The Social Impact of Trade and Migration: The Western Desert in Pharaonic and Post-Pharaonic Egypt

The Social Impact of Trade and Migration

Page 1 of 32

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2015. All RightsReserved. Under the terms of the l icence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in OxfordHandbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 22 December 2015

Subject: Archaeology,ArchaeologyofAfrica,EgyptianArchaeology,IdentityandEthnicity,Production,Trade,andExchange

OnlinePublicationDate: Nov2015

DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935413.013.37

TheSocialImpactofTradeandMigration:TheWesternDesertinPharaonicandPost-PharaonicEgypt AnnaLucilleBoozer

OxfordHandbooksOnline

AbstractandKeywords

Egypt’sWesternDesertislocatedonthefringesofEgyptproper.Despiteitsremotelocation,theWesternDesertinhabitantsconnectedwithpeopleintheNileValleyandmoredistantlocations.Theseconnectionsarevisibleintheformoftrade,technology,andmigration.Inordertounderstandtheimpactofthisconnectionwithotherregionsuponlocaloasites,thisarticleoffersacritiqueofcurrenttheoriesonmigrationandconsumptionbeforereviewingtheevidenceofsuchconnectionschronologically.TheavailableevidencesuggeststhattheOldKingdom,theNewKingdom,thePerisanPeriod,andtheRomanPeriodmayhavebeenparticularlyprominentperiodsofconnectivityfortheWesternDesert.ThisevidencealsosuggestsstrongconnectionstoThebesthroughoutmostofthehistoryoftheWesternDesert.SinceformalresearchintheWesternDesertisrelativelyrecent,itisanticipatedthatthecurrentimageofWesternDesertconnectionswillchangeinfutureyears.

Keywords:trade,transportation,migration,Egypt,connectivity,WesternDesert,oasis,socialarchaeology

Introduction

Themovementofpeoples,objects,andideasiscriticaltoourunderstandingoftheflowandrouteofhumanhistory.EvidenceofsuchmovementsisparticularlyabundantinEgypt.Thesemovements—betheymigratory,colonizing,orimperialistic—linkedEgypttotheMediterranean,Africa,westernAsia,andregionsfurtherafield.Small-scalemovementswithinEgyptitselfalsohadacriticalplaceintheformationofEgyptianidentities.ThisarticlefocusesuponmigrationandtradeinEgypt’sWesternDesert,whichislocatedonthefringesofEgyptproper.Despiteitsremotelocation,theWesternDesertinhabitantsconnectedwithpeopleintheNileValleyandmoredistantlocations.Theseconnectionsarevisibleintheformoftrade,technology,andmigration.Inordertounderstandtheimpactofthisconnectionwithotherregionsuponlocaloasites,thisarticleoffersacritiqueofcurrenttheoriesonmigrationandconsumptionbeforereviewingtheevidenceofsuchconnectionschronologically.

TheavailableevidencesuggeststhattheOldKingdom,theNewKingdom,thePerisanPeriod,andtheRomanPeriodmayhavebeenparticularlyprominentperiodsofconnectivityfortheWesternDesert.FromatleastthelateOldKingdom(ca.2500BC)theindigenouspeoplesoftheWesternDesertweresubjecttomilitaryoccupationandpotentiallycolonizationfromtheNileValley.WalledtownspopulatedwithindividualsrecruitedfromtheNileValleyconstitutedthefabricoftheseoccupyingpeoples.WehavedocumentarysourcesmentioningtheoasesdatingfromtheOldKingdom(ca.2649–2150BC)andcontinuingformanythousandsofyears.Withinthesedocumentarysources,probablemigrationtotheregionisdetectable,particularlyduringtheNewKingdom(ca.1550–1070BC)andtheRomanPeriod(ca.30BC–641AD).Forexample,duringtheRomanPeriod,weknowthelocationofRomanfortressesfromtheNotitiaDignitatumaswellasthecorrespondingarchaeologicalevidenceoffortifiedareasandsettlements(Boozer2013).Yet,whenweexploretheindividualswholivedinandaroundtheseareasovertime,we


Page 2 of 32


detectamixtureofinfluencesandfewoverwhelmingsignsofmigrantoriginsinthelocalpopulations.

TherearetwoadditionalissuesthatcomplicateastudyofconnectionsbetweentheWesternDesertandexternalregions.First,peripheralareasoftenexperienceinfluxesofnewgoodsandpeoplesindiscretephasesratherthanasteadystream.Asteadystreamofmigrantsismoretypicalofcentralizedandurbanareas.TheconnectionsbetweenthedesertandtheNileValley,aswellastoareasfurtherafield,waxedandwanedthroughoutthehistoryoftheWesternDesert.Thisintermittentconnectioncanbetracedthroughmaterialcultureanddocumentarysources.ThesomewhatepisodiccontrolEgypthadovertheoasessawchangingpatternsofsystemicencouragementofmigrationtotheWesternDesert.Meanwhile,Egypt“proper”wentthroughitsowntransformationswithperiodsofgreaterandlessermigrationsofnon-Egyptianstoandfromvariousregions,andparticularlyintheNileDelta.

Second,theWesternDesertpeoplesthemselveswerenothomogeneous.Notonlywerethesedentarypeoplessubjecttowavesofmigrationoverthousandsofyears,buttheyalsosharedtheirlandwithnomadicandseminomadicpeoples.Wealsoshouldconsiderthepossibilityofoasispeoplesthemselves(sedentary,seminomadic,andnomadic)movingelsewhereintheNileValleyorbeyond.Insum,theavailableevidencesuggestsconsiderablemovementandshiftingofavarietyofpeopleswithintheoases.

Althoughwecannotresolvethesecomplexitiesatthisstageofresearch,thefollowingpagesdemonstratethatwecandetectpatternsinmigration,trade,andtechnology.ThesepatternswillhelpscholarstoformhypothesesfortestingquestionsofconnectivityinfutureresearchinEgypt’sWesternDesert.

TheoriesaboutMigration

Intoengagewithcurrentdebatesinmigration,itisworthwhilereviewingthehistoryofmigrationstudies.Migrationhasbeenakeycomponentofarchaeologicalstudiessinceatleastthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury,whentherewasaparticularfocusonprehistory(Childe1950).ScholarsoftheancientMediterraneanhaveconsideredmigrationtobeakeycomponenttoitsdevelopmentforaverylongtime,althoughearlystudiestookmigrationasagivenratherthananalyzingmigrationinitsownright(e.g.,Rostovtzeff1926–1928).Afterahiatusofseveraldecades,academicresearchresumedinthe1980s.Thesestudiesalsoemphasizedprehistory(e.g.,Rouse1986).Morerecently,scholarshaveaddressedmigrationasymptoticallybyemployingconceptssuchasconnectivity(e.g.,HordenandPurcell2000;vanDommelenandKnapp2010)andcolonialism(e.g.,vanDommelen2012)aswellasmoredirectlyasmobilityandmigration(VanDommelen2014).Therenewedtheoreticalinterestinmigrationhasfocusedprimarilyonprehistoricandpost-Romanperiods(c.f.Anthony1990;Burmeister2000;Frachetti2011;Hackenbeck2008;Härke1998),butsomeexceptionsdooccur(seelaterdiscussion).

