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TOWARDS ENHANCING NIGERIA’S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: SOME LESSONS FROM CHINA’S ECONOMIC POLICY BY YUSUF KAZEEM OLATUNDE MATRIC NO: 06/66MF185 BEING A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF BUSINESS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN, NIGERIA. IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE BACHELOR OF SCIENCE (B.Sc. HONS) IN POLITICAL SCIENCE 1

TOWARDS ENHANCING NIGERIA’S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: SOME LESSONS FROM CHINA’S ECONOMIC POLICY

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TOWARDS ENHANCING NIGERIA’S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT:

SOME LESSONS FROM CHINA’S ECONOMIC POLICY

BY

YUSUF KAZEEM OLATUNDE

MATRIC NO: 06/66MF185

BEING A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF

BUSINESS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES,

UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN, NIGERIA.

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE

AWARD OF THE BACHELOR OF SCIENCE (B.Sc. HONS) IN

POLITICAL SCIENCE

1

JUNE

2010

TABLE OF CONTENTSTITLE PAGE

i

CERTIFICATION ii

DEDICATION

iii

AKNOWLEDGEMENT iv

CHAPTER ONE1.0 INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY 1

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 3

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 4

1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY 6

1.5 RESEARCH METHODLOGY 7

1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

7

1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 8

1.8 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY 9

1.9 DEFINITION OF BASIC TERMINOLOGIES

10

2

1.10 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

11

REFERENCES

13

CHAPTER TWO2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW 14 -

30

REFERENCES

31

CHAPTER THREE3.0 EVALUATION OF THE ENHANCEMENT OF NIGERIA’S

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

35

3.1 PRESENT STATE OF NIGERIA’S ECONOMY

35

3.2 ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE IN DEMOCRATIC ERA

36

3.3 OVERVIEW OF FOOD AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION

IN NIGERIA

44

3.4 PROFILE OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF NIGERIA’S

FISCAL ACTIVITIES SUGGESTING FISCAL INDICIPLINE:

3

1970 – 2002

49

3.5 ASSESSMENT OF TRANSPORT SECTOR

54

3.6 PRESENT STATE OF CHINA’S ECONOMY

62

3.7 CURRENT POLICY CHALLENGES IN CHINA

64

3.8 ECONOMIC REFORM IN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF

CHINA

69

REFERENCES

90

CHAPTER FOUR4.0 SUMMARY,RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION

96

4.1 SUMMARY

96

4.2 RECOMMENDATION

97

4.3 CONCLUSION

101

4

REFERENCES

101

BIBLIOGRAPHY

102

5

CHAPTER ONE

1.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

Generally speaking, economic development refers to

the problems of undeveloped countries while economic

growth to those of developed countries. Madison makes a

distinction between the two terms in this sense when he

writes: “The raising of income levels is generally called

economic growth in rich countries and in poor ones it is

called economic development”. This view does not specify

the underlying forces which raises the income levels in

the two types of economies. Mrs. Hicks points out in this

connection that the problems of underdeveloped countries

are concerned with development of unused resources, even

though their uses are well known, while those of advanced

countries are related to growth, most of their resources

6

being already known and developed to a considerate

extent.

In fact, the terms ‘development and growth’ have

nothing to do with the type of economy. The distinction

between the two relates to the nature and causes of

change. Schumpeter makes the distinction clearer when he

defined development as a continuous and spontaneous

change in the stationary state which forever alters and

displaces the equilibrium state previously existing;

while growth is a gradual and steady change in the long

run which comes about gradual increase in the rate of

savings and population.

Thus economic growth is related to a quantitative

sustained increase in the country’s per capita output or

income accompanied by expansion in its labour force,

consumption, capital and volume of trade. An economy can

grow but may not develop because of poverty, unemployment

and inequalities may continue to persist due to the

7

absence of technological and structural changes. But it

is difficult to imagine development without economic

growth in the absence of an increase in output per

capita, particularly when population is growing rapidly.

Hence, economic development is measured in four ways:

Gross National Product (GNP);

GNP Per Capita;

Welfare;

Social indicators.

An underdeveloped country is one which has no

prospect of development. An underdeveloped country, on

the other hand, is one which has no potentialities of

development. It should be noted however, that these two

terms are easily distinguishable. In other words, a more

respectable term “developing countries” has also come to

be used in economic literature. Nigeria is however in

this sense considered to be an “underdeveloped country”

or “a developing country”.

8

Features of an underdeveloped country are:

General poverty;

Agriculture, the main occupation;

A dualistic economy;

Underdeveloped natural resources;

Economic backwardness;

Lack of enterprise and initiatives;

Insufficient capital equipment;

Technological backwardness;

Foreign trade orientation.

Therefore, this research work will try as much as

possible to analyze the causes of Nigeria economic

problem and proffer enduring panacea to the menace

borrowing from some lessons from China’s economic policy

so that the dream of economic development success will

become a reality.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

9

The last two decades witnessed series of reforms

aimed at the revitalization of the Nigerian economy owing

to series of crises that rock the economy during this

period.

The problems were seen to be a direct derivative of

structural imbalances in our economic system. The

imbalances started right from colonial era, nurtured by

inappropriate policies after independence in 1960, and

reinforced by the windfall gains from petroleum in the

1970s. These structural defects consisted of

undiversified, monolithic and monoculture production

bases, undue reliance on agricultural products from

1960s, and a total shift to exclusive reliance on

petroleum after 1973. The outcome of these events was

that the growth process relied heavily on external

factors instead of the internal ones.

However, of all the dependencies, the exclusive

reliance on petroleum turned out to be the most

10

devastating to the economy. The sudden surge in revenues

from the oil boom engendered a policy attitude which

regarded resources as not a problem but considered how to

spend it as the problem. The increased level of foreign

exchange receipts was also perceived as a permanent

occurrence. This led to an uncontrolled expansion in

expenditure. On the other hand, reductions in foreign

exchange receipts during lean years (as in 1978) were

considered transitory. This inelasticity of expectation

resulted in a situation where expenditures were not

reduced immediately the adverse shocks occurred. On the

contrary, external borrowing were undertaken to finance

government activities. Consequently, fiscal deficits and

external payment problems emerged and lingered through

various regimes up to the present day.

More so, Nigeria can be said to be lagging behind

because of her less contribution on technology,

education, agriculture, unemployment, and half executed

11

economic strategic reform by different administrations

from the past till date. In fact, there has been

different argument that Nigeria’s economic problem

ignited from the authoritarian rule of the military

rulers and calls for a democratic rule. Meanwhile,

Nigeria soon attained Democracy in 1999 under the

administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, and

unfortunately still deepens in the problems of economic

development.

Having identified different problems militating

against the development of the country, it is also a true

statement that official corruption is also inimical to

the sustainable economic development of Nigeria, there is

therefore an urgent need to salvage the country from the

calamity by ensuring that the existing Economic and

Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and Independent

Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission

(ICPC) are truly impartial, competent and a genuine body

12

in the service to extricate the bad eggs among the public

office holders.

1.3 Research Questions

The research question to be beard upon this research

work shall be as follows:-

i. What are the likely causes of economic development

problems in Nigeria?

ii. Are policies formulated and implemented adequately and

efficiently?

iii. What has been happening to poverty?

iv. What has been happening to each sector in the country?

v. What has been happening to unemployment?

vi. What then is the role of the government sector under such

a disposition?

vii. Has the anti-corruption agencies been working

independently and impartially in the fight against

corruption?

13

1.4 Objective of the Study

The objective of this research work is to make checks

on the causes of the country’s economic underdevelopment

with help of discussing various issues of Nigeria’s

position on different sectors. Frankly speaking, the

country has suffered a lot of troubles on corruption

issues in the past till date. The political leaders are

so self-centered and the idea of political godfathers

should be stopped. Since the attainment of Democracy

under the administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo who

established the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission

(EFCC) and the Independent Corruption Practices and Other

Related Crimes Commission (ICPC), the two commissions

though have worked immensely in exposing the fraudsters

and looters but still obvious that they work not only on

14

their own orders but at the president and other so called

political money bags’ discretion.

More so, it has been observed that due to negligence

and inappropriate appointment of leaders who are willing

and capable of ruling at people’s interest in the past

and mismanagement of the country’s natural resources and

a very weak strategic plan has also contributed to the

country’s economic backwardness. In view of this, this

research works wants to examine carefully and proffer an

enduring panacea that will remedy the nagging obstacles

in the country’s economic development in this aspect.

Furthermore, this study will leave no stone unturned in

assessing Nigeria’s economic development by suggesting

some lessons that can be learnt from china’s economic

reforms and stating clearly the present state of

Nigeria’s economy, China’s economic profile and her

various economic reform.

15

1.5 Research Methodology

The descriptive and analytical approaches will be

used un this study which aims at understanding the

concept of economic development since the attainment of

independence in Nigeria through an extensive review of

literature. Also, the research methodology will be based

on secondary sources of data such as various publication

in newspapers, magazines, textbooks, articles, journals,

literature etc.

All data collected shall be evaluated, compared,

cross analyzed and then utilized to suit the purpose of

study.

1.6 Significance of the Study

This study will be immense importance in extricating

Nigeria from her present mess, row, and disturbances

endangered by underdevelopment. Also, the study will

16

indicate vividly how to constitute possible successful

strategic plans which can lead the country to a better

and sustainable achievement of economic development.

This study is equally significant because it will

contribute to the body of existing knowledge in our

efforts to eradicate corruption, underdevelopment and

avaricious attitude of the country’s political leaders.

This research work will also act as a reference or

guideline for academicians willing to make comment or

research on economic restructuring of the country in

future contributing to the successful achievement of a

positive result of the country’s economy.

1.7 Theoretical Framework

Structural functionalism is a methodological tool

which examines a system in terms of the structure which

examines the system is composed, and the functions

17

performed by those structures. It is an important off-

shoot of general system theory. However, when related to

politics, it can be functions of the political structures

in the political system and is a tool of investigation.

In essence, it explains the relationship between the

part (structure) on one hand and between the parts and

the whole (political system). It is the contribution of

each structure (part) that helps to sustain the political

system (whole). The structures are many and they can take

different involvement in the issue of economic

development of the country. They include: anti-corruption

agencies, commissions involved in economic development

strategic planning etc. For instance, the Economic and

Financial Crimes Commission and other related anti-

corruption agencies, development commissions and

different sectors that have impact on the country’s

economy as a structure within the political system

performs many functions including those of strategy

18

laying specialist towards the successful development of

the country.

Therefore, empowering the economic development of

the country, these bodies or commission and sectors

should not be left out. The utility of this theory is

seen in the fact that as a part of the system, the anti-

corruption and economic planning agencies if truly

independent, transparent and effective, and the sectors

if effectively managed would have succeeded in keeping

the function of solidifying the national structure and

positive result of Nigeria’s economic stand.

1.8 Scope and Limitation of Study

This study will cover the possible enhancement

strategies of Nigeria’s economic development and some

lessons that can be learnt from China’s economic policy.

This will enable us to determine the way forward in the

future.

19

However, issues will be discussed on the Economic

performance of Nigeria in the democratic era, assessment

of Nigeria’s transport sector, agricultural sector and

food security in Nigeria and also, the rate of official

corruption. The causes of Nigeria’s economic growth

problem, Nigeria and China’s state of economic profile,

china’s economic reform and likely solution to the

problem of the country’s economic problem, among others

will make this study to be narrowed to suit the desired

purpose. Thus, focus also on China’s economic reform.

1.9 Definition of the Basic Terminologies

To avoid ambiguity, the following terms will be

clarified. They include the following:

20

1. AGENCY: This describes any department, office,

commission, authority, administration, board,

government-owned corporation, or other independent

establishment of any branch government in Nigeria.

2. COMMISSION: This refers to an official group of people

who have been given responsibility to control something

or to find out about something usually for the

government.

3. CORRUPTION: This can be described as dishonesty or

illegal behavior, especially of people in authority. It

can also be referred to as the unauthorized use of

public fund for private gain.

4. DEMOCRACY: This can be described as government by

persons freely chosen by and responsible to the

governed.

Lipset (1983) defined democracy as a political

system which supplies regular constitutional

opportunities for changing the governing officials, and

21

a social mechanism which permits the largest possible

part of the pe0ple’s major decision by choosing among

contenders for political offices (Lipset, 1983:27).

However, in relation to ‘elitism’ are those successful

persons who rise to the top in every occupation and

stratum of the society (Olaniyi, 1997:13). This is

because their interest is often paramount to them than

outsider’s interests.

5. ECONOMIC GROWTH: The increase in a nation’s

productivity capacity, leading to an increase in

production of goods and services. Economic growth

usually is measured y the annual rate of increase in

real Gross National Product.

6. ECONOMIC POLICY: This is the process by which a

government manages its economy. Economic policy

generally consist of three dimensions fiscal policy,

monetary policy and those other facets of public policy

22

with economic implications, such as energy policy, farm

policy, and labour union policy.

7. GDP (Gross Domestic Product): This refers to the total

value of all the goods and services produced by a

country in a year.

8. GNP (Gross National Product): This refers to the

monetary value of all goods and services produced in a

nation in a given year, one of the important tools for

measuring the health of a nation’s economy.

1.10 Organization of the Study

This study will be organized into five main

chapters. This includes:

Chapter one which is the introductory part

containing: General introduction or background to the

study, statement of problem, research questions objective

of the study, research methodology, significance of the

study, theoretical framework, scope and limitation of

23

study, definition of basic terminologies and lastly

organization of the study.

Chapter two is devoted to literature review as in

the review of relevant concepts viz: economic growth,

government and economy nexus, and democracy and economy.

