views and expressions of nationalism among women revolutionaries in the new people’s army in mindanao

AUGUST 9, 2015mary donna grace cuenca

CHAPTER IIntroduction

Background

The martial law period in the Philippines is, needless to say, one of the most

tumultuous periods in Philippine history. The entire socio-political landscape of the country

underwent drastic changes, the contours of which were shaped by only one man—Ferdinand

Marcos. The fate of the nation depended on the whims of a dictator who, just like any

authoritarian leader in the history of mankind, maintained control of the country through a

powerless bureaucracy, a spoiled military, and a complex network of spies and allies. The

people’s responses varied. There were those who timidly endured the consequences brought

about by a political leadership thriving in the bosom of bribery, nepotism, and corruption.

There were others who challenged the status quo, questioned the legitimacy of the

dictatorship and struggled for the abolition of martial law. Those who did so employed a

smorgasbord of ways, but the most prominent response came from the Communist Party of

the Philippines, a revolutionary insurgency group which established the New People’s Army

(NPA) as its paramilitary wing in March 29, 1969 (FAS, 2004).

Operating under the framework of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist guideline, the CPP-

NPA thrived under conditions created by the martial law period—and such conditions were,

needless to say, favorable. Hence, even if the CPP-NPA was founded before Marcos declared

martial law in the Philippines, and thus was not a direct reaction to the Marcos dictatorship,

the group’s existence became more manifest during the radical and violent years of the

martial law era (Philippine History, 2005). It thus became a timely response to the

government’s blatant abuse of power and authority, a symbolism of resistance of the growing

mass of unsatisfied Filipinos who felt that they had nothing more to lose but everything to

gain from the possible success of overthrowing the government. Banking on the sympathy of

an increasingly agitated mass of people, the NPA utilized nationalism as a means to

legitimize their actions. It was a concept compatible with the Communist framework,

becoming in essence the foundation of the NPA not only as a theoretically Communist group,

but more of a nationalist movement in the Philippines (Seachon, 2004). Nationalism thus

became one of the core concepts propagated profusely by both leaders and members of the

group, especially those who were assigned in community organizing and recruitment

processes.

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Not surprisingly, the concept of nationalism was painstakingly elaborated, creatively

defined and aggressively executed in a variety of different ways and assertions, all in the

pursuit of justifying the existence of the movement and its ideology, as well as validating the

necessity of a people’s revolution. The activities of the NPA were supposedly geared towards

the attainment of a just society that values liberty and equality, and that champions the plight

of the peasants who have long been marginalized in the history of the Philippines. Before

long, the CPP-NPA became known as a nationalist movement operating in the hinterlands of

the country. Their views of freedom and equality were necessarily intertwined with their

nationalist perspective, as they continually weave together a narrative of a people’s struggle

against the forces of tyranny and imperialism. The members of the movement, while

predominantly comprised of farmers and peasants, were also university professors, students,

employees and working professionals. Their recruitment into the fold was a result of a variety

of factors, much of which were ideological and political.

Membership peaked during the martial law period as radicalization became even more

intense, testament to the gnawing social realities of the time (Stanford University, 2010).

More and more intellectuals became increasingly convinced of the ideals of the movement,

and they too joined the revolutionary army in the hinterlands. In the universities, student

activism was common, as the academe became an avenue for both young people and their

teachers to point out deficiencies and criticize the government. Men and women rallied in

what was then called the “parliament of the streets”, attracting the attention and curiosity of

the media, despite it being censured by the government. The media, in all its forms and

incarnations, has become an instrument to voice out discontent. It is no wonder that

newspapermen, journalists and writers were among those who became actively involved in

the struggle for change, and they were also instrumental in bringing about the radicalization

of the already alienated urban poor (Rosenberg, 1975).

Hence, even women, who traditionally held secondary roles in a highly patriarchal

society, went up to the frontlines and worked hand in hand with their male counterparts.

Their participation in the revolutionary movement was essential, as they assumed even

leadership roles whilst performing their duties in the more intimate, personal set-up of home

and family life. They were mothers, wives, daughters, grandmothers or partners who led

multiple lives because they believed that their sacrifices were accomplished for a greater

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cause (Lanzona, 2009). Most often, revolutionary endeavors took precedence, to the

detriment of personal and family relations. The ultimate justification to this perennial

sacrifice was the more important social responsibility of creating a better government and the

conditions that allow for such reality. These women believed that their participation in the

movement is not only important, but also necessary. They were indispensable, especially at

that time of great political turmoil; and they were empowered agitators who represented a

once silent voice in the realm of politics. The idea of empowerment was reinforced by the

movement’s ideology, as it encompasses issues of gender, equality and justice.

Such was an important, even crucial component to the political mobilization of these

women whose participation is predicated on the belief that they matter, and that they are

capable of effecting change. Their redefinition of their roles in society that was undergoing

extreme political upheaval turned out to be a positive psychological reinforcement that is also

strongly supported by the ideological standpoint of the movement. It was a motivation that

enabled women to take ownership of the situation as directly affecting them and their well-

being; hence, they needed to take part in it. Inflamed by a new sense of purpose, women

activists took to heart the teachings of the movement, and became a force crucial to the

expansion of its membership. Directly influenced by the political ideology of the revolution,

the greater cause that these women were fighting for is, essentially an expression of

nationalism. But because they were women, their expressions of nationalism took various

forms, and were translated in a smorgasbord of flavors and textures.

These expressions of nationalism were creative and resourceful, and most especially,

they were genuine. They were reflective and constitutive of the many facets of a woman’s

life, and the many roles she was expected to perform, in both the personal and public milieus.

They were expressions of her desire to make a difference in a society that relegates her to a

position of minority, and they were unapologetic political manifestations of how they

conceptualized or understood love for one’s country. Not only are these expressions

important in understanding one of many facets of that complex being that is the woman, they

are also vital in taking into account the ideological adjustments that the movement as a whole

is making in order to continually justify and rationalize its very existence. The nuances that

come with these expressions are very seldom recorded in literature, even though they are

important in getting a grasp of the entire gamut of women’s participation in the revolutionary

movement, and their continued commitment to it, despite questions about its relevance to the

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evolving nature of social and political conditions. How these expressions evolved, progressed

and were redefined in order to suit the demands of the changing political tides are also very

seldom reflected in literature. In fact, in the entire literature of the revolutionary movement,

the section on women, their views, and their experiences is scarce, and it becomes even

scarcer when one wishes to look into women revolutionaries in Mindanao. This reality

warrants the need to look into women NPAs in Mindanao, especially their experiences during

and after the martial law period.

Their stories are a colorful addition to the variegated notions and expressions of

nationalism that were inspired by different contexts, but especially by the martial period.

Their stories are as important and as valid as their male counterparts. As such, they deserve a

place in our literature. It is against this backdrop of interacting factors that this research is

conceptualized. It aims to look into women NPAs’ concepts and expressions of nationalism

in Mindanao from the martial law period until today. It describes how these

conceptualizations and expressions are dictated not only by the specific political ideology that

these women hold, but also of the socio-political conditions they experienced and the changes

that such conditions underwent. It attempts to tease out how their experiences as women,

whose status and circumstances differ not only in comparison to men but also amongst

themselves, has affected their understanding of nationalism. By extension, it analyzes how

their understanding of nationalism is translated into practice, both during and after the martial

law period.

General Statement of the Problem

The purpose of this research paper is to describe how women in the revolutionary

movement (NPA) in Mindanao have understood the meaning and concept of nationalism

during the martial law period, and how this understanding was changed after martial law.

Moreover, this research paper aims to describe the ways by which these women NPAs have

exemplified their nationalism during and after the martial law period, given the fact that they

are guerillas.