Migrationisapresent-dayconcernwithinmanynations.Asaresult,contemporaryviewsofrecentmigrationsdominateacademicdiscoursetodayandhavemademigrationstudiesanemergentfieldinitsownright(e.g.,Eltisetal.1999;Orser1998;Wilkie2004).Oflate,scholarshaverecognizedthatitisimportanttobreakdowndisciplinarybarriersbetweenscientificandhumanities-basedresearchinordertoattainaricherportraitofmigrationintheancientworld(seepapersinEckardt2010).Forexample,thereisgreatpotentialincombiningdemographic,epigraphic,stylistic,isotopic,andosteologicaldatatobearonquestionsofmobility(e.g.,Eckardtetal.2010).Althoughnewscientificapproachessuggesttantalizingcluesastotheoriginsofmigrants,fewregionshavebeensubjectedtothesetechniquessystematically.TheWesternDesertisoneregionthatawaitsasuiteofnewapproachestophysicalhumanremains.Asaresult,thepresentstudyexploresthenuancesofethnicaffinity(seeDerksandRoymans2009;Jones1997)lessthanidentifyingthesourceofincomersandtheirinteractionswiththelocalpopulationsinthearchaeologicalrecord.

Theterms“ethnicaffinity”and“culture”arenotwithouttheirownpitfalls.ManyearlyscholarsofAfricanAmericanorCaribbeangroupsfocusedontheidentificationof“Africanisms,”“survivals,”or“retentions”ofculturaltraitsthattheythoughtcouldbetracedtothegroup’sorigins(Kahn1994:246).Suchapproachesmakeassumptionsaboutthestaticnatureofculture,oversimplifytheprocessofculturalinteraction,andaredevoidofculturalcontext(Jamieson1995).Moreover,asAnthonystates,“culturesdon’tmigrate;peopledo”(Anthony1997).Amoreflexiblereadingofethnicaffinityisrequiredinordertoallowforindividualagencyaswellaschangeovertimeamongthegroup.


Page 3 of 32


Morerecentworkincreasinglyexploresthenatureofculturalchangeandhowthisidentityexpressionoccursalongwithprocessesofcreolization,migration,anddiaspora.Diasporacommunitiesarecharacterizedbyaninitialdispersal,whichmaybeforcedorvoluntary,adistinctionfromthehostsociety,andacontinuoussocialorspirituallinktothehomeland(Lilley2004:291).WhiletheAfricanslaveandtheJewishdiasporashavedominatedresearch,twoadditionalareasofstudy,tradeandcolonialdiasporas,haspotentialrelevanceforthepresentwork.Ontheonehand,tradediasporasare“nationsofsociallyinterdependent,butspatiallydispersed,communities”whosemembersaredistinctfromboththesocietiesinwhichtheyoriginatedandthoseinwhichtheylive(Cohen2008).Tradediasporasimfluenceboththeflowofhumanlifeandoftradegoods.Ontheotherhand,colonialismstudiesfocusontheindigenouspeopleswhoexperienceinfluxesofoutsidersratherthanjustthemigrantsthemselves.Thischangeinfocusiscriticalsincelocalpeoplesalsochangedasaresultofpopulationmovements.

Intheactionofmovementanddisplacement,diasporiccommunitiesexperiencetheprocessofcreolizationthatoccurswhendifferentculturesinteract.Althoughtheymaydefinethemselvesintermsoftheirconnectionwiththehomeland,theprocessofrelocationandinteractionrendersmigrantsdistinctfromtheirrealorimaginedoriginalsociety.Researchersareonlyjustbeginningtoexpandtheirdiscussionofdiasporatoincludethe“homeland”andtoexplorehowtheforcedorvoluntarydisplacementofpeopleaffectedboththehomeanddiasporacommunities(Kelly2004).

Ethnicityandlocalityarenottheonlyvectorstoconsiderwhenexaminingmigrants.Professions,status,andtheimpactofinteractions(assimilation,integration,resistance)betweenimmigrantandhostcommunitiesarealsocritical(Eckardtetal.2010:124).Forexample,amigrant’smilitaryrole,slavestatus,ororiginmaybemorepronouncedthanhisorherethnicidentity.Likewise,genderandagecanbecriticalfactorsforexamination,althoughwomenandchildrenhavebeenexploredaspotentialmigrantsonlyrecently(Cool2010;Eckardtetal.2010;Boozerforthcoming).

InancientEgypt,researchintomigrationhasreliedprimarilyupondocumentaryandpictorialsources(e.g.,Baines1996),althoughsomescholarshavediscussedarchaeologicalremains(e.g.,Smith1995,2003,2007;Stevenson2008).Inparticular,“nomadic”groupshavebeenexploredwithincreasingnuanceinrecentyears(seepapersin:BarnardandDuistermaat2012;BarnardandWendrich2008).Bader’srecentwork(Bader2012)showsrenewedinterestinmigrationduringpharaonicEgypt,butsheoftenfillsdatagapswithevidencefromerasandregionsfarbeyondthescopeoftheregionandperiodexamined.Stevenson’srecentworkreanalyzingtheNaqadanculturalsiteofel-Gerzehurgesthatmigrationbedemonstratedbyanalyzingbothmaterialgoodsandthewaysinwhichpeoplesusedthesegoods(Stevenson2008).Thisapproachcombinesarchaeologiesofmaterialitywithconsumptionstudies.Thisisthemodelemployedinthepresentwork.

TheoriesaboutConsumption

AlthoughwelacksubstantialwrittensourcesabouttheimportandexportofgoodstotheWesternDesert,thearchaeologicalrecordisrichwithcluesabouttradeandmigration.Evidenceofnewtypesoffood,technologies,crops,andimportedgoodscombinedwithnewformsofsettlementpatternsdemonstratethatmigrationandtradeplayedcentralrolesinshapinglifeintheWesternDesert.

Theextenttowhichmaterialculturecanbelinkedtodistinctpopulationsorethnicgroupshasbeenasubjectofarchaeologicaldebateforalongtime.Forexample,Hodderhasarguedthattradeandexchangemayberesponsiblefornewtypesofmaterialculture,ratherthanmigration,unlessotherevidencecanbebroughttobear(Hodder1978,1982).Conversely,Fulfordhasarguedthatsomeceramic“imports”mayreflectthemovementofpottersintoRomanBritainratherthantheimportofthesegoods(Fulford2010).IntheabsenceofmakingcleardifferentiationsofpeoplesthroughchemicalorDNAanalysisofskeletalremainsordeterminingceramicimportsthroughclaysourcing,itisdifficulttoresolvethesedebateswithcertainty.

Withinthepresentwork,Iplaceanemphasisonusageratherthansimplythegoodsthemselvesbecausethewaysinwhichpeopleusedobjectscanberevealing.Consumptionhasemergedasatopicinarchaeologicalstudiesthatareassociatedwithanincreasedinterestinexploringthemultifacetedroleofobjects(Meskell2004;Pyburn1998;seeMullins2011foracomprehensiveoverviewofconsumptionstudiesinarchaeology).Essentially,consumptionentailstheselection,adoption,anduseofgoods,aswellastheknow-howrequiredforusingthesegoods.Consumptionaccountsforthedrivefoundinbothindividualsandsocietiestohavemediatingmaterialsforrelating


Page 4 of 32


tootherpeople(DouglasandIsherwood1996[1979]:viii–xiv).Thismediatingrolemeansthatconsumptionisanintegralcomponentofmigrationandtrade.

