however , a son

was born to him, who, through his mother’

s s ide , wa s a direct

descendant of the family , the son-in-law became ent it led to

more intimate concern and greater power in the managemento f the property

?“I f a man of ample property d ied leav ing no wi fe or is sue ,

or even a brother, it was thought neces sary , for the managemento f h is estate, to appoint a guard ian f rom his neares t relat ives ?“Persons , cons idered most fitted for the purpose were, fi rstly , a

Dd. 62 . 6 . Dd. 56 . 2 , 3;59 . 2

Dd. 54. 1 2 , 13.

LAW AND JUSTICE 325

grown-up s is ter , provided she had not undertaken s imilar duties

elsewhere , secondly , a brother’

s daughter or a brother ’s son , and ,

la stly, any other nea r relative ?“I f a man was survived only by

a serving w i fe , or a daughter , or an infant son , who could not

manage the family aff a irs , the father of the W idow wa s held

tobe the proper person to act a s guardian;i f not he , a brotheror s ister, or some other near rela tive , was tobe chosen for thepost

?“I t was held tobe unlawful not to appoint such guardians ,as soon as pos s ible , or , w ithin a yea r, at the lates t, a fter the dea th

of the head ‘

o f a fam ily ?"

The texts mention three kinds of such guardianship . In the

first place, a s we have seen , the widow or an unmarried daughter

was regarded as the natura l guardian of the family , a fter the

death of the father . S econd ly , a gua rdian who had been ap

pointed by the head o f the fam ily , in h is own l i fetime , wa s held

tobe qua l ified to conduct his a ff a i rs a f ter h is death . The guar

d ianship of the th ird kind came in force when the w idow of the

dead person, or his daughter , wa s not in a pos ition to become

a gua rdian , a s wel l a s when the deceased had appointed no one

during his l i fetime . Under these ci rcumstances , it was the dutyof the High Pries t to appoint a gua rd ian from the relatives of

the deceased person?“Rega rding the qua l ifications of these

guardians , it is declared that an intel ligent , good man of ripeexperience, or an elderly , fa ithful , and good woman wa s el igiblefor appointment . I t is added

,that there wa s no objection to

appoint ing a s guardians a man who had a l ready undertaken suchrespons ibil ities in other famil ies ,but, in the ca se of a woman ,

this wa s not tobe permitted , the rule be ing that a woman couldbe a guardian in one family on ly ?“The guard ians were entit ledto draw the ir expenses f rom the property which they administered ?“M ismanagement or squandering away of the propertyby the guardians wa s a punishable crime .

Oath s . The adminis tration o f oaths to the l it igant partiesand thei r witnes ses , to a scerta in thei r innocence or guilt in a

case , which we saw in early pages , was a concomitant of a ll

lega l procedure , continued during the S asanian period . The

oath was not tobe broken under any c ircums tances , and we haveDd. 60. 3.

326 LAW AND JUST ICE

the picture, given by Vira i , of the violaters of oath , pierced inhel l by spurs , a rrows , s tones , and axes ?“Adarbad admonishes

h is son never to dishonour his name by not keeping a vow ?“As in early t imes , the oath was taken to convince a person of the

truth fulness of one’

s statement . For example, when youthful

prince Artakhsh ir flees f rom the court of the Parth ian king, andlaunches upon h is adventure of recovering his ancestra l throne ,he meets with an influentia l ch ief , who is w i l l ing to help him with

his sons and his army . The pr ince at first hes itated to confide in

the chief , whereupon , the latter took an oath and convinced him

o f his good fa ith .

44

The method of admin is tering oath s . In the extant Pahlavi

literature we find no description of the method of admin istering

oaths . We have,however, a Pers ian vers ion , evidently derived

from a Pahlavi source, which descr ibes the manner in wh ichoa ths were admin istered , and gives the formula s

"

rec ited on suchoccas ions . We are given an example, in which a man having

borrowed something from another, denied having received any

thing f rom him . The transaction , according to the s tatementof the pla intiff , wa s contracted without any written document,and in absence of w itnes ses . The only course left , under the

circumstances , was to administer an oath to the defendant .

The las t hope was enterta ined that the defendant would dread

the divine dis favour , which he would incur i f he swore fa lsely,and would confes s his guilt . When the disputants approached

the officer of oath , and la id thei r case before him ,he expla ined

to them the great harm that would accrue to the pa rty who

should swear fa lsely, and gave them a n ight to ponder overthei r respons ibi l ities , and to try to come to an amicable settle

ment . The parties , however , appea red next day before the ad

ministrator o f oath and undertook to submit to the ceremonia lof oath . The ofl‘icer a sked the defendant to bathe , to put on new

clothes , and to wea r the mouth-covering . He wa s then made

to s tand at a place, and a priest drew a furrow round him , and

chanted the Ahunavar formula while doing so. Fire was then

brought to the p lace and f ed with incense. A clean bowl with a

l ittle water and a p iece o f bread was put before the oath-taker,who was now a sked to recite the l itany to the sun, and take hiss eat be fore the fire . The priest once aga in tried to dis suade the

AV. 52 . AnAtM. 1 14. KrNArtP . 4. 5.

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328 LAW AND JUSTICE

Fire is sa id tobe the surest discriminator between the innocent

and the guilty ?“The man who was innocent at heart , it is

a l leged , would pas s through the fiery liquid w ithout his tonguebeing scorched , or feet be ing burned;the fiery flame , on the con

trary, would s eem to himf as a mild l ight leading him onwa rd to

vind icate his innocence ?“The w icked , on the other hand , wouldbe burned and fa l l exposed of h is guilt ?“The noted example ,which the writers of the Sasanian and the subsequent period

f requently quote is that of the great Dastur Adarbad, who, it is

sa id , submitted to the ordea l of the molten metal , to convince

the people of I ran of the excel lence of thei r fa ith , which wa sgreatly undermined by heret ica l teach ings . The burn ing liquid ,which wa s poured upon his breast, it is a l leged, fa i led to hurt

him in any way ,and he came forth unscathed ? 1

The c las s ificat ion of cr imes . The crimina l code of the

Sasanians wa s , in the ma in , the one prescribed"

in Avestan lawbooks . However, some modifications and changes , suited to the

times , had been adopted . We have on the author ity of Tansar ,that h is roya l ma s ter abrogated in iquitous law s that were in voguein early I ran . In his letter to the king of Tabaris tan, the learned

Dastur declares that crimes couldbe divided into three groups .

The fi rst place was tobe given to those crimes that man committed aga ins t his creator, and he points to heresy , as the revoltf rom God . The s econd group cons is ted of the crimes of the

people aga ins t thei r king, the most conspicuous crimes of thiscla s s , being treason and revolt . In the third , or las t, group , ac

cording to h im, fel l the crimes that man committed aga inst h is

fel lowmen .

Re l igiou s off ences . The Sa san ian legis lation , a s we sha l l

see, leans towards rel igious intolerance . Tans ar , however, a s

s erts that King Artakhshir greatly modified the rigour of the

law , and s tates that heresy wa s in early days a cap ita l crime,and

‘

the heretic wa s at once ordered tobe killed . H is roya l

ma ster, on the other hand , so changed the law that when a man

wa s charged w ith heresy, he was sentenced to an year ’s im

Dk ., vol. 1 2 , bk . 6 . 3 13, p . 27 .

Dk . , vol . 4, pp . 26 1 , 262 .

5 15 . 1 5. 1 5, 1 7 .

S 15 . 1 5. 1 6;Sg. 10. 70;Dk . , vol . 9 , p . 649;vol . 1 4, bk . 7 . 4. 4, p. 37;AV . 1 . 1 6 .

Darmes teter, Lettre de Tansar ou roi de Tabaris tan, in JA.,1894, 1 .

p. 524

LAW AND JUSTICE 329

prisonment , and continuous a ttempts were made to impres s upon

him the excel lence of the nationa l fa ith , and to rec la im him

f rom heresy . Should such preachings and remons trances on the

part of the pries ts prove ineffectua l, then at last he wa s tobecondemned to death ?“However, the Pahlavi works of the period denounce unspa r

ingly those who doubted or critic ized the established teach ings of

the pries ts . The heretics a re ca l led demons , who are tobe putout of the group o f the fa ithful , a s the promoters of the religion

of Ahriman. There is no h0pe for them upon the earth when

they l ived , there is no sa lva tion for thei r soul s when they died ?4

The a rch-heretic Mani, whose eclecti c sys tem o f rel igion, despite

the persecution of its fol lowers in Pers ia ,rapidly spreadbe

yond the borders of the country of its origin to China in the

Ea st and to'

Europe in the Wes t , wa s flayed to death by the

order of King Bahram I , and his skin wa s s tuff ed w ith s traw

and hung up a s a warn ing to others ?“Chris tian ity , we have al

ready noticed , had penetrated into Pers ia long before the Sasanians founded the ir emp i re , and the Chris t ian Church frequentlywon converts from the rul ing commun ity . Apos tacy f rom Zoroa s trianism wa s a capita l off ence , yet it was not a lways resortedto , until , when the frantic zea l o f the Chri s tian pries ts and the

infuriated feel ings of the Mobads aggravated the s ituation . Ad ishones t pers on who fa lse ly undertook to cleanse another bymeans of ceremonia l ablution ,

had to suff er the dis loca tion of his

joints , one by one, and receive food a s coa rs e as tha t given to

the dogs ?“Ten years of prison a re prescribed by the Dinkardf or those who lapsed into supers titious idolatry .

Moral w rongs . The abhorrence w ith wh ich the Avestan writers looked upon those who committed cr imes aga ins t mora l itywa s shared by the Pahlavi w riters . I t was s inful to lead a straythe thoughts of another ’s wi fe ?“The woman who v iolated hernuptia lbed , it is sa id , withered the trees , dried the waters and

destroyed the righteousnes s of holy persons , and wa s worthy of

death ?“We ga ther f rom another source that the ma le off ender

Ib. , p . 524 .

For re f . see my Zoroas tr ian Theology , pp . 209 , 2 1 0, New York , 1 9 1 4.

I h., pp . 2 10,2 1 1

Sd . 36 . 9 .

Dk ., vol. 5, p . 27 1 .

AnAtM. 82 .

Sd . 67. 4, 6 .

330 LAW AND JUST ICE

who committed adultery with the privileged wi fe of a noble

man,was bani shed and the fa ithless woman had her nose and

ears cut off ?“I t was a capital crime f or the man who had

beguiled a woman , i f he procured the death of the child born

of the i l l icit union to hide the shame ? 1 Abortion is declared

heinous and the perpetrators had to su ff er heavy pun ishments inhel l ?“The child born of such union was i l legitimate?“and no

pos ition of honour wa s given to it, when it grew of age?4 I f the

crime wa s committed with a non-Zoroastrian woman , and a child

was born, the man wa s respons ible for the s ins that the child

born and bred in an a l ien fa ith would comin it throughout itsl i fe ?“Vira f depicts the wretched woman and her paramour

undergoing a most excruciating torture in hel l ?“Among the worst of abominat ions put under the group of

c rimes deserving of cap ita l punishment in this world, and a hor

rible fate in the next , is the unnatura l crime , and legis lators con

demn it with the same vehemence that we saw among the Avestanj urists ?"

Cr iminal off ences and the i r pun ishment s . The var ious de

grees of as sault between a man’

s l i ft ing his hand to strike an

other and ki ll ing him , were pun ished in the K ianian period , with

a graduated s ca le of la shes w ith a scourge. These lashes which

extended f rom five to two hundred, according to the gravity and

repetition of a crime, were converted into money va lue ?“Man

s laughter was a capita l crime, and the murderer was condemnedto death ?“Those who were sentenced to capita l pun ishment ,were hung upon a pole and shot with a rrows , or suspended on

a lofty gibbet by a twisted lasso ?0 The heres ia rch Mani, we have

seen, wa s flayed to death , and the communist Mazdak wa s hung

head-downwa rds and pierced to death with a shower o f a rrows .

"1

Other forms of punishment were confinement, the cutting off

Hori , op. cit , p. 249 .

Sd. 63. 4, 5.

AV. 64, 78.

S d. 63. 7 .

Dd. 78, 1 2 .

Dd. 78. 8, 9 .

AV. 24. 69 , 7 1 , 81 , 85, 88. 95Dk . , vol. 1 , pp . 1 4, 1 5;vol. 9 , p . 631;818 . 1 . 1 , 2;1 1 . 2;1 6. 1 -3.

Dk ., vol. 9 , p. 631 .ShN. 7. 325.

ShN. 7. 209 .

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CHAPTER LI

PRIESTS AND PRIESTHOOD

P r ies t ly des i gnat ions . We saw in the previous pages that

the profess ion of pries thood in Iran had f rom ear ly times been

hereditary, and that the son inherited the s acerdota l office of his

father . Sasan ian priesthood wa s l ikewise heredita ry and had

grown into a power fu l cas te . In ou r examination o f the pos it ion

of the Iran ian priesthood , we saw that the cla s s des ignation of

pries ts in Ea s tern I ran among the Kian ians wa s athravan,but

was magi in Wes tern Iran among the Medes and the Achaemen

ians . The term athravan continued tobe appl ied to the pries ts ,a s thei r clas s des ignat ion ,

by its Pahlavi correspondent ds ronc’

m.

The word magopat, or magpa t, cor responding to its Greek formMagi , or Magus , now came tobe used , both as a des ignat ion o f

the priestly cas te and a s the persona l title o f a pr iest to distin

gu ish him f rom a layman . This priest ly title continues tobeused with its dua l s ign ificance to this day under its Modern

Pers ian form mobad . Another t itle app l ied to a lea rned pries t

during th is period is aerpat, f rom the Aves tan ae thrapa iti, l iter

a l ly mean ing, ma s ter of knowledge .

’The supreme priest among

the Aves tan pe0p1e wa s ca l led Z ara thu shtra tema or most l ike

Zarathu shtra . Thi s des ignation under its Pahlavi form Z ar tusht‘

tum is occas iona l ly used ? The form s most f requently usedamong the Sa san ians were magopa tdn magopa t and das tobar,corresponding to later mobaddn mobad and das tur, or the H igh

Priest . Among some important subs titutes used to des ignate theoffice of the High Pries t maybe mentioned den peshopai ,

’ ‘the

leader o f rel igion ,

’ correspond ing to Modern Pers ian and

den f ramd tdr ,’ ‘the preceptor o f rel igion .

’

Women were privi leged to per formcerta in minor ceremonies ,Dk .

, vol. 2 , pp . 1 1 1 , 1 1 2;vol. 1 2 , bk . 6 . 300, p . 1 4.

’Dd . 1 . 1 0.

Bd. 33. 2 .

PRIESTS AND PRIESTHOOD 333

and even , at t imes , to act as the officiating priestes ses amongwomen ,

“under the condition that none shouldbe in the menses ,when so administering ?

The p lace of the priesthood among th e Sasan ians . Artakhshir, the founder of the Sasanian Empire and the rejuven

ator of Zoroastrianism ,himsel f belonged to the pries tly caste .

He ra ised the priesthood to a more dign ified pos ition than that

it enjoyed during the Achaemenian period .

“He wa s a staunch

bel iever in the doctrine of the unity of the Church and the Sta te .

The two, according to him ,were l ike brother and s ister, neither

of whom could flouri sh a lone .

" They were interwoven togetherl ike two pieces of brocade .

“The sacerdota l ca ste , under these

circumstances , natura l ly rose to great power , and rema ined in theascendancy unt il the la s t days of the empire . The mos t important

of the Pahlavi works of th is period , the D inkard , states that

p ries ts are to the other c la s ses of society , what the head is to thehuman body .