Chapter three focuses on the assessment of the

economic development in Nigeria.

Chapter four which is the last chapter comprises of

summary, conclusion and recommendations.

24

REFERENCES

Bauer, P. T. (1973), Dissent on Development, Haryana,

Vrinda Publications Ltd.

Friedman, J. (1972), Growth Centres in Regional

Development, London, Corporate Publishers Ltd.

Hicks, U. (1957), Learning About Economic Development,

London, Powman Publishers Ltd.

Jhingan, M. L. (2003), Advanced Economic Theory, Haryana,

Vrinda Publications Ltd.

Lipset, S. M. (1983), “The Military and Government in

Nigeria” in Humanities and Social Sciences

(ed.) General Studies, Ilorin, University of

Ilorin, PP. 25–30.

Maddison, A. (1970), Economic Progress and Policy in

Developing Countries, New York, Universal

Publishers Ltd.

25

Olaniyi, J. O. (1997), Introduction to Contemporary

Political Analysis, Lagos, Fabsony Nig. Ltd.

Schumpeters, J.A. (1934), The Theory of Economic

Development, London, Powell Publications Ltd.

Shafritz, J. M. (1988), The Dorsey Dictionary of American

Government and Politics, Chicago, The Dorsey

Press.

CHAPTER TWO

2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW

Many writers have contributed on the question of

economic development in Nigeria in different books,

newspapers, magazines, journals e.t.c. with the effort of

shedding light on the causes of sluggish growth in a

country and what could possibly be the problem facing

economic growth or development in a country and

suggesting what kind of policy could be adopted or the

26

kind of practice that could bring about sustainable

economic development in a country. However, some

literature of renowned scholars have been reviewed in

order to achieve a genuine and quality research that suit

best in acquiring information and procedure of a way of

tackling the problem being faced by Nigeria as a country

lagging behind in sustainable economic development. Some

of the concepts or issues that was put into consideration

were economic growth, government and economy nexus, and

democracy and economy.

Economic Growth

The concept of economy is simply defined as a set of

activities, within a geographical region, which deals with

generation and utilization of resources (which are relatively

scarce) for the satisfaction of human wants. It should be noted

that the generation and utilization of the resources could be

undertaking by both the public and private sectors. Put

27

differently, economy may be described as an act of making a

special effort to avoid waste or misuse of resources,

controlling and managing of money and other resources of a

community. The methodology of management varies from one

country to the other and the ability of a government to

seriously manage the resources determines whether such a

country will be tagged developed or less developed.

An economy is regarded as having recorded economic growth

or development if there are sustained significant

improvements in quantitative and qualitative terms

respectively. Thus, an economy may be growing without really

developing. For instance, if there is a sustained increase in

the level of national output or per capita income, the economy

is as having recorded economic growth. However, economic

development would involve qualitative dimension such as

modernizing the economy, transforming the economy from

basically an agricultural one to an industrial one, increasing

28

the choices open to people in terms of goods and services,

increasing people’s freedom, etc.

Consequent upon the above therefore, an economy is

regarded as underdeveloped if all or some of the following

indicators exist: low levels of living and productivity; high

rates of population growth and dependency burdens; high and

rising levels of unemployment and underemployment;

significant dependence on agricultural production and

primary products exports; and dominance / dependence and

vulnerability in international relations, (Todaro, 1982).

Seer (1969) perhaps best posed the basic questions about

the meaning of economic development by asserting that: “the

questions to ask about a country’s development are therefore:

What has been happening to poverty? What has been happening to

inequality? What has been happening to unemployment? If all

the three have declined from high levels, then beyond doubts,

this has been a period of development for the country

concerned. If one or two of these central problems have been

29

growing worse, especially if all three have, it would be

strange to call the result development, even if per capita

income double”. However, dearth of reliable statistical data

on the key variables highlighted above usually poses stumbling

block on the use of the variables, especially in developing

countries including Nigeria. Moreover, economic growth is

much easier to measure by looking at the Gross Domestic Product

(GDP). The concept economic growth refers to sustained

increase in the per capita output or income of a country over a

specific period of time. Economic growth is unimpressive if

the sustainable increase is impaired.

The question that may readily come to mind is why is

economic growth a widely held macroeconomic goal? The answer

is not far fetched. The growth of total output relative to

population means a higher standard of living. An expanding

real output means greater material abundance and implies more

satisfactorily answer to the economizing problem. Thus, a

growing economy is in a superior position to meet new needs and

30

resolve socio-economic problems both domestically and

internationally. A growing economy, by definition enjoys an

increment in its annual real output, which it can use to

satisfy existing needs more effectively or to undertake new

projects. An expanding real wage or salary income makes new

opportunities available to any given family, without the

sacrifice of other opportunities and enjoyments.

Similarly, a growing economy can, for example undertake

new programmes to alleviate poverty and clean up the

environment without impairing existing levels of

consumption. Economic growth lessens the burdens of scarcity.

A growing economy unlike a static or deteriorating one can eat

its cake and still have it too. By easing the burden of

scarcity- by realizing society’s production constraints-

economic growth allows a nation to realize existing economic

goals more fully and to undertake new output- absorbing

endeavors. If a country suffers from unimpressive economic

31

growth, the inhabitants lose the above-enumerated socio-

economic benefits.

Government and Economy Nexus

Perhaps an appropriate point to commence the examination

of the theoretical need of government in any economy is to

simply ask the question: why in a supposedly private economy, a

substantial part of the economy is subject to some form of

government direction, rather than being left to the invisible

hands of market forces? Musgrave and Musgrave (1989) had

argued that the prevalence of government might reflect the

presence of political and social ideologies, which depart from

the premises of consumer choice and decentralized decision-

making. They also argued that the market mechanism alone

cannot perform all economic functions. Thus, there is the

32

need for public policy to guide, correct, and supplement the

market mechanism in certain respects.

Furthermore, they argued that in a free enterprise

economy the composition of output should be in line with the

preferences of individual consumers, and that decisions

concerning what to produce, the method of production, the

quantity, etc, should be decentralized. The question that

arises is what then is the role of the government sector under

such a disposition? The answer to the above question can be

found in the major traditional functions of government.

First, it should be noted that the price mechanism could

lead to efficient resource allocation if and only if the

assumptions of the system hold. In cases where they fail, as

often the case, visible hands are needed to ensure efficient

allocation. In fact, where they do not fail, government

regulations may still be needed to guarantee the sustenance of

such conditions. Thus, government intervention is

necessitated by the failure of the market system to guarantee

33

efficient provision of certain goods referred to as public

goods. A public good can be defined as a good, which is equally

available to all members of a community (sharing group), but

whose cost of provision is a function both of the level of

provision and the size of the sharing group.

Second, the distribution of income and wealth based on

free competition may lead to Pareto optimal situations, but

which in normative terms considered unfair by the society.

Thus, in the absence of government, income and wealth

distribution would be determined strictly by factor

endowments. The social status of each individual in a freely

competitive situation would be determined by ownership of

capital, land, physical and mental capabilities. Therefore,

individuals would deserve whatever status achieved so long as

factors are rewarded adequately under conditions of the market

system. However, factor endowments are often lopsided, in as

much as rewards may not be determined strictly by market

forces, thus leading to unfair income distribution. Under such

34

a situation less than 20 per cent of the population may be

controlling over 70 per cent of national wealth. The

implication from the above is that income distribution may

therefore be seen as a task for a third party in the system or a

matter of public policy.

Thirdly, full employment and price stability cannot be

achieved automatically without the application of some fiscal

measures. In fact, without such public policy guidance, the

economy becomes subject to unemployment or inflation or both

simultaneously. The overall level of employment and prices

depend on the level of aggregate demand, relative to potential

output valued at prevailing prices. The level of demand is in

turn dependent on some factors. At any time, aggregate

expenditures may not be adequate to guarantee full employment

for some reasons, notably wage rigidity. In such a situation,

expansionary policy would be needed to increase aggregate

demand. On the other hand, aggregate demand may exceed

available output, and so long as full employment is not yet

35

attained, public policy may be used to engage more resources in

order to increase output.

However the World Bank (1995 and 1996) has re-defined the

role of the state, through what it called modern roles. These

role unlike those in earlier paragraphs are now limited to the

central functions of providing for justice, law and order, and

domestic security. It also includes formulation and

implementation of broad macroeconomic policies, establishing

the regulatory framework to support an enabling environment

for sustainable development as well as providing public goods

and services notably basic education, health care, and basic

infrastructure. The deduction from the foregoing is that

government’s intervention had been and would continue to be

very difficult to do without in any economy. The mechanism of

government intervention in the economy operates through the

public budget. The public budget contains the revenue

estimates, expenditure decisions of the government and the

fiscal actions of the government within a specified period

36

usually twelve calendar months. Thus, anything that impairs

the normal process of government budgeting (such as fiscal

indiscipline and official corruption) would also impair the

objectives of government intervention in the economy i.e. the

promotion of the macroeconomic goals and especially

impressive economic growth.

Democracy and Economy

Democracy as a concept is one of the most striking

features of contemporary politics. There are few people or

nation-states nowadays that do not practice democracy and

claim democracy. However, in an attempt to theorize the

concept, it would be appreciated that democracy is a very

loaded concept whose entire essence cannot be captured by a

singular school of thought. In fact, it means different things

to different people. According to Churchill “Democracy is the

worst form of government except all those forms that have been

tried from time to time”. In line with this view, MacPherson

37

opined that until about 100 years ago, democracy was a bad

thing, while Santori rounded it up by asserting that

“democracy is more intricate than any other political form”.

All these views show that the concept is victim of definitional

pluralism.

The above notwithstanding, there are still some agreed

definitions of the concept among scholars of repute.

Linguistically, democracy means government by the people, but

it appears this leaves a great problems unresolved. For

instance, no political system at anytime, democratic or

otherwise has ever provided for all the people even to choose

the government much less to exercise governmental powers. In

different time and countries, citizenship has been restricted

on a number of grounds. Thus restriction on age, sex, social

status, colour and religion have all at one time or another

prevented certain people from the enjoyment of political

rights enjoyed by others. Although there exists divergent

views and misunderstanding of what the concept implies, it is

38

still considered imperative to provide at least some minimum

requirement s for democracy.

Democracy is a set of institutions that fulfils at least

two essential requirements. It must be able to elicit as

accurately a possible the opinion of as many people as possible

on who shall be their representatives and on how the country

ought to be governed. This means a minimum universal suffrage,

political parties, and the organization of fresh voting in

acceptable elections at relatively frequent intervals.

It should provide some way of ensuring that those chosen

by the public do what the electorate wants them to do or that

they can be replaced if they do not otherwise even between

elections. This simply means that the process of government in

a democracy is essentially a dialogue between the rulers and

the ruled.

This supports Sergent’s view when he itemized elements of

democracy as follows:

1. citizens involvement in political decision making;

39

2. some degree of equality among citizens;

3. some degree of liberty, freedom granted or retained by

citizenry;

4. a system of representation and;

5. An electoral system of majority.

Thus it should be noted that democracy is contested concept and

that there are some levels of constant competition, largely

rising from different political ideologies, especially

social and liberal democrats. Generally, liberal, social and

people’s democracies are the main vision of democratic idea in

the modern world configuration. Yet in as much as democracy

fundamentally upholds people’s will and collective dignity of

mankind, it shows that it is only desirable but should also be

made strong and secured against all forms of either internal or

external efforts.

The foregoing shows that democracy remains the best form

of government anywhere in the world. Hence, it becomes clear

that following the triumph of capitalism, the global political

40

mood is certain in favour of democratization. Thus any state

that refuses to comply is seen as a pariah state, with its

attendant consequences. To further reinforce democratization

the post-Cold War days is the idea of using democracy as

condition for aid and grants. The International Monetary Fund

(IMF) and International Bank for Reconstruction and

Development (IBRD) often insist on he process before they give

out loans to countries.

However, despite the acclaimed favourable global mood

for democracy especially, Marxist scholars have not freed the

concept and its practice from academic and ideological

criticisms. They are of the opinion that liberal democracy, if

allowed to grow unchecked, is an orchestrated attempt by the

capitalist states by the west to marginalize, exploit,

manipulate and impoverish the less developed countries of the

world thereby maintaining the present asymmetric situation in

the international system. Thus they perceive the strength of

41

democracy as a political and socio-economic tool for

exploiting underdeveloped countries.

These criticisms have generated considerable debate

within the academic and policy circles about whether any

relationship exists between democracy and economic

development. These debates were aptly surprised summarized by

Olufemi:

One school of thought argued that democracy was

unrealizable and unsustainable without requisite dose

of economic development. Recently, however, many have

come to the realization that a country does not have to

patently wait for the due passage of time to bring

economic development before realizing the fruit of

democracy.

The latter view supports the Marxists notion (critique) of

liberal democracy but this notwithstanding, Olufemi further

argued that scholars, policy makers, the BrettonWoods

institutions and other multilateral agencies have accepted

42

that there is a positive relationship between democracy and

economic development. This position has equally been well

elaborated by Przeworski:

Te durability of the new democracies will depend,

however, not only on their institutional structure and

the ideology of the major political forces, but also to a

large extent on their economic performance. Profound

economic reform must be undertaken if there is to be any

hope that the deterioration in living condition

experienced by many nascent democratic countries will

ever cease.

In line with Przeworski’s argument is Diamond who posits that:

It is a truism that the better performance of a democratic

regime in producing and broadly distributing

improvement in living standards, the more likely is to

endure.

Thus the following logical questions readily come to mind: Has

there been any faithful/genuine search for democracy in

43

Nigeria? Is Nigerian political and economic environment

conducive to democracy? Does an impressive economic

performance have any role to play in ensuring sustainable

democracy in Nigeria? What was the economic performance of the

country under the current democratic dispensation?