WecanexploreconsumptionbothwithintheWesternDesertandareasexternaltoit.MaterialgoodsfromtheoasisregionweredistinctivethroughoutEgyptianhistory,whichmadesomeofthesegoodsparticularlyprized.Themajorityofoasisgoodsappeartohavebeenagriculturalproducts,andtheemphasisuponthesegoodsfluctuatedovertime.Forexample,winewasalong-standingcommodity,whilecottonappearedunderRomanrule.Unfortunately,itisalsoclearthatnotalloasitegoodsarerecognizabletoarchaeologists.Archaeologyintheoasesisarecentdevelopmentandsospecialistshadnocomparandaforrecognizingoasiswareswithinpreviouslyanalyzedassemblages.Asaresult,itislikelythatthereareadditionaloasitegoodsthathavebeenoverlookedintheanalysesofmaterialbeyondtheoases.

Meanwhile,connectionswiththeNileValleycanbefoundinimportswithintheoases.ItisalsopossiblethatcraftspeoplemovedtothewesterndesertandproducedcraftscommonlyassociatedwithvariousregionswithinEgypt“proper,”muchasFulfordsuggestedforRomanBritain.Likewise,cropswereintroducedtotheregionthatwouldhaverequiredthepresenceofindividualswhoknewhowtogrow,harvest,andusesuchcrops.Cotton,mostlikelyintroducedfromSudan,isonesuchcrop.

Theimportanceofnew,specializedknowledgeaboutcultivation,preparation,anduseofgoodscanbeseenasanimportantindexofconnectionsbetweenregions.Thematerialobjectsaswellasindividualexpertiseprovidecluesaboutthepeoplewhomadetheseconnectionspossible.

GeographyoftheWesternDesert

Clicktoviewlarger

Figure1 MapofEgypt(M.Matthews)

FromthePharaonictoRomanPeriods,thebasicgeographiccompassconstitutingEgyptwastheNileValley,whichterminatesintheDelta,andtheFayum(Figure1).InadditiontothisprincipalareaweretheEasternDesertandtheoasesoftheWesternDesertaswellasthefringesofEgypt,suchastheWesternDesertbeyondtheoasesandNubia.Egyptproperincorporatedthesemarginalzonesduringtimesofprosperitybutoftenlostcontrolofthemduringperiodsofinsecurity.TheWesternDesertcomprisestwo-thirdsofthelandwithinthecurrentboundariesofEgypt.Theprimaryharborsfromthisharshenvironmentarethefiveoases:Siwa,Bahariya,Farafra,Dakhleh,andKharga.InArabic,DakhlehmeanstheInnerOasisandKhargameanstheOuterOasis(thatiswithrespecttothedesert,ratherthantheNile).ThesetwooasesweregroupedtogetherastheOasisMajor(“theGreatOasis”)(Figure2).


Page 5 of 32


Clicktoviewlarger

Figure2 MapoftheGreatOasis(M.Matthews)

ClimaticconditionsintheWesternDesertareunforgiving.Thesouthernhalfofthisdesertisoneofthedriestregionsonearth,withalmostnorain.ThepresenceofoasesintheWesternDesertmakessedentarylifepossibleinthisaridregion,withtheexceptionoftheQattaraDepressionbecausethesubterraneanwateristoosalty.ThewaterthatformstheoasesderivesfromtheArtesian-watersandstoneunderlyingtheoasisandtheentireWesternDesert(SchildandWendorf1977:10).Asanemblemoftheirsignificance,wellshavealwaysbeentherealmeasureofwealthandimportanceintheoases(Giddy1987;Mills1998).Eventoday,wellownershipisacomplexandimportantissue.Itispossibletoowncollectiveand/orindividualsharesofwells.Equallypossibleareindividualswhoownwaterbutnolandorlandbutnowater(Beadnell1909:10).

Thesand-ladenwindswereasignificantobstacleinantiquity.Thewindshavesdowncrops,fillsinhouses,anddepositsdunesoverpavedroads.MostscholarsofantiquityarefamiliarwiththefamousstoryinHerodotusofCambyses’army,whichwasengulfedbythesewindsduringacampaignacrossthedeserttoattacktheOracleatSiwa(BookIII.26).Thetemperaturesarealsoextreme.Inthewintertheyrangefrom0º–2ºCjustbeforesunriseto20º–25ºCbymidday.Inthesummermaximumtemperaturesreachabove40ºCforextendedperiods(Giddy1987:3).

MigrationandTradeintheWesternDesert:ADiachronicPerspective

Predynastic

Theoaseshavesubstantialquantitiesofprehistoricmaterial(Table1).TheDakhlehOasiswasclearlyanimportantlocaleinthehistoryofsettlementinEgypt(McDonald2001a;2001b;Riemer2006).Khargaalsohadanimportantroleinprehistory(Caton-ThompsonandGardner1952;WendorfandSchild1980;Wiseman1999).RecentresearchsuggeststhatKhargamayhavebeenanintegralconnectionpointbetweenthepredynasticculturesoftheNileValleyandSaharanpastoralistsduringaphaseofincreasingaridificationofthedesert(Brioisetal.2012).Sheepandgoats,seeminglyintroducedfromsouthwesternAsia,canbefoundinDakhlehandFarafrafromthefifthmillenniumBConward(earlierthantheNileValley)(Hassan2002:201–203;WendorfandSchild2001:623–625,634–635,663).Althoughceramictechnologyandcattledomestication(bothca.7600BC)weretwoadditionalearlydevelopmentsintheWesterndesert,thedatesforthesechangesandtheoriginsofthesedevelopmentsarenotuniversallyaccepted(e.g.,Grigson2000).

Table1SummaryofTradeandMigrationEvidencefromEgypt’sWesternDesert

Period Date Oases SiteNames Comments

Predynastic 5thmillenium–2575BC

Dakhleh,Kharga,Farafra

Sheepandgoat(SWAsia),Ceramictechnologyandcattledomestication,petroglyphs,movementofNileValleyEgyptiansintoDesert


Page 6 of 32


OldKingdom 2575–2137BC

Kharga(DesertRoad),Dakhleh

W.ofTunadaba,Balat,AinAsil,Qilael-Dabba,Mutel-Kharab,andadditionalsatellitesites

Movementofdesertpatrolsortradeexpeditionsthroughtheoases;CeramicimportstoDakhleh;NileValleyEgyptianoutpostsinDakhleh;NileValleyEgyptiancampsitesinKharga

FirstIntermediatePeriod

ca.2181–2055BC

Kharga GirgaRoad EmergenceofThebesasanimportantlocalefortheWesternDesert;importanceofroutesthroughtheoases

MiddleKingdom

ca.2030–1640BC

Kharga,areaseastofKharga,Dakhleh,Bahariya

AbuZiyâr,GebelGhueitaandKomHefaw,Tunadaba

Importanceofoasesforagriculturalandtradesecurity;oasiswine;foreignmercenaries(Nubian,Asiatic,NileValleyEgyptian);supplydepots;outpostsandburialgrounds;Thebesremainssignificant

SecondIntermediatePeriod

ca.1650–1550BC

Bahariya ThebancontroloveralloasesexceptforpossiblyBahariya,whichwasunderHyksosrule(?)