Review of Related Literature

This part looks into existing body of knowledge on nationalism. It explores the

variegated notions and expressions of nationalism in the context of the New People’s Army

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—a revolutionary movement in the Philippines. It gives particular attention to how such

nationalism is conceived and expressed by women in the movement. As such, it begins with a

historical analysis of the movement’s overriding ideological position, the place and status of

women as constructed by that ideology, and the link that weaves together the ideology,

nationalism, and women’s participation within the movement. This part ends with a synthesis

of the literature reviewed, as well as an explication of the gaps in that literature.

Nationalism in the New People’s Army

“Nationalism is nourished by a sense of history. It is of its essence to know profoundly the past, so that we may be in complete openness with the men who made that history and in intimate communion with their thoughts, their deeds and their noble lives.”

Claro M. Recto, Jr. 8 February 1890- 2 October 1960

In an article by Andres Delos Santos (n.d.), he posits that “nationalism is

characterized by an attachment of superiority to one’s country, an aspiration for its

continuity, prosperity and maintaining a high regard and respect for the laws, principles and

policies of that country.” Delos Santos (n.d.) contends that “Philippine nationalism is an

upsurge of patriotic sentiments and nationalistic ideal in the Philippines in the late 1800s that

came as a result of the Filipino Propaganda Movement from 1872 to 1892.” But the

development of Philippine nationalism, that aspiration for independence and that sense of

Filipino identity, came only after about 333 years of Spanish domination. It was mainly a

result of the widespread discontent on Spanish bureaucratic administration in the colony that

only worsened during the 19th century. Incidentally, it was also during that century when

European liberal ideas reached the shores of the Philippines. Inspired by the American and

French Revolutions and the thoughts of Montesquieu, Rousseau, Voltaire, Locke Jefferson

and other political philosophers, Filipino nationalism, although belated, blossomed with the

founding of the Propaganda Movement and peaked with the outbreak of the Philippine

Revolution in 1896.

From then on, the concepts, ideals, and aspirations of the liberal ideology became part

of any nationalist struggle in the history of the country. They became a permanent and crucial

component of the fight against American colonialism, the Japanese invasion, the Marcos

dictatorship, etc. Any separatist or revolutionary movement espousing the same ideals of

liberty and democracy, in the way they have been conceptualized by early European and later

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Asian philosophers is perceived to be nationalist. Nationalism then, as an expression of love

for one’s country has been utilized to promote and achieve specific social and political goals.

Radical ideological movements expressed their ideals within the context of nationalism. It

became the all-powerful force legitimizing the conduct of groups opposed to what they

viewed as unsatisfactory in the status quo.

In her article entitled “What is Filipino Nationalism”, Leticia R. Constantino (1980)

problematizes the idea of nationalism in the context of Philippine historical experience. She

states that nationalism has had a long history in our country. “In our struggle for freedom,

there have been periods when strong nationalist feelings fired our people to action and other

periods when nationalism seemed to be forgotten. Not only did nationalism as a sentiment

have its peaks and valleys, nationalism as a political concept has been espoused at one time

or another by different sectors of society which projected particular nationalist goals as their

own interests and historical circumstances demanded” (Constantino, 1980). Constantino’s

(1980) analysis is informative as it is factual. True enough, a variety of sectors have utilized

nationalism as a tool to achieve their goals. Civil society organizations, separatist groups and

revolutionary movements conduct varying political activities ranging from diplomatic to the

radical, all in the name of nationalism. It is within this context that the NPA’s notion of

nationalism is discussed.

As a revolutionary group struggling for legitimacy, the New People’s Army combined

nationalism and Communist ideology in the Maoist tradition to justify its existence.

Consistent with the basic tenets of Maoist thought, nationalism has been defined and

redefined as a radical ideal that should be expressed most ultimately through a revolution

which would overthrow the Marcos dictatorship. To them, such revolution is urgent and

necessary. It would bring about the country’s freedom not only from an authoritarian regime

that failed to respond to the needs of the people but also, and perhaps more importantly, from

the clutches of U.S. imperialism and control. The kind of nationalism that the NPA espoused

is one that is anti-dictatorial, anti-imperialistic and anti-oppressive. It was, needless to say, a

reaction to the social and political circumstances of their time. But it was also a deliberate

and calculated attempt to insert the movement’s ideological convictions. The revolutionary

struggle, seen as the only alternative to a corrupt and bigoted bureaucracy, presented itself as

a powerful threat to the status quo. And the best way to make itself as the most viable option

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for society was for the movement to infuse nationalist ideals with Communist concepts of

empowerment of the poor and equality between sexes.

Women and the New People’s Army (NPA)

Created as the military wing of the now outlawed Communist Party of the Philippines

(CPP), the NPA or the New People’s Army is a Maoist group formed in March 29, 1969 with

the aim of overthrowing the government through protracted guerrilla warfare (FAS, 2004).

Following the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist framework as guiding principle, its members operate

on the notion that they are fighting for national liberation, and the establishment of a new

democracy that fosters development and equality for all. Since the chief motive of the NPA is

to overthrow the Philippine government, it is considered an insurgent or rebel force—one that

presents a threat to the status quo, and can potentially destroy the country’s peace and order

situation.

One aspect of the NPA that needs to be emphasized is the centrality of equality as an

ideological frame; and integrated in this broad concept of equality is gender equality. Tracing

back its origins to Maoist thought, this equality is premised on the notion that every male and

female Filipino, regardless of wealth and social status, must equally enjoy the rights and

services that government and its instrumentalities are supposed to provide. This equality,

more importantly, recognizes the position of women as equals of men and as citizens of the

state. Thus, theoretically, the NPA recognizes and encourages the role and participation of

women in the revolutionary struggle.

In fact, the Philippine Revolution Web Central, the official website of the Communist

Party of the Philippines, maintains that:

“The Red Army has a deep grasp of the revolutionary role and importance of women as well as their rights. Like Makibaka, the NPA recognizes the importance of women in launching the revolutionary armed struggle to do away with the rotten ruling system and attain the national and social liberation of the Filipino people. The revolution cannot win if the women are not roused, mobilized and organized. Women comprise half the population of the Philippines. They suffer under the reactionary system, especially the peasant and women workers, not only from class exploitation and oppression, but also because they are discriminated against as women. The revolutionary road to national and social liberation is the same road towards the true liberation of the Filipino women.”

(Philippine Revolution Web Central, retrieved from http://www.philippinerevolution.net/images/12, on September 3, 2013)

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This solid theoretical foundation of gender equality in Maoist ideology and its

acknowledged importance in the success or failure of the revolutionary movement is

translated by the New People’s Army in practice. This is shown through the extent of

women’s involvement in the armed struggle. Literature shows that most women involved in

the underground movement in the Philippines were unarmed and in clandestine organizations

that support the armed struggle being waged by the communist-led NPA (Cabrera, et.al,

2008).

As many foreign groups and publications have themselves noted, the contribution of

these clandestine organizations to the NPA’s operations in the countryside for three decades

now cannot be underestimated. These organizations, where women play significant roles in

the education and indoctrination, organizing and resource mobilization, compose the

backbone that has propped up the armed struggle, together with the support from the

peasantry in areas under the movement’s control or clout (Cabrera, et.al, 2008).

However, while majority of these women are unarmed, there are those who are also

involved in actual combat. The story of “Kumander Liwayway” is a classic example. She is

known to have roamed the hills, crossed rivers and streams, and visited every peasant’s house

to patiently explain the legitimacy of the revolution. Kasamang (Filipino word for

“comrade”) Liwayway, more popularly known as “Kumander Liwayway,” is said to be the

first woman NPA leader in the area. Peasants and Red fighters recall her to be as strong and

vigilant “as a man.” She led many tactical offensives to victory, captured government

soldiers, and seized arms and ammunition from the enemy that became part of the NPA’s

earliest arsenal in the region. She also repelled several enemy attacks, sometimes converting

defensive situations to offensive attacks. She allegedly lost her left breast in a gun battle.