“Qua l ifi cat ion s of a pr iest . As the pos ition of pr ies ts was

exa lted , so were their respons ibilities great . An idea l priestrequired virtues both of head and heart . Describing the qua l ifications of a priest, the Dinkard says that he shouldbe a fi rmbel iever, helpful , courageous , cha ritable , true

,contented , and

persevering?“Heresy , greed , and s loth were held a s seriou s

off ences in a pries t .

1 1 Bod i ly defects , such a s dea fnes s , blindnes s ,and dumbnes s , d isqua l ified a priest from officiat ing in the

r itua ls ?“The High Priest shou ldbe prudent , good-natured , of

wide inte l l igence , a thoughtful person ,learned , of advanced age ,

and experienced?“Furthermore, he shouldbe pure o f dispos i

tion, pos sessed of innate w isdom , an embel l i sher of rel igion , de

voted , we l l -versed in the sacred texts and the i r commentar ies , ofgood character , large-hearted ,

h igh -th ink ing,control l ing his bod i ly

pas s ions , true, and j ust .

“Likew i se , he shou ldbe wel l-versed5 18 . 10. 35.

Nr . bk . 1 . 1 6 . 4;bk . 2 . 1 3. 1 1 .

Raw l inson,The S eventh Grea t Oriental Monar chy, p . 57 .

Ma sudi, tr . Barbier de Meynard,2 . 1 62

,Pa ris , 1 86 1 -77 .

ShN. 6 . 286 .

Dk . , vol. 1 , p . 37;vol . 9 , p . 606;Sg . 1 . 20-24.

Dk . , vol . 7 , p . 477 .

C f . Nr . bk . 1 . 1 . 2 , 3;Mkh . 59 . 7 .

Nr . bk . 2 . 1 3. 1 7 .

Dk . , vo l. 6, pp. 359 , 360.

Dk ., vol. 4, pp. 225, 226 .

334 PRIESTS AND PRIESTHOOD

in the sacred legal texts , and capable of as serting his authority ?“Unto such a worthy chief , the priests should look a s thei r orna

ment and glory;the wa rriors should regard him as the ir a rmour,the agriculturists , a s the source of thei r happines s , and the arti

sans should take him for thei r garment?“The High Priest, it is

sa id, shouldbe appointed a fter ascerta ining his qua l ifications ?"

The i r work . The primary duty of priests was to mainta in

rel igion in its purity , to perform r itua ls , to teach pe0p1e, to leadthem to goodnes s?

“and to inspire zea l for rel igion ?“The pries ts ,

it is sa id , should s trive zea lous ly to establish inst itutions f or re

ligious instruction?“They were expected to exerc ise thei r great

influence over the king, and to nurture his rel igious incl inat ions ?“A priest is declared tobe a shepherd , with pe0p1e f or his flock ,and a s such he wa s to guide them sa fely on the path of duty ?“A good priest could not fa i l to inspire . with righteousness , thosewith whom he came in conta ct ?“Rel igion, it is stated , is kept a l ive by the High Priest and the

king?“the two highest persona l ities in the country ?“A king

who has fa ith in his High Priest is decla red tobe good ?" More

over, the king is advised not to undertake any work without the

advice of the High Priest ?“I t is f or the good o f the pe0p1e thatthey should obey the orders of the High Priest, j ust as theyobeyed the commands of the king?“and should fol low his guid

ance in every matter ?“They should learn f rom him what theyshould do, and what they should not,

“1and he wouldbe sure to

make them religious , civi l ized , glorious , intel l igent , and happy?“

In addition to his pos ition a s the head of rel igion , the High Pries t

5 18 . 8. 1 1 .

Dk ., vol . 4, p. 253.

Dk ., vol. 8, p . 45 1 .

Mkh. 31 . 4-8.

Dk . , vol. 7, p . 450.

Dk ., vol . 5 , pp . 282 , 283.

Dk . , vol. 7 , p . 479Dk ., vol. 7, p . 483.

8 18. 1 7. 8;Dk ., vol 9 , p . 597.

Dk ., vol. 1 2 , bk. 6. 325, p . 32 .

Dk ., vol . 8, p . 439 .

Dk ., vol . 7 , p . 484.

Dk ., vol . 6 , p . 422 .

Dk ., vol. 1 0, bk. 6 . 30, p . 9;cf . KrNArt. 9 . 1 5-23;Sd. 26. 7;Dk ., vol. 6 , pp. 41 8, 41 9 .

Sd. 27. 5 .

Dk ., vol. 7, p. 480.

Dk ., vol. 7, p . 488;vol . 9 , p . 602 .

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CHAPTER LI I

WARFARE

The p rofes s ion of a rms . In common with the i r great an

cestors the Achaemen ians , the Sasanian s held the warrior’

s pro

f es sion in great esteem . The natura l aptitude f or a mil ita ry

l ife which they had inher ited was fostered with ca re . Like hisAchaemenian predeces sor, every Sa san ian king persona l ly led hisa rm ies in t imes of war . H e invoked divine help in his warl ikeundertakings, and , a s we see him in the Shah Namah , he con

stantly repa ired to the fire-temples , both at the open ing and at

the close o f a war . One of the highest t itles of roya lty was

argpa t, meaning, l itera l ly, commander of a fortres s .

’ 1 Princes

and sons of noblemen ,and youths who a spired to glory , were

tra ined f rom their ear l ies t days , in exercis es , rigorous disc ipline,riding and hunting, and man ly games l ike polo, thus learning to

endure fatigue and privation with fortitude? Speaking about thequa l ifications o f a warrior, the Dinkard states that he shouldbes tout in build, o f impetuous va lour, and ready to meet death with

indiff erence ? Greater cons idera tion wa s shown to the membersof th is c la ss than to the peasants and a rtisans . I t is sa id that

they deserved such specia l recogn ition, because they risked the i r

lives f or their king, when others l ived in compa rat ive ease at

home . Members of the other groups were expected to sa luteand honour the wa rrior ch ief s , when they met them on the way.

4

The troops and the i r officers . The flower of the a rmy wa s

o f course recru ited from the Pers ians them selves ,but the varioussubj ect races l iving under the Pers ian banner contributed largelyto the army . A fa irly large number of troops wa s ma inta inedon fixed pay , and their names were entered on the rol l . On

every occa s ion, when the body of tr00ps came to draw the pay,

See Christensen,L

’

Empire des S asanides , tr. Nariman,in J IA . 8. 59.

KrNArtP . I . 23, 25, 28, 30.

Dk ., vol . 2 , p . 9 5;vol. 5 , p . 299 .

Darmes teter, A lleged Lettre de'

Tansar au roi de Tabaris tan,in IA.,

1 894, 1 . pp. 531 . 532 .

WARFARE 337

every sold ier wa s ordered tobe present with his accoutrementsf or inspection be fore the paymaster . Th is re form wa s introducedby Noshrivan to remove the corrupt methods that had crept in

to de fraud the state by show ing a large number of soldiers on

the pay rol ls , than were actua l ly on the field , or by pas s ing off

i ll-equipped and unfit men as fight ing un its .

“In addition to th is

regu lar army , mercena ries were genera l ly hired to augment the

military force, whenever the country was a t war with an enemy .

The selection of this body o f tr00ps was made from ma rt ia l races

l iving in the ad joining countries . Sold iers from distant lands ,such a s Ind ia and Arab ia , a lso swe l led the number . These men

fought Pers ia ’

s battles for payments in money , or f or a s tipu

lated share in the booty that fel l to the conquering armies . Theyfought va l iantly and often fa ithful ly . But they could not a lwaysbe trusted , and instances are not wanting in wh ich they pat iently

wa ited to see on which s ide fortune incl ined , or trans ferred thei r

a l legiance to those promis ing higher wages . The officers in com

mand of the a rmies , thus composed of Pers ians and foreigners ,were genera l ly Pers ians . The Commander- in-ch ief o f all the

forces o f the emp i re wa s s tyled I ran s ipdhpa t or s ipdhsaldr or

arteshtdrdnsd lé r,and had under h is command officers o f graded

ranks . Persons of di stinction were genera l ly exa lted to the rankof a commander , an honour which was not a lways enviable . The

r ichest rewards and h ighes t honours awa ited a victorious com

mander ,bu t an unsucces s ful genera l o ften met the most crue l fateat the hands o f an in furiated mona rch .

“Genera l ly the king commanded the armies in person . Though the king ’s presence on

the batt lefield wa s inspiring and s a lutary to the commanders and

soldiers , the luxurious display of the pa lace , which entered thecamp with the sovere ign hadbad effect upon the conduct o f his

higher off icers . Couches and tables of mas s ive s ilver, r ich ornaments and cos tly apparel fi l led the roya l tents , and even those a lsoof the chiefs and nobles , and often added to the booty reapedby the enemy , when the Pers ian a rms were defeated ? The ru lersof the House of Sa san had inherited f rom the Achaemen ian mona rchs the un fortunate cus tom o f transporting their serag l ios o f

wives , concubines , eunuchs , and s laves to the camp . The roya l

Raw l inson, The S eventh Gr‘

ea t Orienta l Mona rchy , pp . 443, 444~Ib., pp . 4 1 9 , 5 18.

Ib.. pp . 2 1 7. 577 .

338 WARFARE

example wa s fol lowed by the a l l ies , chiefs , and nobles , with the

result that the wives of the ch ief s and commanders accompan ied

the armies with a large ret inue of servants and eunuchs and a

burdensome tra in o f baggage . They proved a source of great

impediment at a ll steps dur ing the fight , and of great embarra s s

ment in t imes of defeat: when they fe l l among the captured or

ki l led .

8

Th e footmen, hors emen, char iot ee rs , and th e e lephant

corp s . For a greater period o f its l ife o f about four hundredyea rs , Sa sanian Iran was at wa r w ith the Romans in the West

and the Eptha lites , Armenians , Turks , Arab s , and other peop lesin the Eas t

,and the pe0p1e had on ly occa s iona l breath ing spaces

to recover from the period ica l exhaustion . Wa r l ike preparation swere genera l ly made in w inter , when s tores were a ccumulated ,and arm ies were col lected and equipped w ith a rmour , lances ,round shields , swords , cros sbow s , bow s and arrow s ? The army

was divided into aspwdrgdn or the hors emen ,the pd igan or foot

men,and those that fought from the huge wooden towers ra ised

on the backs of elephants . Among the most commonly usedweapons of wa r

, according to the Shah Namah , were swords ,scimitars , ox-head maces , bows and a rrows , and la s sos . The

s trengt h of the Pers ian a rmy lay ch iefly in its archers . The

foot a rchers we re equ ipped w ith bow s and quivers ,filled with

sharp a rrows,and the huge watt led shields , wh ich they had in

herited from the Achaemenians . The horse archers wore pol

ished breastplates and cuira s ses , and were mounted on horses , a l soheavi ly a rmoured . The glittering a rmour o f the commanders wa sconsp icuous from a d istance . The king ’s helmet

,brea stp late,

greaves , and a rmpieces were u sua l ly made of so l id gold .

1 0 An

other d ivis ion of foot soldiers ca rried swords and long spears .

The use o f scythed cha riots wa s constant among the Achaemen

ians;it wa s occa s iona l ly resorted to among the Sa sanians ?1L

The elephant corps recruited from India formed an important

factor in the army . Each elephant carried a tower on its back,in which were skilled a rchers .

1 2 The scouts moved in advance

Ib., pp . 85, 1 23. 326. 5 14.

°C f . Hori

,A Chinese Account of P ers ia in the S ixth Century ,

in

Spiegel Memoria l Volume, pp . 248, 249 , Bombay, 1 908.

Raw l inson , op. ci t., pp . 1 76, 567 .

Ib., p . 648, n . 4, p . 649 .

C f . Hori, op. ci t., p . 249;Chris tensen,op. cit., 8. 281 .

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349 WARFARE

Heracl ius , when he defeated the Pers ian army nea r Da stagird?"

The standards of an enemy were prized a s mos t va luable trophies

of war , and the pa lace of Das tagird a lone had about three hun

dred Roman standards , wh ich the Pers ians had captured in early

years f rom thei r enemy , and which were recovered by Heracl ius .

1 8

Solitary instances are found in wh ich , l ike the early Pi sh

dadians and K ianians , champ ions were chosen f rom the contend

ing armles , in order to decide the is sue of the battle by s inglecombats , instead of by genera l fighting.

1 9 As a ru le , however ,there was a genera l engagement between the riva l forces as soon

a s they met . The archers who formed the chief strength of the

Pers ian army , and whose sharp action w ith thei r a rrows was

a lways dreaded by the enemy, opened their accurate shower . A

power ful detachment o f archers mounted on elephants rushed

on the enemy, darting thei r arrows f rom thei r elevated pos it ions ,the horse and foot a rchers inces santly del ivering the i r arrows

f rom their places . The a rchers did their work skil l fully under all

circums tances . They gave trouble to the retreating enemy byhanging on his rea r, and quickly dispatching the arrows on their

errands of death . In t imes of defeat, when they were themselves on the run

,they darted thei r arrows backwa rds w ith equa l

rapidity , and ha rassed the pursuing f oe . When the fighting

a rmies came close to one another,fighting with swords and spears

began .

Truce and treaty . When either party was exhausted, overtures were made f or a truce , and representat ives of both s idesmet to discu s s the terms . A truce wa s genera l ly concluded , and ,during its continuance, both pa rties mutua l ly agreed to lay downthe i r arms . This tempora ry period of the ces sation of hostili

ties extended from a f ew days to some months or somet imeseven to years . .For example , when Justinian

’

s envoys vi s itedNoshirvan at Ctes iphon with the proposa l for peace, the Pers ianking suggested that a truce shouldbe concluded between the

Pers ians and the Romans f or five years , before they could fina l lysettle the term s of peace . Dur ing the period o f the truce, it wasa rranged , that the causes that had led the two nations to incessant hosti l ities shouldbe careful ly cons idered and removed, and

Ib., p . 522 .

Ib., p . 525.

Ib., pp . 288, 559;ShN. 6 . 297 .

WARFARE 341

a mutua l unders tand ing shouldbe a rrived at?° When on such

occas ions , a truce was fa ithfully observed , it was fol lowed by a

treaty, by wh ich the na tions agreed to rema in at peace w ith each

other for the dura tion o f the treaty, wh ich wa s spec ified as seven ,

or thirty , or fi f ty yea rs , or for a ll time . The contracting pa rt ies

interchanged oaths for the fa ithful obs erva tion of the treaty, and

exchanged hos tages . The document was sea led with the roya l

s ea l and , we a re informed , wa s dispatched w ith abag of sa lt

s ea led w ith the roya l ring s igni fying the sanctity o f the oath ? 1

T rea tment a l lotted to the vanqu ished enemy . The fate of

the defenders o f a subdued town depended upon the annoyance

they had given to the v ictor . I f the arm ies succeeded in van

qu ishing the enemy without much bloodshed on the part o f the

victor , the treatment of the defenders was not severe . But i f

the res is tance off ered by the beleaguered garr ison ins ide the fortified town was s tubborn , and had cost the king much eff ort and

many l ives , he pi l laged the town and s laughtered the inhabitants .

A genera l mas sacre of the un fortunate inhabitants , under such

c ircums tances , was the outcome . Thebas -rel ief at Shapur,shows King Noshirvan s eated on the throne attended by hisgua rds , w itnes s ing the proces s ion of the prisoners ushered in by

sold iers and men br inging booty . Among the va rious things thusbrought a re the s laughtered heads o f the chie f enem ies of the

king . Such cruel s cenes perpetuated in s tone by the Pers ianmona rch couldbe para l leled by s im ilar deeds of his Roman ad

vers aries . When Ju l ian overpowered the Pers ian garr i son o f

Maogama lcha , he pu t a ll its inhab itants w ithout d is tinction of

age or sex to the sword , and ca rried fi re and smoke to the caves inwh ich some un fortunate fugitives had concea led themselves .