NewKingdom

ca.1550–1070BC

Kharga HibisTemple Thebancontrolsignificant;tombscenes;demandforoasisgoods(olives,dates,wine,mats,foxhides)andoasitefemaledancers;outpostsandpatrolroutes;employmentofLibyansinoases

ThirdIntermediatePeriod

ca.1070–712BC

Dakhleh Amheida,Mutel-Kharab Amnestygiventooasisexiles;Shamintribe/LibyansincontrolofDakhleh

LatePeriod 714–332BC

Kharga,eastofKharga,Dakhleh

HibisTemple,Qasrel-Ghuieta,AynManawir,Dush,Trimithis

ThebandominancecontinuesandclearPersianinvestment;foreignmercenariesworkinginEgyptianmilitary(Greeks,Carians,Jews,Phoenicians,ShasuBedouin?);graffiti;sighapots;qanats;kegs;Persianworkmen?

PtolemaicPeriod

305–30BC

Dakhleh,Kharga

Mutel-Kharab(amongothersites),AinBirbiya,QasrZaiyan

Newarchaeologicalevidencecomingtolight

Roman 30BC– Dakhleh, Hibis,Nadura,QasrGib,Qasr SubstantialRomaninvestment;


Page 7 of 32


RomanPeriod

30BC–395AD

Dakhleh,Kharga,Siwa,Farafara,Bahariya

Hibis,Nadura,QasrGib,QasrSumeira,elDeir,iDush/Kysis,AinManawir,Mounesis/Shamsel-Din,Ismantel-Karab/Kellis,Amheida/Trimithis,el-Muzawwaqa,DeirelHagar,Ainel-Qurayshat,AbuShuruf,Birel-Showish

SubstantialRomaninvestment;cottoncultivation;fortresses,personalnamessuggestingconnections;oliveoilproduction;wine?;cottonandothertradegoods;significantsignsofwealth

ItseemsthatthedesertandtheNileValleywerepartofanintegratedecologicalandculturalsystemthatrequiresfurtherstudyinordertounderstandtheattributesofthissystem(Usai2005,2008).SeasonalmovementsbetweentheNileValleyandtheWesternDesertintheeighthtoseventhmillenniumBPshouldnotbeexcluded.Thislifestylewascentereduponwellsandseasonallakes(playabasins)intheoases.Petroglyphsmarkmanyoftheimportantroutes,prominentoutlooks,andwaterlocationsbetweentheseoases(Krzyzaniak1990,1991,2004;Riemer2009;Winkler1938,1939).

Intheseearlyphases,wedonothaveaclearsenseofmigrationdirection,butdistinctgroupscanbeidentifiedinthematerialculture.Forexample,theSheikhMuftahpeoples,usuallyunderstoodastheindigenousDakhlans,seemtohavehadalongeroccupancyintheDakhlehOasisthanmostgroups.Thesepeoplescanbedistinguishedintheceramicsassemblagebyfineaswellascrudequartzandshalewares,mostlyconsistingoflarge,deepbowlswithoutdecoration(McDonald2001a).

WiththedawnoftheProtodynasticPeriod(NaqadaIIIA-B,c.3300–3100BC),NileValleyEgyptiansseemtohavemovedthroughtheregion.ItisalsopossiblethattherewereperiodicinvasionsbyLibyangroups,althoughthenatureoftheseinteractionsisdebated.Itisnotablethattheterm“Libyan”isacatch-alltermreferringtopeopleswestoftheNile.Ononehand,WilkinsonsuggeststhatatleastonePredynasticrulermayhavemountedaraidagainsttheTjehenu-LibyaareaintheWesternDesert(i.e.,westoftheoases)(Wilkinson2001:162).Ontheotherhand,BainesdisagreesthattherewasconflictbetweenLibyaandEgypt.Hearguesthatthe“Libya”sideoftheCitiesPaletteintheCairoMuseum(CG14238),datingtoapproximatelyNaqadaIIIB,doesnotrepresentcontrolperse.Instead,thepalettemaybeinterpretedideologically;itdepictedtheregiontothewestofEgyptasavoidthatheldnothreattothesettledpeoplesoftheNileValley.TheaimofthepalettewastocharacterizeLibyaethnographicallyinordertodemarkEgyptasseparatedfromitsneighbors(Baines2003:29–34).RegardlessofthedegreeofactualengagementbetweentheNileValleyandtheareaswestofit,itisclearthattheWesternDesertbecameanimportantelementofEgyptianself-definitionatthistime.

OldKingdom

HistoricaldocumentationofcontactbetweentheNileValleyandtheoasisregionfirstappearsduringtheOldKingdom(2575–2134BC).ThroughoutthePharaonicera,NileValleyEgyptiansrefertotheoasesasWḥ3.t,whichisassociatedwiththewordmeaning“cauldron”(Sethe1920).Aformalstudyofthechronologicaldevelopmentsofthevariouswrittenformsandetymologicalassociationswiththewordremaintobestudied.

ItisnotablethattheNileValleytextsrefertoroutesthroughtheoases,whichwereakeymeansofreachingNubia,ratherthandescribingtheoasesthemselves(Giddy1987:51–52).TheoasesprovidednaturalpointsofaccessfortradewithNubia(whenawaterroutewasnotusable)andthenomadictribesoftheWesternDesert.Oneimportantrouteisthe“Forty-DayRoad,”whichpresumablyledthroughtheKhargaOasis,southtoNubia.EgyptiansprocuredvaluedgoodsfromNubia,suchasgold,feathers,andparticularlyprizedshort-staturedWestAfricans,commonlytermedasdnbintheliterature.The“BiographyofHarkhuf”providesarichaccountofacquiringtheseprizedgoodsforpharaohs(Lichtheim1975:25–27).ThesetextssuggestthatEgyptiansviewedtheoasisregionasadistantland,whichprovidedawateringholeonthepathtoNubianexotica.

Archaeologyprovidesanotherviewoftheoases.TheThebanDesertRoadSurveyhasrecordednumerousOldKingdomcampsitesbetweentheNileandtheKhargaOasis,andparticularlywestofTundaba(Darnell2007b:35).SomeoftheOldKingdomofficialsinvolvedindeserttravelborenavaltitles(Valloggia1996),suggestingsimilarorganizationandperhapspersonnelamongexploratoryexpeditions(Darnell2007b:788).Duringthereignof


Page 8 of 32


Merenre(6thDynasty),EgyptianizedNubiansseemtohavebeenemployedfordesertexpeditions(Edel1971),foreshadowingtheexploitationofforeigngroupsfordesertpatrolsthatwefindinlaterperiods.Ithasbeensuggestedthatoasiteswereemployedfordesertexpeditionsfromthe3rdDynasty(Chevereau1987:38–39).

Archaeologicalsettlementdataenhancethisdocumentationofcampsitesconsiderably.ThevillageofBalatissituatedattheeasternedgeoftheDakhlehOasisatthejunctionoftwocaravanroutes.ThefirstofthesetworoutesistheDarbel-Tawil,whichcomesfromManfaluttothenorthofAssyutandthenconnectstoDarbel-Ghabari(Minault-Gout1985).ThesecondisaroutethatconnectsDakhlehwithKhargaandleadstotheDarbel-Arbain(thepreviouslymentioned“Forty-DayRoad”),whichtookcaravanssouthtoNubia.Desertscouts,usuallystationedonhilltops,guardedtheperipheryoftheoasis(KaperandWillems2002).Thenecessityofsuchscoutssuggestspotentialcontactswithpeoplesbeyondtheoases(seealsoKuhlmann2002;Pantalacci2013;Riemeretal.2005).