Before we provide answers for these questions it is

imperative to take a look at the concept of economy. The

concept of economy is simply defined as a set of activities

within a geographical region. The set of activities deals with

generation and utilization of resources (which are relatively

scarce) for the satisfaction human wants. It should be noted

that the generation and utilization of the resources could be

undertaken by both the government and the governed, i.e.

public and private sectors. Put differently economy may be

described as an act of making a special effort to avoid waste or

misuse of resources; controlling and managing of money and

other resources of a community. The methodology of management

varies from country to the other and the ability of a

44

government to seriously manage the resources determines

whether the country will be tagged developed or less

developed.

An economy is regarded as having recorded economic growth

or development if there are sustained significant

improvements in quantitative and qualitative terms

respectively. Thus, an economy may be growing without really

developing. For instance, if there is a sustain increase in the

level of national output or per capita income, the economy is

described as having recorded economic growth. However,

economic development will involve qualitative dimensions

such as modernizing the economy, transforming the economy from

basically an agricultural one to an industrial one, increasing

the choices open to people in terms of goods and services,

increasing people’s freedom, etc.

As a result, an economy is regarded as underdeveloped if

all or some of the following indicators exist: low levels of

living and productivity; high rate of population growth and

45

dependency burden; high and rising levels of unemployment and

underemployment; significant dependence on agricultural

production and primary product exports; and

dominance/dependence and vulnerability in international

relations.

In alleviating these economic problems, government has a

role to play. This role could be carried out through

appropriate and proper development planning. Development

planning refers to a deliberate mobilization of resources

(both local and foreign) to achieve economic development. It

is thus a source of visible intervention in the economy. It

also involves the setting of economic targets and goals, the

arrangement of priorities, the establishment of policies such

as improvement in the quality of life, etc.

Policy Implementation

46

The development process is built around the

following cycle planning, programming, budgeting,

implementation monitoring and evaluation. Planning or

plan formulation involves analysis of the situation,

determination of goals, defining objectives and selecting

targets, formulating policies/strategies and identifying

programmes/projects. Programming involves the formulation

and prioritization of investment programmes designed to

put into operation the development plans. These

investment programmes should be able to specify their

target beneficiaries, locations, implementation schedules

and financing sources. Budgeting is the translation of

investment programmes into their financial requirements.

The financing of prioritized programmes and projects in

the investment programmes may come from the national

government budget, local government and/or foreign

financial assistance.

47

Implementation refers to the actual execution of

projects or delivery of services in support of

development plans. Undertaking monitoring and evaluation

enables the planning and implementing agencies to compare

the actual performance of programmes and projects against

development plans; to identify the problems and issues

encountered by programmes and projects; and identify

solutions to improve programme and project

implementation. The feedback mechanism allows revisions

or updates in the output on earlier activities,

undertaken. Evaluation is a process which addresses the

questions of what has happened and why. It involves the

identification and measurement of the overall economic

and social impact of development programmes and projects

on their goals or concerns like income, employment

health, and productivity (Sobaepena, 1996).

Implementation is not without problems, though.

48

However, a good idea is of little value unless

someone puts it to use. Accordingly, in order to

understand why things go wrong we must also consider the

difficulties of implementing a well designed policy

initiative.

Deficits are recorded in sluggish years. Now suppose

that there is need to stimulate the economy through a tax

cut. Obviously, in ademocratic dispensation, the

president and his aides cannot go ahead to implement the

tax cut; because all tax variations must be legislated by

congress (the law makers). The latter must give the

president authority to take the required action. This

means a delay in implementing and possibly no policy at

all. The tax cut proposal must work its way through

separate committees, get on the congressional calendar

and be approved in each chamber. If there are any major

differences in Senate and House versions of the tax cut

legislation, these differences must be compromised in a

49

joint conference. The modified proposal must then be

returned to each chamber for approval.

The same kind of process applies to the outlay size

of the budget. Once the president has submitted his

budget proposals (in January, for example), congress

reviews them, then sets its own spending goals. After

that, the budget is broken down into different

categories, and a separate Appropriation Bill is written

for each one. These bills spell out in detail how much

can be spent and for what purposes. Once congress passes

them, they go to the president for acceptance or veto.

All this is to show that “even if the right policy

is formulated to solve an emerging economic problem,

there is no assurance that it will be implemented. And if

it is implemented, there is no assurance that it will

take effect at the right time”. One of the most

frightening prospects for economic policy is that a

policy design intended to serve a specific problem will

50

be implemented much later, when economic conditions have

changed. The policy’s effect on the economy may then be

the opposite of what was intended. There are always

delays between the time a problem emerges and the time it

is recognized. There are additional delays between

recognition and response design, between design and

implementation, and finally between implementation and

impact. Not only may mistakes be made at each juncture,

but even correct decisions may be overcome by changing

economic conditions (Schiller, 1996, p.339).

More so, we must confront the politics of economic

policy. Tax hikes and budget cuts rarely win votes. On

the other hand, tax cuts and pork-barrel spending tend to

make voters happy. Accordingly, serving politicians tend

to stimulate the economy before elections, and then

tighten the fiscal restraints afterward. The conflict

between the urgent need to get reelected and the

necessity to manage the economy may result in a seesaw

51

kind of instability. The political content of fiscal

policy was very visible in 1995 in the USA. The

Republican party had scored stunning victories in the

1994 congressional elections by promising tax cuts and

spending reductions. Shortly after the election results

were in, President Clinton jumped on the tax cut band

wagon, too. The Democrats and Republicans then competed

to see who could promise the largest tax cut. Meanwhile

the economy was closing in on full employment, and

economists were wondering how much fiscal restraint might

be needed to keep price levels from rising. The

politicians would hear nothing of fiscal restraint,

however, when voters had responded so eagerly to the lure

of tax cuts (Schiller, 1996, PP. 341).

We must also recognize that policy design is

obstructed by a certain lack of (political) will. Policy

makers are apt to become complacent about economic policy

as long as economic performance is within a tolerable

52

range of desired outcomes. With the above problems at the

back of our minds, how do we go about implementing

solutions that is getting the economy working again?

The preparation of the implementation plan should be

the responsibility of a group of people. The

implementation plan is envisioned to link plan

formulation and plan implementation. Generally there is a

weak relationship between these two (Sobaepena, 1996,

p.209). This is probably one of the reasons for the

inability of development plans in achieving their

targets. The implementation plan is, therefore, a serious

attempt at ensuring that the plans are translated into

concrete measures and activities supportive of the goals,

objectives and priority thrusts embodied in the current

development plan. The implementation plan also serves as

the guide or tool for the allocation of government

resources. It will serve as a basis for monitoring and

assessing success and failure as well as to single out

53

accountability for it, since entities responsible for

carrying out specific activities are identified in the

document.

54

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329, PP. 145-156.

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Anyawu, J. C. (1997), Nigerian Public Finance , Onitsha,

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Barro, R. J. (1996), Determinants of Economic Growth: A

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Bhagwati, J. and T. S. Srinivasan (2004), “Trade and

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Chrinko, R.S. and Morris, C. (1994), “Fiscal Policies Aimed

at Spurring Capital Formation: A Framework for

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City Economic Revie w , Vol. 79, No. 1 First

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Collier, P. and Gunning, J. W. (1999), “Explaining

African Economic Performance”, Journal of

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Economic Literature, Vol. 37, No. 1, PP. 57-

60.

Dollar, D. and Kraay, A.(2001), Trade, Growth and

Poverty, Washington DC, World Bank Working

Paper, No. 2615.

Dollar, D. and Kraay, A.(2001), Growth is Good for the

Poor, Washington DC. World Bank Working

Paper, No. 2587.

Easterly, W. and Schmidt-Hebbel, K. (1992), The

Macroeconomics of Public Sector Deficits: A

Synthesis , Berverly hill, Beverly publishers.

Friedrich, C. (1972), The Pathology of Politics , New York,

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Democratic Transition in Africa”, in Caron, B.,

Gboyega, A. and Osaghe, E. (eds.) Democratic

Transition in Africa , Ibadan, Centre for

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Research, Documentation and University

Exchange (CREDU), PP.129-140.

Leff, N. H. (1970), “Economic Development through

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J. (eds.) Political Corruption: Readings in

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Books.

Musgrave, R. A. and Musgrave, P. B. (1989), Public Finance

in Theory and Practice , New York: McGraw-Hill

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Ravallion, M. (2001), Growth, Inequality and Poverty:

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Robert, M. Stern (1994), The Stolper-Sameulson Theorem:

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59

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strategy for west Central Africa , Washington,

D. C., Oxford University Press.

60

CHAPTER THREE

3.0 EVALUATION OF THE ENHANCEMENT OF NIGERIA’S

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

3.1 Present State of Nigeria’s Economy

Nigeria is a low-income country coming under sub-

Saharan Africa region according to the classification of

economies by income and region, FY 2005 made by the World

Bank.

Due to the poor performance of the government

programs, the major multinational oil companies have

launched their own community development programmes in

the country is a member of the Organization of Petroleum

Exporting Countries (OPEC) and new entity, the

Niger/Delta Development Commission (NDDC), has been

created to help catalyze economic and social development

in the country. The country had a surface area of 923.8

thousand square kilometers in the year 2003.

61

Furthermore, according to the report of Demography

and social indicators, the total population of the

country in the year 2004 was estimated at 139.8 million

in comparison to 136.5 million in previous year.

The annual percentage growth of population in the

country was 2.4% in the year 2004.

The key economic indicators stated that the Gross

National Income, Atlas method of the country (current

US$) has reached 54.4 billions in the year 2004. The GNI

per capita Atlas method (current US$) in the country was

390.0 in the year 2004.

The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (current US$) in

the country was 72.1 billion in the year 2004 with an

annual growth rate of 3.6 percent.

The average annual growth rate of GDP for the

country is estimated at 6.5% for the period of 2004-2008.

62

3.2 Economic Performance in the Democratic Era

Without prejudice to the poor performance of the

past military regimes in economic development and

management, and despite the lofty promises and good

intentions that must have informed the General Abdulsalam

Abubakar agenda-settings broadcast of 20 July, 1998, on

assumption of office as Nigerian military head of state

as interlia:

We intend in the limited time at our disposal, to take

urgent and decisive steps to bring relief to our people.

We shall implement short-term macro-economic measures

targeted at specific sectors whose revitalization would

have multiplier effects on the economy, productive

activities, household income and purchasing power.

Central to these measures is the resolution of the issues

militating against the supply and distribution of

petroleum products and fertilizer, reliable power and

63

telecommunication services, which are necessary for

reproductive activities.

When it handed over to the new democratic government on

May 29, 1999 he left the economy in a very worse

position. Unfortunately the successor civilian regime

fell short of the people’s expectations. For instance,

while the nation’s GDP had grown by 3.2 per cent during

the Abacha’s regime, it fell to 2.4 per cent in 1998; the

industrial capacity fell from 34.3 per cent in the second

half of 1997 to 31.3 per cent in the second half of 1998.

Exchange rate slumped from about 85 Naira to one US

dollar in June 1998 to 95 Naira in May 1999. While the

rate of inflation, according to the figures from the

Federal Office of Statistics (FOS), rose from 8.3 per

cent in 1997 to over 10 per cent in 1998.

The analysis of Nigerian economic sector saw an

embarrassing and ridiculous result to the extent that it

was opined and described that the high expectation of a

64

strong performance was frustrated. A virtually collapsed

social and economic infrastructure, climaxed by

unprecedented energy crisis, laid the economy prostrate.

It was all these problems, which characterized the

Abubakar military regime that infected the President

Obasanjo, not oblivious of these problems, formulated

some economic policies, which are inspired by the

principles stated below

1. The economy exists for and belongs to the people,

and at all times the general wellbeing of all the

people shall be the overriding objective of the

government and proper measure of performance.

2. Given the state of the economy, which is equivalent

to national emergency, economic management shall

involve total commitment of the leadership at all

tiers of government and the mobilization of the

populace without creating a bloated government.

65

3. Government shall be lean, efficient, honest,

transparent, cooperative and friendly; operate on

the basis of extensive devolution of power, and

shall function mainly as facilitator. Government’s

primary role shall be to ensure, in cooperation with

the private sector, the urgent creation of adequate

and efficient infrastructure, particularly of

energy, telecommunication, water and financial

services to bring about a positive and

internationally competitive environment for economic

activities.

4. Private enterprise, private effort, and non-

governmental action shall play the major role in

achieving the goals of the society and derived

targets of the government.

5. Everything shall be done to foster a strong work

ethic to drive productivity.

66

Obvious from these principles is the demonstration of

commitment, faithfulness and dedication on the part of

the civilian regime to run a government characterized by

a conducive environment attractive to run foreign

investors and enhanced good government based on equity,

fairness, justice, transparency, accountability and

devoid of corruption, nepotism and political manipulation

of our public institutions. However, the first term in

the office of Obasanjo’s civilian regime (1999-2003) and

even up till present no significant success has been made

in achieving lofty aims and objectives as well as the

guiding principles of the regime. There have been high

record and widespread allegations of looting of

government treasury, misappropriations, rent seeking and

outright embezzlement of public funds. Instead, there

have been unprecedented capital flights from the country

in the past four (4) years. For example, 1999 and 2002,

there was a capital flight of $4.66 billion annually. In

67

addition; government policy of privatization and

liberalization as well as its acclaimed reasons and

benefits has not yielded any fruits. The policy, rather

than being an effective antidote, has since its

implementation been an unmitigated disaster for the

working masses and the economy in general. It has created

serious unemployment and not only this, the manner in

which the policy agenda is being implemented has made it

a sort of wholesale conversion of public goods for

private gains. In fact, the policy has been applied

described as morbidly anti-poor and slavishly pro-rich.