22

When Heracl ius tr iumphed over the Ma ruza s,he had the head of

the Pers ian genera l cu t off , and s ent it a s a trophy to Maurice .

23

While advancing on his victorious ma rch , he des troyed a ll fire

temples and del ivered to the flames the towns , and villagesthrough which he pas sed

?‘

Ordinarily , it wa s the practice w ith the Sasan ians , a s it waswith the Achaemenians , to remove the pr isoners of war to Pers iaand to settle them in separate quarters

?“Nosh irvan bu ilt the

Raw l inson , op. ci t. , p . 404.

S ee Chri s tensen, op. c i t. , J IA . 8. 254.

Rawl inson, op. cit., p . 2 1 1 .

342 WARFARE

new Ant ioch near Ctes iphon f or his Syrian captives and Greek

s laves , and constructed in the new city baths and a spacioushippodrome for the i r enterta inment ?“Prisoners of dis tinctionwere a lways fettered w ith s i lver cha ins .

The vanquished enemy,was often asked to supply hostages of

roya l blood ?"

The emp i re wi thout a power ful fleet . The Sasanians ruledover an emp ire that wa s larger in extent than any other kingdom

in the i r days , yet they did not pos ses s a fleet of their own . They

had consequently to borrow sh ips f rom other peoples whenever

their a rm ies had to cros s the seas . I t wa s ow ing to this d isadvantage that the a rm ies of Khus ru Parviz , gathered on .the

As iatic shore , were deterred by the presence o f the power fu lRoman ga l leys f rom cros s ing the na rrow channe l dividing them

from the European shore, in thei r attempted a ttack on Con

s tantinOple .

Rawl ins on , op. ci t., p . 395.

ShN. 6 . 298, 350, 355;7 . 262 .

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344 ART AND ARCHITECTURE

The entrance to a pa lace , which , usua l ly , is the only entrance, isa lways in the centre . In place of the mass ive porta ls of the

Achaemenian palaces , flanked by two winged-bul ls , we have now

a superb a rch , ris ing a lmost to the ful l height of the building,and leading into a vaulted ha l l . The colos sa l doorway of the

pa lace o f Noshirvan at Ctes iphon,a s it s tands to-day, measures

about 84 feet in width and 95 feet in height . The porch opensinto the great ha l l , which at Ctes iphon mea sures 72 feet in width ,85 in height and I I 5 in depth

? The hypostyle construction of

Darius and Cyrus , in which beauti fu l fluted columns fi l led the

Audience Ha l l, and supported the flat roofs , does not appear in

the pa laces of thei r roya l descendants . The ha l ls of the Sasan ianpa laces a re surmounted by cupolas and domes , egg

-shaped and

spher ica l . The pa laces which , a s a rule , a re of a s ingle s tory,have severa l domes of the s ame s ize , or of diff erent dimens ions .

The height of the domes , over the ma in ha l ls of the pa laces ,measures between 70 and 1 00 feet f rom the ground . The dome

res ts on the pendentives , and its ci rcula r base over the square

ha l ls is obtained by cons truct ing s evera l s emi-circula r a rches ,

proj ecting acros s the angles of the ha l l ? Bes ides the great oblong

ha ll , each pa lace conta ins a number o f rooms of various s i zesopening one into another , or f rom the three s ides into an open

court , which is an inva riable feature of the rear pa rt of the

pa lace.

Ornamented doorways and fa lse windows with full-centredniches , reed-l ike p i las ters reach ing from the ground to the cornice ,with a series of doubly reces sed high narrow a rches , are some of

the chief devices employed f or the exterior ornamentat ion at

Firuzabad .

“The pa lace at Ctes iphon,though having no upper

s tory, is so constructed that , f rom the outs ide , the s tring-coursesgive it an appearance of having three or four stories . On boths ides of the grand a rch

, p ila s ters in pa i rs on the first or basement story , and s ingle ones on the second s tory have doublyarched reces ses between them , whereas the third and fourthstor ies have a number of a rches un interrupted by p i la sters

? Byf ar the richest and most magnificent ornamentation appears on

the pa lace of that most extravagant o f all Sasanian monarchs ,

Rawl inson, The S even th Grea t Orienta l Monarchy, p . 592 .

I h., p. 583;c f . Pa rrot and Chipiez, H is tory of Ar t in P ers ia, p . 1 68.

Raw l inson , op. cit., pp . 584, 585.

I h.. pp. 593. 594

ART AND ARCHITECTURE 345

Khus ru Pa rviz , at Mashita . The front wa ll , bu ilt o f ha rd s tone

which resembles marble , is divided into triangles by ornamented

z ig-zags . Here a re tobe seen carved rosettes , enc ircled by the

lavish decorations represent ing flowers , f ru its , branches and

leaves of trees , interspersed w ith va rious scenes , in which men ,

and birds and beas ts unite to lend the ornamentation thei r un

surpas sed beauty .

“The rel igious architecture of the period , in the s tructures

which sheltered the sacred fires , have not survived the ravageso f time , in a condition that could give us an idea o f thei r archi

tectura l features . Some of the more renowned fire-temples had

in their service a large number o f res identia l priests . Libra riesand treasur ies were a ttached to them , and we have it f rom A lbi runi that King Piroz borrowed a large sum o f money f rom the

custodians o f some fire-temp les to rel ieve h is subjects f rom the

dis tres s caused by drought during his reign .

“The sacred places

were f requented by large concourses of pe0p1e on festive occa

s ions , as a lso by the king, f or whom a specia l golden throne waskept in all famous fire-temples

? The s tructures , natura l ly , mus t

have been spacious and impos ing,but nothing rema in s to-day to

give u s an idea of thei r des ign . O f the innumerab le caravansara is , built for the convenience o f wayfa rers and traders duringthe period , the fortifications , bridges , and dikes constructed bythe

i

architectura l ski l l of the Sasanian bu ilders , the ru ins o f a

fortified s tone s tructure of the time of Noshirvan at Ahuan“and a dike at Shus ter are the only rema ins le ft to-day . The latteris a dam about twelve hundred feet in length and twenty feetin breadth , acros s the r iver Ka run . I t is bui lt of cut s tones , heldtogether by lime morta r and i ron clamps , with two openings inthe centre , to let the water pas s on its natura l course . Nothingha s remained o f the network o f the great fortifications , oftensurrounded by thick double wal l s , bu ilt of brick la id in bitumenand concrete, a s a lso of the important towns surrounded by highwa l ls , flanked by turrets , with an entrance through the heavygates , which were closed in time of danger f rom hos ti le forces .

“1b139 -597 . 598.

Alb1 run i , Chronology of Ancient Na t ions , tr. Sachau, p . 2 1 5 , London,“

Ib.S ee Jackson , From Cons tantinople to the H ome of Oma r Khayom,

pp. 1 56-1 58, New York, 1 9 1 1 .

346 ART AND ARCHITECTURE

Bas-re l iefs . Sa sanian s culptures of great arti sti c merit are

found at Nak sh-i Rus tam carved below the rock-cut tombs o f

the Achaemenian kings . The figures of roya l personages in

the fi rs t panel , among whom one is of a woman , a s a lso those

in the s cenes of a roya l combat, carved on the second , third , andfi fth panel are not defin itely identified . The fourth or the centra l

pane l about 35 feet in length and 1 6 feet in breadth commemorates the victory of Shapur over Va lerian ,

in wh ich the v ictor

is s een mounted upon a horse in full roya l att ire , and receiv ing

the submis s ion o f the Roman Emperor , who kneels be fore himw ith hands outs tretched in suppl ication . The s ixth panel hasKing Varahran I I w ith his courtiers , and the seventh records thetriumph of King Artakhshir trampling beneath the feet o f h is

horse the pros trate figure o f the la s t of the Pa rthian kings and

himsel f receiving a ring, the emblem of sovereignty , f rom the

hands of a figure , supposed tobe that of O rmazd,mounted on

horseback w ith a sceptre in his left hand . A spirited scu lpture ,a t Nak sh-i Rustam represents Varahran IV in the usua l roya l

costume mounted on horseback , in the act of charging h is enemy

at full speed, piercing h im with a spear and throw ing the horsedown . The figure of the enemy lying under the feet is portrayeda s usua l , and a s tandard bea rer stands beh ind the king . A s culpture somewhat s imila r in des ign,

is found a t Firuzabad in which

severa l mounted figures a re carved . The two chief o f these a re

engaged in a combat, in which the Sasan ian monarch is depicteda s wounding his terror—stricken opponent , and

'

throw ing his horseheadlong to the ground . Three more has—rel ief s depicting the

va rious scenes of the roya l l ife of the Sasan ian kings are founda t Nak sh-i Ra jab .

More famous s ti l l a re theba s -rel ief s culptures at the del ightf ul park ca l led Tak-i Bostan ,

Arch of the Garden ,

’

near Ker

man shah . The monuments are s culptured in two grottos ,hewn in the sol id rock . Abas -rel ie f dep icts two figuresof richly attired crowned personages , in the act of givingand receiv ing a ribboned coronet . A pros trate figure of somevanquished king lies trampled beneath the feet of the two v ictors .

A fourth figure , about seven feet in length , el abora tely dres sedwith a nimbus covering the head , holding a staff in his hands andwith feet resting on a sunflower, rega rding whose identificationschola rly opinion is divided , ha s long s ince pas sed among the

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348 ART AND ARCHITECTURE

s eated in the centre holding a long sceptre in h is r ight hand

and in his lef t clasping a sword whose end rests upon the ground

between his feet . The king is surrounded by his attendants , and

the guards are s een usher ing in prisoners , heads of s laughteredenemy chief s , and booty.

A colos sa l s tatue of Shapur I , in muti lated condition about

twenty feet in height, and s tanding on a pedes ta l is found in the

ru ins at Shapur . The right hand of the king rests on his hip

and the le ft is p laced upon the hilt of h is sword . The mura l

crown covers the head from wh ich the ha i r flows on both s ides .

The king is dres sed in a s imp le cos tume including a short tunic

and trous ers .

F ine a rts . Among miscel laneous a rt icles skil l fully executed

a re tobe clas sed s ea l s , gem s , cylinders , and other s imilar obj ects .

Two cups o f Nosh irvan , one embos sed in s i lver and the other

enamel led with gold , w ith the monarch ’s figure engraved are

specimens of fine workmanship . A beautiful va se , of the t ime of

Piroz,has the hunting s cene engraved on it, in wh ich , the king,

mounted on a hors e at ful l ga l lop ,is seen cha s ing w ild anima l s

w ith hisbow and a rrow . The magn ificence with which the

Sasanian monarchs surrounded themselves , and the extravagant

expenditure lavished upon the finest specimens of a rt, which

were executed at the roya l behes t, maybe gleaned from the de

s cription of the roya l ca rpet, which wa s included in the immens ebooty o f the Arabs , when the Sasan ian Empire pa s sed into theirhands . I t is s a id to have been 450 feet long and 90 feet broad .

I t was des igned in the form of a garden ,in which gold was em

ployed to make the ground , divided w ith wa lks w rought in s ilver .

Emera lds made the meadows , pearls were used to create rivulets ,and diamonds , rubies , sapphires , and other rich s tones formed

the leaves of trees , flowers , and fruits . The p ieces which the

kings u sed to play the game of ches s were , it is sa id , made o f

rub ies and emera lds , cora l and turquoise . The art of manu f ac

turing rugs , carpets , draperies , and embroideries continued tobedeve loped throughout the period, and rich mater ials were pro

duced by the manufacturers . The art o f pa inting, l ikew ise , madegreat progres s during th is per iod , and the skill ful u se of colourscontributed greatly to refine the aesthetic sense of the people .

Nat ive tradition mentions Man i a s the great pa inter, and Fa rhad ,immorta l ized by N izami , as the great sculptor o f the S asan ian

ART AND ARCHITECTURE 349

period .Recent finds in Turkestan show to what extent the a rt

o f pa inting had advanced among the fol lowers of the pa inter

prophet Mani . We learn f rom Masudi that the art o f pa inting

portra its had made a great progres s dur ing the period . I t was

the custom , says the wr iter, to prepare a port ra it of every kingbe fore he d ied . Th is was pa inted in l iqu id gold and s i lver , with

sprinklings of copper fi l l ings,and wa s depos ited in the roya l

treasury ?“The art of cutting d ies for coins , begun by the Achaemen

ians , wa s continued throughout the Sa sanian period . In theirgenera l workmansh ip , the coins a re th in, round p ieces , rough lyexecuted , and a re crude as works o f a rt . The effigies on severa l

coins , a s a lso the inscriptions , are d i stinct and legible . The coins

have genera l ly a s ing le or double pear l bordering, sometimes w ith

three or four cres cent and sta rs outs ide the border. Within

the circle is a lways the effigy of a king, usua l ly a lone, though oc

cas ionally , as f or example, on some of the coins’

of Artakhshir ,

there is found another effigy o f a prince , facing the king .

1 1

Artakhshir ha s on some of the ear ly coins , bes ides his effigy

on the front , a profi le of his father on the reverse , with inscriptions bearing his name and title ?2 Some of the co ins of Khus ruParviz have, in addition to the king’s effigy on the obverse s ide ,a figure o f a woman presumably of his favourite queen Sh ir in , on

the reverse 1“Varahran I I has the effigy of h is w ife placed on

his left w ith a pr ince fac ing them in the front .

“Bes ides theusua l effigy on the f ront of the coin ,

Noshirvan ha s,in some

cases , his fu l l-length figure in a s tand ing posture , with bothhands res ting on the h ilt of h is sword , engraved on the reverseof the coins ?“Pear l neck laces and ear-r ings , w ith doub le or

triple pendants , usua l ly adorn the persons of the kings . The

hairs of the head d rop behind in cu rls or mas ses . The headof the profi le on the coins of early days is covered with a diademand a Parthian tiara . The coins o f the later period

,usua l ly ,

show upon the king’s head a low cap surmounted by a ba l loonshaped cover ing, or by a mura l crown

,with or w ithout the in

For re f . see Chris tensen,L

’

Empire des S asanides , tr. Na riman , in

J IA. 8. 434.435.

Raw l inson, The S eventh Or ienta l Monarchy, p . 67.”I h.

, p. 65.

I h., p . 532 .“I h.

, pp . 107 , 108, n. 5 .

Ib.. p . 453.

350 ART AND ARCHITECTURE

flated ba l l at the top, and interposed , at t imes , by a crescent and

a ci rcle, or with a cap term inat ing in the head of an eag le or a

bull . Other variations a re found occas ional ly . One sta r or sev

era l s tars , and a crescent , in front , or above the crown , or on

either s ide of it , a re sometimes s een . The name o f the king, in

scribed on each coin,is a lways accompanied by some of his im

portant t itles a s the King of Kings , the King o f Iran, the D iv ine .

The regna l years of the king show the particu lar yea r of his reignin which the coin wa s s truck, a s the mint marks show the town

from wh ich it wa s is sued . Fire , the sacred symbo l of Zoroa strianism,

is a lways conspicuous on the revers e of the coins ,where it is depicted on the a lta r in ris ing flames , with one manin ful l length figure on e ither s ide , gua rding the eterna l emb lem .

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352 MED IC INE AND PUBLIC HEALTH

through the food and drink that he takes , conduces to vigourand hea lth o f the body .