Clicktoviewlarger

Figure3 MudbrickruinsofanOldKingdomsettlementatAinAsil,dividedbythemainroad(DakhlehOasis)(AncientWorldImageBank:InstitutefortheStudyoftheAncientWorld,2006–https://www.flickr.com/photos/isawnyu/4546516398/in/set-72157623792977841,usedundertermsoftheCreativeCommonsAttributionlicense)

AtthejunctureofthesetworoadsrestsalargemultiphasesettlementatAinAsilandacemeteryatQilael-Dabba(Giddy1979;GiddyandGrimal1979a,b;GiddyandJeffreys1981;Minault-GoutandDeleuze1992;Valloggia1998;Valloggia1986)(Figure3).ThedatesofthesesitesrangefromtheOldKingdom(late5th/early6thDynasties)totheSecondIntermediatePeriod(ca.1650–1550BC),withalatereoccupationintheRomanPeriod.AinAsilseemstohavebeenthesiteoftheOldKingdomcapitalinDakhleh.Thesettlementwasoncesurroundedbyalargemud-brickenclosurewall,whichsubsidedtowardtheeastinantiquityandwaslaterbuiltontopof.Theinteriorofthisurbancomplexwaswellbuiltandplanned.Thefunerarychapelsofthreegovernorsoftheoasiswerelocatedatthissite.Astelawasfoundinoneofthesebuildings,whichcontainsacopyofaroyaldecreeofPepiII.Thisstelamentionsestablishinga“dwellingofvitalstrength”(Pantalacci1985).Initially,AinAsilmayhavebeenanEgyptianoutpostina“foreign”territory,butitseemsthattheoasitesandthosemanningtheoutpostintegratedovertime.

Additional,twentyormorepotentialOldKingdom“satellitesites”intheDakhlehOasisattesttotheincreasingimportanceoftheoasisfromtheOldKingdomonward(GiddyandGrimal1979b;Osingetal.1982:14;Soukiassianetal.1990).ExcavationsatMutel-KharabhaverevealedceramicsandarchitecturalfeaturesdatingtotheOldKingdom.SomeSheikhMuftahhandmadewares,takenastheworkofindigenousDakhlehinhabitants,werefoundalongsideasmallernumberofNileValleywares,includingsomeidentifiablecarinatedMeidumbowlfragments(Hope2005:50–53).TheseMeidumbowlfragmentsweremadeofNileValleymarlfabricandwerecertainlyimported.ColinA.HopesuggeststhattheseceramicsmaydatetoDynastiesIVandVandthereforetotheinitialphasesofEgyptianannexationandcolonizationofDakhleh(Hopeetal.2009;seealsoKuhlmann2002).

ThewesternportionofDakhleh,nearthevillageofel-Qasr,hasrevealedalargerclusterofOldKingdomsettlements.Noneofthesesitesisasfullyexcavated(ifatall)andpublishedasAinAsil.Preliminaryresultsfromoneofthewesternsitesshowintermixingbetweenthe“indigenous”SheikhMuftahcultureandmigrantNileValleyEgyptians(Mills1998,1999a).Thereisevidenceoftradeinlithictoolsandceramicsaswellasothersmallobjects.Theclayfromsomeoftheceramicshasbeensourcedtooasislocations,althoughtheformsandtechnologiesappeartobefirmlyNileValleyimports.ThepresenceofpotterykilnsinthisareasuggeststhemovementofNile


Page 9 of 32


ValleyEgyptiansintotheareatoproduceceramics(Mills1999a,1999b).Asmentionedearlier,FulfordhasmadeasimilarobservationregardingceramicsproductioninRomanBritain,suggestingthatthepopulationmovementsofcraftspeoplemaybeoverlookedbecauseweofteninterpretaninfluxofregionalceramicformstobetradeitems(Fulford2010).Ifthisinfluxofcraftsmenoccurred,itwouldbeincontrasttowhatHopeandhisteamdetectedatMutel-Kharab,whereNileValleywaresweredefinitelyimported.OnlysparsearchaeologicalevidenceexistsforanOldKingdompresencewithinKharga(Wuttmanetal.2000:3;Wuttmannetal.1998:427,430).

FirstIntermediatePeriod

AfterthedeathofPepyII,Egyptwascontrolledbyrulerswithverybriefreigns.Territorialadministrationfragmentedamongtherulingelite(Garcia2013:209–211).ThenorthwasruledfromHeracleopolis,whilethesouthwasruledpredominatelyfromThebes.DuringthelateFirstIntermediatePeriod(ca.2181–2055BC),ThebesemergesasanimportantlocalefortheWesternDesert.Aconcentrationofroutes,whichThebescouldcontroldirectly,linkedthiscitytoKhargaandDakhleh(Darnell2002a).AnofficialagendatodevelopthislinkfirstoccurredintheearlyMiddleKingdom,whentheGirgaRoadappearstohavebecometheprimaryconnectionbetweenthesouthernoasesandtheNile(Darnell2007b:36;seealsopapersinFörsterandRiemer2013).Fromthisperiodonward,ThebesretainedamultifacetedroleinthefortunesoftheGreatOasis(DakhlehandKharga).

MiddleKingdom

TheThebankingNebhepetreMentuhotepII(ca.2055–2004BC)becamekingofaunifiedEgypt,inauguratingtheMiddleKingdom.EvidenceforrelationsbetweentheNileValleyandtheWesternoasesduringtheMiddleKingdom(ca.2030–1640BC)canbetracedthroughalargercorpusofwrittenmaterialthanexistsfortheOldKingdom.ThereignofMentuhotepIIwascriticalforEgypt’sbroadeningcontroloverdesertroutes;adesertpolicy,completewithabureaucraticsystem,wasestablished(Darnell2013a:791–792).AgriculturalandtradesecuritymayhavebeenthemajorreasonsbehindMentuhotep’sinvestmentintheregion,aswewillsee.

AMiddleKingdomroyalinscription(BerkeleyUniversityMuseumD136;PorterandMoss1937:117),probablyofMentuhotepII,wasfoundreusedatoneofthe18thDynastyDeirel-Ballaspalaces.ThisinscriptionsuggeststhattheoasisregionshadbeenbroughtundereffectiveEgyptiancontrol,andthattheregionwasconsideredtobe“foreign”territory(Fischer1964).LowerNubiaandanoasisareawereformallyannexedtotheThebanrealm,whichformalizedThebes’long-standingdominanceovertheoases.AdditionaltextualsourcesrefertomilitaryactivityandmanagementoftheoaseswhileindicatingthattheregionwasoutsideofEgypt“proper”(Giddy1987:56–64). CriminalslingeredinKhargaandDakhleh,asisevidentfromtextsmentioningtheneedtopoliceandsecuretheseareas(Anthes1930a:pl.7,lines4–6;Boeser1909:5andpl.10,lines7–8;Freed1996:304;Schäfer1905).Criminalsandbanditscouldhaveinterferedwiththeeasytransportationoftradegoodstoandfromtheoases.

