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World Art
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Transmuting Australian Aboriginal photographs
Jane Lydon
To cite this article: Jane Lydon (2016): Transmuting Australian Aboriginal photographs, WorldArt
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21500894.2016.1169215
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Visual Essay
Transmuting Australian Aboriginal photographs
Jane Lydon*
School of Humanities, University of Western Australia, Perth, Western Australia
Photographs of Australian Aboriginal people are powerful objects.Produced from the 1840s, when the camera first arrived in thecontinent’s nascent white settlements, such images are now investedwith new meanings, becoming a rich resource for Indigenousfamilies, history-telling and culture. The intersection of imperialism,science and popular curiosity generated a vast body of imagery ofIndigenous peoples now held within the archive. This article not onlyassesses Australian Aboriginal photographic archives as aninstrument of past power inequalities, but also explores whether sucharchives might nevertheless be ‘democratized’ in the present. I firsttrace the production and circulation of such images – beginningduring the nineteenth century – before turning to their more recenttransformations in the hands of Aboriginal people, examining theIndigenous significance of historical photographs as revealed throughresearch with relatives and descendants of the images’ subjects. Iconclude by exploring the ways that Aboriginal photo-media artistshave engaged with this rich and vast archive.
Keywords: photography; archives; decolonization; Aboriginalhistory; Aboriginal photography; Aboriginal heritage
Archival practices: Collecting, sorting, displayingSince the 1990s, the ‘archival turn’ has brought increased scrutiny to thepractices of collecting, collating and classifying photographs and artefacts– procedures that are now sites of contested histories (Edwards andMorton 2009: 9). Notwithstanding a longer history of engagement withthe archive, such as Leah King-Smith’s ground-breaking ‘Patterns of Con-nection’ series (1991), the last decade has seen Aboriginal artists seized by‘archive fever’ (Derrida 1996). Until recent years, the photographic archiverelating to Australian Aboriginal people was interpreted in totalizing andinstrumentalist ways, as inevitably constituting a tool of colonial surveil-lance and control. However, new approaches to the archive emphasize its
© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
*Email: [email protected]
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‘recodability’, as these artefacts of the past are framed by new meanings. Itis important to understand their origins within the often traumatic andprofoundly unequal relations of colonial invasion and dispossession –yet their performance in the present, in the hands of Indigenous relativesand descendants, may counter colonial amnesia and express Aboriginalviews.
Collections held across Australia and around theworld reflect the historyof engagement between white photographer and black subject, and increas-ing control over representation by Aboriginal people themselves. Photogra-phy was introduced to Australia in 1841 under the sponsorship of theinfluential Paris-based Société d’Encouragement pour l’Industrie Natio-nale. This experiment was quickly followed by the arrival of photographerscatering to curiosity about foreign sights andpeoples, aswell as a local desirefor domestic portraits (Wood 2005). Australian Aboriginal people had beenthe subject ofWestern theories sincefirst contactwithEuropeans during thesixteenth century, with some observers arguing that they represented anearlier stage of humankind’s development. Following the publication ofCharles Darwin’s (1859) The Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selec-tion, evolutionism became scientific orthodoxy and such ideas onlystrengthened. The general public took a great interest in these debatesduring the nineteenth century, and the market for images of Indigenouspeople included a large general audience.
As photographic technologies developed, they recorded diverse cross-cultural relationships around the continent – moving from 1840s daguer-reotype portraits of the Kulin Nations of Port Philip, to 1860s cartes devisite from the Brisbane region, to Aboriginal people’s own use of thecheap and mass-produced Kodak from at least the 1930s. As a result ofthe growing belief that the Aboriginal race was doomed to extinction,photographers sought to record what was believed to be a disappearingway of life. They followed the ‘frontier’, seeking to find Aboriginal peopleapparently untouched by change – seemingly ‘primitive’, ‘authentic’ sub-jects, stripped of signs of European civilization, such as clothing. By con-trast, humanitarians such as missionaries sought to show Aboriginalpeople as essentially the same as Western observers, dressed elegantlywith signs of literacy and Christianity such as the Bible (Lydon 2014).