(Cabrera, et.al, 2008).

Leonard Davis (1989), in his book on the Revolutionary Struggle in the Philippines,

talks about three women namely: Ka Ana, Ka Vicky and Ka Lilia who were all members of

the NPA. They came from different walks of life and performed various functions which

underlines the trend of women’s increasing participation in the armed struggle. Their

involvement ranges from military work to medical service. Even during the Japanese

occupation, women already played important roles in the revolutionary movement. In the

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Hukbalahap, they took on a variety of tasks. “While initially recruited as wives, sisters and

daughters of Huk men, the women began to develop a new sense of identity—as comrades

and revolutionaries—as they worked as couriers, spies, propagandists, organizers and

educators for the Huk organization” (Lanzona, 2009).

Women’s Involvement in the Revolutionary Movement and Nationalism

Women’s participation in the revolutionary movement is conditioned on the

ideological position that they possess equal rights with men in terms of deciding the future of

their nation. They have a stake in whatever changes their nation would undergo, because such

changes would also equally and inevitably affect them and their future. Additionally,

practical considerations would require the involvement of women in the movement as it has

already been proven that they are crucial in the success of the revolutionary struggle. A

historical analysis of the revolutionary movement in the Philippines, beginning the Spanish

period until the present not only suggests, but attests to the significant and indispensable role

of women in the armed struggle.

Christine Doran (1998), in her article entitled Women in the Philippine Revolution

presents short biographies of Filipino women who have been elevated to the status of national

heroines because of their participation in the revolution. Her review of literature suggests that

women played a variety of roles during the revolutionary period, but these roles have been

selectively ignored in mainstream historical accounts. The biographies she presents were

examples of women who served the revolution in many ways, but whose services were

celebrated because they conform to existing structures and social relationships. Nevertheless,

Doran (1998) concludes that “women performed a wide variety of roles during the revolution

—as messengers, nurses, sentinels, soldiers, mothers, provisioners, fund raisers, spies,

strategists, and so on.”

Moreover, Vina A. Lanzona (2009), in her article entitled Capturing the Huk

Amazons: Representing Women Warriors in the Philippines, 1940s-1950s, discusses the roles

that women played during the Huk rebellion against Japanese forces in the Philippines. Like

Doran (1998) she examines the roles that women played in the fight against the Japanese, but

focusing primarily on their role as soldiers. She looks into the different representations of

Huk women as warriors, indiscriminately labelled as ‘Amazons’ in the press and in the

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popular imagination. Her study concludes that women have played an important role as

warriors or even revolutionary leaders in the Huk movement, but were nevertheless treated in

literature with mixed and ambiguous descriptions. While they were lauded for their bravery, a

trait associated with masculinity, they were nevertheless appropriated the same feminine

characteristics that would uphold the binary characterization of what it is to be male or

female. Such attitude, according to Lanzona (2009), is indicative of existing cultural and

social values attached to gender and sexuality. In short, popular imagination of Huk women

as ‘Amazons’ still conform to prevailing social conventions.

Unfortunate as it may seem, existing literature still points to the fact that indeed,

women’s involvement in the revolutionary movement is not only borne out of ideological

underpinnings, but also of necessity. As an endeavor that presents itself as an alternative to

existing political, social and economic structures, it requires the support of as many sectors as

it could harness—women included. The ideological standpoint served as a valid rhetorical

reinforcement to women’s participation in the revolutionary struggle, and the concept of

equality was the all-encompassing idea that enticed these traditionally subordinate Filipino

women whose rights and freedoms were subsumed in the overall superstructure of patriarchy

or male domination. But adding much more weight to the concept of equality was the

Communist ideology that promotes nationalist ideals. As the fundamental framework

supporting the existence of the movement, the Communist ideology is necessarily and

inevitably a nationalist ideology. Hence, Communist discourse that allows, and requires

women’s participation in the revolutionary struggle is also negotiated in the context of

nationalism.

Applying such ideology to Philippine circumstances, its founder, Jose Sison found a

way to fuse Third World experience of peasant unrest and nationalism in order to increase

mass sympathy to the revolutionary cause and thus and intensify and hasten recruitment.

Women are seen as stakeholders equally responsible and equally affected by social changes

in that imagined territorial space they call their nation. Hence, their participation in the

movement is perceived both as a recognition of equality between sexes, and as an expression

of nationalism to a nation in which they are considered citizens. The kind of citizenship they

are entitled to, as envisioned by the movement, allows for equal rights and privileges, but also

requires the performance of their duties as members of their nation. And because nationalism

in the context of the NPA’s Communist ideology is defined as anti-colonial, anti-dictatorial

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and anti-oppressive, the model agrarian revolution which is regarded as the only way to

overthrow the “United States-sponsored government (Seachon, 2004) should be undertaken

with the full support of all sectors, including women. Women’s involvement in the movement

is thus three-pronged: it is as practical as it is indispensable; it is a gesture of equality; and it

is an expression of nationalism.

Synthesis and Gaps

The review of literature presented above shows how nationalism is defined and

expressed in the context of the revolutionary movement in the Philippines. In particular, the

revolutionary movement that is investigated is the New People’s Army. As a crucial

component in the legitimization of the existence of the NPA, nationalism is defined in such a

way that it becomes compatible with the ideological conviction that the movement upholds.

Thus, the revolutionary struggle, as the only possible alternative to a corrupt status quo,

becomes identical with nationalism. It becomes, essentially, an expression of nationalism.

But nationalism has also been defined in such a way that it responds to the social and political

circumstances of the time. Hence, nationalism is perceived to be anti-dictatorial, anti-

imperialist and anti-oppressive. It is the kind of nationalism that values individual freedom

and social justice. It is the kind of nationalism that upholds gender equality and allows for

women empowerment. It is the kind of nationalism that champions self-determination, in the

sense of being free from American imperialism and any other territorial or political intrusion

for that matter.

The review of literature presented above also examines the nature of women’s

involvement in the New People’s Army in the Philippines. It shows that women perform a

variety of roles in the movement, ranging from the medical, to the technical, to the military.

They serve as nurses or medics in times of war or actual combat, they keep important military

and other documents, they deliver crucial messages, they engage in the politicization or

radicalization of students, peasants and the youth, and they even serve as soldiers or military

leaders engaging in the frontlines of actual combat when necessity demands. These roles,

performed under the framework of equality, allows for the empowerment of women whose

status under existing social structures is one of marginalization. The recognition of their

worth as equals of men, as individuals having a stake in all aspects of civic and political life,

underlines the magnetic appeal of the NPA to women. Its promise of a brighter and more

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meaningful future—one that would respect the rights and dignities of women is an attractive

possibility.

But literature also shows that women’s participation is consistent with the ideology of

the movement. Their involvement is predicated on the notion that since men and women are

deemed equals, they should also equally share in the responsibility of protecting and serving

their country. Such was the underlying logic that reinforces and links women’s participation

in the NPA to both the concepts of equality and nationalism. Their involvement is seen both

as a manifestation that equality is valued and practiced within the movement, and as an

expression of nationalism—the kind that desires to free the country from dictatorship,

oppression and imperialism. But since the movement’s manpower and resources are always

scarce and limited, women’s involvement and the roles that they perform is not only borne

out of ideological considerations. It is a practical and necessary part of the movement’s

survival. Its continued existence is dependent on the support that its members and followers

extend, and women’s participation is a useful and crucial component of that support.