Inadditiontocommercialinterestsintheoasistraderoute,wehavegrowingevidencethatNileValleyEgyptianswereinterestedintheeconomicvalueintrinsictotheoasesthemselves.TheoaseswereuniqueinEgyptfortheirperennialwatersupplyandboastedsomewhatdifferentagriculturalopportunitiesasaresult.ReferencestooasisproductsfirstappearduringtheMiddleKingdom.Thelimestonestelaofḥnnw(MMA,Acc.No.26.3.217)bearsanautobiographicaltextofastewardanddatestothereignofMentuhotepII(c.f.Fischer1957).Thisstelareferstotheadministrationand,particularly,theeconomicmanagementofpastoralandagriculturalproducefromtheoasisregion.Anearlyormiddle13thDynastytext,PapyrusBulaq18(CairoBulaq18,XXXIII6–7),describestheprizedwineoftheoasesinthecontextof“aspecialrecordofexpensesincurredbythecourtwhileonatripawayfromitsordinaryplaceofresidence”(Giddy1987:62–63;Scharff1922).ThelocationoftheoasesoutsidethearenaofordinaryEgyptianspaceprobablyaddedamystiquetooasiswine.

ArchaeologicalevidencesecurelydatingtotheMiddleKingdomissorelylackingintheoases,leavinguswithlittlematerialtocomparewiththevisualandtextualevidence.DakhlehseemstohavecontinuedtooverseedesertpassesinandoutoftheoasisaswellasserveasaseatofPharaonicgovernment(Baudetal.1999:1–19;Osing1986:81–82;Winkler1938:12,pl.8.1).PassagethroughBahariyaisalsoattestedduringtheMiddleKingdom(CastelandTallet2001).Supplydepots,suchasAbuZiyâreastofKhargaontheGirgaRoad(Darnell2007b:38,fig.3.4),suggestthatweoughttoexpectmoreMiddleKingdomsitestoemergeinKhargaandDakhleh,potentiallyunderneathlatersettlements.

1


Page 10 of 32


EgyptianoutpostsalsoaffirmthatweshouldanticipatefutureevidenceofaMiddleKingdompresenceintheoases.AbuZiyârappearstohavebeenusedextensivelyinthe12thDynastyandwasabandonedbytheearly13thDynasty(Darnell2013b:256).Evenso,KhargaappearstohaveremainedsomewhatlessdevelopedthanDakhleh.AmajorofficialpresencealongtheGirgaroaddiminishesbythe13thDynasty(Darnell2013b:222).GebelGhueita,intheKhargaOasis,isoneofthefewsiteswitharchaeologicalremainssuggestingasizableMiddleKingdomsettlement(Darnell2002a:172–173).GebelGhueitaanditsassociatedburialgroundsatKomHefaw(currentlyunderstudybytheThebanDesertRoadSurvey)appeartohavedevelopedasoutpostssuchasAbuZiyârfelloutofuse.GebelGhueitaappearstohavemovedoutofThebaninfluenceearlyoninthe17thDynasty,butaThebaninfluenceresumesbytheendofthissamedynasty(Darnell2013b:244).ThesiteofTunadaba,alsoanofficialoutpost,waspositionedbetweenthewellsoftheNileValleyandthoseofnortheasternKhargaandwasinusebetweenthelate17thDynastythroughtheearlyNewKingdom(Darnell2013b:257).

Thepeopleswhomigratedtoandbetweentheoasesappeartohavebeenmulticulturalbecausetheyincludedforeignmercenaries,Egyptianofficersandofficials,andconscripts.Specialized,state-suppliedNubianpatrolmenarewellattestedwithintheThebaidandalongrouteswithintheWesternDesert(Darnell2002a;Darnell2013a:797,799–300;Scharff1922;Spalinger1986:222).Asiatics(aamu)wereacriticalcomponentofEgyptianexpeditionsintheSinai(Černýetal.1952;Černýetal.1955:19,206).Giventheirdesertexpertise,thesesameAsiaticsappeartohavebeenreassignedtovariousdesertplatoonsintheWesternDesertaswell(Darnell2007b:40;Darnell2013a:807–808).

TheSecondIntermediatePeriod

TheSecondIntermediatePeriod(ca.1650–1550BC)sawEgyptdominatedbyforeignrulersforthefirsttime.TheHyksos,whocamefromtheLevant,ruledfromtheircapitalofAvaraintheNileDelta.ControlovertheWesternDesertappearstohavefragmentedonceagain.EvenThebesdoesnotappeartohavemaintainedasignificantpresencealongdesertroutesuntilthelater17thDynasty(Darnell2002a:132,139–141),whentheywerealsoopenlycampaigningagainsttheHyksos.BahariyaalonemayhavehadaHyksospresenceduringmuchofthesecondintermediateperiod(Colin2005),whiletherestoftheoasesmayhavebeenunderThebancontrol.

NewKingdom

DuringtheNewKingdom(ca.1550–1070BC),thehighpointoftheexpansiveEgyptianEmpire,thepresenceofnon-EgyptiansinEgyptbecomesmorecomplexthaninpreviouseras(Leahy1994:232–233;Scheider1992).Large-scaletradeinconsumablegoodsandprestigeitemswithareassuchasSyria-Palestineiswidelyattested(Bader2012).EgyptianhegemonyoverNubia,supportedbythe“WesternWallofPharaoh,”astringofoutpostsandpatrolroutes,alsostrengthensatthistime(Darnell2004).EnormouscaravanseraisgrewwithintheThebaidintheNewKingdom(Darnell2002b:138–139),attestingtoamassivegrowthintrafficthroughtheregion.Thesebroadpopulationandtrademovementscreatedafar-reachingsystemofmigrationthroughoutEgypt,althoughindividuallocalareaswouldhaveexperiencedthesemovementsdifferently.

TheNewKingdombringsawealthofexternalwrittenandvisualsourcesontheoasisregionincomparisontoearlierperiods.Thismaterialfallsintofourmajorgroups:stelaefromtheearlyNewKingdom(KamosetoAmenophisI),tombscenes(withinscriptions)fromthemid-18thDynasty(HatshepsuttoAmenophisII),inscriptionsandjarstopperswithsealimpressionsdatingtothelate18thDynasty(AmenophisIIItoTutankamun),andreferencesfrompapyrifromtheRamessidePeriod(19th–21stDynasties)(Giddy1987:65).MostofthisinformationderivesfromThebesbecause,onceagain,ThebangovernorswereEgyptianofficialsappointedwithauthorityovertheoases,duringthereignofThutmosisII(1492–1479BC)andsubsequently(Kaper2008).

ThreeThebantombsfromthereignofThutmosisIII(1479–1425)havetributescenesdepictingoasisdwellersasquasi-foreignsourcesofexotica:thetombsofPuyemre,Rekmire,andIneni. Artisansassociatedtheoasisdwellerswithdistantforeigners,renderingthemprostratebeforeEgyptianstrengthwithofferingsofexoticoasisgoods(Giddy1987:76;Gosline1990:15–16).ImagesselectivelydepictoasisinhabitantsinEgyptiandressandhairtreatmentbutalsoinforeignclothing,suchasloincloths,whichmayhavebeenuniquetotheoases(Newberry1900:35).Forexample,Tomb131ofUserdepictedanoasiteinakiltmadeofanimalskin,cutawayfromthefronttorevealanextendedwhiteflapandwithalongtailhangingdownthebackleg(Giddy1980:124).Such

2


Page 11 of 32


representationsmightsuggestthatsomeoasisdwellersretainedlocaldresspatterns,whileothersselectivelyadoptedNileValleyadornments.Alternatively,wecanunderstandtheserepresentationsascodifiedstereotypesemployedforideologicalpurposes.