“Care is tobe taken to preserve and

augment the purity and v ita l ity of blood , wh ich embel lishes the

body like an ornament .

“P hys ical cu res . There are two kinds o f phys icians o f the

body . The duty of the phys ician of the first clas s,who is ca l led

durus tpa t or the master of the hea lth , is to remove the causes

that give r is e to the disea ses . The phys ic ian of the s econd c las s ,known a s tanbeskazak, or the hea ler of body , does the work of

hea ling, by means o f med icine ?“Phys icians were chiefly drawnfrom the priest ly c la s s ,but qua l ified persons from the cla s s of

agriculturists , experienced in the medicina l qua lities of herbs and

p lants , were el igible to the medica l profes s ion? 1 Phys icians for

the roya l household were often drawn from foreign countries .

When Justinian concluded a truce with NoShirvan ,he lent him

the services of a Greek phys ic ian ,in addition to -

p aying him two

thousands pounds of gold , as the price of the truce ?2

I f proper care is not taken to cure a person of his disease in

t ime,it is l ikely to spread to other pa rts of the body , and may

occas iona l ly result in death ?“It is held tobe the duty of the

rulers to found hospita ls in important centres , to provide them

w ith medicines , and to appoint a phys ician to attend patients

who come seeking hea lth ?“The chie f cures of the body are stated tobe those by means

of fi re,herbs , . surgical instruments , and acid s ?“Med icine is

mos tly prepared from herbs and plants?“O rma z d has fi l led

the earth with medicina l herbs and p lants f or the good of man

kind ?" Medicines cou ldbe inha led , a s wel l a s drunk , with goodeff ect . Certa in dis eases of the skin cou ldbe cured by fumigating the body with herbs and p lants . Wounds , boils , tumours ,and various s imilar diseases , require that the disea sed part should

Ib., pp . 238-240.

I h., pp . 238, 239 .

”Ib., pp . 223, 225.

" lbpp 232 233Raw l inson , The S eventh Grea t Orienta l Monarchy, p . 404;cf . Wig

ram, H is tory of the As syrian Church, pp . 2 10,2 1 2

,2 50, 2 53, London, 1 9 10.

Dk . , vol . 2 , p . 68.

Dk ., vol . I , p . 42 .

Dk ., vol . 4, p . 2 23.

Dk . , vol . 4, p . 234;vol . 9 , p . 587 .

Bd . 9 . 4;27 . 2 .

MED IC INE AND PUBLIC HEALTH 353

fi rstbe treated with surgica l instruments , a fter which medica l

solutions shouldbe admin is tered ?“P rofess ional qua l ifica t ion s . In common with his profes

s ional brother of the K ianian period , the candidate who aspired

to act as a hea ler, had to prove his ski ll by pract is ing h is art of

hea ling three times on the body of a non-Zoroastrian . I f he

fa iled in all succes s ive attempts to cure him ,he was deemed

unfit to practise therea fter , either medicine or surgery ?“Thefirs t indispensable qua l ificat ion of a phys ic ian ,

who embraces the

profes s ion i s ,‘

we are told , that he should have studied wel l the

science of medicine ?“A good phys ic ian , we are informed , is

the man who has read much , and remembers much , of medica lsubjects , who has great experience of his profes s ion , who hears

the case of his pat ient with ca lmnes s , who is pa instaking in

diagnos ing the disease of his pat ient, who knows the variousbod i ly organs and understands thei r functions , who conscien

tious ly treats his patient, who is sweet-tongued , gentle, f riend ly,zea lous of the honour of h is profes s ion, averse to protracting

the d isease f or greed of money, and who is God- fear ing ? 1 An

ideal hea ler hea l s for the sake of hea l ing : he is the best among

hea lers . The second in rank in the profes s ion is he who praeti ses his art, actuated by the des i re for rewa rd and renown of

th is world . The third in the point o f honour, works both f or thesake of merit and for money ,but gives pre ference to the first .The fourth in pos ition of nob ility in h is profes s ion is the phys ician , who rates money h igher than merit;but the lowest in the

sca le is the greedy and heartles s phys ician, who dishonours hisnoble profess ion

?“The duty of a consc ientious phys ic ian is towatch careful ly the eff ect of the medicine that he prescribes tohis patient f rom day to day , to change and try a stil l better drugthan the one he has a lready given , to vis it the inva l id da i ly at a

fixed hour , to labour zea lous ly to cure him, and to combat thedisea se o f his pat ient, a s i f it were his own enemy ?“R emuner at ion of the med ica l practi t ioners . Having se

cured a good phys ic ian to hea l thei r s ick , it is the duty of the

Dk ., vol . 4, p . 224.

Dk ., vol. 4, pp. 229 , 230;vol . 6 , pp . 375, 376 .

Dk . , vol. 4, p . 22 1 .

Ib., pp . 226 , 227.

Ib., pp. 231 , 232 .

Ib., p. 230.

354 MED ICINE AND PUBLIC HEALTH

pe0p1e among whom he practises , to see tha t he is not hampered

properly appreciated . A good phys ician, we are told, shouldbeprovided . with an income that would enable him to l ive in a

house s ituated in a prominent loca l ity, and furnished w ith nec

essary furniture . H e should have wholesome food , sufficientdres s , and swi ft horses . At least one swift horse is indispensable for him,

f or w ithout it , it is sa id , he cannot vis it h is

patients who l ive f ar from his home . S imilarly , he shouldbewel l-equ ipped with a sufficient quantity o f medicines and surgi

ca l instruments ?“San itat ion . The Zoroa str ian idea l of the perfection of both

the body and soul , wh ich we had d is cus s ed in our treatment of

the sanitary princip les observed during the K ianian period, isma inta ined by Sasanian writers w ith unabated zea l . An in j ury

to the body is regarded a s an inj ury to the sou l . Hea lthy bodyand hea lthy soul go together?

“and the soul 1 5 not cons ide red

secure, un les s it is housed in a hea lthy body ?“The laws laiddown in the Vendidad f or bodi ly clean l ines s

, s ti l l remai n the

standard hygienic code, and the one ta sk w ith which the wr itersof th is period busy them selves is to interpret these laws in commentaries and glos ses , and to elabora te them by means of dis

s ertat ions .

Fo l lowing the regulations of the Vendidad rega rding the

purity o f the elements , the Sasanian w riters declare it tobe theduty of the rulers to prevent men

,by means o f legis lation,

f rom

pol luting fi re , water, earth , and a ir , so that the people maybesaved f rom pesti lentia l dis ea ses

?" D i sea ses , we are informed,

originate by bringing contam ination to the elements;on the otherhand , sa lubrity and hea lth result

,when a ll putre fying matter,

which spreads‘

poi sonous gases , are carefu l ly removed ?“Whenfi lth and decaying matter mix w ith water , and give ris e to s tench ,the contam ination s preads through the atmosphere

,by means of

heat and moisture, and breed in fectious diseases ?“Hence preservation o f the elemen ts from impurity and a s trict observanceo f bodily cleanl ines s , are the es sentia l requirements for pub l ichea lth ?“Man is advi sed to avoid contact w ith all kinds of

Ib., pp. 230-232 . Dk ., vol . 5, pp . 283, 284.

Dk . , vol . 6 , p . 395 . Ib., pp . 290,29 1 .

Dk . , vol. 9 , p . 599 . Ib., p . 29 1 .

Dk ., vol . I , p . 42 .

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CHAPTER LV

COMMERCE

The Sa s an ians w ere not a commerc ia l race . Commerce wasnot va lued as h ighly a s agriculture among the pe0p1e . The

Sasanian kings rea l ized thei r amb ition of reviving the greatempire of thei r Achaemenian forebears , and succeeded , in the

zenith o f thei r power, in extending their sway from the Tigrisand Euphra tes to the ZEgean and the N i le . The Iran ian merchants cou ld have carried on an extens ive commerce with thesed is tant lands . The Babylon-Ecbatana and other great land

routes traversed the interior of Pers ia . The roads and bridgeswere kept in constant repa ir. Garri sons , s tationed at va riousinterva ls , gua rded the sa fety of the travel lers ,“and protectedcaravans from the as saults of brigands and h ighwaymen ? Not

f ar f rom the seat of their power, flowed the Euphrates , nav

igable by sma l l ves sels;the Tigris , w ith its navigable course ex

tending over a thousand miles , f ed by severa l tributaries , and

augmented by the ra ins of w inter . The river Karun, and.

the sea

board of the Pers ian Gu l f in the south , provided other avenueso f commerce , and ves sels freighted with merchandise plied thesewaters . The chief arteries of commerce by land and water

ma inta ined an extens ive commercia l activity ,but the commercewas most ly in the hands o f the Jews and Armenians , who flourished in Pers ia in large numbers . In addition to these pe0p1e,the many Roman capt ives , establ ished by the Sa san ian kings inseparate sett lements , a s a lso H indus , who are reported by H iuenTsang tobe l iving in the chief cities of the country,

“must haveplied their trades in Pers ia .

Natura lly enough , the Pahlavi works of the period, with theexception of some meagre in formation , do not enl ighten u s

regarding commerce in thei r days . We gather f rom the Dadistan-i Denik that it was lawful f or a merchant to sel l his ordinary

Mirkhond, tr . S i lvestre de Sacy, pp. 363, 364.

Sg . 4° 2 5:Mookerj i , I ndian S hipping, p . 1 69 , London, 1 9 1 2 .

356

COMMERCE 357

wa re at a profit,but corn , medicine and other a rticles , necessary

f or the ma intenance of l ife , were not a llowed tobe sold at in

flated prices . I t was deemed proper to s tore corn and other

edible goods , a s a precaution aga ins t the time o f scarc ity,but a

merchant who fi l led his warehouse in a time of plenty and cheap

prices , with the sole obj ec t of making undue profits when crops

fa i led , who ra i sed his prices when corn wa s not suffi cient for

the inhabitants of a place , and who re fused to sel l at reasonable

rates , even i f the s tock rotted in his s torehous e , and thereby

caus ed misery to the poor , wa s gu i lty of crime amenable to

punishment ? Those whose bus ines s was to s el l w ine were

enjoined to s el l it to such pe0p1e and in such quantity that a l

though they m ight make fa ir profits f rom s a les , drunkennes s and

vice would not originate among thei r customers . I t was w rong

to sel l wine. to foreigners , infidels and others , who,under the

intoxicating influence of drink , were likely to cause disturb

ance .

“Men are admonished never tobe dishones t in their dea lings with thei r customers , and Vira f wa rns them in vivid picturesof the un fortunates who were made to weigh and devour dustand ashes in hel l , becaus e, in th is world, they used fa l s e we ights ,mixed water with wine

,dus t with gra in, and otherw ise cheated

thei r customers .

“The Sa san ian cur rency . We have a l ready discus sed the

artistic va lue of the coins bearing the effigies of the Sasan iankings reigning when they were s truck . Coined s i lver and goldmoney were in c irculation,but we have very l ittle in format ionregarding the fixed s tandard of coined money , which must havepreva i led at the time . The s i lver coin ,

most f requently mentioned in the Pahlavi works , is ca l led j uj u or dirham,

whichweighed probably about s ixty-three gra ins .

" A sma l ler coin ,

whose va lue was one-fourth that of a j uj u or dir ham, was ca l ledmad or dang.

“Four of the j uj u or dirham coins made a s tir .

We do not know the names of s i lver coins , higher in va luethan a s tir . A gold coin ca l led dindr seems to have been in

circulation f rom very early t imes , as it is mentioned in connec

Dd . 49 . 1 -10.

Dd . 50. 1 -4.

AV 27;67;80.

For genera l informa tion about the Sa sanian coins , see Mordtmann,

Zur Peh levi -Miinzkunde, in ZDMG . 33. 82 -1 62 .

‘Sd .

358 COMMERCE

tion with the founder of the Sasanian dynas ty , in the Pahlaviwork which records his exp loits .

“The Pah lavi-P azand weddinghymn recited to this very day , speaks of this gold coin as of the

N ishapur currency .

W e igh ts . The extant texts do not furnish a complete l istof the we ights in use f or

'

weighing commodities . Some of the

names of the coins that we have noticed above are l ikew ise ap

pl ied to des ignate certa in weights . For example , the smal les tcoin ca l led mod is a lso a sma l l weight, and , a fter the ana logy of

the coin of the same name, is one-fourth the weight of a j uj u or

dirham?“The j uj u or d irham, a s stated above,is a lso the name

o f a coin . Four o f thes e weights made the weight spoken of a s a

s tir,

“1 which is l ikewis e the name of a coin . I t is interes ting tonote , that in the Pahlavi texts , the names of these weights occur

in a f ew instances only,in pa s sages referring to commercia l

transactions . They are more often employed to des ignate the

diff erent degrees of s in to wh ich specific we ights a re app l ied .

According to the writings o f the period , Ra shn , the j udge, s tands

a t the Bridge of Judgment, holding a golden ba lance .in his

hands to we igh the good and evi l deeds o f the souls that leave

this world a fter death ?“A sca le of weights is there fore fixed,

and a certa in weight is as s igned to each s in ful act . I t is saidthat the weight of j us t one fi lament more of the ha ir o f the eye

lashes , of the mer it or s in of a soul , determines its fate f or

heaven or he l l ?“Meas ures of d i s tance . The s ca le f or mea suring distances

rema ins the s ame a s preva i led in the ea rl ier period . A s tep or

foot , a s we have seen , const ituted the un it o f length according to

the Aves tan texts . Three such s teps cons tituted a pace,“wh ich

served to mea sure sma l l dis tances ?“By f ar the most common lymentioned mea sures in the Pahlavi texts are the has ar and para

s ang, the latter being s t i l l in u s e in modern Pers ia under the

name farsakh . The two measures are often confused w ith each

other. At t imes both are taken to represent one and the same

di stance ?“In another instance , it is s a id that it requ ires fourhasars to make a paras ang

?" The hc’

is ar , we a re in formed,

KrNArtP . 8. 2 , 4. Dk ., vol . 9 , pp. 644, 645.

S lS . Io. 24. Dk ., vol . I , pp . 1 7, 1 8.

Sd . 1 2 . 9 . Bd . 1

3. 4.

"AV. 5. 5. Bd . 1 7.

Sd . 2 . 3, 4.

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360 COMMERCE

that they are as close to one another as the ear is to the eye .

The s ize of a needle’s point or the breadth o f a ha i r are the ex

pres s ions used to denote the minutest space ?" A hundred

thousand or n ine thousand , nine hundred and ninety-nine myriads are the highes t numbers spoken o f in the texts?“and an

indefinitely large number‘is denoted by comparing the intended

number to the leaves of the trees , to the sand-gra ins of the

desert, to the drops of ra in?“or to the ha i rs on the mane o f a

horse ?“O f the s i ze of a bowl , or of the head o f a bull or of a

man 3“a re some Of the expres s ions used indefin itely to denote

the square d imens ions of an obj ect,a s the terms handful s , arm

fuls , and bucket fuls are used to expres s cub ic content?“A

kafiz, a measure of weight, that holds s ixty- four pounds weight,i s mentioned in the texts ?“

AV. 54.

Bd. 1 8. 6;Mkh . 2 . 1 2 1 .

Bd. 9 . 4;1 3. 4;1 8. IO.Sd . 8. 2 .

AV. 54;The S ymbolism of the Da run, P hl. text ed. and tr . by.

J amasp Asa, in Das tur H oshang Memoria l Volume, p . 204, Bombay, 1 9 1 8.

Bd . 7 . 5, I I;Zsp . 6 . 5, 1 2 .

”Bd . 7 . 1 1;AV . 27 .

Dd. 52 . I , 2;AV. 27.