Women’s involvement can thus be explained threefold: that it is ideological, in the sense that

the movement’s Communist framework requires gender equality in both the share of rights

and responsibilities to the state; that it is an expression of nationalism, the kind that responds

to the demands of the time; and that it is practical, in the sense that the movement’s survival

relies heavily on how it is able to harness all resources at its disposal.

It seems clear then that nationalism as a concept is defined and redefined, almost

recalibrated to fit the movement’s adherence to Communist ideology. Along with the concept

of equality, the notion of nationalism justified women’s involvement in the revolutionary

movement. The various roles they perform are perceived not only as a measure of equality

but as expressions of nationalism. Women rebels see themselves as patriotic members of the

nation whose participation in the struggle for true democracy and the right to self-

determination is crucial. In that nation, these women rebels see themselves as equals of men

—not to be relegated to the confines of the home performing maternal roles. But while it is

clear that nationalism as a concept has been much elaborated in the philosophy of the New

People’s Army, literature rarely reflects how such concept is personally experienced and

expressed by its members.

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True, it is from the movement’s formal rationalization that its members take their own

nationalistic convictions. But as individuals equipped with unique social backgrounds and

experiences, the way these members contextualize their nationalist temperaments, and their

expressions of which should naturally and inevitably vary. How they internalize nationalism

as a personal experience or an intimate part of their process of becoming is rarely shown in

current literature. The situation becomes even more aggravated when one is interested to

look into women’s understanding and expressions of nationalism within the revolutionary

movement. It is within this context that this study is conceptualized. It aims to understand

women’s notion of nationalism as an intimate or personal experience. Given their gender, as

well as their unique and varying social backgrounds, how do they understand nationalism and

in what ways do they express it?

Theoretical Framework of the Study

This research study uses Constructivism as framework of analysis. Constructivism

views individuals and groups as not only shaped by their world but can also change it. People

can—but do not always—set into motion new normative, cultural, economic, social, or

political practices that alter conventional wisdoms and standard operating procedures.

Constructivists stress that both structural continuities and processes of change are based on

agency. Agency in turn is influenced by social, spatial, and historical context. Constructivists

view both as “mutually constituted”.

In this view, the assumption is we construct meanings actively and continuously in a

social context (Young, 1997). Meanings emerge from the patterns of our social experiences

that occur over time in a contextual, situated and continually changing synthesis. How we

construct knowledge, in this position, is based on our social experiences where “the mind is

instrumental and essential in interpreting events, objects and perspectives on the real world,

and that those interpretations comprise a knowledge base that is personal and individualistic”

(Jonassen, 1991). This position, according to Young (1997), views knowledge construction as

a kind of narrative where “human beings who live in language, live in a multiverse rather

than a universe”. In this view, we all have a different understanding of the external world

based on our individual experiences and beliefs about those experiences (Jonassen, 1991).

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Based on this constructivist view, this research paper looks into how the notion of

nationalism is constructed within the revolutionary movement in the Philippines, through the

experiences of female members of the New People’s Army in a selected area in Mindanao. It

looks into her social context, not only as a member of the revolutionary movement in the

Philippines, but also as a woman coming from a unique social background. Hence, this study

will look into the relationship between her social context and her notion and interpretation of

nationalism. It also looks into how her experiences as a revolutionary woman, in her specific

social context have shaped her understanding of nationalism. Finally, it looks at the different

concepts and meanings she attaches to nationalism, as well as her varying expressions of

nationalism given the fact that she is a guerrilla.

Relevance and Significance of the Study

Current literature on the New People’s Army as a revolutionary movement in the

Philippines is extensive. However, much of what has been studied focused on the national

revolutionary movement, with particular interest on the insurgency in Luzon. Although recent

research efforts have been geared towards an exploration of the revolutionary movement in

Mindanao, the focus of much of this research in the region has been the activities of the

rebels against the government, as well as the motives that influenced such activities. Also,

while current research endeavors with regards to the New People’s Army involve an analysis

of its ideological and political perspectives, a few of these studies emphasize the link between

the NPA’s ideological and political perspectives and the concept of nationalism, which,

inevitably is a core concept within any revolutionary movement that its members should

understand. Moreover, current studies with regards to the insurgency in Mindanao generally

pertain less to women in the movement. This seeming dearth in literature warrants the need to

conduct this proposed research study, as it aims to look into the how women NPAs

understand the concept of nationalism during and after the martial law period, and the ways

by which these women revolutionaries have exemplified their nationalism during and after

that period.

Scope and Limitations

This proposed research paper aims to look into how women in the New People’s

Army in Mindanao have viewed the concept of nationalism during and after the martial law

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period. It will look into how such views or understanding/s of nationalism have changed

according to the changing socio-political situation in the country. Moreover, this paper aims

to describe how women revolutionaries in Mindanao have exemplified their nationalism

during and after the martial period, both within and outside the movement. Data which are

utilized in this paper come from narrative accounts of women NPAs in Mindanao, phone and

online interviews with current women NPAs in the region, review of secondary literature and

data from online sources such as the NPA’s official website, online journals, and research

studies available online, as well as library texts, theses and dissertations.

CHAPTER IIMethodology

Research Design

This study is a descriptive type of study. It is a narrative analysis of how the concept

of nationalism is viewed or understood by women members of the New People’s Army in

Mindanao, during and after the martial law period. It also describes the ways by which such

views are expressed by these women given the fact that they are guerillas.

Population and Sampling

Data that are utilized in this study come from in-depth interviews of women members

in the revolutionary movement in Mindanao. The informants were reached through calling

earlier contacts that the researcher has made during her prior research on the NPA. The

criteria for choosing the informants for the study included the following characteristics: (1)

female; (2) who has been a member of the NPA during the martial law period; and (3) is

currently a member of the NPA.

Instrumentation

In this research, the researcher utilized in-depth interviews of female members of the

NPA as method for data collection. Since the method of gathering data was in-depth

interview, an interview guide was designed. This is comprised of open-ended questions

intended to gather data in order to understand how nationalism is constructed in the context

of the revolutionary movement, based on the informants’ experiences.

Data Gathering Procedure

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The research was conducted within the months of January to August, 2015. The key

informants for this study were reached through requests from the researchers’ personal

contacts. In order to gain their permission and participation in the study, they were contacted

before the conduct of the interviews. These were done through a point person whom the

researcher personally knows. Telephone calls and text messages were exchanged in order to

set the date and time of the interviews, to which the informants initially agreed. However, the

actual face to face interviews did not materialize since the informants were suddenly not

available during the agreed date and time of the interviews. Since their security and safety

were utmost considerations, another date was set or the interviews.

For two of the informants, face to face interviews were done. For the rest however,

actual interviews were done through telephone calls, which took several hours to finish.

Additional data were gathered from these informants through exchange of emails and social

media messages.

Data Analysis

Since the research study is of qualitative nature, content analysis was used to define

patterns and trends, which were collected using open-ended questions. Coding was done to

arrange data according to similar trends and patterns. Also, the above-mentioned framework

for analysis, Constructivism was used to understand the informants’ notion of nationalism, as

well as the ways by which they express such nationalism. Several themes from were

identified in the data collection.

Methodological Limitations

The research is focused only on female members of the New People’s Army in a

selected area in Southern Mindanao. They were purposively chosen according to the nature of

the research. Since it was only their views, experiences and expressions of nationalism that

were recorded in this study, the results of the study are not universal and generalizable to the

entire population of women NPAs in the Philippines.

CHAPTER IIIResults and Analysis

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This chapter presents key results and findings of the study. It describes how female

members of the New People’s Army in Mindanao understand the concept of nationalism

during and after the martial law period and the meanings they attach to it given their status as

female guerrillas, and also given the different social contexts or backgrounds to which they

came from. This chapter also describes how these women have, in various ways, expressed

their nationalism during and after the martial law period.