NileValleyinhabitantsviewedoasitesasanovelty,asillustratedbytheimportanceofhavingoasiswomenasdancersforceremonies(Fakhry1943:483;Giddy1987:80).OasitewomencanbefounddepictedinthetombofHuyw,datingtothereignofAmunhotepIIIorIV(Fakhry1943).Theyareshownwearingcaps,necklaces,anddouble-layeredskirts.Theirchestsarebarewiththeexceptionofthetwostrapsthatcrossitandaretiedatthewaist.TheserepresentationsaresimilartothosefoundinthedepictionsofTaneferbastandBastetirdisinthetombofTjatyinBahariya(Fakhry1942:127,fig.97,130,fig.101;PorterandMoss1952:303).

Clicktoviewlarger

Figure4 TombofRekhmire(TT100),avizierunderTuthmosisIIIandAmenophisII(NewKingdom)(Hoskins,1835#14543),usedundertermsoftheCreativeCommonsAttributionlicense)

NileValleyEgyptianscovetedspecializedoasiscropsinadditiontothepeoplethemselves.Olives,dates,andwinewereparticularlyprized,andcultivationwasencouragedthroughimprovedirrigationtechniquessponsoredbythestate(Caminos1997:13;KaperandWendrich1998).WinewasthemostdesiredoasisproductfromatleasttheNewKingdomuntiltheRomanPeriod(Redford1977:3).DuringthereignofTuthmosisIIIanumberoftombsrepresentoasitesbearingtributeconsistingofemblematicproductsfromtheoases,withspecialemphasisgiventowine(Fakhry2003[1974]:59).Forexample,thetombofRekmire(avizierofThutmosisIII)depictsoasisinhabitantscarryingcoloredmats,foxhides,andadisproportionateamountofwine(Gosline1990;Newberry1900)(Figure4).Thesegoodsrepresentedthequintessentialproductsoftheregion,andtheprominentpositioningofwineindicatesthatitwasvaluedgreatlybytheNileValleypopulation.

NewKingdomEgyptiansalsoexhibitedagooddealofanxietytowardtheiroasiteneighborsandthegroupsbeyondtheoases.GroupssuchasthenomadicBedouinpersonifiedthefearfulforceofchaos.HaphazardattacksalongtheNileValley,particularlyintheyearsaroundcirca1100BC,suggestaprevalentconcernaboutoasispeoples.Accountsfromthelatterreignsofthe20thDynasty,preservedinthediaryentriesofthenecropolisjournalsinThebes,identifyMeshwesh,Liby,andpeopleknownasdesertdwellers(Černý1975;Haring1992).TheseaccountsindicatethattheseinvadersinterruptedbuildingactivitiesinThebantombs.Thebanworkersappeartohavebeenwarnedofthedangerofthesegroups(Haring1992:73).

Suchattacksnecessitatedthestationingoftroopsintheoases,whichsolidifiedthestateparadigminwhichtheoasisregionrepresentedabufferzonebetweenorderandchaos.BythereignofRamsesII,aseriesoffortresseswasconstructedinthenorthwesterndesertagainsttheLibyans(Habachi1980;Snape2003:98–105).Atthesametime,EgyptiansmadeuseofsomespecificLibyangroupsasdesertscoutsagainstbothLibyanandothernomadicgroups(Caminos1954:176–181).BythelateNewKingdom,thesouthernoaseshadbecomeEgyptianizedsufficientlyforEgyptianstousethemfordefensewhendangerousLibyangroupsthreatenedEgypt’sterritories(Gosline1990:11).Itisworthnotingthattheidentitiesofthenomadicgroupsarefarfromcertainforallperiods(c.f.Barnard2005,2007;Burstein2008).WelackLibyanaccountsofthesesameeventssincetheancientLibyanswerenotliterateandourknowledgeofthelanguageiswhollydependentuponclassicalandEgyptiansources.ItwasRamessidepolicytoforcesubjugatedLibyanstolearntheEgyptianlanguage(Kitchen1986:245;Kitchen1990:21),whichdemonstratestheEgyptianintentiontoobliterateadistinctLibyanidentity.

Withintheoasesthemselves,littleisknownaboutNewKingdomoccupation.Thislacunaislargelybecauseoasissiteswerecontinuouslyoccupiedandtheolderremainsarecoveredbysubsequentoccupation.Afewblocksfrom


Page 12 of 32


Kharga’sHibisTempleindicatethattherewasonceaNewKingdomtempleinthesamelocation,butnothingisknownofitsform(Cruz-Uribe1999).

TheThirdIntermediatePeriod

AtthedeathofRamessesXI(reignca.1107–1078),thethroneofEgyptpassedtoSmendes,whowasanorthernrelativeoftheHighPriestofAmun.TheThirdIntermediatePeriod(ca.1070–712BC)beganwiththeinceptionofSmendes’reign(ca.1070–1044BC).Duringthe21stDynasty(ca.1070–945BC),EgyptwasgovernedbypharaohsrulingfromTanisintheeasternDeltaandbytheHighPriestofAmunrulingfromThebes.WithintheThirdIntermediatePeriod,beginningwiththeruleofMenkheperra(ca.1045–992BC),theThebangovernmentagaintriedtoincorporatetheoasesintotheNileValley.Menkheperragavegeneralamnestyforoasisexiles(vonBeckerath1968)andconstructedfortressesattheNileValleyterminiofWesternDesertroutes(Kitchen1986:249,269–270).In945BC,theLibyansbecamerulersofEgyptfortwocenturies(22ndDynasty,ca.945–712BC),whenthethronepassedtoafamilyofLibyandescent,rulingintheEasternDelta.FurtherfragmentationandanewpoliticalcenteraroseintheeasternDeltainthe23rdDynasty(ca.818–712BC).AlthoughthedetailsoftheThirdIntermediatePeriodarenotclear,stylistic,technical,andpoliticalinnovationstookplaceduringthisperiod,particularlywithintemples(Taylor2000).

ThemostnoteworthywrittendocumentsfoundintheWesternDesertanddatingtotheThirdIntermediatePeriodderivefromDakhleh:theGreaterDakhlehStela(Gardiner1933;Ritner2009;Spiegelberg1899),theSmallerDakhlehStela(Janssen1968),andtheAmheidaStelaofTakelotIII(KaperandDemarée2005).TheGreaterDakhlehStelaprovidesalistofnamesandtitlesthatprobablyrelatetopeoplesofLibyanethnicityoraffinity(Gardiner1933:21–22,nos.1–3,17;Ritner2009:177,Ins17–18).BoththeSmallerDakhlehStelaandtheAmheidaStelaofTakelotIIIreferenceamannamedEsdhuti,achiefoftheShamintribe,whoisLibyan.TheShaminareknownonlyfromsourcesfoundinDakhleh,andEsdhutiisdepictedasahigh-statusLibyan,withasingleuprightfeatheruponhishead(KaperandDemarée2005:35).

AlthoughdocumentaryandvisualevidencemakeitcertainthattherewasactivitywithintheoasesduringtheThirdIntermediatePeriod,weareleftwithahighlyfragmentaryimageofwhatthisactivitywouldhavelookedlikearchaeologically.Forexample,thereissomeceramicanddocumentaryevidenceoftheThirdIntermediatePeriodfromMutel-Kharab(Hope2004,2005).AttemptstomakegeneralstatementsabouttheThirdIntermediatePeriodinDakhlehrelyonevidencedatingtomanyhundredsofyearsaftertheThirdIntermediatePeriod(Hubschmann2012).