CHAPTER LVI

CALENDAR

The P ahlavi works upon the ca lendar . The Sasaniansmake no improvement upon the uncouth method , inherited from

their predeces sors , o f reckoning events from the years of a ruling

k ing. The ca lendar remains the s ame a s in the Kianian period ,and the Pah lavi works elaborate and expla in the deta ils of its

working . I t is no part o f our purpose to reproduce the story

of the controvers ies that have raged a round the ques tions of

dates fa l ling“behind , ow ing to neglect of observing proper inter

ca lation . We may note in pa ss ing, that a learned l iterature has

appeared on the ques tion among the Pa rs is during the la st hun

dred years , pa rticular ly in the Guj a rat i language .

The Zoroastrian ca lenda r, it is interesting to note , has great lyinfluenced the ca lenda rs o f Armenia ,

Cappadocia , A lbania , and

other adj acent countries .

“Th e s eas ons . The two chie f seasons of the yea r are shown

a s the summer o f seven months and the winter of five month s .

The period of the summer , we are told , begins f rom the day

Ormazd of the first month Farva rdin , and extends to the thirt i

eth day Aniran o f the s eventh month M ih r. During this period ,Rapitvin , the genius of wa rmth , comes up f rom below the groundand ripens the f ru it of the trees . The water of springs becomescold in summer , for Rapitvin is not at thei r source . The re

ma in ing five months , beginn ing f rom the day Ormazd of the

e ight month Aban and extend ing to the end of the five interca lary days , placed at the close of the twel fth month , Spanda rmad , a re o f winter . Though the winter sets in at the beginningo f the month Aban ,

it a tta ins its ful l s trengt h in the tenth month ,Deh , and we a re in formed that it was the cus tom among the

pe0p1e to kind le fires everywhere on the n inth day ,Adar , of

th is month , to ma rk the advent of w inter . During the monthsof winter, it is sa id , the waters o f springs and condu its rema in

See Gray, Ca lenda r (Pers ia n) , in ERE. 3. 130.

36 1

362 CALENDAR

wa rm , becau se the wa rmth-giving Rapitvin is , at this period ,under the ea rth .

The author of the Bundahishn compares the climate o f his

country with that of India , and s ays that , both summer and

winter are not very s evere, because the ra in which fa l ls in tor

rents in summer d ispels heat, and as the ra in does not fa ll in

winter, the cold season is mild . The w riter s eeks to imply by

this contra st that , in his country , the ra in does not fa l l in sum

mer, hence the summer is very hot,and a s in winter ra in is

f requent , the rigour of cold is increa sed?

In expla in ing the sea sons , a ccording to the movements of the

sun ,it is sa id that, when the sun goes forth from the fi rs t degree,

the season is the spring;when he enters the firs t degree of

Cancer, it is the beginning o f summer;when he a rr ives a t the

s ign o f Libra , it is the beginning of autumn;and when he comesto Capricorn ,

it is the beginning O f w inter ?

When the d ivis ion of the yea r into diff erent sea sons is

des cribed in deta i l , four dis tinct s easons are recorded . They

are : vahc‘

ir,

‘spring,

’

hamin, summer,

’

pat‘

iz ,

‘autumn

,

’

and

zamis tan,

‘winter . ’ Each of the four sea sons la sts f or three

months .

4 The s ix s ea sona l fes tiva ls , known as the gdhanba'rs ,are now described as the s ix periods o f a year

,during which

Ormazd success ively created the sky , the water , the earth , the

plants , the an ima ls , and final ly mankind .

“Th e year . The New Yea r begins w ith the a dvent of the

spring when nature robes hersel f in ri ch verdure . The end o f

the winter , according to the D inkard , is the close of the year ,a lso the particula r occa s ion when the Guardian Sp i rits o f the

dead descend to ea rth , s eeking commemoration f rom thei r l iving

kinsmen .

“The sun ,it is sa id , requi res three hundred and s ixty

five days and s ix short hours , between two succes s ive dates of

entering the s ign Aries .

" As the year w ith its 360 days o f

twelve equa l month s together w ith the five interca lary days , wass ti l l a quarter o f a day too short, th is shortage , the Dinkard

expla ins , reached the length of one ful l day in four years , of

Bd . 25 . 7, 1 0- 1 5;c f . Dk . , vol . 1 0, bk . 6 . 79 , pp. 22

,23.

Bd . 5 . 6 .

Bd . 25. 20;Mkh . 49 . 26;Dk . , vol . 9 , p . 565.

Bd. 1 . 28;25. 1 .

Dk . , vol. 1 5, bk. 6 . 1 1 , 23, pp . 14-1 7.

Bd. 25. 2 1 .

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364 CALENDAR

Medyoshem Gahanabar festiva l ?“During the time of the in

tercalary days at the end of the twel fth month in the Hamaspmadem festiva l the day and night once aga in become equa l ?"

When the sun pas ses through the fi rs t degree, the day and

n ight are equa l;when he a rrives a t the firs t degree of Cancer,the day is the longest;when he comes to the s ign of Libra , theday and n ight are equa l;when he comes to Capricorn ,

the nightis the longes t;when he a rrives at Aries , the day and n ight areaga in equa l ?“

The day ,we had seen, wa s d ivided into five periods . The

fi rst of thes e is sa id tobe between daybreak and mid-day;thes econd f rom mid—day to a fternoon;the third f rom the a f ternoon to the appearance of the s tars in the sky;the fourth f romthis t ime to m idnight;and the fi fth f rom midn ight unti l thestars become imperceptible in the sky at dawn ?“Unl ike sum

mer,in which the day has five watches , the winter day cons ists

of only four . This is , a s a l ready stated , becaus e the second

period , between the mid-day and a fternoon , is absorbed in the

firs t watch .

Bd . 25 . 3. Bd . 25 . 6 . Bd . 5. 6 . Bd. 25 . 9 .

CHAPTER LVII

DRESS AND ORNAMENTS

D res s . The sacred white shirt , worn next to the skin , and

the girdle tied over it , a round the wa is t , are the chie f garments ,“without which , it is sa id , a man or a woman is not a true

Zoroa strian ? The shirt is tobe made o f cotton , and not of s i lk ,for, a s is expla ined , cotton grow s by the help of the elements

o f nature, and is , therefore, good f or the soul , wherea s s il k is

produced through the instrumenta l ity of worms , which be longto the cla s s of

,the noxious creatures , and th ings made of s ilk are ,

there fore , serviceable for the body on ly ? The gird le l ikewiseshould notbe made of s i lk,but o f cotton , of the ha ir of the goat ,came l , and other anima l s .

“Wh ite is the colour wh ich cont inuestobe rega rded as the symbol of purity . Natura l ly, there fore,it is the co lour most suitable f or the garments of pr ies ts .

“Red ,on the other

2

hand , is the co lour that suits the uniform of the

warr ior ch ief s .

“B lack and b lue seem tobe the co lour, according to the Shah Namah , that the people wore , when mourn ingthe death of a king .

" Roya lty was atti red in the most magnificent dres s made of the cos tl iest mater ia l s . The figu res on

coins andba s -rel iefs show the kings cover ing the ir heads witha tiara , a ba l loon—shaped cap , a low cap w ith an inflated ba l l atthe top ,

or with caps surmounted by heads o f birds and an ima ls .

Robes o f rich materials , embroidered and pa inted in elegantcolours , trousers of sky

-blue colours,and red shoes were a lso

proper to kings .

“A cost ly mant le wa s O ften thrown over theshoulders , and a gird le s tudded w ith precious s tones encirc ledthe waist . Men o f the poorer cla s ses covered their bodies with

Bd . 24. 22;Dk ., vol . 9 , p . 636 .

Dk . , vol . 6 , p . 364;vol. 7 , p . 48 1 .

Nr . , bk . 3. 1 . 5;Mkh . 1 6 . 64-66 .

Nr . , bk . 3. I . 1 1 -1 3;5 15 . 4. 1

Dk . , vol. 5 , p. 297.

Dk vol . 5 , p . 299 .

ShN. 7 . 1 5 1 .

For re f . see Christensen,L

’

Empire S as anides,

Nariman,

J IA . 8. 435.

365

366 DRESS AND ORNAMENTS

clothes , made of skin,ha i r, and cotton;whereas the wea lthy

wore woolen and s i lk garments , often embroidered with gold

and s i lver .“Men covered thei r heads with a turban , and the

feet with sanda ls or boots , laced in f ront ?“Men of ordinarypos ition genera l ly wore

,a short coat , with a belt encircl ing the

wa i st . Accord ing to the statement of a Chinese travel ler, whovis ited Pers ia at this period , men cut the i r ha ir short , wore whitefur caps and turbans , and shirts open at the top to adm it thehead ?“The wh ite robes in which the pr ies ts clothed themselves ,extended to the feet . A pa i r of trou sers , loose or closely fitt ing,covered the lower l imbs .

The Pahlavi texts give no in formation about the costumesof women

,and the archaeologica l rema ins do not a s s ist us in

forming idea s on the subject . The Ch inese historian ,quoted

above, speaking about the dres s of the women o f the Sa san ian

period , states that they wore loose sh irts and cloaks , and ar

ranged their ha i r into a co i l in f ront ,but left loose behind, andadorned them se lves with gold and s ilver flowers , as a lso with

s trings of pear ls , hanging down on the shou lders ?“In his

letter to the king of Tabaristan , Tansar speaks of the dres s of

the women of nobility, and depicts them a s wearing s i lk gowns ,

boots , breeches , and caps ?“Ornament s . Ea r-rings

,necklaces

,armslets , finger

-rings , and

anklets made o f gold and s tudded with precious stones were the

ch ief ornaments worn by both men and women of wea lth ?“Those o f the poorer clas ses contented themselves with the use

of j ewels made of s i lver and other in ferior meta ls . The sculptures that perpetuate the figures o f kings in stone, show themwea ring ear-rings and necklaces with one , two, or three pendantsattached to them . A lavi sh u se of gold and precious s tones was

usua l with the king, to produce the eff ect of dazz ling splendour .H is tia ra and diadem were often made of gold, studded withpriceles s gems .

818 . 2 . 99;4. 4;Dk . , vol . 5, p . 299 .

S 15 . 1 0. 1 2;Sd . 87 . 3.

H ori, A Chines e Account of P ers ia in the S ixth Century, in SpiegelMemorial Volume, p . 248, Bombay, 1 908.”

lb. p . 248 .

Da rmesteter, Al leged Lettre de Tansar ou roi de Tabaris tan, in IA.,

1 894, 1 . p . 53 1 .

815 . 3. 4;Dk ., vol . 8, p. 435.

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368 DOMESTIC AN IMALS

pet dog of King Artakhsh ir that lapped the poisoned milkdropping f rom the cup placed in the roya l hands , by his fa ith les sconsort, and died .

“Dogs tra ined to the chase accompanied theking and the nob les on thei r hunt ing excurs ions .

In addition to this insepa rable companion of man it seems

that the cat a lso figured among the domestic anima ls . Pers ia is

noted f or her beautiful breed of cats , even at the present day .

King Artakhshir , we gather from the narra tion of the aboveincident, had near him his pet cat , which amused h im by its

p leasant tri cks . When the fata l cup , intended to take his l i fefel l f rom his hands , the cat perished a long w ith the dog by lap

p ing its contents .

“Th e hors e . This nob le anima l keeps up h is reputation which

he had secured f or himsel f in Ancient I ran . He is s til l u sed

among the Sa sanians for r iding in t imes o f peace, and for draw

ing chariots , and carrying warriors in the time of war . Greatcare was taken to rea r the finest breed of horses , and the studs of

the kings , governors , and nob lemen were composed o f horses o f

various breeds . The mas ter O f the stable, who superintended

the roya l s table, wa s a lways a person of distinction . The horse

figures prominently on the s culptures in diff erent poses . The

horses of Arab blood s eem to have been prized most highly .

The D inka rd informs u s that native born horses do not compare

wel l with the pure Arab,and hor ses foa led by fleet Arab horses ,

out of nat ive dams , do not run l ike the Arab .

“Th e e leph ant . Another noble an ima l which fi l led an im

portant place in t imes of peace, a s wel l a s in war , wa s the ele

phant . The anima l was not indigenous to Pers ia , and was

obta ined mostly from Ind ia . The king rode on an elephant on

s tate occa s ions , and princes and nob les who accompanied him in

the roya l proces s ion ,a l so mounted on e lephants . The white ele

phant seem s to have been regarded as of an auspicious nature .

The founder of the Sa san ian Empire wa s s een in a dream bythe last of the Parthians

, seated on a white e lephant and receiv

ing the homage of the people , and the interpreters of the dream

foretold the down fa l l of the Pa rthian Empire and the rise of a

new kingdom , with the rider of the elephant f or its first king .

"

E lephants were employed to drive game to an enclosed place,

K rNArtP . 9 . 1 3. Dk ., vol . 2 , p . 95.

lb. KrNArtP . I . 10, 1 3.

DOMESTIC ANIMALS 369

when the king went hunting . Severa l elephants , with the ir rid

ers are seen scu lptured in the hunting scenes of Khus ru Pa rviz ,carved at Tak-i Bostan , near Kermanshah . O f the ir u se on the

battlefield , we have a lready spoken in earl ier pages .

Th ebi rds . The cock, so sacred to the Avestan pe0p1e, re

ta ined h is ho ly character .

“Among the birds , the eag le rep t esented the nationa l glory , and stood a s an emblem o f greatnessand power .

“The fa lcon wa s tra ined to catch the featheredgame .

Sd . 32 . 1 -6;34. 3. KrNArt P . 3. 1 0-20.

CHAPTER LIX

FOOD AND DRINK

Th e ch ief art icles of d iet . The human soul requires a

hea lthy and strong body, in order to live its s trenuous l ife upon

the earth . Wholesome food is the firs t es s entia l to prevent the

body f rom languishing, and to give it the necessary strength ?

Fasting, we had seen ,never found a p lace in the rel igious l i fe

of the early I ran ians . I t is reprobated with undimin ishing Op

pos it ion among the Sasanians . I t is a s in to fa st f rom food ,but ,so the mora l ists add, the one fa st enjoined by the prophet is the

fast f rom s in .

“The usua l diet of the peop le cons isted of milk

butter;vegetables , fru its , gra in , meat , eggs,fowls , and fish .

Roasted lambs and fow ls were served whole at feasts , a s among

the Achaemenians , and a s is s ti l l done in Pers ia .

“The best of

food which is served in heaven as ambros ia a fter the ana logy

of the Aves tan teachings , is the midspring butter .“The chief

o f gra ins , according to the writers of the period , is wheat .

“Dates and grapes are declared tobe best of fruits .

“Meat of

goats and sheep formed an ordinary a rticle of food .

" Meat

viands were served at s acred fea sts , anima ls were s laughteredf or the purpose, in accordance with specified rules , and various

parts ceremon ious ly dedicated to severa l heavenly beings , before

being used as food by man .

“The cus tom of the abs tention fromanima l food f or the firs t three days a fter the death of a relative ,arose from the superst itious dread that another death m ight occur

i f meat was pa rtaken of during the prohibited period .

“On the

fourth day ,it is stated , that a goat or a sheep maybe s laugh

tered ?“The use of w ine. People habitua l ly drank wine with thei r

Dk . , vol . 7, pp . 460, 46 1 . Sd. 83. 1 -6 .

3“C f . Unvala , The P ahlavi text K ing H usrav and h isboy, 2 1—53.

ShN. 6 . 238. Mkh . 2 . 1 52 , 1 56 .

Nr. , bk. 1 . 8. App. A . 2;Bd. 24, 1 9 Mkh . 1 6. 1 3-1 5 .