In politics, it has been opined that the regime is

anti-opposition and that there is a high tendency for the

country to drift toward a one-party state, a situation

that not only disastrous for a multi-ethic and multi-

lingual state but against the tenets of democracy. This

tendency is obvious from the results of the recently

concluded local government election of 27 April 2004.

68

In economic (quantitative) term the fiscal

operations of the federal government indicated on overall

fiscal deficit/GDP ratio of 4.0 per cent in 2001. This

was much higher than the 2.1 per cent recorded for 2000

and the deficit was financed entirely from domestic

sources, through the use of excess crude oil proceeds

accumulated in 2000 as well as the issuance of Treasury

bill. The GDP per capita from 1999 to 2003 did not only

remain static but deteriorated in real terms.

Consequently on all these poverty becomes more

visible in Nigeria, although there are methodological

problems associated with measuring, testing, quantifying

and validating it (poverty). It is a relative term that

varies from one social formation to the other, and these

variations may have to do with differences in the

development of productive forces. It is still an

incontrovertible fact that it is a situation

characterized by hunger, ignorance, malnutrition,

69

disease, unemployment, poor access to credit facilities

and low life expectancy as well as general level of human

hopelessness.

Thus if from certain indicators (GNP, GDP,

unemployment, and inflation levels) as published by the

Federal Office of Statistics is anything to go by,

poverty has been massive, pervasive and it engulfs a

large proportion of the Nigerian society. Due to this,

human conditions in Nigeria have greatly deteriorated

since the last 7 years. There has been an increase in the

rate of malnutrition, while the real disposable incomes

have dwindled. For example, in 1978 the World Bank in its

investigation ranked Nigeria as a middle-income country

with per capita income of about $1,000 and an exchange

rate of 2 US dollars to one Naira. In 1990the World Bank

report equally showed that per capita income had declined

to $290, a situation which made n Nigeria to drop from a

middle income to the 17th poorest country in the world in

70

terms of per capita income. In 1990 the official exchange

rate stood at 9.00 Naira to $1.00! By 1996, Nigeria per

capita income had dropped to $280.

All these go to show that life in Nigeria is nothing

but a daily struggle against hunger a total lack of

housing and health facilities, contrary to the

expectations of the Nigerian electorates, about the

dividends of democratic governance. A cursory examination

of the trends of poverty level in Nigeria between 1980

and 1996 will allow an insight into what could be the

expectations inferences about the subsequent

period/years.

The level of poverty in the country is increasing at

an increase rate. In fact, it became fair between 1985

and 1992 while it worsened between 1992 and 1996 as

poverty level increased from 43.7 per cent to 65.6 per

cent in 1996. According to the Nigerian Human Right

Report (NHDR), as at 1998 Nigerians living I poverty was

71

estimated at 48.5 per cent, while in 2000 NHDR ranked the

country 151st position out of 174 countries and among the

poorest in the world. This in itself is an indication

that if as at 2000 the country could still be ranked

among the poorest nations, one is forced to ask, “Has

democracy yielded any dividend to Nigeria?

Some majority of Nigerians have had little or no

access to social amenities, no social welfare networks to

ameliorate the condition of the poor. There is inadequate

access to unemployment opportunities for the poor, lack

of access to assets such as land and capital by the poor,

inadequate access to education, health sanitation and

water services. Despite the establishment of several

schemes and programmes such as Family Economic

Advancement Programme, the National Directorate of

Employment, The People’s Bank programme, The Petroleum

Trust Fund, The Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural

Infrastructure, The Better Life Programme, The Family

72

Support Programme, the Oil and Mineral Producing Areas

Development Commission, National Agriculture Land

Development Authority, the Nomadic Education Programme

and the River Basin Development Authorities (RBDAS),

etc., the desired results have still not been achieved as

poverty is still prevalent in National society.

Apart from the fact that most of them suffered from

duplication of efforts and targets, unnecessary plurality

of influences, wrong identification of roles and

functions, very importantly is that Nigerian successive

governments’ political institutions lack the requisite

capacity for effective performance. The current

dispensation has witnessed the government concentration

on security matters and unnecessary publicity in terms of

public image rather than focusing on the formulation and

implementation of poverty alleviating policies and

programmes. More attentions have been devoted to the

satisfaction of the interest of political

73

elite/godfathers who could offer support for second- or

third-term bids.

Not only that, Nigeria has witnessed crises and

conflicts between and among the political elite and the

godfathers over the allocation of state resources and the

distribution of socio-political and economic benefits

instead of diverting attention to, and concentrating on

citizen-oriented policies. Due to the inability of the

preponderant majority (who are poor) to have access to

power and economic resources that could enable them to

participate decision –making process, they are sidelined

in the allocation process.

Given the above it is doubtful if this country will

ever be able to enjoy the dividend of economic

development. This pessimism is against the backdrop of

the fact that since the coming into power of Obasanjo

regime, nothing significant has been achieved as shown by

the economic indicators. The preponderant majority are

74

yet to reap and feel the dividend of democracy as well,

as their lots have not been improved. Many of them are

living below poverty level: unemployment rate is

increasing at a geometric rate. For example, the Nigerian

railway corporation has only 14,000 workers left after

years of persistent retrenchment. In spite of the Federal

Government policy on alleviation, many Nigerian able-

bodied men are yet to find appropriate employment.

Another worrisome feature is that Nigeria is

characterized by a high level of economic policy failure

in all ramifications. The above situation was best

captured by The Times when it posited that: if the years

of military dictatorship have failed the Nigerian people,

four years of democracy (including the second term) under

Obasanjo has done little or nothing to improve their lot.

Thus there is need for caution on the part of the

government in implementing her economic policies,

particularly in ways that could improve investment (both

75

foreign and local), reduce poverty and unemployment. This

is imperative in that a poverty/unemployment-ridden

society is prone to political unrest and other socio-

economic vices inimical to sustainable political and

economic development. Without this in place, there is

doubt that the masses of our country will benefit from

the current democratic waves and its accompanying

dividend.

3.3 Overview of Food and Agricultural Production in

Nigeria

In pre-colonial Nigeria, pure subsistence production

was dominant control brought about some development in

agricultural. Prior to independence in 1960, Nigeria

produced enough food for its population and for export.

Before the discovery of oil in the late 1950s,

agriculture, apart from providing nearly all or most of

76

the foreign exchange and generated a significant

proportion of the nation’s revenue. The driving force

behind the economy during this period was the primary

sector – agriculture, livestock, fishing and forestry.

The strength of the economy was dependent on revenue

obtained from such export crops as cocoa, rubber, palm

produce, groundnuts and cotton. Efforts to develop the

country’s agriculture were concentrated on export cash

crops to provide raw materials for the industries of the

colonial masters back home. The food sector was treated

with the assumption that it would care for itself in

relation to the economy and population growth.

In 1964, some four years after independence,

agriculture accounted for 70-80 percent of the total

export value and 60 percent of the gross national

product. By 1970, it accounted for only 4.6 percent of

the gross national product. Petroleum export which

started in Nigeria in 1958 had, by 1977, taken over

77

almost absolutely and accounted for 93 percent of total

export earnings. The philosophy of government up to 1970

was one of the minimum interference with production and

market forces, except in the cases of scheduled export or

cash crops. The period from 1970 to 1985 was

characterized by a much greater involvement of government

in agricultural development efforts. New policies were

put in place for which programmes and projects were

launched. This was probably because of the rapid

deterioration in he state of the country’s agricultural

economy with the advent of petroleum, the outbreak of

civil war and the period of the Sahelian drought, among

other factors.

Consequent upon what appeared to be some realization

on the part of the national leadership about the danger

of food insecurity. Some programmes were initiated,

beginning from the late 1970s. these included Operation

Feed the Nation, a National Accelerated Food Production

78

Programme, a National Grains and Root Crops Production

Programme, an Integrated Rural Development Programme, the

direct production activities of the River Basin

Development Authorities, the Green Revolution Programme,

etc. the programmes were launched but very little impact

was recorded. The federal government also took over the

procurement and distribution of fertilizers in 1976.

The programmes and projects failed to stop the

decline in agricultural production because they were

based on false assumptions. Government had not taken into

the account the needs of the actual producers – the

peasant farmers – in formulating the programmes. For

example, centralized public procurement of fertilizers

resulted in the late arrival of fertilizer during periods

when farmers no longer needed them, and in the wrong

sequencing of fertilizers types.

By 1975, it had become imperative that there should

be a reordering of priorities in the agricultural

79

development of the country with a view to providing

enough food for the ever-increasing population. At this

time, even the technologically advanced and richer

countries of the world had become troubled by the

accelerating demand for food stuffs and by providing an

increasing level of per capita meat consumption for the

countries. It had become imperative for the United States

of America to modify its domestic price support programme

to ensure the accumulation of grain reserves. It was in

order to address the situation in Nigeria that the

government adopted a number of measures. One of this was

these was setting up a special food production drive

tagged Operation Feed the Nation (OFN) in 1975. OFN

created tremendous awareness amongst Nigerians of

different socio-economic strata of the need to produce at

least part of their own food, thereby rapidly increasing

domestic food supply.

80

In spite of the substantial financial and political

backing it enjoyed, OFN failed to increase food

production, even though it prompted and enhanced the

massive importation of fertilizers, seeds, livestock

feeds, vaccines and fishing inputs. While the government

continued to exhort everybody to grow anything anywhere,

the effort yielded only on short-run gains and eventually

resulted un colossal waste of the nation’s resources.

Indeed while OFN’s declaration – that farmers, civil

servants, students, housewives, etc., should be involved

in farming, and that it was the duty of everybody to feed

the nation – had some political and news effect at that

time, its economic content was grossly limited.

Five years later, the OFN was replaced by Green

Revolution Programme which was introduced to take Nigeria

to self-sufficiency in the production of basic foods

within five years. The Green Revolution has been

conceived not only to boost agriculture production, but

81

also to ensure development of agro-based industries, the

construction of feeder roads, the provision of water,

housing, education, health facilities and electricity in

the rural areas.

In spite of the lofty ideals of the Green Revolution

Programme, especially its objective to transform the

rural areas, the rural population did not benefit from

the programme. The implement was left in the hands of

bureaucrats whose planning and decisions were taken

without reference to the farmers. For example, some brand

of fertilizer were imported which was rejected by the

farmers on the grounds that the fertilizers destroy the

crops, possibly because of wrong application. The loans

meant for farmers were appropriated by non-farmers who

became ‘emergency farmers’ – they happen to be political

leaders. The Green Revolution was thus doomed from the

beginning because it became an instrument of party

patronage rather than one to mobilize the people towards

82

agricultural production and development. Consequently, it

alienated the peasant farmers.

The failure of Green Revolution Programme led

government to prepare a ‘Food Production Plan for

Nigeria’. In the plan, Agricultural Development Projects

(ADPs), partly financed by World Bank loans, were to be

used to increase food production in states where they

operated. The basic strategy was to increase food and

cash crop production through improvements in extension

services – communication, input distribution and physical

infrastructure. Besides agricultural extension, the ADPs

were involved in construction and maintenance of rural

feeder roads, and the construction of small earth dams

and boreholes to provide water for livestock, irrigation

and domestic use.

In 1985, the government banned the importation of

food items such as maize, rice and wheat in order to

stimulate production. The Structural Adjustment Programme

83

(SAP) of 1986 had a significant impact on the

agricultural sector. Official producer prices were

raised, input subsidies were removed and, as a result,

there were shift in relative prices due to the

depreciation of local currency. This induced some farmers

in some areas to shift from food to cash crops such as

cotton and palm oil. Despite the huge price rises from

1988 onwards, however, food productions have not kept the

pace with food demand.

In 1986, the government established the Directorate

of Foods, Roads and Rural Infrastructures (DFRRI) because

rural development holds the key to sustained agricultural

transformation and national security. Unfortunately,

DFRRI lost a golden opportunity to serve as a major

instrument for attaining national food security. Its

resources were too widely dispersed across too many

unwieldy projects. Rural feeder roads were built that did

not last one rainy season, and rural water supply schemes

84

were established that did not provide assured supplies of

portable water beyond the initial commission ceremonies,

etc. unsuitable supplies of rural infrastructural

services resulted in non-sustainable national food

security. Again, the Structural Adjustment Programme

(SAP) introduced in 1986 led to increased attention to

policies which affected agriculture such as prices and

subsidies, exchange rate and credit. The effects of these

policies have been mixed, at best for food production and

food security. The adjustment programme not only ignored

the interest of smallholders but worsened their

conditions. There was emphasis on cash crops, while the

price change and devaluation led to input price

adjustments. The SAP brought about a reduction in the

basic infrastructure, such as roads and storage, which

contributed to the high cost of input and lower output

prices.

85

3.4 Profile of Federal Government of Nigeria’s

Fiscal Activities Suggesting Fiscal

Indiscipline: 1970-2002

In Nigeria, Federal Government expenditures have

consistently exceeded revenue most of the time since

1970. Nigeria’s persistent overall and current budget

deficits have increased significantly over the years. The

resultant public debt that has been accumulated has to be

serviced from current or future budgets. In fact, in

Nigeria about 30-40 per cent of total public expenditure

is spent on servicing the country’s external debt.

However, because the accumulated public debt has

become so large and the servicing of such debt has

escalated tremendously without an offsetting or even

proportionate increase in revenues, the debt is

approaching the point where it can be characterized as

unviable and unsustainable.