Profile of the Informants

The informants in this study are currently members of the New People’s Army in a

selected area in Southern Mindanao. They were already members of the revolutionary

movement in Mindanao during the martial law period. They are involved in a lot of activities

within the movement, which includes community organizing, recruitment and training of new

members, and actual combat. They also served, during the martial law period as couriers of

important messages and engaged in the radicalization of the youth and of students. They

continued serving and working for the movement alongside getting married, having children

and maintaining a family. Some of them kept pertinent documents of the NPA and held key

positions within the movement. Currently, their main tasks include community organizing

and recruitment of new members. As long-time members of the movement, they are actively

involved in the decision-making activities of the NPA.

Informants’ Views and Understanding of Nationalism During and After the Martial Law Period

This study particularly aims to describe women’s views and understanding of

nationalism in the context of their involvement in the New People’s Army. Thus, the

following were the main questions that guided the conduct of this research: 1) As female

guerillas, how do they make sense of nationalism? 2) What associated meanings and terms do

they attach with it? 3) Why do they view nationalism in such ways?

As female revolutionaries during the martial law era, these women’s views on

nationalism were inevitably guided by Communist thought. The indoctrination that they

received prior to membership in the movement, and their continued radicalization upon

recruitment proved to be significantly influential in the development of their political

thoughts. They were convinced of the necessity of the revolution as a nation-wide endeavor

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to achieve true political independence. They were likewise convinced of the relevance and

applicability of the Maoist Communist framework to Philippine economic and political

conditions. With very minor revisions to Mao’s formula for revolution and social change,

these women believed that the success of the revolution depended primarily on raising the

political consciousness of all sectors of society, especially the peasantry whose lives are

historically the most affected by unfavorable, capitalistic decisions made by the government.

Raising their voices, and their weapons against the dictatorship, these female guerillas

believed that the true test of nationalism during that period was in their willingness to

sacrifice literally everything they had because their country needed them at that crucial

moment. Perhaps such sentiment is best captured by one of them when she said:

“Ang pinakatinuod na tugkaran sa nasyonalismo para nako kay ang pagsugot nga isakripisyo ang tibuok kinabuhi para sa imung gituuhan nga pinakamaayo para sa kinatibuk-an. Sa panahon sa diktadurya, nagtuo ko nga kinahanglan gyud ko sa akong bayan. Mao nang maski lisod, gipili gyud nako nga magsakripisyo. Akong gibilin akong pamilya maski sakit kaayo para nako. Ako na lang gihuna huna nga para pud nila akong ginabuhat. Wala na nako gihuna huna akong sarili nga kalipay. Lisod gyud. Dili lalim nga desisyon. It was an emotional and heart-breaking decision for me. Pero nagtuo ko nga naa ko’y ginabuhat for the greater good. Para ni sa Pilipinas nga akong gidak-an.”

(“The true test of nationalism for me is one’s willingness to sacrifice one’s entire life for what one believes to be the best for society. During the dictatorship, I believed that my country needed me. That is why even if it was hard, I really chose to sacrifice myself. I left my family even if it was too painful for me. I just comforted myself by thinking that I was also doing it for them. I did not think of my own happiness. It was really difficult. It was not an easy decision. It was an emotional and heart-breaking decision for me. But I believed that I was doing something for the greater good. I was doing it for the Philippines where I grew.”)

Informant 2, 50 years old

It is clear that the informants in this study generally view nationalism as love for

one’s country. For them, it is the ability to become fully conscious of the issues that plague it,

willingly offer oneself in the service of the country, and become vigilant and protective

citizens weary of any threat to the security and independence of the state. By vigilant and

protective, the informants meant that one should be willing to do anything, even drastic and

radical measures, in order to uphold the integrity of the country and the freedom of its

citizens. They also meant that one should always be on guard, like a sentinel whose main

concern is to keep the country safe by always being observant of social and political issues

that might wreak havoc to democracy and justice. They believe that a true nationalist should

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be responsive to the needs of his or her country and do whatever it is that the situation

demands.

“Aside from willingness to sacrifice yourself for the good of your country, nationalism is also being vigilant and quick to discern if your country is being threatened. Dapat listo ta pirmi sa pagtan-aw sa mga isyu sa bayan. Dapat bantayan gyud nato ang kinatibuk-an. Dapat aware ta kung unsa’y dagan sa pulitika sa Pilipinas, aron mabantayan nato kung naa’y threat sa demoraksya ug sa pagtupad sa hustisya. Sa pagkakaron, murag wala gyud hustisya kay mao ra gihapon ang dagan sa sistema. Pero nagtuo ko nga diri sa kalihokan, mao na ang tumong. Mao nang nagpadayon gihapon ko sa pagsilbi sa kalihokan kay mao ni akong ginatuuhan nga makatabang sa aton. Dapat man gud kabalo ta magtan-aw kung unsa’y kinahanglan sa atong bayan. Maski pa unsa na siya ka-radikal, maski ang buot pasabot ana kay mag-alsa ta laban sa mga mapang-abusar nga gobyerno. Dili nato dapat tugtan nga magsuffer ang nasyon.”

(“Aside from willingness to sacrifice yourself for the good of your country, nationalism is also being vigilant and quick to discern if your country is being threatened. We have to be quick in knowing the issues of our society. We have to always guard society. We should always be aware of how politics works in the Philippines, so we can detect if there is a threat to democracy and justice. As of now, there seems to be no real justice because the system is the same. But I believe that the movement aims for justice. That is why I continue to serve the movement because I believe it can help us. We should know what our country needs. However radical that may be, even if it means that we should raise our arms against an abusive government. We should not allow our nation to suffer.”)

Informant 2, 50 years old

The willingness to sacrifice oneself, and one’s own happiness for love of country is

for them the ultimate form of nationalism. The decision to leave their homes and families,

friends and loved ones, and everything else they valued was a difficult, almost impossible

task. But to them, nationalism takes priority. Interestingly, they have redefined nationalism as

an extension of their love for their family. By choosing to fight for the well-being of their

country, they believe that they are by extension fighting for the well-being of their family.

The goal of creating a better, safer and more livable society then becomes not only an

expression of nationalism, but also an expression of love for family. Hence, in this context,

nationalism becomes identical with love for family.

“Murag kapila na nako na-mention nga ang nasyonalismo kay mao na imung willingness nga isakripisyo imung sarili ug imung kalipay para lang sa nasyon. Mao na ang imung pinaka-priority. Pero kung huna-hunaon gyud, naa man pud na personal nga rason nganong willing ka isakripisyo imung sarili para sa bayan. Kay gusto man gud nimu maka-create ug society nga maayuhon, alang sa imung pamilya. So by extension, ang nasyonalismo apil na dinha ang imung pagmahal sa imung pamilya. Para man pud sa ila imung ginabuhat. Sila pud imung ginahuna huna.”

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(“I think I have mentioned several times already that nationalism is your willingness to sacrifice yourself and your happiness for your country. That should be your topmost priority. But if you really think about it, there is also a personal reason why one is willing to sacrifice oneself for the country. That is because you would want to create a better society, for your family. So by extension, nationalism includes love for your family. You are doing this for them. You are also thinking about them.”)

Informant 1, 48 years old

Aside from viewing nationalism as the willingness to sacrifice oneself for the country,

and by extension, for one’s family, these female guerillas also thought of nationalism as a

sentiment—an emotional attachment to the Motherland that nourished and supported their

process of becoming, so to speak. And as these women see themselves to be in a constant,

never-ending state of becoming, they also see the motherland to be in a continuing effort to

nurture them, to feed them with her wealth despite her own limitations and weaknesses. The

deep emotional attachment that they developed with the motherland is a result of that

nurturing and caring relationship. They are, metaphorically, her children; their sense of

belongingness to the patria is borne out of that maternal essence. Their being “Filipino” is

defined within that context—meaning that their identification as “Filipino” carries with it a

sense of feeling. It is personal and intimate, and it emanates from deep within their core.