Mkh . I 6. 1 6 . Dk , vol . 6, p . 384;vol . 7 , p . 437 .

5 18 . 1 1 . 4;S d. 34. 4-6;P azand texts ,ed . Antia, p . 1 78, Bombay, 1 909 .

S IS . 1 7. 2;Sd . 78. S IS . 1 7 . 5 .

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CHAPTER LX

FEAST‘

s AND FESTIVALS

Occas ions for fes t ivit ies . The fea sts and festiva ls which

were s acred to the Iran ians f rom ear ly times continued tobecelebrated w ith unabated zea l among the Sasanians . The Sea

sona l fest iva ls , the nationa l festiva l s , the fes t iva l s of the elements

of nature, and the fes tiva l s of the dead were a ll solemnly observed . The tendency , in the cas e o f such important fest iva ls ,as the New Year ’s Day and the feast of M ihr , was to lengt henthe

'

period of fes tiv ities . Such festiva l s commenced a f ew days

before the a ctua l feas t day ,and continued until severa l days

therea fter . Albiruni s ta tes that the king announced by proclamation h is roya l wil l to awa rd the s ervices of h is loya l subjects

on New Year ’s Day, and to give audiences , for the fol lowing

five days , succes s ively, to men of nobil ity , to warriors and high

pries ts , to members o f the roya l fam ily, relat ives , and domestics ,and on the fi fth day to the roya l chi ldren . On the s ixth dayhe converged w ith his confidentia l advisers , exam ined the pres

ents placed at his feet by h is grate ful subjects , s elected the

choicest gifts f or the roya l trea sury , and showered gi fts uponthose whom he was plea sed to honour

? According to anotheraccount, the king enterta ined his subj ects at a banquet, with

mus ic and var ious amusements to add to the ga iety of the occas ion .

“On the fest iva l of Mihrgan , we are in formed , that a fa i rwas held by the people, and the king donned a crown,

bear ing animage of the sun , with the wheel on wh ich he rotates .

“Thefeast, we a re further told , grew so greatly in importance that the

fest ivities in later periods lasted f or th irty days .

“On the great

festiva l days , the s treets were gay with peop le arrayed in festa latti re , spending thei r time vis iting re latives and f riends , in amus

‘Albiruni, Chronology of Ancient Na tions

,t r. Sachau, pp . 203, 204,

London,1879 .

Hp ri, A Chines e Account of Pers ia in the S ixth Century, in SpiegelMemori a l Volume

, p . 250, Bombay, 1 908.

Albiruni, op. cit ., p . 207 .“Ib., p . 209 .

FEASTS AND FESTIVALS 373

ing themselves with games and a thletic sports , and in genera l

rejoic ing and feas ting.

In addition to the fea sts and festiva ls that the S asanians had

inherited f rom thei r predeces sors , there were others that they hades tablished to commemorate events o f na tiona l importance . For

example , we learn f rom Albiruni, that a dreadful drought vis itedthe country in the reign o f King Piroz , and la id was te the countryf or seven years . The king took a ll pos s ible measures to fight thes courge , and repa i red to the famous fire-temp le to invoke O rmazdto rel ieve his subjects from the great fam ine . The prayers O f theroya l suppl icant were heard and , we a re told , clouds laden w ithwater began to gather over the head o f the king , when he le ft thesacred precincts , and poured down the ir ra in in such torrentstha t the fertil iz ing wa ters soon brought back prosperity to the

country . The king, thereupon ,inaugurated a feas t to perpetu

ate the memory of this event .

“Ib., p . 2 1 5.

CHAPTER LX I

AMUSEMENTS

The ou tdoor games . The information on this subj ect tha t

we glean f rom existing records is ch iefly lim ited "

to the kind o f

games and sports indulged in by kings and princes , nobil ity and

men of the upper cla s ses . We are not a cqua inted w ith the

amusements which lightened the drudgery o f l ife among the

common peop le . Some games which enta iled no great expendi

ture, such a s running and wrestl ing, and s imilar exercis es wh ich

gave divers ion, must have been the pas times of the ma s ses .

Sw imming in the waters of the rivers , lakes , and s eas mu s t havebeen indulged in by the people, and Adarbad caut ions the intrepidsw immer not to venture too often in violent waters , les t one

day the waters m ight overcome h im.

“The race-course and pologround were the chief resorts of the wea lthy , who could ma inta in horses of fine breed f or the purpose . Horse racing and the

playing of polo formed part of the tra ining of princes and the

sons o f noblemen , who were da ily taken to the field for the pur

pose .

“K ings , nobles , and warr iors much g iven to chas e . The

S asanians had inherited the love o f chas e f rom thei r forebears .

O f a ll the sports , the cha se wa s one which wa s most f requentlyindulged in by the king

,in company w ith his courtiers . I t wa s

cons idered a great accomp l i shment in a youth tobe a good hunter,and pr inces were taken to the hunting-ground every day f or in

s truction in hunting .

“When prince Artakhshir, dest ined tobethe founder of the la s t Zoroa str ian Emp i re, so dexterous ly shot aw i ld a s s , that the a rrow p ierced the bel ly of the an ima l and cameout from the other s ide, he aroused the j ea lousy O f the princesof his roya l host and pa tron ,

Artaban , and incurred h is d is favour .

“When the country wa s a t peace w ith its neighbours , andthe k ing was in the capita l , he sought to rel ieve h imsel f f romthe fat igue o f s tate aff a irs by s ta rting on hunting expeditions .

AnAtM. 1 1 3. KrNArtP . 1 . 28.

KrNArtP . 1 . 28, 39;13. 2 , 3, 5 , 7 . Ib., 1 . 32-39 .

374

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376 AMUSEMENTS

existence in the reign of King Noshirvan . An Indian king ,tributa ry to the sovereign of Iran , according to the Pahlavi

treatise, sends a game , ca lled Chatrang, invented by his lea rned

courtiers , with a challengeI

that i f the lea rned men of Pers ia

solved the game , the Pers ianking wa s entitled to the customary

tribute , which the long tra in of camels and elephants had brought

to his gates ,but in the case of the fa i lure to p lay the game ,the

’

Pers ian king should forego his cla im to Indian tribute ,and should bind himsel f to pay the s ame to the Indian king .

The game was tobe played on a chequered board of four colours ,with s ixteen diamond and s ixteen ruby p ieces arranged as at war

with one another, in which one king, as s is ted by his min is ter,knight , and soldiers , attacked the other , s imi larly equipped . The

game was , we are told , succes s ful ly played by the able min is ter

of Noshirvan .

“The learned Pers ian minister now on his part , we are told ,

invented a game, and named it Vin-i Artakhshir, a fter the i l lus

trious founder of the Sa sanian Empire, and dispatched it to

India , with a counter-cha l lenge to expla in the mystery of the

Pers ian game, which , it is a l leged, none could solve in India .

The game was played on a boa rd which s tood for the ea rth ,and with thirty pieces , fi fteen white, which represented the daysand fi fteen black , which s tood f or a s many nights . O f theses evera l pieces , one was l ikened to Ormazd , two represented thecelestia l and terrestria l worlds , three reminded o f the triad of

good thoughts , good words , and good deeds , four s tood f or theelements , a ir, ea rth , fire , and water, four represented the east ,

wes t, south , and north , five connoted the l ight of the sun ,moon ,

planets , fire, and the heavens , and s ix corresponded to the s ix

seasona l festiva ls . The movements of the pieces , which wereforwards and

'

backwards , were ana logous to the movements of

the seven planets and twelve constel lations . The defeated pieceswere to depart from the board , unti l the time when a ll had fa l len,

and a new game was tobe commenced with the same pieces .

This reminded one of the dead being made to ri se on the Day of

Resurrection .

“We find no clue to the method of p laying thegame f rom the above s tatement ,but it is evident that the Sasanian

‘Sanj ama , Madiganecha trang,in Ganj e

’

S hayagdn, pp . 1 -3, Bombay,1 885;

.

Modi , Firdous i ’s vers ion of the I ndian game of chess , Bombay, 1896;Rawlmson, op. czt., p . 450, n. 2.

i

Ibpp. 3. 4.

AMUSEMENTS 377

k ings , and the people o f the i r time , must have p layed it f requent ly ,a s a pa s time for le isure hours . A Pahlavi trea tise speaks of other

games known to the Sa san ians .

Mus ic . The firs t S asanian monarch is s a id to have made a

sevenfold minis teria l div is ion , in wh ich the mus icians he ld the

fi f th place ?“The Sa sanians were a mus ica l people , and mus i

eiaus and players contributed grea tly to the joy o f l i fe . Harps

and mins trelsy formed a constant fea ture , according to the ShahNamah , in all roya l movements . We lea rn f rom the account o f

the Ch inese trave l ler , quoted above , that mus ic ians played at the

banquets and amused the guests ?“The roya l s ingers and playersamused the king at the pa lace with their a rt, accompan ied him

to the ba ttlefield , and j oined him in his hunting expeditions .

Bands of mus icians are scu lptured in the hunting scenes of

Khus ru Pa rviz at Tak- i Bos tan . Men and women begu iled

their weary,

hours w ith s inging and playing upon the harp , flute ,drum , or tambourine . Pr ince Artakhshir fi rst attracted the at

tention of the ma id of Artaban , when he was s inging to the beat

o f the tambourine at the horse s ta l l , at which he was condemnedto serve by the Pa rth ian king ?“Lyre, guita r, zither , chang, vinand other mus ica l ins truments were in use among the peop le

?“The fi rs t rank among the sweet s ingers of the S asan ian Court

is unan imous ly accordedby '

tradition to Barbad , the famous hardo f the romant ic king Khus ru Pa rviz . Among h is other com

pos itions , he is sa id to have composed 360 specia l songs , of wh ichhe sang one , each night , to rega le his roya l ma s ter at his sumptuous banquets . The Sasanian mins tre l ’s a irs continued tobesung long a fter the downfa l l of the empire . Severa l o f the

names o f S a san ian melodies a re s ti l l preserved in Arabian l iterature ?“

Unva la , The P ahlavi text K ing Hus rav and h isboy ,1 5 , 1 6 .

Ma sudi, Les P ra iries d ’

Or, tr. Barbier de Meynard , 2 , 1 5 , Pa ris ,1 86 1 -1 877 .

Hori , A Chines e Account of Pers ia in the S ixth Century , in SpiegelMemoria l Volume, p . 250, Bombay, 1 908.

K rNArt P . 2 . 2 .

Unva la , op. ci t. 1 3, 62 , 63.

Chris tensen , S ome Notes on Pers ian melody-names of the S as a nia n

period , in Das tur H oshang Memoria l Volume, pp . 368-377, Bombay , 1 9 18.

CHAPTER LXI I

D IVINATION AND SORCERY

D iviners and magic ian s . In our treatment of the bel ie f ofthe K ianians in the planetary influences on human li fe

, we have

seen that no important s tep wa s taken by them , without refer

ence to the pos itions of s tars . Th is tendency"

had now grown

s tronger , and people of a ll classes hes itated to undertake any

thing, before ascerta in ing the auspicious conj unctions of the

planets . The court as trologers , a s we have seen , were regardedwith high honour and the king constant ly sought their he lp .

On certa in specia l occas ions the kings thought it neces sary

to consult noted a strologers of foreign countries,

as KingArtakhsh ir is sa id to have s ent one of h is chief courtiers to

India to consult the famous diviners of that country ? The

country was ful l of as trologers , who took the au sp ices f or those

who consulted them on important a ff a irs , and reported to them

whether they were favourable or not . I t is sa id that an astrolo

ger can predict future events in the l i fe of a man by read ing his

horoscope, in the same manner, a s a phys ician can speak of the

hea lth of a person by examining his body .

“These readers of the

s tars drew up horoscopes , ca lculated nat iv it ies , foretold commgevents , and in various other ways , consulted the heavens f orthei r credulous cl ients . The common bel ief that permeatedI ran ian society , from the king to the farmer

,wa s that a ll the

good and evi l that man experiences in th is l i fe are due ma inlyto the work ings of the twelve good cons tel lations and the s evenevil planets .

“The way which man travels in h is j ourney upon

this ea rth , is infes ted by these p laneta ry brigands , who robhimof his happines s .

“The finger of Fa te writes its inexorable de

cree on man ’

s forehead at his birth , and he enters the worldforged in i ts fetters , which no earthly power,but Providence

KrNArtP . 1 1 . 4-7 .

Dk. , vol. 9 , p. 59 1 .

Mkh . 8. 1 7-1 9 , 2 1 .“Mkh . 8. 20;I 2 . 38. 4. 5;Se. 4 9. 24-27

378

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CHAPTER LXI I I

CONCLUS ION

We have fin ished our survey o f the progres s of the Zoroa s

trian Civ iliza tion throughout the period during which Pers ia wasunder Zoroa s trian rule . Thirteen centuries have now elapsed

s ince the extinction of the Zoroas trian Empire ,but the ch ildren of

Ancient I ran s til l l ive upon this earth . They a re the Pars is o f

Ind ia , and the Zoroa strian I ranians of Pers ia , and the noble blood

o f the ea rly K ian ians s til l courses in their veins . Although.

it is

w ide o f our purpose to del ineate , in deta il , Zoroastrian l i fe in

modern times , it willbe interesting to note , in brie f , some of its

s a l ient features , to enable us to. see how the rac ia l characterist icsof the ancient Pers ians have been trans lated into the l i fe of thei r

present-day descendants .

S ince the dis solution of the empire in the seventh century ,the community has pas sed through countles s vicis s itudes , sor

rows , and tribulations . Vas t numbers have , f rom time to t ime,exchanged Avesta for Koran, in order to escape socia l and politi

cal disabil ities in thei r fathe rland . A hundred thousand peoplein a ll now rema in s cattered among some s ixteen hundred mill ionso f human beings inhabiting the globe , and the appea rance o f a

Zoroastrian , under such c i rcumstances , is an event of great

curios ity . History records nothing remotely l ike it. The

Zoroastrians , sti l l l iv ing in Pers ia , have rema ined s tagnant, and

a lmos t in the same backwa rd stage of cu lture a s thei r ances torsin the dark period of the la s t thirteen centuries , and drag on an

uneventful exis tence a t the present day .

In India , the Pa rs is have atta ined prominence, f ar out of

proportion to thei r ins ignificant numbers . They were the earli

es t among Orienta l peop les to acqu ire a veneer of modern West

ern Civil ization . Unl ike the ancient Pers ians , who,a s we had

seen, looked to commercia l pursuits wi th dis favour , the modernPa rs i s have taken to commerce and industry, and have ama ssed

cons iderable wea lth . The greatnes s of a community, however ,380

CONCLUSION 381

cannotbe estimated in terms of its wea lth a lone . Materia l

prosperity would prove a curse in d isgu ise , i f , a long with it , thecommunity fa i led to show any s ign o f that creative genius , which

can find expres s ion in l iterature and the a rts , nour ish ing the

1magination and animating the sp irit of its members . Judged by

this s tandard , we find tha t the Pa rs i commun ity has not es tablished its t itle to intel lectua l origina l ity , s ince it planted its colony

in India . No crea tive work o f wor ld-fame in l itera ture or science

s tands to its cred it . There is no rea l Pars i literature , and there

ex ists no ph i losophy , work O f a rt , drama , or mu s ic , d istinctivelyPa rs i in character . Pars i culture to-day is im ita tive and exotic .

The name bearers o f the ancient Pers ians , have, l ike them , re

ma ined receptive and imitative . The period of apprenticeshipto the culture o f the ir neighbours which began with the ir Achaemen ian ancestors twenty-five centuries ago shows no s ign of

drawing to a close . When a community adopts the culture of

a neighbour, and ceases , at the same t ime, to create anyth ing of

its own ,it is bound to find , in the long run , that its soul becomes

atrophied . I t willbe wel l for the Pars is , that they should best irthemselves to combat this evil which is hanging over thei r community .