86

From table 1, it shows that during the 33 years

under study, fiscal operations of the Federal Government

recorded overall fiscal surpluses in only 6 years while

the remaining 27 years recorded overall fiscal deficits.

The overall fiscal surpluses / GDP ratio stood at 1.5 per

cent in 1973 and skyrocketed to 9.8 per cent in 1974

during the oil boom, it fell to 3.4 percent in 1979. It

stood at an all time low 0.1 per cent in 1995 and started

to rise in 1996 when it stood at 1.2 per cent. This could

be attributed to expenditure retrenchment and intensified

revenue enhancement efforts. In 1975, overall fiscal

deficit was N427.9 million, representing 2.0 percent of

overall fiscal deficit / GDP ratio and rose to

N3902.1million in 1981, representing 7.7 per cent of the

ratio. Consequent upon the abolition of the fixed

exchange rate system in 1986, value of fiscal deficits

skyrocketed to N8254.3million, representing 11.3 per cent

of the fiscal deficit / GDP ratio. Between 1990 and 1994,

87

the fiscal deficits have been large and increasing,

accounting for significant proportions of the GDP. The

fiscal deficit / GDP ratio moved from 8.5 per cent in

1990 to 11.1 and 15.6 per cent in 1991 and 1993

respectively. The ratio fell to 4.8 per cent in 1998 and

stood at 8.8 per cent in 1999. In year 2000, it recorded

a 2.1 percent! The fiscal operations recorded deficit of

N301.4 billion or 5.1 percent of GDP in 2002 compared

with 4.0 per cent recorded in 2001.

The critical limit for the fiscal deficit / GDP

ratio is 4.0 per cent. In fact, except for a few years,

the ratio exceeded the critical limit throughout the

period under review. The implication from the above is

that fiscal deficits have become more or less a permanent

feature of the Nigerian fiscal activities. However, as

argued elsewhere, (see Abiola, 1997), there was nothing

economically wrong with deficit financing, it has been

the direction of expenditure, mostly on unproductive

88

ventures (including official corruption) that has been

posing serious economic problem in Nigeria.

Year Growth

Rate of

GDP at

1984

Factor

Cost (%)

Inflat

ion

Rate

(%)

Balance

of

payment

(N’milli

on)

Interes

t Rates

(%)

Overall

Deficit

(N’mill

ion)

Defici

t/GDP

%

1970 -------- 13.8 -46.6 7.00 455.1 8.71971 21.35 15.6 -117.4 7.00 171.6 2.61972 5.4843 3.2 -57.2 7.00 58.8 0.81973 6.42 5.4 -192.0 7.00 166.1 1.51974 11.74 13.4 -3102.2 6.00 1,796.4 9.81975 -2.96 33.9 -1.572 6.00 427.9 2.01976 11.08 21.2 339 6.00 1,090.8 4.11977 8.15 15.2 529.2 7.00 781.4 2.51978 -7.37 16.6 -1293.6 7.50 2,821.9 8.21979 2.44 11.8 -1868.9 7.50 1,461.7 3.51980 5.48 9.9 -2402.2 7.75 1,975.2 3.91981 -26.81 20.9 3020.8 10.25 3,902.1 7.71982 -0.34 7.7 1398.3 10.00 6,104.1 11.81983 -5.37 23.2 301.3 12.50 3,364.5 5.91984 -5.10 39.6 -354.9 9.25 2,660.4 4.21985 9.38 5.5 -349.1 10.50 3,039.7 4.31986 3.13 5.4 784.3 17.50 8,254.3 11.3

89

1987 -0.47 10.2 -159.2 16.50 5,889.7 5.51988 9.91 38.3 2294.1 26.80 12,160.

9

8.5

1989 7.39 40.9 -8727.8 25.50 15,135 6.81990 8.20 7.5 -18498.2 20.01 22,116 8.51991 4.73 13.0 -3959.6 29.80 35,755 11.11992 2.98 44.5 -65271.8 36.09 39,533 7.31993 2.65 57.2 -3615.9 21.00 107,735 15.61994 1.31 57.0 -7194.9 20.18 70,271 7.71995 2.15 72.8 15325.1 19.74 1,000.0 0.11996 3.39 29.3 -

183950.6

13.54 32,049.

4

1.2

1997 3.16 8.5 -

251593.1

20.46 5000.0 0.2

1998 2.31 10.0 -3960.3 21.22 133,389 4.81999 3.05 6.6 152356.4 20.46 2,851,0

45

8.8

2000 3.64 6.7 -

453413.5

19.45 1,037,7

73

2.1

2001 3.91 18.9 29228.3 23.76 221,049 4.02002 3.30 12.9 -525700 25.00 301,400 5.1

Sources: Central Bank of Nigeria, Statistical Bulletin

(2002);

90

Figures in parenthesis Under Overall Deficit/surplus are

negative.

Large and persistent budget deficits and the

substantial amounts of government borrowings that are

required to fund such fiscal deficits, can ‘crowd out’

private investment, since large government borrowing puts

upward pressure on interest rates. The lending rates of

interest in Nigeria are on the high side. The rate of

interest was 7 per cent in 1971 and rose to 10.25 per

cent in 1981; by 1991 it had skyrocketed to 29.80 per

cent but had to be pegged at 23.76 per cent in 2001. As a

result, smaller businesses may be unable to afford the

higher interest rates to purchase loan able fund for

investment. The resultant decline in economic activity

leads to slower economic growth, which invariably leads

to further lowering of government budgetary revenue

(given that tax is a function of output / income), and

91

thereby increases the possibility of future fiscal

deficit spending.

The real growth of the economy has recorded

unimpressive performance. In 1972 the year before the oil

boom the real growth rate stood at 5.48 per cent, and

collapsed to an all low level of negative 0.32 percent in

1982 just after collapse of the world oil market, during

1980/81. It rose slightly to 2.98 per cent in 1992 and

stood at 3.30 per cent in 2002.

Furthermore the years when the overall fiscal

deficit / GDP ratio exceeded the critical limit of 4 per

cent, the real GDP performed significantly poorly. For

example, in 1978, 1982, 1998 and 2002 the deficit / GDP

ratio stood at 8.2, 11.8, 7.3 and 5.1 per cent, the real

GDP stood at -7.37, -0.34, 2.31 and 3.3 per cent for the

corresponding years. Specifically Nigeria’s persistent

fiscal deficits and accumulated public debt have been

incurred as a result of constant misplacement of economic

92

priorities such as the expansion of public sector

expenditure to the detriment of investments in capital

projects and, bloated and inefficient civil service.

3.5 An assessment of Nigerian Transport Sector

Transport is the part of economic activities which

is concerned with increasing human satisfaction by

changing the geographical position of goods or people.

Alternatively, it has been conceived as the spatial

reposition of persons or goods from origin to destination

for economic, political, social military, cultural,

leisure and any other utility. The above definition shows

that the demand for transport is derived from the

activities of other sectors. The demand for transport is,

therefore, a derived demand. Transportation is a

necessary concomitant of the exchange economy, and is

indispensable to economic growth. Mumby asserts that

93

there is no escape from transport. Even in the most

remote an least developed of inhabited regions, transport

in some form is a fundamental part of the daily rhythms

of life.

The transport-development relationship is a

essentially a two-way interaction process as a result, or

as a cause of economic development, depending upon the

type of economy under consideration, and the level at

which transport investments are affected. However, if

transport is conceived as a cause of development, there

are basically three lines of arguments on the impact of

transport on development based on Storey’s

classification. It could be positive, neutral or

negative. In the positive case, transportation acts as a

positive stimulus to development. It is neutral when

transport investments do not themselves bring about any

productive change. The negative case relates to situation

where there are absolute decline in the level of

94

development indicators. This is called the backwash

effect.

In Nigeria, the transport sector has played crucial

positive roles in economic development. It is an

indispensable catalyst for activating and stimulating the

tempo of economic, social, political, strategic

development of Nigeria in collaboration with other

critical development and integration factor. It has

bridge the producer-consumer gap, as production zones are

different consumption zones. In pre-colonial Nigeria,

bush paths and rivers were the main routes of transport

used by porters, pack animals and canoes. The contact of

advent European traders, colonialists and Christian

missionaries provided the impetus for the development of

the Nigerian transport system as European merchants,

missionaries and colonial administrators needed it to be

able to move, evangelize and conquer the souls and the

economies of the hinterland. It is not out of context to

95

state that the development of a modern system of

transport in Nigeria can be validly ascribed to colonial

and post-colonial era. The believe in the role of

transportation in economic development by the

colonialists as expressed by Lord Lugard that the

“material development of Africa may be summed up in the

one word – Transport” can be said to be guiding principle

in the post-independence importance attached to

transportation in accelerating the economic growth and

development of post-colonial Nigeria. In fact, it has

been asserted that the economic development of Nigeria

has reflected the development of her transport system.

The Nigerian government is a strong advocate of

transportation as a catalyst of development. This is

evident from funds allocated to the transport sector in

the various national development plans between 1962 and

1985, and in subsequent rolling plans. Table 1 show that

96

the transport sector not less than 15 per cent of the

total capital outlay in any of the development plans.

Table 1

Plan Period Total Plan

Size

Transport

sector

Percentage

share of

Transport in

the total plan

size1962 – 1968 1,586.000 309.092 191970 – 1974 2,050.738 472.398 231975 – 1980 43,314.009 9,677.541 221981 – 1985 70,500.000 10,706.616 15

Source: FRN (1981:217)

In subsequent national Rolling Plans which replaced

the development plans, the transport sector was allocated

#2,210.000 million, #2,695.428 million, #8,376.674

million, #6,017.250 million, #32,491.422 million and

#52,801.165 million for 1990- 1992, 1991-1993, 1993-1995,

1994-1996, 1996-1998, 1997-1999 respectively. This

underscores the importance attached to the transport

97

sector in Nigeria. The main objective of investment in

the transport sector apart from the accessibility benefit

is to reduce the cost of production by lowering the cost

of distribution.

In spite of this, evolution of each transport mode

in Nigeria will be stated thus;

Road Transport

The development of modern roads transport system in

Nigeria is not unconnected with the British colonialists

who got the administration of the country in the Berlin

conference in 1884-85, and the subsequent establishment

of the rail in 1898. Roads were to serve as feeders to

the rail system. Efforts were geared toward the clearing

of the path through the bush, often to 20ft in width, to

the cutting of drifts (crossings) at unabridged rivers or

streams and to the construction to bridges where

possible. There are early road evidences in the first

98

decade of the 20th century as the cart roads for mules and

ox-carts in Zungeru in 1904, and the start of the survey

and construction of Calabar-Obubra and from Oron-onitsha

in 1903. The first motorable road in Nigeria particularly

outside the limit of a township was built in 1906 from

Ibadan Oyo. Incidentally, it was in 1906 that Nigeria

recorded her first road crash or accident in Lagos. In

spite of early road evidence as stated above, coordinated

road development in Nigeria did not start until 1925 when

the road board was established. It was later christened

Communication Board. The first bituminous surface outside

the limits of a township was laid in 1926 on the section

of the Lagos-Abeokuta road. By 1951, official records

show that 44,414km of roads had been developed, out of

which 1,782kmwere bituminous roads and the rest 42,632km

were earth/feeder roads.

As at December 2002, Nigeria had an estimated road

network of about 194,000km with the Federal Government

99

responsible for 17 percent, State Governments 16 percent

and the Local Governments 67 percent. Various types of

vehicles used these roads. In 1946, the total vehicle

stock in Nigeria stood at 6,822 and rose to 143,610 in

1966 before the civil war started. Estimate show that

vehicle stock in Nigeria stood at 1,067,139 in 1979;

1,088,361 in 1980; 1,235,324 in 1985; 1,502,961 in 1990;

1,828,582 in 1995 and; 2,224,749 in 2000. In spite of the

stoppage in publication of vehicle stock in Nigeria and

generation of estimated data, evidences on our roads show

that there is a high volume of vehicle and vehicular

movement in Nigeria. The latest evidence from the Federal

Road Safety Commission shows that as at September 2005,

the total number of vehicles on Nigerian roads stood at

5,933,656.

Rail Transport

100

The railways started as a government department in 1898

and became a commercial concern by an Act of parliament

No. 20 of 1955 in 1898; the first rail track began in

Iddo stretching to Otta. The rail lines reached Ibadan in

1901, Oshogbo in 1907, and Jebba in 1909. The main

railway in Nigeria was constructed between 1898 and 1965.

The present railway system in Nigeria comprises 3,218-

route kilometer of 3’6” (1.067 meter) gauge of single

track running north-south wards in two trunks. Given that

the rail network in Africa estimated at 73,000-route

kilometer, it implies that Nigeria accounts for 4.4

percent of the total rail network in Africa. Axle load is

limited by several stretches of lightweight rail;

operating speeds are restricted by extensive distance of

curved tracks as well as steep grades in parts of the

system.

101

Air Transport

Nigeria after World War II experienced a change in

the landscape of her transport system with the injection

of the air transport mode on 15 May, 1946 with the West

Africa Airways Corporation (WAAC). WAAC was disbanded in

1958 giving way for the establishment of Nigerian

Airways. Nigeria airways came into existence in 1959. It

then took over the operations of domestic air services in

Nigeria and the Lagos London route. Nigeria has 19

domestic airports with Lagos, Abuja and Kano airports as

the hubs of international air services. The bulk of the

domestic airports are underutilized, while domestic

flights are operated using second-hand aircrafts with

doubtful worthiness.

Water Transport

102

The lack of modern road and railways made the

earliest effort at developing the Nigerian transport

system to be focused on dredging inland waterways in

southern Nigeria. This was to make them navigable all-

year round by river craft, lighter, stern-wheelers, etc.