“Nationalism is also a feeling. Sentimyento gyud na siya. Personally, nationalism for me kay emotional attachment sa imung gidak-an nga nasyon. Mao na ang tawag nga motherland. Naa gyud feeling of belongingness. Isa sa mga bagay nga dili nimu ma-explain in words, pero kabalo ka nga imung nafeel. Siguro drama na paminawon, pero I believe tanan ta maka-relate sa akong ginasulti.”

(“Nationalism is also a feeling. It is really a sentiment. Personally, nationalism for me is emotional attachment to the nation where you grew up. That is why it’s called the motherland. There is really a feeling of belongingness. It’s one of the things you cannot explain in words, but you know you feel it. I guess I sound too dramatic, but I believe we can all relate to what I’m saying.”)

Informant 3, 51 years old

“Ang nationalism feeling and sense of belongingness to a nation. Gina-imagine nato nga kita mga Pilipino. Mao na tong identity. Personal na sa atoa. Pwede nga lahi lahi ta ug pangalan, lahi lahi ta ug ginikanan, lahi lahi ta ug social status. Pero pareho ra ta tanan ug bansa. Thus, kita tanan pare pareho lang nga Pilipino.”

(“Nationalism is a feeling and sense of belongingness to a nation. We imagine ourselves to be Filipinos. That is our identity. It is personal to us. We can have different names, different origins and different social status. But we have the same country. Thus, all of us are Filipinos.”)

Informant 4, 51 years old

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Such sentimentality was more intensely expressed during the martial law period,

because it was during that time when serious radicalization happened. There was, among

these female guerillas, an ever-growing feeling of urgency to defend the country from

governmental abuse. As Communism became increasingly prominent, so was that nationalist

impulse. Combined with a sense of empowerment, the nationalistic tendencies of women who

felt, for the first time, that they mattered swelled to unimaginable proportions. They were

fierce, unyielding and fearless. The possibility of capture, torture and death never hindered

their determination to achieve their goals. They were warriors, and revolution was their

response to authoritarianism.

“Ang kalihokan mas naging aktibo kadtong martial law. Mao ni siya ang panahon nga makita nimu ang pag-usbong sa nasyonalismo. Nanaghan ang mga batan-on nga naradicalize. Apil mi didto. Nagsugod mi sa pag-apil sa mga rallies, hangtod nag decide na gyud eventually nga muapil sa kalihokan. Mao pud tong panahon nga murag as women, na-empower mi. Natagaan mi ug chance nga maipaglaban ang among gituuhan. Wala mi gikahadlukan. Wala mi nag-isip ug kamatayon. Murag tanan kay posible para namo.”

(“The movement became more active during the martial law. It was the time when we saw that nationalism grew. A lot of young people were radicalized. We were part of that. We started attending rallies, until eventually we decided to join the movement. It was also that time when as women, we felt empowered. We were given a chance to fight what we believe in. We did not fear anything. We did not think of death. We felt as if everything was possible.”)

Informant 1, 48 years old

These women were emboldened by nationalism to abandon their traditional roles. But

aside from that, there was another motivation that is more personal and self-serving. These

women admit to joining the movement in the hopes of creating a society that respects the

rights of all women regardless of class and social status. They felt so strongly against

inequality because their sector is the one most affected by it. Many of them even experience

double inequality. They are not only women, they are also poor. By virtue of their gender,

they are confined to subordinate roles. By virtue of their poverty, their options are limited.

Thus, defying social expectations, contradicting norms and challenging the very culture that

limited their potentials and relegated them to the sidelines, women reinvented themselves and

took on traditionally male roles to prove themselves worthy of an equal place in Philippine

society. It seems apparent then that the struggle against dictatorship was borne out of two

reasons: nationalism and equality.

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“Isa sa mga pinaka core nga konsepto sa Maoist thought nga mao’y gitudlo sa kalihokan kay ang nasyonalismo. Pero isa pud ka konsepto nga importante kaayo para sa kalihokan, ug I believe mao na siya ang naka-convince nako ug sa uban pa dinhi nga muapil, kay ang pag recognize sa pagkapantay pantay sa lalaki ug babae. Kana siya nga konsepto wala nako makit-an nga ga-exist sa society, ilaba na kadtong panahon ni Marcos. Daghan ang human rights violations, ug isa sa mga nagsuffer ug maayo kay ang mga kababaihan. So nakita nako nga pinaagi sa pag apil sa kalihokan, naa ko’y tsansa nga maaguman ang equality, dili lang para nako pero para pud sa tanang kababaihan. So mao na, sagol na ang nasyonalismo ug ang personal nga pagtuo nga maaguman gyud namong mga kababaihan ang equality, kay karapatan man namo na.”

(“One of the very core concepts of Maoist thought that is being taught within the movement is nationalism. However, one concept that is also very important to the movement, and I believe it is what convinced me and many others to join, is the recognition of equality between men and women. I did not see that concept exist in society, especially during Marcos’ time. There were a lot of human rights violations, and part of those who suffered the most were women. I realized that through my involvement in the movement, I would have a chance to achieve equality, not only for me but also for all women. So that’s it, it was a combination of nationalism and personal belief that as women, we would be able to achieve equality, because it is our right to begin with.”)

Informant 4, 51 years old

The same views about nationalism are expressed by these women even after the

martial law period. The Communist influence is still reflected, with the same level of

intensity and conviction. However, nationalism is no longer seen in the context of a struggle

against dictatorship. These female revolutionaries admit that in the struggle against Marcos,

the NPA did not play a major role. In fact, the armed struggle that they envisioned never

happened, as the EDSA’s peaceful revolution miraculously stopped the ensuing violence and

bloodshed predicted to happen in Philippine history. It was ironically, during the EDSA

revolution that people’s nationalism swelled to unimaginable proportions. While these

women are happy to witness one of history’s victorious struggles against an abusive

government, they resented the fact that their movement, which initially led the nationalistic

endeavor to overthrow the dictatorship, was relegated to the sidelines. They felt that the

nationalism they showed at the time that their country needed them the most was not given

acknowledged. They felt that contrary to what they were hoping for, the EDSA revolution did

not bring about the changes that women in particular needed. For example, even after the

martial law period, women’s status did not improve, peasants’ lives remained stuck in

poverty, and the entire economic system of the country was in turmoil.

“Kung unsa among pagtan-aw sa nasyonalismo dati, mao ra pud karon. Of course nag change man gyud ang panahon. Dili na pareho sauna nga grabe ang popularity sa

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kalihokan tungod sa martial law. Pero mao ra gihapon ang intensity sa among pagpalangga sa among nasyon. Wala’y nagbag-o. Naa pa mi diri galihok hangtod karon isip mga gerilya tungod sa among nasyonalismo. Pero ang among pakibaka kay against na sa sistema nga wala nagbag-o. Nawala lagi ang martial law, pero mao ra gihapon ang sistema. Wala natagaan ug bag-ong kinabuhi ang mga pesante, ang mga babae nagpadayon sa ilang estado nga subordinate, ang atong tibuok nasod pobre gihapon. So kinahanglan gihapon nga mulihok aron maaguman ang tinuod nga demokrasya.”

(“However we view nationalism before, it’s the same now. Of course times have changed. It’s not like before when the movement was so popular because of martial law. But we feel the same intensity of love for our nation. Nothing changed. We remain in the movement working as guerillas because of our nationalism. However our struggle now is against the system that never changed. Yes martial law is gone, but the system remained the same. Peasants were not given a new life, women remained to be subordinate, and our entire nation is still poor. So we still need to work in order to achieve true democracy.”)