With the emergence of the cheap, palm-sized cartes de visite in the mid1850s, portraiture became an international craze, and permitted collectorsto obtain examples, or ‘types’, of different peoples from around the world.Over the last decades of the nineteenth century, notions of the biologicaldifference of Aboriginal people became increasingly accepted, justifyingtightening control in southern Australia where images recorded peopleliving on government institutions (Lydon 2015; McGregor 1997). Northernand north-western Australia remained a ‘frontier’ and a source of ‘auth-entic’, ‘primitive’ views of tradition.
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Aboriginal archive-makingBy the early twentieth century, however, cheap Kodak cameras started tobecome widely available, allowing many Aboriginal people to adopt themedium for their own purposes. As a storekeeper on Queensland’sremote Birdsville Track wrote to a friend in 1933, ‘Nearly all the young[Aborigines] today go through a Kodak stage. I have three box Browniesleft here for repairs by young [Aborigines] who have had the craze’ (citedin Jones 2011: 48–69).
Recent research has begun to identify early Aboriginal photographers,such as Aunty Charlotte Richards, a prolific Ngarrindjeri photographerfrom the 1940s to the 1980s.1 The Ngarrindjeri are a South AustralianAboriginal nation, comprising several peoples with a common language,whose land and waters (ruwe) take in the River Murray, Lakes Alexan-drina and Albert, the vast Coorong wetlands and the Southern Oceancoast. Born around 1930, Richards grew up in camps along the Riverlandand Coorong, and lived for a considerable time at One Mile fringe camp,like many other Aboriginal people, excluded by official policy and popularprejudice from the region’s towns. She was unusual in not having childrento support, and used her income derived from sewing bags and pickingfruit to pay for her photography, and to share the results among herkin. Her family remembers her love of camp life, ‘fishing and rabbiting’and her strict care for her collection of photos, now a unique record oflife beyond official surveillance, that constitutes a familial, not govern-ment archive.
From the 1930s, activists took up photography as a form of witness topast injustice and as the basis of demands for rights in the present(Lydon 2012). When the movement for Indigenous rights gained momen-tum during the 1970s, Indigenous and non-Indigenous photographersseized upon the medium as a means to express an explicitly Indigenousperspective; their political project was frequently driven by an intensedesire to counter degrading historical imagery. Aboriginal people recog-nized that the visual archive offered evidence for their historical experi-ence, and might be reframed by Indigenous narratives in order tocounter colonial, often documentary-based, history.
During the early 1980s, an Indigenous art photography movementbegan to emerge that represented Aboriginal culture, identity and politicalclaims from an explicitly Aboriginal perspective. A range of young Aborigi-nal photographers emerged, including Tracey Moffatt, Brenda L. Croft andMichael Riley. The Australian Bicentennial year was a particularly impor-tant landmark that focused attention on the nation’s unresolved past andgalvanized Indigenous photographers – for example, Peter McKenzie’simage of a protest at La Perouse against the First Fleet re-enactment ofJanuary 1788 (and see Taylor 1988). These oppositional projects took
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issue with the celebration of the Bicentennial, rejecting the triumphalisttone of most commemorations.
At this time, dominant theoretical approaches tended to emphasizephotography’s role in exploiting and distancing its Indigenous subjects.These interpretations emerged in conjunction with poststructuralist cri-tiques of modernism that emphasized the entanglement of knowledge,vision and power – and the medium’s profound implication in structuralinequalities of race, class and gender (see especially Tagg 1993;
Figure 1. Uncle Poonthie (Joe Walker), Aunty Belle (Isabel Koolmatrie, Joe Tre-vorrow’s sister), Aunty Irene Richards and an Aboriginal man from Victoria atOne Mile, c. late 1940s/early 1950s. Aunty Joyce Kerswell collection. CourtesyTom and Ellen Trevorrow.
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Solomon-Godeau 1991: 176). This interpretive tradition also shaped exhi-bitions of colonial Australian photography throughout the 1980s and1990s, as historians of photography quite correctly showed how ideas ofprimitivism had structured the ways that photos of Aboriginal peoplewere circulated and viewed during the nineteenth century. However, inarguing that subaltern groups ‘were represented as, and wishfully ren-dered, incapable of speaking, acting or organising for themselves’, JohnTagg (1993: 11) articulates a view of photographic meaning as whollydetermined by norms, and of photographic subjects as passive victims.In such readings, the power relations inherent in colonialism havealready decided the truth of these images. Indeed, the distancing effectsof such images continue to evoke anger and grief from Indigenouspeople today (Croft 1997). However, Aboriginal communities have alsobegun to draw upon the radical potential of the photographic archive tobe reworked and re-evaluated by Indigenous relatives and descendantsof their subjects.