It provided opportunities for the colonial traders the

exploitation of resources in the hinterland. Water

transportation is also a vital mode of transport in

Nigeria when viewed in relation to the seaports where the

bulk Nigeria’s imports and exports are discharged and

loaded.

Table 2

The pattern of Seaport Evolution in Nigeria

Phase Time

Period

Composite

form

Leading

ports in

Hierarchy

Overall

trend

I 1500-1670 Initial

Concentrati

on

Gwata,

Bonny, Old

Warri

103

II 1670-1750 Diffusion Old

Calabar,

New

Calabar,

Bonny Brass

Unstabilize

d Port

Structure

III 1750-1860 Concentrati

on

Bonny,

Lagos

IV 1860-1910 Diffusion Lagos,

Akassa,

Sapele, Old

Calabar,

Warri,

Dengena

Consolidati

on with

Lagos as

point of

sustained

V 1910-1950 Concentrati

on

Lagos, Port

Harcourt

dominance

VI 1950- Diffusion Lagos,

Bonny,

Okrika,

Port

Harcourt

Source: Ogundana, B., “patterns and problems of Seaport

Evolution” in Hoyles, B.S. and Hilling, D. (eds.) Seaport

104

and development in Tropical Africa, London: Macmillan and

Co. 1970, PP. 167-82.

Ogundana’s model of port evolution as shown in Table

2 provides a useful brief on the spatial-temporal aspect

of Nigeria’s port development. The classifications based

on some 500 years of evolution organized the spatial-

temporal development of the seaports in Nigeria into six

phases. Nine new ports were built between 1976 and 1981.

Three main factors have been identified for the growth

and development of ports in Nigeria. These are

historical, economic and political factors.

The Nigerian Ports Authority which is an autonomous

public corporation was established in 1955 for the

management, operation and administration of the seaports.

It is important to note that water transportation

includes inland waterways, coastal and ocean shipping

seaports, river ports and other related handling and

terminal facilities. Nigeria has a vast potential for

105

inland waterways transport, with the Niger-Benue river

system constituting the main segment.

Pipeline Transport

The use of pipelines for transportation of any

product other than water had its beginning on 23 December

1955. It was the 11km crude oil linking Oloibiri oil

field to Kugbo Bay. However, pipeline transport did not

constitute a significant freight transport mode in

Nigeria until the late 1970s. Twenty years earlier

pipelines were merely one of the several issues in

internal routine functioning of the oil industry.

Pipeline transportation in Nigeria is woven around the

operations of the oil and gas sector. In fact, between

1958 and 1964, shell-BP of Nigeria had about 300km of oil

pipeline connecting its eastern and western oil fields

with point of evacuation. The rapid development of

private crude oil pipeline systems of producing areas to

106

export terminals and domestic refineries, and the rapid

growth in the domestic consumption of petroleum products

provided the stimuli for the interest and rapid expansion

in pipeline transport particularly in the 1970s.

The three prominent pipeline systems before the

Third National Development Plan (1975-1980) were the

Central Swamp pipeline system, the trans-Niger pipeline

system and the South Forcados pipeline system. The Third

Plan laid the foundation for the present oil pipeline

system in Nigeria. It was then that a 3,001 kilometre of

crude oil and petroleum products pipeline was commenced,

completed and commissioned. The oil pipeline system in

Nigeria is made up of gathering pipelines, trunk line

pipeline and distribution pipeline. The ongoing West

Africa Gas Pipeline project is another major development

in pipeline transport in Nigeria, which will benefit some

West African countries. Nigeria presently has about

5000km crude oil and product pipeline network.

107

3.6 Present State of China’s Economy

China’s economy is huge and expanding rapidly. In

the last 30 years the rate of Chinese economic growth has

been almost miraculous, averaging 8% growth in Gross

Domestic Product (GDP) per annum. The economy has grown

more than 10 times during that period, with Chinese GDP

reaching 3.42 trillion US dollars by 2007. In Purchasing

Power Parity GDP, China already has the biggest economy

after the United States. Most analysts project China to

become the largest economy in the world this century

using all measures of GDP.

However, there are still inequalities in the income

of the Chinese people, and this income disparity has

increased in the recent times, in part due to a

liberalization of market within the country. The per

capita income of China is only about 2,000 US dollars,

which is fairly poor when judged against global

108

standards. In per capita income terms, China stands at a

lowly 107th out of 179 countries. The Purchasing Power

Parity figure for China is only slightly better at 7,800

US dollars, ranking China 82nd out of 179 countries.

Economic reform started in China in the 70s and 80s.

The initial focus of these reforms was on collectivizing

the agricultural activities of the country. The leaders

of the Chinese economy, at that point in time, were

trying to change the center of agriculture from farming

to household activities. At later stages the reforms

extended to the liberalization of prices, in a gradual

manner. The process of fiscal decentralization soon

followed.

As part of the reforms, more independence was

granted to the business enterprises that were owned by

the state government. This meant that government

officials at the local levels and the managers of various

plants had more authority than before. This led to the

109

creation of a number of various types of privately held

enterprises within the service sectors, as well as the

light manufacturing sectors. The banking system was

diversified and the Chinese stock markets started to

develop and grew as economic reform in China took hold.

The economic reforms made in China in the 70s and

80s had other far reaching effects as well. The sectors

outsides the control of the state government of China

grew at rapid pace as a result of these reforms. China

also opened its economy to the world for the purposes of

trade and direct foreign investment.

China has adopted a slow but steady method in

implementing their economic reforms. It has also sold the

equity of some of the major Chinese state banks to

overseas companies and bond markets during the middle

phase of the first half of the 21st century. In recent

years the role played by China in international trade has

also increased.

110

3.7 Current Policy Challenges in China

Meeting with the president of the United States in

late 2005, China’s president Hu Jintao frankly

acknowledged that problems of the political corruption,

rural unrest, a growing wealth gap, and severe pollution

consume nearly all his time. Some of these problems

represent new policy challenges for Chinese leaders;

others are not new, but their magnitude impacts have only

recently been understood. The new and ongoing policy

challenges arise very significantly from China’s economic

successes in the past quarter-century.

Since 1978, Chinese leaders have agreed to be judged

mainly by their ability to foster economic growth and

deliver a better material life for Chinese citizens.

China’s development has in fact been very impressive. Its

economy has grown at a rate of nearly 10 percent per year

111

since 1980, a record of sustained growth comparable only

to Japan and Korea in the later half of twentieth

century. In case of purchasing power parity, china is now

world’s second largest economy (after the United States)

and third largest recipient of foreign direct investment

(largest among developing countries). In 2006, it

overtook Japan as the world’s biggest holder of foreign

exchange reserves.

Economic success has not been costless. It has

provided more opportunities to pursue private gain,

legally and also illegally through the abuse of public

office. Despite decades of anticorruption efforts, year

after year, ordinary citizens tell pollsters that

corruption is one of China’s most serious problems. In

the cities, Chinese poke fun at the perceived insecurity

of the anticorruption reforms: “not daring not to fight

corruption, not daring to fight corruption seriously” .In

the countryside, villagers rise up to protest abuses of

112

power by” local emperors” imposing illegal fees and

excessive taxes.

In recent years, the requisition, rezoning, and sale

of agricultural land by local governments has provoked

rural riots, usually suppressed with great violence. Land

is not privately owned, but contracted for agricultural

use by Chinese farmers. Local governments have seized on

more lucrative opportunities for land use provided by

real estate and industrial development. Farmers tend to

be poorly compensated in these instances of eminent

domain for local economic development (and local

government profit). Top Chinese have commended these

actions, not least of all because arable land is already

scarce.

The growing wealth gap fuels the perceptions of

official abuse. Chinese policymakers have promoted a

policy that “some get rich first”. One result is rapidly

raising inequality. Rural incomes and coastal regions

113

have been advantaged over the interior. Urban Chinese in

modern Shanghai enjoy annual incomes exceeding $2,000,

while rural Chinese in backward Ghizhou province make do

with $200. While some struggle for a basic livelihood,

there are also Chinese entrepreneurs and venal officials

who travel in luxury sedans, do business on cellular

phones, and feast ostentatiously at expensive

restaurants. In 2006, Chinese authorities admitted to a

Gini coefficient of 0.46, mostly reflects a gap between

urban and rural residents. As the wealth gap has exploded

within a single generation, it has great potential to

impact social stability.

According to the ministry of public security, in

2005, China experienced 87,000 “public disturbances,”

both urban and rural – up 7 percent from the previous

year. Land takings, economic distress, and political

corruption certainly provoked much of this unrest. A

nontrivial number of rural “disturbances” are directed

114

against pollution, which has displaced tens of millions

of farmers.

Although the Chinese have developed a significant

legal and organizational infrastructure of environment al

protection in the past decade, environmental pollution

and degradation have increased at rate that far outpaces

the capacity of the state to protect the environment.

This reflects developmental priorities: indeed as late as

the mid-1990s, Chinese leaders routinely articulated the

principle of “first development, than environment.” The

World Bank estimates that annually 300,000 Chinese die

prematurely from air pollution. Children breathe in the

equivalent of smoking two packets of cigarettes per day.

Sixteen of the world’s twenty most populated cities are

Chinese cities – including Beijing, the site of the 2008

Olympic Games. The expanding ownership of private

automobiles by the new middle class exacerbates the

problem: Chinese domestically designed and manufactured

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automobiles emit ten to twenty times more pollutants than

American or Japanese models.

As Chinese leaders confront their domestic

challenges, they do so in a global context that they now

actively engage. The U.S. government now uses the term

“stakeholder” to describe the new role of china in the

world. This has much to do with china’s accession to the

World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which has further

open the economy, subjecting it to a new discipline of

global competition and pushing development of the

economic legal infrastructure. WTO accession agreement

require china to fully open its banking sector to foreign

investors in 2007 – and this will accelerate an already

rapid process of economic reform. China is not only an

economic player, however. It has also show its

willingness to play a role in helping to resolve

international crises, such as the production and testing

of nuclear weapons by North Korea. As the only country

116

with political influence over North Korea, China

organized the six-party talks, bringing the United States

to the negotiation table in a multilateral situation.

China has thoroughly abandoned the strictures of

communist ideology, has experienced an awesome economic

revolution, and is taking its place as an important world

power. Yet, unlike most other communist regimes, which

topple in face of popular uprisings, china has

experienced no second political revolution. Today, it is

still a communist party-state. Chinese policy makers have

limited liberation, sometimes as an antidote to

corruption at the grassroots. While they have opened up

political processes to more diversified inputs, they have

also firmly suppressed organized challenges to the

Communist Party. A handful of leaders at the very top

still monopolize the authority to choose what sort of

inputs from what sorts of groups are accepted, and the

decision rules are not always transparent.

117

Strikingly little remains of Mao’s grand revolution

schemes. Viewed from the perspective of the 1970s, the

magnitude and pace of change in China in the past

quarter-century are practically unimaginable. Chinese

politics today is “post-Mao” politics in the sense that

there is a new regime, not simply a change of leaders

and, given its dynamics, there appears to be turning

back. Of course, without a grasp of china’s rich

political history, it is not only impossible to

appreciate what has (and has not) changed, but also

impossible to understand the crucial context of post-Mao

reform: what has been rejected.

3.8 Economic Reform in the People's Republic of

China

The first reforms in the late 1970s and early 1980s

consisted of opening trade with the outside world,

118

instituting the household responsibility system in

agriculture, by which farmers could sell their surplus

crops on the open market, and the establishment of Town

and Village Enterprises (TVEs).

The process of economic reform began in earnest in

1979, after Chinese leaders concluded that the Soviet-

style system that had been in place since the 1950s was

making little progress in improving the standard of

living of the Chinese people and also was failing to

close the economic gap between China and the

industrialized nations.

The reforms of the late 1980s and early 1990s

focused on creating a pricing system and decreasing the

role of the state in resource allocations. The reforms of

the late 1990s focused on closing unprofitable

enterprises and dealing with insolvency in the banking

system. After the start of the 21st century, increased

119

focus has been placed on narrowing the gap between rich

and poor in China.

Chinese economic reform, unlike perestroika, has

been an economic success, generating over two decades of

rapid economic growth. The standard of living of most

Chinese has improved markedly since 1978. The CCP goal of

modernization also seems to be moving forward. Throughout

China one can witness the rapid modernization of

infrastructure, including new superhighways, airports,

and telecommunications facilities.

The first part of Chinese economic reform involved

implementing the household responsibility system in

agriculture, by which farmers were able to retain surplus

over individual plots of land rather than farming for the

collective. This was followed by the establishment of

TVE's, which industries were owned by townships and

villages. An open door policy was introduced by which the

PRC began to allow international trade and foreign direct

120

investment. These initiatives immediately increased the

standard of living for most of the Chinese population and

generated support for later, more difficult, reforms.

The second phase of reform occurred in the 1980s and

was aimed at creating market institutions and converting

the economy from an administratively driven command

economy to a price driven market economy. This difficult

task of price reform was achieved using the dual-track

pricing system, in which some goods and services were

allocated at state controlled prices, while others were

allocated at market prices. Over time, the goods

allocated at market prices were increased, until by the

early-1990s they included almost all products.

In the late 1980s the Chinese economy was still

transitioning steadily, as it moved cautiously away from

central planning and gradually adopted some more of the

institutions and mechanisms of a market economy.