Informant 2, 50 years old

Hence, after the martial law period, these women’s nationalism is no longer defined in

the context of an authoritarian rule. Not being satisfied with the changes brought about by the

EDSA revolution, they began challenging the current government. This time, their

nationalism is defined in the context of resistance against a system that does not take into

account the needs of the poor and the marginalized. For these women, as long as inequality

exists, they will continue to resist any system or any government in the country. Their

political argument is that while the EDSA Revolution put a stop to the dictatorship, the same

system of bureaucratic corruption and economic decay exists. Leaderships change every now

and then, but no real political transformation happens because the system remains untouched.

The same breed of elitist politicians control the government and the same relationships of

power in the local and international landscapes direct Philippine political economy. It is

against this system that these women define their nationalism.

And because their analysis of Philippine conditions include international relations,

their contextualization of nationalism is also framed along territorial boundaries. They

imagine the Philippines as a country with specific territorial reaches which shall be protected

at all costs. For them, international recognition of the territorial borders of the Philippines is

an essential component of a truly independent country. Thus, in the minds of these women,

nationalism exists not only as a feeling of attachment to one’s nation; it is made more

tangible and recognizable through a defined territorial space that sustains its citizens with its

wealth and natural resources. And because the Philippines, previously defined as the

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motherland, is still a landmine of endless possibilities and potentials despite her

imperfections, she has been an attractive target for western powers because of the resources

at her command. For these female revolutionaries, the wealth of the motherland is a national

possession. Hence, no foreign power should be allowed to exploit such wealth. To them, the

utilization of our country’s resources is a privilege only its citizens should equally enjoy.

They especially emphasize the term “equally” as it is a concept central to their political

ideology.

“Isip kita isa ka nasod nga naay international recognition, dapat gyud pud nga atong protektahan ang atong teritoryo. Unsaon nato pag-gain sa respeto sa ubang nasud kung dili ta capable of protecting our territory? So in that context, ang nasyonalismo kay ang paghuna huna pud sa atong teritoryo, kay ato gud na. Mao man na isa ka basehan nga makaingon ta nga tinuod gyud ta nga independent.”

(As a nation that enjoys international recognition, we should also be able to protect our territory. How can we gain the respect of other countries if we are not capable of protecting our territory? So in that context, nationalism is also that which thinks of protecting our territory, because it’s ours. It is one basis wherein which we could say that we are truly independent.”)

Informant 3, 51 years old

Interestingly, women also see nationalism as a force that unites. Citing the Marcos

dictatorship as that point in history when all Filipinos felt the urge to resist, these women

believe that one of the main factors which eventually turned the course of history and

changed our lives forever was nationalism. Women see nationalism as a unifying factor

because it awakens that awareness of being “Filipino”, and of belonging to a country that is

saddled with a variety of problems. That realization of living in a society composed of people

with the same cultural values and linguistic traits, and that identification with their plight as

being the same with oneself, animates the spirit, inspires critical political consciousness, and

motivates collective action. In the case of the Philippines, nationalism was exemplified in two

ways—the armed struggle and peaceful revolution. While the majority of Filipinos chose the

peaceful struggle, these women guerillas believe that the armed struggle was not an inferior

form of expressing nationalism. They believe that now, more than ever, the armed struggle is

proving to be the only alternative to destroying the system that perpetrates corruption,

oppression and gender discrimination.

“Ang nasyonalismo is a very powerful unifying force. Dili ni siya makita, dili ni tangible. But because it is a sentiment, it can inspire collective action. Apil man gud sa nasyonalismo ang pag imagine nga kita parte sa kinatibuk-an. There is always a feeling of belongingness. And isip mga Pilipino nga na-belong sa nasud, pareho atong

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mga struggles. Pareho ang mga experiences nato. Mao na nga ma-motivate gyud ang mga tawo to unite para ma-transform ang society ug ma-solve ang problema. Lahi-lahi ang pag atake nato sa problema. In our case, we chose the armed struggle. Sa panahon sa martial law, majority chose peaceful revolution. Dili pasabot ana nga dili valid nga alternatibo ang armed struggle. In fact makita nato nga maski pa nawala ang diktadurya, nagpabilin ang bulok nga sistema ug nagpabilin ang mga problema sa katilingban. Mao na para sa amo, ang pinakaayos nga paagi sa pagsulbad sa atong pulitikal, sosyal ug ekonmikal nga mga isyu kay ang armed struggle.”

(“Nationalism is a very powerful unifying force. It cannot be seen, it is not tangible. But because it is a sentiment, it can inspire collective action. Part of nationalism is imagining that we are part of an entirety. There is always a feeling of belongingness. And because we think of ourselves as Filipinos who belong to the nation, we have the same struggles. We have the same experiences. That is what motivates us to unite in order to transform society and solve our problems. We utilize different ways of solving our problems. In our case, we chose the armed struggle. During the martial law, majority chose peaceful revolution. That does not mean that the armed struggle was not a valid alternative. In fact, we now see that even if the dictatorship was long gone, the same rotten system remained and social issues were not solved. That is why for us, the best way to solve our political, social and economic issues is the armed struggle.”)

Informant 2, 50 years old

Using Constructivism as framework of analysis, we could see how the informants’

social context, that of being members of the revolutionary movement becomes central to how

they construct nationalism. Since ideological conviction is central to the movement, we could

also see how the notion of nationalism is constructed along the lines of their ideological

standpoint. The fact that nationalism and one’s roles within the movement take priority over

everything else is a radical departure from an outsider’s notion of nationalism. While all of us

may love our country, not all of us are willing to sacrifice our lives for the country.

The meanings that the informants attach to nationalism, following the Constructivist

point of view, also depend on their experiences within the movement, and their beliefs about

those experiences. Seeing their roles within the movement as an extension of their roles as

members of their families is a valid aspect of their individual experiences, one that is unique

among women involved in the armed struggle. Thus, as mentioned earlier, the informants

believe that the effect of her involvement in the revolutionary struggle is twofold. First, they

believe that they help in creating a better society for everyone. Second, as an aspect of their

nationalism, they believe that they are also providing a better future for their families through

the creation of a better society.

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Expressions of Nationalism During and After the Martial Law Period

The first part of this chapter explores women’s views and understanding of

nationalism in the context of their status as female members of the New People’s Army in

Mindanao. It examines in detail the various nuances that these women revolutionaries attach

to the concept of nationalism during the martial law period, and how these nuances have

changed, or not, after that period. In this part of the study, we take into account the various

expressions of nationalism of these women revolutionaries, during and after the martial law

period. We examine the nature of these expressions as they are told by the informants, and

observe the alterations in their expressions of nationalism according to how they deem it

appropriate under certain circumstances.

The revolutionary movement’s response to the martial law period was, needless to

say, radical and violent. They engaged in the serious politicization of the population,

especially those sectors which are marginalized. The persistence of the Communist ideology,

and its penetration in the academe increased the popularity of the movement among

intellectuals and students. The urban poor became much more conscious of political issues,

men and women from the working class started challenging then existing working conditions,

and young professionals, journalists, the church and other social entities formed their own

groups to question the legitimacy of the government. All these activities were either

encouraged or supported by the movement. Its members believed that these were the initial

stages that will eventually make possible the success of the armed struggle. That same belief

is shared by these women revolutionaries.

As an expression of their nationalism, they played various roles within the movement.

During the martial law period, they engaged in the politicization of the masses, kept

important documents, couriered messages from one area to another, recruited new members,

and even engaged in actual combat if needed. To them, the mere fact that they chose to leave

their regular, normal lives to join the movement is already an expression of their undying

nationalism. The risk they took when they chose to become women revolutionaries at that

crucial point in Philippine history was immeasurable. They not only compromised their own

safety but also the safety of their families and loved ones. But because of their radical

political convictions, and their commitment to their nation, all threats were ignored.