Modern Pars is are enterpris ing and practica l , vi rile and in

dus triou s , generous and benevo lent . They are impuls ive and not

given to reflection, emotiona l and not inte l lectua l . They a re

neither philosophical , nor rich in imagination . Ta lented a s theyare, they a re not endowed with gen ius .

Interna l dis sens ions , we have seen , formed one o f the chiefcauses that contributed to the col lapse of the Pers ian Empire .

Modern Pars is , it seems , have not profited by the les sons of the i r

past history , and are torn to-day by factions that underm ine thesol idarity of their community . D is integrating forces have the

community in their grip, and threaten to dis solve the bond of

communal consciousnes s .

Let the Pa rs is emu late the good that the pages of thei r h istory furnish , and el iminate the evi l that contributed to the downfa l l o f the ancient emp ire , and their future w il lbe as brightas thei r past has been great .

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INDEX

aberetar, 1 23ablu t ions , ceremonia l , 1 63, 1 64abort ion ,

1 1 2 , 330

academy at Jund-i Shapur, 280, 306Achaemen ian , 209 -2 13Adarbad , 328

administration, 234-240, 31 7-320

Adoption , 7 1 , 72

Adultery , 1 1 1 , 1 1 2, 329 , 330

Aerpat istan ,1 22

aethra pa iti ( P hl . aerpa t) , 83, 1 23,

332

aethrya , 83Afghan istan ,

2 1

af r inakan,89

agerepta ,1 1 6

agoyos t, 1 67agr iculture , 1 40-143, 1 58ahu ,

1 23Ahuan ,

fortified stone structure at,

345Ahura Mazda ( P hl . Ormazd;

‘

Old

Per s . Auramazda ) , sacr ificesunto Vayu, 3

summons a conference of ange l sand men, 3

wa rn s Y ima of the coming del1183 , 4

Aburas , 1 7Airyaman , 81

a iryama n,one o f the three socia l

divis ions , 64invoked in the wedding hymn, 81

Airyana , 4A iryana Vaej ah ,

Ahura Mazda ca l lshis conference o f ange ls and

men in , 3Ahura Mazda sacrifices untoVayu and A rdvi Sura in , 3, 22

cradle o f the Aryans , 3deadly winter introduced by Angra Ma inyu in ,

1 7 1

extens ion o f its boundaries , 3firs t land

,

created by AhuraMazda , 3

inundated w ith an icy' de luge , 4

overflows w ith popula tion , 3

pers is tence o f its name , 22

Za ra thushtra recites Ahuna Va irya in, 22

Airyana Vaej ah,Za rathu shtra , Haos ravah ,

J ama spa sacrifice in , 22

a iwi-gama ,1 7 1

a iw is ru th rima, 1 72

A lexander burns the pa lace at

Persepol is , 1 3, 40

defeats the a rmies o f Darius I I I ,1 2

victor at Arbe la,2 13

A lphabet , Arabian, 282A rama ic

, 40,2 10

Aves tan , 39 , 40

Modern Pers ian, 282Pahlavi , 269 , 279

ambas sadors , 92 , 93, 31 4ambros ia , 187amusements , 1 94, 1 95, 262 , 263, 374

377anda r mah

, 363anda rzpa t, 276 , 305angl ing, 1 94A a Mai created sorcery

,1 9711 ,

istres sed y new births , 80introduces imperfect ions in thewor ld, 34

inundates Airyana Vaej ah , 4or iginates dis eases , 35 1

anima ls , crimes aga ins t, 1 20,1 2 1

domes tic, 1 77-185 , 367-369noxious , 185 , 1 86

anklets , 1 76 , 366Antioch,Apam Napa t , 1 83Apaosha , assumes the form o f ablack horse ,

1 75, 1 83demon o f drought

, 18, 1 92 , 1 93aperena

‘

yu ,69

apos tacy , 329Arabs , 5 , 1 2

, 237 , 274, 2 78, 282 , 320,33g. 348

A rama ic, 40, 2 10, 268A rbe la , 2 1 3, 248a rch

. 343. 344a rcher , 132 ,

135 , 185, 1 95, 204 , 306 ,338-340

a rchitecture , 1 2,

1 3, 1 48-1 50, 205,296 . 252-257. 343

-350

Ardvi Sura Anah ita , a thravans seekknow ledge from, 1 24begged to give ea sy de livery , 80

begged to give mi lk to mothers , 80

and

386 INDEX

Ardvi Sura Anahita,bestows kingdoms ful l o f char iots ,

1 33has her chariot, 1 33ha s white a rms , 23imp lored to give know ledge. 82

invoked to give va liant husbands ,79

puts on garments of beaver“r skin,

1 4sacrificedby Azh i Dahaka , 5the fes tiva l o f , 1 93wea rs a girdle a round her wa is t ,I 7S

wears go lden ear-rings and necklace , 1 76

wea rs shoes reaching her ankles ,I 7S

a redus ha , 1 1 7Arej ataspa , captured by Spentodata ,

1 39ki l ls priests in the temp le at

Ba lkh, 1 2 5threatens to invade Iran, 92 , 93

argpa t. 336Aris tobulus , 2 1 7Armenia , 202

a rmlets , 1 76, 366a rmour , 1 1 , 1 32 , 338a rmpieces , 338a rmy. 1 1

.1 35. 243

-248

a rrow ,1 1

,1 30-1 32 , 1 38, 1 94, 245,

338

art. 1 46 . 1 47. 205. 206. 2 52. 2 57. 343350

Artaban , 307Artakhsh ir , consults Indian astrolo

gers , 378founder o f the Sasanian Empire,273Kingly Glory cleaves unto , 307orders compi lation o f scatteredre l igious texts , 280

rejuvenates Zoroa strian i sm, 333Ar tesh taran salar

, 3 1 2 , 337A rtys tone, 220

Aryans , 3. 4, 2 1 , 22 , 201

a sceticism, 277

As f andiyar , 1 6 , 88, 92Ashi , gives catt le , 68, 1 44gives go lden ornanients , 1 76gives o ff spr ing , 70gives swi ft horse s , 1 83grieved by conjuga l infidel ity, 77,1 1 1 , 1 1 2

grieved when ma ids a re dis suadedfrom ma rrying, 77

sacr ificedby Za rathushtra, 74dsna tar, 1 23us uya ,

1 72

Asoka , 2 1 1

Aspa ash trya, 1 1 1 -1 2 1 , 1 26a sperena , 1 67 , 1 70aspwd rgan, 338a s saults , 1 1 6—1 1 8as tobid

,1 1 7

A s syrians , 201 , 203, 253, 254, 256a s trologers , I I , 87 , 9 1 , 1 03, 1 04, 1 29 ,

1 96. 242 .As tyages , 203athravan ( P hl. as ronan) , 64, 1 22 ,

Athwya , 5Atropatene , 202

Audience Ha l l,2 54

Augus tine, S t. , 277ava oirish ta , 1 1 7Avesta , 38, 39axes , 1 26

, 1 43aya ra ,

1 72

ayathr ima ,1 7 1

aga inti, 38, 269

azatan, 296Azhi Dahaka , 5 , 1 8

,1 9 1

BBabylonia , 236 , 237, 253, 256Bactria , 2 1 , 1 66, 202Bactrians , 20 1 , 267Bahman, 88, 1 30

Bahram I , King, orders Mani tobe flayed to death, 329Bahram, Genera l , 301Bahram Gur , 304, 3 1 6, 320, 375Ba lkh, pries ts in the temp le at

,1 25

ba l ls , spiked, 246banners , 1 2 , 1 33-1 35, 339banquets , 205, 231 , 3 1 5Ba rbad , 377Ba resman ordea l , 1 08ba r ley, 1 42 , 1 87baS ‘ YCI

S

IC f S , 204, 2547 255 1 341 , 346 "

34batt le-axe, 246

beards , p riests wore long, 23beauty, idea of , 23Behistan , 256bel l s , Indian ,

1 34B ible, the, 239bi l l

,246

birds , 369birthday, 203, 222 , 228, 231B izan , 79 , 1 03b lacksmiths , 1 46Bodleian l ibrary, I ranian manu

scripts in the, 42 , 2 79body~gua rds , 9 2 , 230Bogaz-keui tablets , 201Books of Chronicles , Achaemenian,

2 1 4, 230, 281

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388 INDEX

D

Daena ,imp lored by Hvov1 , 77

daggers , 1 32 ,1 38, 245

Dahi, 76

da inghu pathni , 86da inghu pa iti, 86daitya -gatu ,

1 49Dami Upamana ,

1 04, 1 09danare, 1 67dancing, 1 94dang. 357danghu ,

64D apiran Mahis t, 31 2Darab , King, 88Darej a , 24d-

a ric, 237Da rius HI , 1 2

Darius the Great , enforces capita lpunishment on those not j oining h is expedit ion , 241

erects two p i l la rs , 242

es tablishes a system o f roads , 239his tomb , 2 56the bles s ings o f , 2 56the sys tem o f fixed tributes introduced by, 236

Dashmes t, 1 67Da s tagird , 340Das tur

, 332

data, 9 5

data vidaeva , 95dathar (Pers . da

'

var ) , 322Da evaya snians , 63day. 1 72. 1 73. 363. 364dead, ances tra l , cult o f the

,67-69 ,

72 .298

the fea s t of the, 1 9 1 , 1 92dead, disposa l o f the , 1 49 , 1 56 , 1 57dead mat ter , 1 1 9 , 1 20, 1 56-1 65Defender o f the Fa ith

, 308defi lement

, 1 1 8-1 20,1 56- 1 65

dehkc‘

in, 31 7

De ioces , 201

de luge, icy , inunda tes , AiryanaVaej ah , 4

den f rama'

tar, 332

den pes hopa'

i, 332

dice, k ings p laying, 231 , 262dies , the a rt o f cutting

, 349dike a t Shus ter , 345d iné r, 357D iocletian , 268d irham

, 357 , 358

discip l ine , mi lita ry, 1 36disea ses , 1 5 1 , 1 52 , 35 1 , 352

divination ,1 1

, 87 , 9 1 , 1 03, 1 04, 1 29 ,1 96. 1 97. 378. 379

D ivine Glory , a l ights upon P 1 5hdadian k ings , 3

divorce, 302D izh-i Nip isht, 40dog. 1 44. 1 57. 1 62 . 1 78- 1 82 . 1 94.

368

dome. 343. 344D ra f sh-i Kawan, 1 2

Draonah , 1 42

dreams , 2 18

d reSS. I 4. 1 5. 1 46. 1 74-1 76. 204.258. 259 . 3 1 6. 365. 366

D ruj , 68drums , 1 1 , 87 , 1 34, 1 85, 1 95Drva spa. 74. 1 05. 1 33dua l ism, cosmic, 33ethica l , 32 ,33

Duba sruJ Id Nask, 1 78durus tpa t, 352dyke at Shus ter, 2 77

eagle, 369ear-rings . 1 46. 1 76. 2 59 . 349 . 366Eas t, contact w ith the West

,2 10

and Wes t try conclus ions , 2 1 3Ecbatana , 201 , 202 , 205eclipse, 203education , 82 85 , 224-226, 305, 306effigy, w inged, 256Egypt. 2 1 1 . 236. 237. 253. 279Elburz , Mount , 22e lephant . I I

.1 33-1 35. 1 47. 1 74. 1 85.

248. 338. 340. 347. 368. 369envoys , 92 , 93era , 1 73erezau rvaesha ,

1 72

Ethiop ians , 236

etiquette , 202 , 2 1 2 ,2 1 9 ,

22 1 , 228, 3 1 3eunuchs , 202 , 203, 220,

2 22 , 223, 232 ,233. 237. 245. 262 . 31 6. 337. 338

Europe. 242 . 2 77. 279evak zan

, 303evidence , lega l , 99 , 1 00

, 323evfl . 32 . 33Evi l Spirit, 32 , 33exorcis ing evi l powers , 1 24, 1 5 1 , 1 52Eyes and Ears , King’ s , 203, 231

F

fable l iterature o f , 2 78

f alch 1ons , 1 32

fa lcons , 1 94 , 369family. 66-73.

2 1 9 . 297-299Fa rangiz , 90

Fa rhad, 348Fa ribu rz , 87 , 90

fa rming, 1 41

INDEX 389

Fars , 209Fa rs i, 209Fa rs is tan , 209Fa shioner o f the Cow,

1 43, 1 77fa s ting , 187 , 370Fa te. 378. 379feas ts . 13. 1 4.

loo-1 93.

fes tiva ls , 1 3, 14, 190-1 93. 260, 372 ,

373feuda l lords , 1 0, 1 1 , 89 , 90, 1 4 1

fi f es . 134Firda us i. d raws h is materia ls fromKhuda i Namak, 281

fire. 8. 9 . 66 .67. 7 1 . 80.

1 05- 107 . 1 92.29 5

fire-temp les , estates attached to, 334k ings showering treasures upon,

94.1 25

k ings vis it the , 336l ibra ries and trea suries a ttached

p laces o f Jus t ice adj ommg, 9 7res ident pries ts at, 1 25schoo l s adj oining the, 85, 306

the cons truction o f , 1 49Fi ruzabad, 343, 344, 346

flags . 1 2 . 1 33-1 35. 339fleet . 248. 249 . 342flutes . 1 34. 1 95. 205fly , 186

fly-chaser, 230, 231

food , 1 34, 1 35 , 1 80, 1 81 , 187 , 1 88,205. 226 . 23 1 . 260.

26 1 . 370. 37 1

fortres s es , 1 3, 1 37 , 1 50, 339

f rdbdzu, 1 67f rabereta r, 1 23

f rdhangikdn, 305

f rahang is tdn, 306Framraz , 130

Franrasyan , 62

f rdrd thni, 1 67Frava shis , 22 ,

62 , 68, 70, 1 28, 1 29f ragabaodhah , 1 1 7free-w il l , 379P roba , fire, 29 5

Ggah ,

1 72

gdhdnbdr, 1 7 1 , 362games

,1 90. 1 95. 205. 374-376

Ganj -i Shapigan , 40

gaoyaoi ti, 1 42

Ga ronmana , 30, 1 94ga rrisons , 137 , 239C athas , 25, 1 9 5Gaya Maretan, 3, 9 , 69Geldner , Younger Avestan poetry ,

firs t discovered by, 43

Genius of Kine , 1 43

gifts . roya l . 93. 94. 1 37. 231 . 3 14G i lan , 22 , 140

girdle.14. 1 5. 75. 1 74. 1 75. 365

CW , 94, 130

glaz iers , 146

Glory. Kingly. 5. 62. 109 . 273. 307goblets , 94gold. 9 .