121

The first major success of the economic reform

program was the introduction of the responsibility system

of production in agriculture, a policy that allowed farm

families to work a piece of land under contract and to

keep whatever profits they earned. By 1984 the

responsibility system had dramatically increased food

production, and the government had eliminated the

people's communes--the hallmark of Chinese socialism for

over twenty years. In most other sectors of the economy

the role of government was reduced, managers were given

more decision-making power, enterprises were encouraged

to produce for profit, the role of the private sector

increased, and experimentation with new forms of

ownership began in the state sector. Constraints on

foreign trade were relaxed, and joint ventures with

foreign firms were officially encouraged as sources of

modern technology and scarce foreign exchange. With

rising incomes, greater incentives, and rapid growth in

122

the service and light industrial sectors, the People's

Republic of China began to exhibit some of the traits of

a consumer society.

Movement toward a market system, however, was

complex and difficult, and in 1987 the transition was far

from complete. Relaxing restrictions on economic activity

quickly alleviated some of China's most pressing economic

difficulties, but it also gave rise to a new set of

problems. Inflation, the greatest fear of Chinese

consumers--became a problem for the first time since the

early 1950s, and along with new opportunities to seek

profit came growing inequality in income distribution and

new temptations for crime, corruption, and Western

cultural styles, regarded by many older Chinese people as

decadent and "spiritually polluting." The state still

owned and controlled the largest nonagricultural

enterprises, and the major industries were still

primarily guided by the central plan.

123

Thus, the Chinese economy in the late 1980s was very

much a mixed system. It could not be accurately described

as either a centrally planned economy or a market

economy. The leadership was committed to further

expansion of the reform program as a requisite for

satisfactory economic growth, but at the same time it was

compelled to keep a tight grip on key aspects of the

economy--particularly inflation and grain production--to

prevent the emergence of overwhelming political

discontent. Under these circumstances, forces in the

economic system worked against each other, producing what

the Chinese leadership called internal "contradictions."

On the one hand, the economy was no longer tightly

controlled by the state plan because of the large and

growing market sector. On the other hand, the market

could not operate efficiently because many commodities

were still under government control and most prices were

still set or restricted by government agencies. Under the

124

leadership of Deng Xiaoping, the entire nation was

"riding the tiger"--making great progress but not

entirely in control--and therefore unable to stop the

process without risk.

Despite the burst of progress in the 1980s, the

Chinese economy still shared many basic characteristics

with the economies of other developing countries. The

gross national product per capita in 1986 was ¥849, or

about US$228 (at the 1986 exchange rate), reflecting the

low average level of labor productivity. As in many

countries that did not begin sustained industrialization

efforts until the middle of the twentieth century, the

majority of the Chinese labor force over 60 percent was

still employed in agriculture, which produced around 30

percent of the value of national output. Agricultural

work still was performed primarily by hand. Modern

equipment was in general use in industry but was largely

125

typified by outdated designs and low levels of

efficiency.

In other respects China's economy was quite

different from those of most developing nations. The most

important difference was that the Chinese economy,

although in the midst of far-reaching changes was

organized as a socialist system, directed by a central

planning structure. The predominance of state and

collective ownership, firm central control over the

financial system, redistribution of resources among

regions, rationing of grain, and subsidized provision of

housing resulted in a pattern of income distribution that

was much narrower than those in almost all other

developing countries. There was relatively little true

capitalism in the form of private ownership of productive

assets. Agricultural land was farmed under lease by farm

households but was formally owned by villages, towns, and

126

townships--the collective units that had replaced the

rural commune system.

In the mid-1980s most Chinese were still very poor

by American standards, but several important measures

indicated that the quality of their lives was

considerably better than implied by the level of gross

national product (GNP) per capita. According to World

Bank data, in 1984 energy consumption per person was 485

kilograms of oil equivalent, higher than that for any

other country ranked as a low-income country and greater

than the average for lower middle-income countries. In

1983 the daily calorie supply per capita was 2,620--11

percent above the basic requirement and nearly as high as

the average for countries classified as upper middle-

income countries. Significantly, infant mortality in 1985

was 39 per 1,000, well below the average for upper

middle-income countries, and life expectancy at birth was

127

69 years, higher than the average for upper middle-income

countries.

Despite the major economic gains made by China since

1949 and the dramatic advances of the 1980s, serious

imbalances and deficiencies have persisted. Contributing

to these deficiencies were the political turmoil that

disrupted the economy during the Cultural Revolution

decade (1966-76), insufficient flexibility in the

planning process, and serious inaccuracies in price

structures. Power shortages, inadequate transportation

and communication networks, shortages of technicians and

other highly trained personnel, insufficient foreign

exchange for procurement of advanced technology from

other countries, and inadequate legal and administrative

provisions for both foreign and domestic trade further

hindered modernization.

An important by-product of the reform program since

the late 1970s has been an enormous increase in the

128

amount of information available on the economy. The

government collected and published basic national

economic data in the 1950s, but the centralized

statistics-keeping system broke down at the end of the

1950s, and very little statistical information was

available during the 1960s and early 1970s. It was not

until 1979 that the State Statistical Bureau ended the

statistical "blackout" with the publication of an

economic statistical communiqué. In subsequent years the

State Statistical Bureau published larger and more

frequent compendia, including annual almanacs of the

economy and annual statistical yearbooks, which became

progressively more sophisticated and informative. In

addition, most provincial-level units and cities, as well

as the major industries and economic sectors, such as

coal mining and agriculture, began to produce their own

specialized statistical yearbooks. In the early 1980s,

numerous new periodicals, many of which specialized in

129

economic data and analysis, started publication. Although

Chinese statistical definitions and practices still

differed from those in other countries in many respects

and the accuracy of some figures was called into doubt

even by Chinese economists, foreign analysts in 1987 had

access to a rich and growing body of data that would

support extensive analysis of the Chinese economy.

However the transition to a market based system in

the early 1990s created two major problems. First the end

of central planning required the creation of mechanisms

to set monetary policy, and a system of banking and

capital markets. Work was done throughout the 1990s to

put these systems in place.

Another problem involved that of state owned

enterprises. Under a system of fixed prices, the inputs

and output prices of SOE's were fixed, allowing them to

use the difference to fund social services. Once input

and output prices were market based most of the SOE's

130

then became extremely unprofitable, both because they

were responsible for social service provision to their

employees and because they were producing outputs that no

one wanted to buy. This was temporarily resolved by

borrowing from the banking system, but this created the

problem of massive non-performing loans. In the late

1990s and early 2000s, this problem was dealt with by the

closing of unprofitable state-owned factories and the

development of social security systems.

The Chinese economic reform refers to the program of

economic reform called "socialism with Chinese

characteristics" in the People's Republic of China (PRC)

that were started in 1978 by pragmatists within the

Communist Party of China (CPC) led by Deng Xiaoping and

are ongoing as of the early 21st century. The goal of

Chinese economic reform was to generate sufficient

surplus value to finance the modernization of the

mainland Chinese economy. Neither the socialist command

131

economy, favored by CPC conservatives, nor the Maoist

attempt at a Great Leap Forward from socialism to

communism in China's agriculture (with the commune

system) had generated sufficient surplus value for these

purposes. The initial challenge of economic reform was to

solve the problems of motivating workers and farmers to

produce a larger surplus and to eliminate economic

imbalances that were common in command economies.

Economic reforms started since 1978 have helped lift

millions of people out of poverty, bringing the poverty

rate down from 53% of the population in the Mao era to

12% in 1981. Deng's economic reforms are still being

followed by the CPC today and by 2001 the poverty rate

became only 6% of the population.

Chinese economic reform has been undertaken through

a series of phased reforms. In general, these reforms

were not the results of a grand strategy, but as

immediate responses to pressing problems. In some cases,

132

such as the closing of state enterprises, the government

has been forced by events and economic circumstances to

do things that it did not want to do. As of 2005, 70% of

China's GDP is in the private sector. The relatively

small public sector is dominated by about 200 large state

enterprises concentrating mostly in utilities, heavy

industries, and energy resources.

Although Chinese economic reform has been

characterized by many in the West as a return to

capitalism, Chinese officials have insisted that it is a

form of socialism, because to do otherwise would call

into question the very validity of Marxism, centralized

government planned economy and the legitimacy of the

regime itself. However, they have not argued against the

premise that many of the reforms involve adopting

economic policies that are in use in capitalist nations,

and one of the premises of Chinese economic reform is

133

that China should not avoid adopting "whatever works" for

ideological reasons.

In addition, many of the economic structures that

have been created in the course of Chinese economic

reform may appear superficially similar to those found in

other nations, but are in fact unique

State Budget Reformation

The nature of the state budget also was significantly

altered by the reform program. Before 1979 the state

budget was the financial component of the national

economic plan. It was made up of the budgets of both the

central government and the local governments and included

the revenues and expenditures of all state-owned

enterprises. All profits from state enterprises were

remitted to the state budget, and investment funds were

allocated from the state budget. Under the reform, there

was increased separation of enterprises from direct state

134

control. Enterprises now paid proportional taxes on their

incomes rather than remitting their entire profits to the

state. Investment funds were, in principle, no longer to

be allocated directly to state enterprises from the state

budget but were to be obtained from the banking system in

the form of interest-bearing loans.

In 1985 total state revenues of ¥186.6 billion included

¥51.4 billion in income taxes from state-owned

enterprises and only ¥4.4 billion in enterprise incomes.

The largest category of revenues was industrial and

commercial taxes, which amounted to ¥110.1 billion.

Agricultural taxes were ¥4.2 billion, continuing the

previous policy of levying only negligible taxes on the

farm sector. Revenues also included borrowing equal to ¥9

billion, a practice followed annually since 1978. As of

1983 roughly 30 percent of total revenues were collected

by the central government and 70 percent by local

135

governments, while each accounted for about 50 percent of

expenditures.

In 1985 the largest category of budget expenditure was

appropriations for capital construction, which received

31.3 percent of the total allotment. Culture, education,

science, and public health constituted the next largest

category, with 17 percent of expenditures. National

defense, which averaged 19 percent of budgetary

expenditures in the 1960s and 1970s, received only 10.3

percent of the total in 1985. Administrative expenses

were 7.7 percent of the budget and new technology in

enterprises 5.5 percent. In 1984 the state paid out ¥37

billion in price subsidies, an amount equal to 24 percent

of total expenditures in that year. The bulk of the

subsidies - ¥32 billion - were for consumer goods.

An important function of the state budget was to

transfer resources from prosperous regions to poor

136

regions. The budgets that were finally approved by the

Ministry of Finance for the provinces, autonomous

regions, and special municipalities allowed surplus funds

from affluent areas to be transferred to cover planned

expenditures in the deficit areas, while bringing the

budget for the entire country into balance. The resulting

pattern of revenue sharing between provincial-level

administrations and the central government was one in

which the advanced industrialized regions paid a much

higher rate of net taxation than most areas, and the

least-developed regions were heavily subsidized. For

example, in 1985 Shanghai remitted ¥8.4 billion in

profits and taxes, equal to 4.5 percent of national

budget revenues, although it had only 1.1 percent of the

national population.

137

Influence of Public Opinion

Because of the loss of iron rice bowl jobs due to the

reforms, many people were initially opposed to further

liberalization of the economy. Protestors at the 1989

Tiananmen Square Incident included workers who felt that

reforms had gone too far and threatened their

livelihoods.

However, according to a study done by the Program on

International Policy Attitudes, University of Maryland in

2006, 74% of Chinese surveyed feel that the "free

enterprise system and free market economy work best in

society's interests when accompanied by strong government

regulations", the highest percentage among the 20 nations

surveyed. In comparison, 71% of people surveyed in the

United States felt the same.

Poverty Reduction

138

Since 1978, when Deng Xiaoping acquired power in the

CCP and started the reforms, economic reforms in the PRC

have finally given the people of China an opportunity to

choose a job they want.

139

However, before these reforms, workers may not have had

the opportunity to earn higher wages, gain benefits from

employers, or even choose their jobs. For example if a

student got a scholarship to a reputable university and

wanted to become a lawyer instead of becoming a farmer,

said student would have a better opportunity in life (due

to the ability to choose a career or a job). Agricultural

jobs, such as farming in China do not pay high wages

(similar to the agricultural sector in the United

States). However, during the era of Mao Zedong, there was

a surplus of farmers that were forced to stay in their

jobs (due to the agrarian nature of his policies). Post-

economic changes, many farmers then decided to work in

factories that offered better pay. Since there were fewer

farmers, competing food companies then had to buy more

products from the scant supply farmers, in turn,

resulting in better pay for those people. Now, farmers

are frequently switching jobs (sometimes a farmer earns

140

1,000 Yuan a month, while a factory worker can make up to

3,000 Yuan a month; however, by the next year it could be

the reverse) because the pay differences between the two

sectors, agriculture and industrial. Therefore, it is

nearly impossible to predict what jobs will pay better

over the years.

Wealth Disparity

Living standards for everyone in China have drastically

increased in comparison to the pre-reform era, but so has

the wealth disparity. Many foreign and domestic Chinese

scholars and researchers argue that political reforms are

required to counter the widespread corruption in China,

which results in corrupted cadres and their associates

acquiring wealth at a much faster pace than most people

in China. Such accumulation of wealth via illegitimate

means has fueled widespread discontent.

141

A report released during the All-China First Planetary

Session of the Tenth Chinese People's Political

Consultative Conference in March 2003 by its standing

committee member Mr. Chen Mingde, and subsequently

published on the website of Xinhua News Agency,

highlighted various causes of concern including:

i. By the late 1990s, China had already become second

in the world in wealth disparity (Zimbabwe was the

first). By 2003, China surpassed Zimbabwe and

climbed to the number one spot.