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“Na-mention na nako before na kadtong panahon sa martial law, akong role kay magdasig sa mga masa ug mga kabataan. Tig recruit ko ug mga bag-ong miyembro para sa kalihukan. Gibilin nako ang siyudad. Gibilin nako akong kinabuhi sa academe. Mas importante para nako nag mulihok para sa nasud. Before ko nisulod, grabe nga reflection akong gibuhat. So makaingon gyud ko nga kini total commitment gyud, for the sake of what I believe is best for my country.”

(“I already mentioned before that during the martial law, my role was to politicize peasants and the youth. I was tasked to recruit new members for the movement. I left the city. I left my life in the academe. It was much more important for me to work for my nation. Before I joined, I did a lot of reflection. So I can really say that I am totally committed, for the sake of what I believe is best for my country.”)

Informant 1, 48 years old

“Panahon sa martial law, naa ko sa mga barrio. Apil ko sa mga gahatag ug educational discussions sa mga kabataan. Active ko sa pag-recruit ug mga miyembro. Gisaligan pud ko nga mutago ug mga dokumento, ug courier pud ko ug mga mensahe. Naa mi mga hand signals for safety purposes. Gabitbit gyud ko ug armas in case masakpan ko. Ready man pud ko for actual combat kay naa naman sab mi mga trainings para ana.”

(“During the martial law, I was in the barrios. I was part of the team who was giving educational discussions to the youth. I was active in recruiting new members. I also kept important documents, and couriered messages. We practiced hand signals for safety purposes. I always carried a weapon in case I got caught. I was actually ready for actual combat since we had trainings for that.”)

Informant 3, 51 years old

To these women, the selflessness required upon membership in the New People’s

Army is the ultimate expression of nationalism. Everything else became secondary. Their

entire lives are forever dedicated to the ideals of the movement, and the only remuneration

they asked then, as they do now, is for the country to be truly independent. An independent

country that has the means to provide for its people and maintain an honest government is a

dream all of them share. The possibility of enjoying a life with the full measure of justice and

equality, and passing that kind of life to posterity inspires them to continue their work within

the movement. Some of these women think that with the way things are going on in the

country, they might not live to see the fulfilment of their goals. But they are hopeful that with

the continued support of a few, yet passionate individuals, the movement will continue to

exist as a force crucial to Philippine politics.

The same expressions of nationalism are exhibited by these women revolutionaries

even after the martial law period. They did not quit from their involvement in the NPA.

Instead, their activities within the movement became their everyday life. They still engage in

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educational discussions, convince peasants and the youth about the necessity of an armed

struggle, recruit new members to join the fold, keep pertinent revolutionary documents, take

on leadership roles, and engage in actual combat if need be. While their nationalism is no

longer geared towards the dictatorship, they believe that the same revolutionary methods

applied before are still relevant today. For them, it wasn’t just the dictatorship that needed to

be dismantled, but the persisting system of capitalism that is inherently exploitative of the

working class. The days of martial law are over, but these women’s nationalism is not. They

continue to express it in ways that show their strength as guerillas, but at the same time show

their natural feminine sides. They understand nationalism as an emotion; and because it is in

fact a sentiment, their expressions of it, while radical and politicized, and oftentimes violent,

are nevertheless valid manifestations of how much they value their nation.

Drawing insights from the Constructivist perspective, it is evident that the informants

possess “agency” in terms of defining their own ideals about nationalism, and its concomitant

underpinnings. Their expressions of nationalism are radical and violent, but clearly valid

manifestations of their beliefs about what society needs. Also, the presence of the

revolutionary movement as a structure that dictates the development of such constructions

about nationalism has been established. It has become the informants’ spatial environment,

and it is where much of her activities have been directed.

CHAPTER IVSummary and Conclusions

This research study explores the nature of nationalism as a concept intrinsic to the

very survival and existence of the movement. In particular, this research study explores the

variegated notions and expressions of nationalism of women members of the revolutionary

movement in the Philippines, during and after the martial law period. The results of the study

have shown that nationalism is a concept central in convincing women revolutionaries to join

the movement. It is a force powerful enough to attract women to become female guerillas.

Combined with the Maoist Communist ideology that promises real equality, these women

were convinced that nationalism is worth fighting for.

Generally defining nationalism as love for one’s country, these women

revolutionaries thought of it as willingness to sacrifice oneself in the service of the country.

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That willingness to sacrifice entails commitment to a cause, which in the case of these female

guerillas, is the cause of the revolution. Nationalism for these women is also necessarily a

feeling or a sentiment. They defined the country as Motherland—that which nourished and

supported them with her own wealth and resources. They treated the country as so identical

with a loving mother—always nurturing, always caring, always providing. This

conceptualization of the nation as Motherland is rather unique considering that these female

guerillas do not function under normal female circumstances. They were militarized,

“masculinized”, if you may, and trained to set aside personal and familial ties or obligations.

Ironically, it is their emotional attachment to the nation that convinced them to join the

revolutionary struggle. It fueled their desire for a better, more democratic society.

That desire was most intensely expressed during the martial law period. But even after

that, these women revolutionaries never faltered in their love for the Motherland. Arguing

that the same system of oppression remained, they continued their work within the

movement. The same views about nationalism persisted. It is still largely a product of the

Communist framework; it is also considered to be a feeling of emotional attachment to the

nation. It is defined as one’s willingness to sacrifice oneself for the sake of the nation—the

selflessness that comes with it is the ultimate expression of love, of one’s nationalism. But

these women also now define nationalism in the context of a territory—that which should be

protected and safeguarded at all costs.

They imagine the country not only as composed of individuals who identify

themselves as Filipinos by virtue of their common cultural and linguistic origins, but as a

specific space defined by boundaries which are recognized internationally. Hence, to these

women, nationalism, apart from being a personal and intimate experience of emotional

attachment, is territorial. While nationalism may be a social construct—a product of

imagination and feeling, it is made more tangible by territory. It is made more visible by the

occupation of a particular space that we claim to be ours.

As such, these women revolutionaries also see nationalism as a force that unites. It

enables people to identify with each other because of their common experiences; it

strengthens the conception of being Filipinos who are affected by the same social issues; it

inspires the urge to help one another face those issues in the hopes that a concerted front

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would be the best possible way to solve them. This unifying character of nationalism springs

from the fact that it is, to begin with, a feeling, not tangible, but definitely existing.

Expressions of this feeling vary however. In the case of these female guerillas,

nationalism is best expressed in ways that are rather violent and radical. The New People’s

Army is in itself, a proud and lingering manifestation of these women’s nationalism. Their

activities within the movement are seen not only as part of their ideological beliefs, but also

as expressions of their nationalistic temperaments. Leaving the comforts of their regular lives

with friends and loved ones, these female “amazonas” trudged the mountains of Mindanao,

lurked like fugitives when visiting towns and cities, led multiple lives during the Marcos

dictatorship, and even now continue to trek the highlands of Mindanao and live away from

their families because of their undying nationalism. These women, regardless of their

methods, are heroes in their own right.

REFERENCES

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Alburo, K. (2008). Brothers in Love and Arms: Negotiating Male Homosexuality with Military Masculinity in the New People’s Army, Philippines. Hague, Netherlands.

Ong, A, and Peletz, M. (1995). Bewitching Women, Pious Men: Gender and Body Politics in Southeast Asia . University of California Press. USA.

Thesis

Cabrera, et.al. (2008). Amasonas: A Study on the Participation of Women in the New People’s Army in a Selected Area in Southern Mindanao. Davao, Philippines.

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