These new practices demonstrate recent intellectual shifts in ways ofseeing photographs, as a renewed interest has emerged in their diverse cul-tural uses. Where interpretation once focused on the meaning containedwith the frame, as representation, over the last decade much scholarlyanalysis has explored the role of photographs as social actors within dis-tributed networks of people and things that make up the social – some-times glossed as a shift from what images mean to what they do.2
Figure 2. Peter McKenzie’s image of a protest at La Perouse against the First Fleetre-enactment of January 1788.
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Archival practices work to establish meanings over time, and against asingle or dominant reading, as the photograph’s ‘infinite recodability’ isactivated by shifting relations of the material object (Edwards 2001: 13;Morton and Edwards 2010).
These interpretive shifts have intersected with Indigenous demands forrestitution and return of cultural heritage, signalling a shift to acknowledgeIndigenous rights in a wide range of material and intangible culture, and byextension photographs.3 Many cultural institutions across Australia andoverseas now house large collections of photographs documenting Aborigi-nal lives and history. Since the 1970s, a growing international literature hasexamined the process and effects of returning photographs to sourcecommunities.4
Stolen generationsFor many Aboriginal people, old photographs may be used to help recon-nect family and connections to place torn apart by official assimilation pol-icies known now as the Stolen Generations. In 1997, the Bringing ThemHome report (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission 1997)presented the findings of a National Inquiry into the separation of Abori-ginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families. It revealedthat the impact of these policies was devastating, leaving very few familiesuntouched by their effects, which are still felt painfully in the present in theform of broken family ties, sad childhood memories, or persisting angerand grief. In this context, many Aboriginal individuals and communitieseagerly seek to reclaim photographs of relatives and ancestors lostthrough these historical processes.5
Aboriginal people have begun to explain the importance of recoveringsuch images in their quest to reconnect with family and place. AsShauna Bostock-Smith’s account of discovering her great-great-grand-aunt’s photo through a television documentary suggests, this is anemotional but often healing process. The documentary explored Australia’smost famous nineteenth-century photographer, John William Lindt,whose acclaimed 1872–73 series Australian Aboriginals comprised por-traits of Gumbaynggirr and Bundjalung peoples of the lower ClarenceRiver (The John William Lindt Collection 2005; Orchard 1999; ABC Tele-vision 2013). Bostock-Smith writes that she ‘gasped aloud’ when she heardthat Lindt’s well-known image of ‘Mary Ann of Ulmarra’ was identified asMary Ann Cowan, because
I have been researching my family history for the last few years, and I knewthat Mary Ann Cowan was my Great-Great Grand-Aunt. This exciting newshad such a profound effect on me. It is as though this lovely photographtaken last century has spiritually reached through time and altered my
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perception of her today. She has now magically transformed from being anabstract entity … a name on her marriage and death certificates, into areal life, flesh and blood, beautiful young woman (Bostock-Smith cited inLydon 2014: 61–5; see also Briggs, Lydon, and Say 2010: 106–24).
The image manifested her years of family research, and embodied a phys-ical link with her ancestor that became the occasion to build further familyconnections, and to revisit Mary-Ann’s traditional country with herrelatives.
Such stories exemplify the way that the photographic archive has beenplundered, reassembled, and cross-pollinated by Aboriginal artists whochallenge its colonial meanings. Through seemingly simple techniques ofrecontextualization – overwriting, inscription, layering, enlargement, andresurfacing – the historical image may be literally transformed. Wiradjuriartist Brook Andrew, for example, has deliberately attacked a legacy of
Figure 3. JohnWilliam Lindt.No. 11 Mary Ann of Ulmarra. Albumen print, 1873.Grafton Regional Gallery Collection.