1 66 .1 76. 277

Golden Age , 1 4go ldsmiths , 1 46gougS. 134Good Sp irit , 32 , 33gorgets , 1 32

Gosha sp, fire , 29 5Grand Viz ier , 308greaves , 338Greeks , contact o f the Pers ians

w ith the, 2 10, 2 1 3, 245 , 250,255,

267. 268. 277. 278. 280. 342 . 352

Groten f end , 256

Guardian S pirits , 67 , 68, 1 28,1 29 ,

1 44.1 83. 1 9 1 - 1 93. 1 97. 362

guards . 1 37. 203. 239Gudarz , 88, 1 29

gu ita r. 377Gurgin,

1 04

Hagamatana , 201

hair , 23, 205Hakhamanish , 209Hamadan , 206hamaspa thmaedaya , 1 7 1

hamin, 362han-dvarena

,63

hand-mi l l , 1 43hanj amana , 63Haoma , the angel , 23, 68, 1 1 2 , 1 1 5Haoma ,

mys tic p lant , 70, 7 1 , 1 44 ,

1 45 , 1 6 1Haoshyangha , 3, 4, 8-10, 1 3Haos ravah , Kavi , 22 , 86—88, 9 1 , 103,

1 25, 1 30

ha rp. 1 95. 377hathra ( P hl . hasar ) , 1 67 , 358, 359 ,

363havana n

,1 23

kavani , 1 72

havishta , 83zanah ,

1 1 4Hazarpa t. 3 1 2hea lth, publ ic, 1 18- 1 20, 1 55-1 65, 35 1

355He l lenic C ivi l ization ,

267He lmand , 22

helmets . 1 47. 245. 246. 338Herac l ius . 304 , 340, 341

heroes , 7 1 , 1 27

390

H igh Priest, 99 , 1 22, 308, 309 , 32 1 ,

322 . 325. 332 -334Hinen Tsang

, 356Hormazd I I , 32 1Hormazd IV, 301

hor ses , -184, 204, 246,

368hospita l s , 352hostages , 1 39 , 341 , 342

hou ses , 1 48

huf rashmodai ti, 1 72

huiti, 64Huma i

, Queen , 86 , 88hunting. 1 94. 231 . 262. 263.

31 5. 347. 374. 375hura, 1 89Husparum, 78, 1 22

Hutaosa , Queen , 74, 80

H u tokhshpa t, 31 3huts , 1 2 , 1 48

Huzvarish ,269

Hvare Kh shaeta , 1 1 5Hvovi , 77hygiene. 1 551 1 65. 354. 355hymn, wedding, 80,

81

Immorta l s , the, 243, 244imperfections , phys ica l , socia l , and

mora l , 34-36imp lements , agricultura l , 1 43ceremonia l , 1 25, 1 26

O f war , 1 30- 132

incantat ions , 1 5 1 , 1 52 , 1 9 7inscription s , A s syrian , 201

cuneiform, 256

Pah lavi , 282 , 283tr i l ingua l , 2 1 4, 256Indo-I ranians , 2 1

inheritance , the law of , 100, 101 ,

323. 324interes t , 1 02

inventions , 8Iran ,

the native name of Pers ia , 4I ran Dapirpa t, 31 2I ranians , their contactA rabians , 5

th

gir generic and adopted names ,2

I ran s ipahpa t, 31 2 , 337irrigation, 9 , 1 43

with the

J ama spa ,foretel l s the resu lt o f the

war, 1 03, 1 29Incu rs roya l dis favour, 1 96

INDEX

ladles , 1 26lak ina, 269lance , 1 94, 338languz

f

age

S, a l leged demoniac origin

0

Avestan, 38-40

J amaspa ,

prescribes the manner o f takingan oath, 105

j avel ine, 1 30,1 32 , 1 95, 246

J avidana-i Khirad, 8Jaxa rtes , 2 1

Jews , 2 1 1a po l l -tax pa id by the, 31 9Juda ism, 2 1 1 , 275 , 276

Judea , 2 1 1

J u l“. 357. 358Jul ian , 341

Jund-i Shapur, academy at, 280, 306jus tice , 9 5-1 2 1 , 239 , 240, 32 1 -331

Justinian , 277 , 340, 352

K

kafiz, 360Kanher i caves , P hl . inscriptions in,

283ka t khudae, 3 1 7Kavata , King, 93Kavi Usa . 86-88. 90. 93. 94. 1 03. 1 30

Kawa,1 2

,1 33, 1 359 339

kett ledrums , 1 34Kh ishtab

, 8

Khorasan , 22

khraf s traghna , 1 26 , 1 85khs hapan,

1 72

khsha thra , 86khs ha trapa, 234khud s arai zan, 303Khuda i Namak, 28 1

Khus ru Pa rviz 2 73had a la rge harem, 3 1 6his hunting scenes at Tak -i Bustan. 375

h is pa lace at Ma shita, 343

-345Roman ga l leys s top the a rmiesof . 342

scu lptured at Tak-i Bustan ,

‘

347,

369takes divine t it les , 307k i lns , 1 46

King, 9 -1 1 , 86-94, 202 -206 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 3,

239 , 247 , 259;2741 307 "

31 6. 366Kingdom O f R ighteousnes s , 33Kingdom O f Wickednes s

, 33Kobad, executes a testament , 308

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392 INDEX

Noshirvan, King,introduces reform in the a rmy,337

patron o f l iterature, 278reformed the sys tem o f government, 31 7 , 31 9vis itedby Jus tinian’

s envoys , 340wedded non-Zoroa strian woman,

304we lcomes Greek phi losophers , 277

O

oath, 1 02 -105 , 325-327Ones icritus , 2 1 7Optimism,

cha racteri stic o f Zoroas

tr ianism, 36 , 37ordea ls , 105- 1 1 0, 327 , 328

ores , sme lted, 1 46

O rmazd I I , 277Ornaments , 9 , 1 5, 1 76, 204, 205, 259os tandara

'

n, 31 7

Ottoman Emp ire, 275ox-goad, 1 43Oxus , 2 1

P

padire anda r mdh , 363

padire pur mah , 363

pad ire vis hapta th mah , 363

pads hah zan, 303

Pah lavi , 268, 269 , 279

paigan, 338

pa ir i daeza ,

“39 , 263

pai tis hhahya ,1 7 1

pa i ti za inti, 281

pa laces , 205 ,2 53 255. 343 345

paradises , hunting grounds , 204, 263pa ra s ang 358,

359

paraso l , 228, 347P a rend i, 1 33

pa rents . 69 . 79. 83. 297. 298P a roda rsh , 25

pa rr icide, 2 1 9Pa rs 209P a rs r, 209Pa r sua , 209P a rthava , 268Pa rthian rule, 267 , 268Pasargadae , 209 , 2 18

pasush-haurva ,1 44

pa stora l pu rsuits , 7 , 1 79

pa s ture fields,1 42 , 1 43

patents , roya l , 94patig 362P atkhs rob, see Bukht Khusru

Qadis iya , 1 2

pa thospai i , 3 1 7Patriarch, 2 76P azag Na sk, 188P azand , 281

,282

Perse, 209Persepo l is , pa lace burntby A lexan

der at , 40, 2 1 4

peshva, 332P h ilhellenics , 268Phoenicians

,249

P hraortes , 201

phys icians , 1 5 1 -1 54, 2 10

phys ique, 22 , 23, 2 1 1p ipeS. 1 1

.87. 1 34. 1 95

Piroz , King, 320, 345P ishdadians , 3—1 8pishtra , 64p latform, at Persepo l is , 254Platonism, 277

p lough. 1 43

poetry , 43, 281

po l l-tax , 3 1 9

polo. 1 95. 300. 306. 31 5. 374

poor , the, protected by S raosha ,64,

68

post. 238. 239. 320

pottery, the a rt o f , 1 46

P ou ruch isti , 79 , 81

P ou rusha spa ,1 83

pries ts , 1 2 2- 1 26, 332-335

priestes ses , 1 22

properéy , the law o f , 1 00,

1 01 , 1 1 31 1

prost itution , 1 1 1 , 1 1 2

puberty, the age of , 78, 79 , 1 74

puha l, 298

puhar, 298

punishment, 1 1 0-1 2 1,240,

25 1 , 330,

33 1

pur mah, 363

race, foot and horse 1 95,raethwishkara ,

1 23Ragha ,

64ra infa l l

,1 8, 1 42 , 1 92 , 1 93

Raman , 1 94raocanha

'

m f raga ti , 1 73rapithwina , 1 72

Ra shnu ( P hl . Rashn ) , 97 ,ra tha ,

1 33Ra thaes h ta

'

r, 64, 1 33

ra tu , 1 23

INDEX

Rawl inson, 256

receptacle , bone , 1 49 , 1 57Renova tion, 107Reshistana ,

1 16

revenue , 318-320Rhages , 202

r iddles , 8r ight hand, the sea t of honour, 92 ,

22 1

ri l l , 1 43r ings , 366roads . 9 . 239 . 320. 356

robbers , 1 14-1 1 6

robe s o f honour, 1 74, 204, 231 , 258,

3 14Romans , contact w ith the , 268,

275 ,

277. 320. 340. 342 . 347. 356

Rudaba , 79Rus tam,

16 , 79 , 90-94, 1 02-104, 1 29 ,

130.1 38. 1 39 . 189 . 1 94. 1 95

Sacae, 249sacr ifices , anima l , 1 87 , 1 88, 1 9 1 , 260

Sad Da r , 298Sada , feast , the , 1 3Sa ini , 76Sa irimyan , 76S akadum Nask, 73, 106

Sam, 10

sanda ls , 146 , 1 75s anitat ion ,

1 55-1 65 , 354, 355Sanskrit , its relation to Aves ta , 39works rendered into Pah lavi, 278,280

Saoka,109

s aokenta (Pers . sugand ) , 1 02Sa rdis , 239s aredha

,1 7 1

S a rvistan, 343sa ta r zan

, 303s a tor , 324sa traps , 222 , 234-237saws , 1 26sceptre , the roya l , 229schools , 85 , 225, 306s cimitars , 1 32 , 338scribe , 9 1 , 203, 230,

244, 247scouts . 1 1 . 1 34. I 37. 244.

247. 338script, 282

Scythians , 242

sea ls . 1 47. 256 . 257. 348seasons , 1 7 1 , 1 72 , 36 1 -363seat o f honour, 9 2 , 22 1segregation, 1 64Se is tan

,22

Seleucids , 1 2 , 268Semitic peop les , contact with the,

5 , 40, 20 1 , 2 1 0, 268, 269 , 282

393

seragli

g.1 0

.232 . 235. 237. 3 1 6. 337.

33Shahrba rz , 304s hahr ikan, 3 1 7Sha lmanesa r I I , 209Shapur I , a co l lect ion o f the Aves

tan texts o rdered by , 43, 280sculptured at Shapur , 347 , 348takes divine t it les , 307Shapur I I , 347Shapur I I I , 304, 347sha troyar , 3 1 7s hekeL 237

shie lds , 1 32 , 246 , 338

Shirin , 300

shirt , sacred and girdle , 1 4, 1 5, 75,1 74. 365

shoes . 1 46. 1 47. 1 7s.Shus ter, 345s ickles , 1 43s ignet-r ing. 94. 1 35. 1 47. 1 76. 256.

257s 1 lver , 9S i lversmith, 146s imi les , 57—60, 288-294Sind

,2 1 1

s ipahsalar, 337s laves . 73. 222 . 262 . 31 5. 31 6. 337.

338

5 1mg,1 1

,1 30,

1 95Smerdis , 230,

232 ,237

s ociety, 62-65, 2 18-223, 295, 296

sodomy , 1 1 2 , 1 1 3, 330

Soma ,1 88

sons , adopted, 72kings sent gifts to parents who

had many, 2 1 9va lued more than daughters , 70,

7 1

Sorab , 1 38, 1 39sorcery. 106. 1 97. 379spades , 1 43spear . 1 1 . 1 31 . 1 38. 245. 338

spe l l s , 1 23, 1 5 1 , 1 52 ,1 97

S penta Ma inyu , 24Spento-data ,

1 39Spinning , 1 46

sports , 1 90,1 95 , 220,

262 , 263S PY. 1 37S raosha , 64, 68, 1 30, 1 31 , 1 33S raoshavarez ( Pbl. S ros hava rs dar ) ,

1 23, 231

S raosha charana ,1 1 1 -1 2 1 , 1 26

s tandards , 1 2 ,1 33-1 35 , 247 , 339 , 340

State, union of the Church with the ,307. 308. 333

s tir . 357. 358

S udabah , Queen , 90, 107Suez Cana l

,2 1 6

sugar-cane , 9

394

s urd , 1 89s uram,

1 73sw imming

,262

swords , 1 1,1 30, 1 31 , 1 38, 1 47,

338

Syava rshan, 86 , 90,1 07 , 1 75

Syria , 26 1 , 283, 342

Taba ristan , King of , 328tabu

,attached to woman , 76

tachar, 1 67tacha t-vohuni, 1 1 7Tahmina , 79Takhma Urupi , 4, 5 , 8, 9 , 1 97Takht-i Jamshid, 1 3Tak -i Bustan. 343. 369 . 375tambourme, 1 95, 377tanbes kazak

, 352

Tan sa r , a Pla tonist, 277cla s s ifies crimes , 328compi les the scattered rel igious

,texts , 280

on divis ion s of society, 296on dres s , 366on roya l tes tament , 308s ta tes that the rigour o f law modihed by Artakhshir , 328, 329 , 331

taokhma n, 69

tapestr ies , 255taxes , 31 8, 320tayu ,

1 1 4teacher , 83, 84, 224, 225, 305 , 306tents , 1 35, 1 46texts , sacred, Avestan on secular

subj ects , 43content s o f the extant , 41es timated extent o f the origina l ,40

theft , 1 1 4-1 1 6Thretaona , the Athwyan, 5, 1 0

, 1 2 ,

I 3. 1 4. 1 52 . I 73. I 9 1

Thrita , 9thrones , 1 47tia ra

, 204, 246 , 258, 366Tishtrya ,

1 8, 22, 7 1 , 1 1 2

,1 42 , 1 44 ,

1 75. 1 83. 1 92 .1 93

tomb s , ’

roya l,255, 256

tongs , 1 26travs

, ceremonia l , 1 26treaty , 340trenches , 1 2 , 339tr ibes , Pers ian ,

2 18truce, 340trumpets , brazen , 87, 1 34t ruth , 2 1 2

, 225tunics . 94. 1 74. 1 75. 204. 246. 258Turanians , 5 , 62 , 75

Uunclean lines s , 1 1 8-1 20, 1 55-1 65us hahina , 1 72

usha'

m,1 73

us htra , 1 84u ten s i l s

,cooking, 1 46 , 1 88

INDEX

Turfan, 282

Turkes tan , finds from, 349

the northern s teppes o f , 3,245, turquoise, 1 76

Tu s . 94tymba ls , 1 1

,1 34, 1 85

vakar, 362

Va lerian , Empe ror, 277 , 346varah, 105Va rah ran I I , 346Va rahran IV , 346

va ris tan,1 05

Va rshtmans ra , 1 22

vaspuha rgan,296

vas trya f s huyant, 64vas tryosanpa t, 31 2vas tryosan salar, 3 1 2Va ta , 1 09Vayu. 3. 69 . 79 . 80. 1 75. 1 76

Vagurg f arma tar, 31 2vazurgan, 296

Vendidad, the codification o f law s ,96

Verethraghna , 22 , 1 1 2 , 183verezena , 64veterinary surgeons , 1 53, 1 54vibaau 1 67V ictor ies , flying winged , 347Vi daeva data , 95vin. 377Vin-i Artakh sh ir , 31 5, 375, 376

vis , 64vishapta th mah , 363Vi shta spa ,

2 1 , 88, 92 , 1 03, 104, 1 27,1 29 . 1 37. 1 44. 1 73. 1 83

vitas ti, 1 67Vou ruka sha , 1 93vyakhman,

63

W

wa rfa re, 1 1 , 1 2 ,1 27-1 39 , 204, 24 1

2 5 1 . 336-342

watch towers , 1 37 , 1 50

wa ters,festiva l o f the , 1 92 ,

1 93

weapons , 246

weaving, the art of , 9 , 1 47we ight s , 1 66 , 1 67 , 358

West , contact w ith the Ea st , 2 10

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