142

ii. The fact mentioned above was supported by the

findings of the official Chinese governmental

statistics, which was quoted during the same report

from the All-China First Planetary Session of the

Tenth Chinese People's Political Consultative

Conference: the Gini coefficient for China had

already reached 0.417 since the beginning of 2000,

above the commonly internationally recognized danger

level of 0.40.

iii. The same findings mentioned above also included

additional causes of concern, there were only 3.5%

of the 1.3 billion people in China who earned more

than ¥20,000 annually (approximately $2,500, or

$11,000 when PPP adjusted), while 50% of the 1.3

billion population earned less than ¥2,000 annually

(approximately $250, or $1,100 when PPP adjusted).

Additional studies include:

143

iv. The Chinese branches of the Boston Consulting Group,

on the Chinese government's behalf, published an

investigative report on October 17, 2006, which was

covered by numerous Chinese periodicals such as the

Chinese Youth. According to the report, the top 0.4%

of Chinese families (about 1.5 million) own over 70%

of the nation's wealth while in contrast, in most

developed nations, the top 5% of the families own

around 60% of the total wealth.

v. Furthermore, the report only included the obvious

assets such as real estate, stock, bank accounts,

salaries, and personal property such as cars and

furniture. The report could not account for illegal

and semi-legal income sources; if it had, wealth

disparity would have been found to be even greater.

144

vi. In a separate report by the World Bank for 2006, the

income of the bottom 10% of the population in China

actually decreased by 2.4% in comparison to the

previous year, while the income of the rest of the

population increased.

The issue of extreme wealth disparity caused by the

Chinese economic reform has prompted some New Left

thinkers in China to advocate the return of Maoist-style

socialism. However, others believe that further reform of

the existing system is the answer to current problems.

Industrial Development Policies

China economic growth mainly comes from three

sources: (1) exports; (2) the domestic consumer market;

and (3) government investment on infrastructure and

industries. Due to the Asian financial crisis, China

expects that it may have difficulties experiencing high

145

growth in exports in 1998, so that the export

contribution to economic growth will decrease. Domestic

consumption also is expected to be weak, mainly because

of the growing unemployment problem, which not only

reduces many people’s purchasing power but also shakes

consumer confidence. Therefore, government investments

must be the major source of economic growth. It is

estimated that the government plans to invest about 3

trillion Yuan (more than 300 billion U.S. dollars) to

boost economic growth. The government also intends to

use these huge investments to modernize its economic

structure. The development strategies focus on three

areas:

1. Infrastructure and public sectors. Because

China needs to improve its infrastructure to

boost economic growth, it has undertaken

several major infrastructure projects, such as

146

the three Gorge Dam and the Pu Dong

international airport, in the next few years,

the Chinese government will invest heavily in

dams, water supply, ports, airports, and power

generation and distribution. The World Bank

estimated that from 1995 to 2004, China needs

$280 billion to invest in infrastructure and

public facilities. The Chinese government,

however, predicted that the country will need

some $800 billion to develop its public

facilities and infrastructure in the next ten

years (People’s Daily, December 27, 1997).

These investments will not only drastically

improve China’s economic infrastructure but

will also become critical driving forces for

China’s economic development.

2. The Chinese government has decided to develop

modern and strategically important industries,

147

such as electronics, information technology,

software, automobile, pollution control and raw

material industries. China wants to develop

these sectors not only to modernize its

industries, but also to create new economic

growth sources. To develop in these sectors.

3. The Chinese government also plans to invest in

traditional industries. Currently, many small

SOEs use very backward equipment and

facilities. Most of their products are of low

quality. Many of these firms are too small to

enjoy economies of scale. These firms face

great difficulties in the increasingly

competitive Chinese markets. In some of these

sectors, excessive manufacturing capacity also

exists, which causes further difficulties for

firm survival. To change the situation, the

148

Chinese government encouraged small firms to

merge, successful firms to grow and acquire

weak firms. In addition, the government will

invest heavily in the sectors. But these

investments are not to increase capacity. The

government has made it clear that it will

restrict investments in projects that have low

market potential or in which China already has

excessive manufacturing capacity. The main

objective is to use advance technologies to

renovate and upgrade existing facilities and

help companies develop new products, thus

increasing competitiveness.

149

Foreign Investment in China

In the past few years, China has been the second

largest country in the world in attracting foreign

investment. Foreign invested enterprises (FIEs) not only

provided China with development capital but also brought

to China new technologies and management knowledge. More

importantly, foreign enterprises are a major source of

the rapid growth for China’s exports, which created new

employment opportunities. These growing job opportunities

greatly alleviate the unemployment burden caused by SOE

reform. Thus, the growth of foreign investment becomes an

important factor affecting the success of SOE reform.

The Chinese government has become very sensitive in

defending and promoting Chinese brand-name products. The

government has also removed some favorable policies given

to foreign firms. For example, in 1996, it cut foreign

firms’ value-added tax rebate for exports from 17 to 9

150

percent. It has also planned to withdraw the privilege

enjoyed by FIEs to import capital equipment tax and duty

free, although the government has recently modified this

plan. In short, the Chinese government has become more

selective and careful in attracting foreign investments.

Being selective does not mean that the Chinese

government no longer welcomes foreign investments. In

December 1997, government officials repeatedly indicated

that China still needs foreign capital to help its

economic development. The only change is that the

government wants to be more effective in steering foreign

investments to the country’s most needed sectors, in

order to boost its economic growth and develop and

upgrade its domestic industries.

Financial System Reform

151

Financial system reform is also an important factor

affecting the implementation and success of China’s

economic development agendas. In the past, Chinese banks

have been government affiliates supporting government

policies and SOEs. For example, more than 75 percent of

bank loans in China go to SOEs. Given that almost 50

percent of the SOEs are loosing money, it creates a large

amount of bad loans. It is estimated that such bad loans

account for 30 percent of Chinese bank loans. This has

put a considerable amount of pressure on Chinese banks.

In order to change this situation and effectively use

financial mechanisms to influence China’s economic

development, it is important to let Chinese banks be

independent of government control. Although China passed

a 1995 banking law that gives banks full autonomy,

government influence remains very strong. But the Chinese

government has decided to continue the efforts to make

152

most Chinese banks independent and to become truly

commercial banks.

In addition, the success of China’s economic

development also depends upon the opening of its

financial market to foreign banks. As more foreign

companies in China demand financial services from foreign

banks, and more importantly, as China needs to open its

financial market in order to enter the World Trade

Organization (WTO) the Chinese government has to make

greater efforts to open its financial service sector.

Currently, only a few foreign banks are allowed to

provide local currency services (i.e., deposits and

lending) in the Pu Dong district of Shanghai. The Chinese

government has indicated that after China enters the WTO,

it will remove the restriction that only the Pu Dong

district of Shanghai. The Chinese government has

indicated that after China enters the WTO, it will remove

153

the restriction that only the Pu Dong district of

Shanghai is allowed to deal in local currency (i.e.,

local currency deposits and lending) by few government-

approved foreign commercial banks. Government-licensed

foreign banks can also provide local currency services in

five other economic special districts (including three

districts in Guangdong province, one district in Fijian

and one in Hainan province). Furthermore, the Chinese

government plans to permit more foreign commercial banks

to deal in local currency (World Journal Daily News,

December 15, 1997). It is possible that China may become

more cautious in its financial system reform after the

Asian financial crisis. The development of a sound

financial system is very important for China’s economic

development and transformation into market economy.

154

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157

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158

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159

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160

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161

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162

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163

CHAPTER FOUR

4.0 SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION

4.1 Summary

It is a true statement that Nigeria is blessed with

different natural resources. The country’s economy had done

well in the past but just that there is the problem of

maintenance, ineffectiveness, divergence between policy

formulation and implementation, role conflicts and inability

to demarcate the role of various players in the policy process

and poor commitment of government to the social contract with

the people are the major problems plaguing implementation in

Nigeria. One other aspect that has called our attention is the

agricultural sector and fiscal indiscipline. There seems to be

no other explanation to give for Nigeria’s present economic

problems except the men and women whom government appointed

(Etuk, 1987:134).

164

Ani (1987:7) goes a step further. He points out that one

of the reasons for failure in the past was the absence of

“economic macro – management”, adding that plans were easily

made but there was no modus operandi for the management of the

Nigerian economy. For instance, there were no monthly

appraisals, no reports prepared, no review of macro indices,

etc. He then challenges the Ministry of Finance to produce a

detailed plan as to how Nigerian economic policies are to be

implemented. This plan should be well detailed, articulated,

and should assign responsibilities to the different

ministries and officials who must meet on regular basis to

appraise that plan and manage the economy. We should also note

that China has also one time fell into these shoes before the

implementation of their new policies and economic reform which

this study has culled out to help the economic situation in

Nigeria.

4.2 Recommendation

165

There is an aspect in every society for which

development effort can take place. This is the

agricultural sector. It would produce the minimum answer

to food insecurity and problems. If something is going

wrong in this sector, then development will be retarded

and there would be problem. Even if a state is aiming at

the industrialization particularly in the area of food

processing or area that require agricultural produce and

the agriculture is not well taken care of, that

industrialization will fail.

There is need for the effective take off of the

Commodity Exchange Market (COMEX). The COMEX will be

entirely a private initiative with government providing

support services such as regulation, control and

monitoring.

Adequate infrastructure such as stable

electricity, potable water, and good roads will go a long

way in reducing the problems facing the agriculture

166

sector. While the concept such as liberalization,

deregulation, privatization, and commercialization are

desirable in the sector. It is recommended that where it

is absolutely necessary government can provide grants and

subsidies on input to assist farmer and other stakeholder

in the sector. These inputs should however be provided

timely.

In addition to the above, the following

recommendations are given to reduce problems of

agriculture in Nigeria.

i. Purchase of surplus farm produce by government.

ii. Adequate training and retraining farmers.

iii. Research and development and extension services

should be given adequate attention.

iv. Restructuring of National Agricultural and Rural

Development Bank (NACRBD) for better performance

and adequate funding.

167

v. Budgetary allocation to agriculture must be revived

up to 10.0 percent each year.

In concluding this regards, this research work will

outline the elements of a near-term agenda for action and

share with you my optimism that Nigeria will achieve

self-mastery and rise again. Given the enormity of our

country’s problems, the long list of conditions for

restoring and sustaining viability in the face of obvious

resource, time and capacity constraints, there is need

for prioritization and proper phasing and sequencing of

measures. More specifically, instead of dissipating

resources and energy over a wide front, with no

significant overall impact, as appears to be the case

now, government needs to concentrate on a few key sectors

in order to achieve the greatest short-term impact.

Accordingly, this research work proposes the following

near-term agenda for action.

168

First, place economic growth on top of the national

agenda of unfinished business and set a realistic time

frame for achieving economic recovery and robust growth.

Second, restore law and order. In this connection, we

assert that there is a minimum of coercion consistent

with orderliness, good governance and macroeconomic

effectiveness. Under democratic governance the trade-off

between individual freedom and government effectiveness

has tilted in favour of the former. There is, therefore,

a need to redress the imbalance in the interest of

greater effectiveness and development. It cannot be urged

too strongly that we need both democracy and development.

Third, put in place urgently a comprehensive

framework for achieving macroeconomic stability, since it

is a precondition for achieving sustainable economic

recovery and growth.

Fourth, reprioritize government expenditure in favour

of the growth-inducing sectors, e.g., agriculture,

169

education, health, infrastructure, security of life and

property, transport systems e.g. rail transport system,

science and technology, uninterrupted electricity supply

etc., and ensure prudent use of available resources. With

respect to the health sector, a massive programme for

prevention and checking the spread of AIDS should be

launched.

Fifth, integrate the short-term recommendations of

the Nigerian Economic Summit into the most recent year

Budget and ensure diligent implementation. In this

connection, the privatization programme should be

accelerated.

Sixth, intensify the war against corruption and

ensure cleansing of anti-corruption agencies ad-hoc

staffs by recruiting trustworthy staffs.

Seventh, launch a 10-year Perspective Plan (2010-

2020) not only as a framework for pursuing the long range

vision for the country but also as a vehicle for

170

achieving the development goals set for 2020 under the

auspices of the United Nations.

Above all, let us earnestly hope and pray that

President Goodluck Jonathan will fulfill the uncompleted

historical mandate of his predecessor, Late President

Umar Musa Yar’Adua, which in our view, is to deliver both

sustainable democracy and development. These times call

for strong but selfless leadership and a President who

will, if need be and for the utmost good of the country,

but acting within the letter and spirit of the

Constitution, think less of his party, the sub-national

governments and other self-serving interests, and appeal

to the country at large as his constituency.

The need for a strong, charismatic, inspiring but

selfless leader that will be ready to serve the people

and see himself as a civil servant for the people and

having professionals as his advisers and think tanks.

171

With these suggested recommendation, Nigeria is likely to

move to a greater height now and forever.

4.3 Conclusion

The study stated clearly that there is very high level of

poverty in Nigeria. Majority of Nigerians live in abject

poverty. Unemployment is also a major problem plaguing many

Nigerians. Unemployment is highly correlated with poverty.

Nigeria needs broad-based and labor intensive growth

strategies. Adequate social services and infrastructure to

reduce the depth and severity of poverty in Nigeria should be

provided. Growth strategies should be targeted at the poor,

more investment should be made in human capital. Agriculture

should be adequately boosted and adequate emphasis should be

placed on manufacturing and petroleum industries. Moreover,

exports should be increased and imports reduced. Savings

should be sufficiently channeled to profitable investment.

172

Adequate and effective monetary policies should be used for

rapid and sustainable growth; and finally, government should

know that the efficacy of all the measures recommended depends

to a great extent on the integrity of its officials and public

servants because level of corruption In the country calls for a

change.

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