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invisible violence by retrieving photographs that bear traces of colonialtrauma from the archive as evidence for the forgotten or concealed trage-dies of dispossession. While he is careful to respect the distinction betweenthese disturbing historical images and traditionally restricted secret-sacredsubjects, Andrew (2007) argues that ‘they should be brought into the light,aroused in the public domain’. In his 2007 series Gun Metal Grey, the vio-lence of colonialism is evoked by returning us to moments of fear or efface-ment; gleaming silver shrouds his subjects, like the woman of ‘Ngalan’(Light), softening and reversing the colonial photographer’s distancinggaze. Using deceptively simple techniques of enlargement and metallicfoil coating, these overlooked fragments of evidence become ‘unmanage-able’, swelling out from the archive, beyond our control.
Another strategy responds tangentially to the archive, producing new,Aboriginal-authored images. Some choose to recreate or reimagineextant historical photographs – and even to cast themselves as reimaginedsubjects or heroes and heroines (Parsley 2011; Butler 2008: 1). One suchengagement with the colonial archive is Christian Thompson’s 2012series We Bury Our Own, in which he has responded to the collectionheld by the Pitt Rivers Museum at Oxford University, where he was a post-graduate student. We Bury Our Own deploys Thompson’s trademark self-portraits to displace the historical markers of identity central to colonialphotography – especially the anthropometric mug shot. Here, he himselfis the photographer who chooses how to see the Indigenous subject(Figure 6).
Christopher Morton, Senior Curator of Photography at the Pitt RiversMuseum, uses Thompson’s own phrase, ‘spiritual repatriation’, to referto a process of engaging with these images’ colonial heritage in imaginative
Figure 4. Shauna Bostock-Smith in front of Mary Ann of Ulmarra in the GraftonRegional Gallery.
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and allusive ways. However, instead of returning the bodies of war victims,as originally denoted by the term ‘repatriation’, or even the original photo-object, Thompson creates an emotional, affective tie with the archive.During the nineteenth century, Indigenous bodies were in a sense capturedby photographs that sought to reduce their humanity to an essential cor-poreal truth. Thompson, by contrast, shows us new forms of a cosmopoli-tan, hybrid Indigenous identity that transcends this literal return. Thebeauty, clarity and formality of these portraits convey a sacred process ofacknowledgment of ancestral forces with great dignity and emotion.
Transforming TindaleAnother recent landmark in reclaiming the archive was the 2012 exhibitionTransforming Tindale, curated by Michael Aird and based on the work of
Figure 5. Brook Andrew, Ngalan (light) Gun Metal Grey series, 2007. Courtesy ofthe artist and Tolarno Galleries, Melbourne.
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Figure 6. Christian Thompson, We Bury Our Own, 2012. Courtesy of the artist.
Figure 7. Christian Thompson, We Bury Our Own, 2012. Courtesy of the artist.
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Vernon Ah Kee. Ah Kee is an artist from North Queensland and a foundingmember of the Brisbane-based proppaNOW artists’ collective (Jones 2010;Ah Kee and Institute of Modern Art 2009). This project drew upon genea-logical information and photographs amassed by anthropologists NormanTindale and Joseph Birdsell in 1938, across several Queensland Aboriginalcommunities. Tindale and Birdsell studied Aboriginal ‘hybrids’, seeking toclassify Aboriginal people into racial types. Together they undertookanthropological surveys in 1938–39 and again in 1952–54 on Aboriginalmissions across Australia.
After the Second World War, Birdsell and Tindale abandoned theirframework of racial classification in favour of population dynamics, andboth, toward the end of their careers, became supporters of Aboriginalself-determination and the land rights movement. Nonetheless, theirsubstantial mission collections were made within a framework of racialclassification, and they collected anatomical measurements and took stan-dardized photographs as records of the physical form of the Aboriginalresidents. It was not always a pleasant experience for the Aboriginalpeople involved (Roberts, Fowler, and Sansbury 2014).
Figure 8. Transforming Tindale Exhibition, State Library of Queensland, 2012.Photograph courtesy of Michael Aird.
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However, the photographs have now taken on new dimensions.Artist Vernon Ah Kee had first encountered these photographs when hewas young because his grandmother had carried some around in herpurse. He discovered many years later that the originals containedmuch more detail than the cropped ‘mugshots’ she had owned(Barkley 2009). He drew large-scale charcoal portraits of his relativesbased on the photos, in the process also learning about his great-grand-parents (ibid.). Transforming Tindale comprised large-format photo-graphic prints placed in conversation with Ah Kee’s drawings (Figures8 and 9).
The exhibition was based on extensive discussion with the relatives ofthe photographic subjects, and the process leading up to this exhibitionis inseparable from its final form, fulfilling the goal of reconnecting rela-tives with these photos, as well as the genealogies and field notes Tindalecollected (Macdonald 2003: 239). This is an emotional and often painfuljourney that forces descendants to confront the oppression of the past.Curator Michael Aird suggests that
The Transforming Tindale exhibition was about the journey that Aboriginalpeople have been through to discover and connect with these images. AsVernon would always say, ‘the name Tindale might be in the title of the exhi-bition, but it is not about Tindale’. Instead it was all about a set of photos that
Figure 9. Transforming Tindale Exhibition, State Library of Queensland, 2012.Photograph courtesy of Michael Aird.
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Tindale played a part in producing and how people today relate to thosephotos. 6
ConclusionIn southern Australia, the first region to be invaded and the longest settledby white colonists, colonial images have also assumed powerful newmean-ings in the context of colonial dispossession and loss. Photos help consti-tute Indigenous memory by revealing unknown ancestors lost during thedisplacements of colonialism, and substantiating Indigenous stories andexperiences formerly hidden from view. Only now emerging into publicsight, the private family collections of Aboriginal people such as Ngarrind-jeri Charlotte Richards contextualize and intersect with official, publicarchives; they map Indigenous experience and change our understandingof photographic histories. For Aboriginal artists, photographic archivesoffer a rich source of history, counter silence and exclusion, and providea means to explore many issues that remain in the present. Archivalimages are tangible and powerful relics that provide a link with the past,and bring it concretely into our time. This is the power of photographs:to address absence, to reconnect relatives with each other and toCountry, and to heal: as Wiradjuri scholar Lawrence Bamblett (2014: 99)argues, photos link people in the present, as well as connecting them toplaces and the past; they ‘fit into the joyful scene of people tellingstories’. The history of broken families and the dispossession and controlof Aboriginal people remains contested, and often absent, from nationalstories, but these silences are filled by the solidity and presence of peoplerecorded in photographic portraits.
Notes1. In Aboriginal Australian usage, the titles ‘Aunty’ and ‘Uncle’ are honorifics, indi-
cating respect for an elder. For an extended discussion, see Hughes and Trevor-row 2014.
2. This has been prompted by studies of scientific communities and cultures suchas Latour 2005, and by the anthropology of art, such as Gell 1998.
3. For an overview of repatriation in Australia, see Green and Gordon 2011. For anoverview with respect to photography, see Lydon 2010.
4. See for example contributions to Vokes 2012; Peers and Brown 2003; andPeers and Brown with members of the Kainai Nation 2006. Formal guides toethical research practices include the Aboriginal and Torres Strait IslanderLibrary and Information Resources Network (ATSILIRN) Protocols forLibraries, Archives and Information Services, [http://atsilirn.aiatsis.gov.au/protocols.php], accessed 29 June 2015.
5. Many projects have established digital points of contact between communitiesand archives, such as the Ara Iritija Project, [http://www.irititja.com/about_
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ara_irititja/index.html] and the Mulka Project, [http://www.yirrkala.com/themulkaproject]. Studies of this process include Macdonald 2003; Goodall2006; and Kleinert 2006.
6. Michael Aird, email correspondence to Jane Lydon, 29 January 2015.
Notes on contributorJane Lydon is theWesfarmers Chair of Australian History at the University of Western Aus-tralia. Her research centres upon Australia’s colonial past and its legacies in the present.Her books include Eye Contact: Photographing Indigenous Australians (Duke, 2005),The Flash of Recognition: Photography and the emergence of Indigenous rights (New-South, 2012), which won the 2013 Queensland Literary Awards’ History Book Award,and (ed.) Calling the Shots: Aboriginal Photographies (Aboriginal Studies Press, 2014)which brings together Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal scholars to explore the Indigenousmeanings of the photographic archive. She currently leads the Australian ResearchCouncil-funded project ‘Globalization, Photography, and Race: the Circulation andReturn of Aboriginal Photographs in Europe’ (DP110100278), which collaborates withfour European museums to historicise their collections of Australian photographs andreturn them to Aboriginal descendants. Photography, Humanitarianism, Empire will bepublished by Bloomsbury in 2016.
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