LatePeriod

BetweentheNewKingdomandtheRomanPeriod,aperiodcharacterizedbyaseriesofforeignrulers,informationontheoasesisrelativelyscanty(BagnallandRathbone2004:249).

TheSaiteDynasty(664–525BC),foundedbyPsamtekI(664–610BC),endedthesporadicKushite-Assyrianpowerstruggle.Thestabilityofthisperiodwasfoundedonmercenarieswhohelpedbothtoconquerandtoconsolidatethecountry.ThesemercenariesprimarilyconsistedofGreeksandCarians,withfewernumbersofJews,Phoenicians,andpossiblyevenShasuBedouin.ThisinfluxofforeigntroopscreatedtensionswithindigenousEgyptianmilitarymen,catalyzingmutiniesbythisgroupthroughouttheSaiteperiod(Lloyd2000a:366–367).TheforeigntroopsemployedbytheSaiteshelped,however,tostrengthenforeigntraderelations,especiallywithGreekcities,foreshadowingtheimportancethatGreekcultureexperiencedundersubsequentforeignrule.

UnderthePersians(525–402;343–332BC),theWesternDesertseemstohavebecomeanimportantstrategicareasincetherearegrowingsignsofanimperialpresenceintheformoftemplesandwaterworks.ItisunclearwhythePersiansdevotedsuchtimeandenergytothisregion,althoughitwasclearlyavaluableagriculturalresourceandprestigegoods(agriculturalorother)fromtheareamayhavebeenattractive.OverthecourseofthefifthcenturyBC,activityalongtheroadsconnectingtheGreatOasistotheNileValleyincreased,asattestedbygraffitinamingDariusI(DiCerboandJasnow1996)andbythepresenceofsigha-pots(aflasktype),databletothefifthcenturyBC,whichhavebeenfoundalongthesesameroads(Darnell2000).


Page 13 of 32


Clicktoviewlarger

Figure5 “AviewoftheqanatlineatUmmel-DabadibintheKhargaOasis”(AncientWorldImageBank:InstitutefortheStudyoftheAncientWorld,https://www.flickr.com/photos/isawnyu/4566384452/,usedundertermsoftheCreativeCommonsAttributionlicense)

NewtechnologiesforwatermanagementthroughqanatsalsoappeartohavebeendevelopedduringthePersianPeriod(Figure5).Qanat(pluralqanatha,qanawat;Anglicizedas“qanat”)isanArabictermforanundergroundgalleryconnectingawatersourcewithacisternsomedistanceawayfromit.Thecharacteristicshaftsconnectingtheundergroundgallerywiththesurfaceallowedconstructionandmaintenancetooccurwhilealsolimitingsubstantialevaporation.Thisnewtechnology,previouslyunknowninEgypt,waslikelytobetheproductofPersianexploitationofthelandforincreasedagriculturalproduction(Newtonetal.2013).Giventheextensiveexpertiserequiredtodesignandbuild,itislikelythatthetransmissionofthistechnologyacrossthePersianempirecamebymeansofskilledhydrologicalengineers(Stiros2006).AsitisknownfromthePersepolisFortificationArchive,themovementofworkmenacrosstheempiretoaidimperialprojectswasnotuncommon(HenkelmanandStolper2009).Suchcohortsofworkmenrecalltheaforementionedtradediasporas,inwhichmembersofthisgroupbecomedifferentfromboththeareastheyworkinandtheareasfromwhichtheyoriginated.

AlthoughtheKhargaOasishassomeevidenceforpharaonicactivity,significantlymorematerialsurvivesfromtheLatePeriodonward.ThePersianswereactiveintheKhargaareawhentheycontrolledEgyptbetween525and404BCandthesitesaroundKhargaroseinimportanceatthistime(Cruz-Uribe1999).DuringthePersianoccupationofEgypt,atleastfourtempleswereconstructedintheOasis.This,alongwithanincreasednumberofstructures,atteststoagrowingpopulation.TheaforementionedqanatsareparticularlyevidentintheKhargaOasis(Bousquet1996;Chauveau2001;Schacht2003;Youssef2012),whichsuggeststhepresenceofsomepeoplesofPersianorigin.

ThetempleofAmunatHibis,locatedjustnorthofthemoderntown,Khargacity,isthebestknownofKharga’sPersiantemples.TempleconstructionbeganintheSaitePeriod,likelyduringthereignofPsametikII,withadditionsbyDariusI,Hakor,NectaneboIandII,andpossiblyPtolemyIV(Cruz-Uribe1988;Winlock1941;Davies1953;foranalternativedatinginterpretation,seeCruz-Uribe1988).ItisnotablethattheHibistemplewasdedicatedtoAmun,themaingodofThebes,andthattheThebanTriad(Amun,Mut,Khonsu)receivedspecialattention.ThistemplemayhavebeenbuilttounderscorethePersianinvestmentintheaforementionedwatertechnologiesintroducedintheregion(Boozer2000),aswellastoadvertiselinkswithThebes.

Qasrel-Ghuieta,17kmsouthofHibis,hasatemple(ancientPerwesekh)thatisapproximately19x10mwithsomeearlyportionsthatappeartodatetothe25thor26thDynasties.ItcontainsadditionalcontributionsbyDariusI,andPtolemiesIII,IV,andX.TheThebantriadisdepictedinreliefdecoration,suggestingconnectionswithbothHibisandThebes.ThistempleissurroundedbyafortressconsideredtobeofRomandate,butthisdatingconjecturehasnotbeenverified(Cruz-Uribe1999;Darnell2007a,2013a).

AynManawir,inthesouthernreachesoftheoasis,hasanagriculturalsettlementonasmallhill,whichincludesamud-bricktemplededicatedtoOsiris,aswellastwogroupsofhouses(Grimal1997:340–342;Wuttmanetal.1996:393–407).Atleasttwenty-twoqanatsfedtheagriculturalfieldsbelowthissite(Wuttman2001;Wuttmannetal.1998).Severalhundredostraka,writteninDemotic,attesttothePersianperiodoccupationofthissite.Theseostrakaalsoprovidedetailsconcerningwaterrightsandlandmanagement(Chauveau1996,2001,2005,2008),pointingtothesignificanceofagriculturalproductsforexploitation.


Page 14 of 32


FrencharchaeologistsworkingatDushfoundatempleinthesouthernmostedgeoftheoasisdatingtothePersianperiod.Asettlementfromthatperiodhadrevealedthetemple,someimportantdocumentswritteninDemoticscript,andtracesoftheirrigationsystemdatingtoabout500BC(Bousquet1996:195–202).Statuesandgoldcoinsalsohavebeenrecoveredfromthisperiod.Thesearchaeologicalfindshavenotbeenfullypublishedyet,buttheagriculturalemphasisisclearonceagain.

Clicktoviewlarger

Figure6 DariusICartouchefromaceramicvesselfoundonthesitesurfaceinArea1,Amheida(Trimithis),DakhlehOasis(PersianPeriod)(CourtesyoftheAmheidaProject)

TheDakhlehOasisprovidesapatchy,butgrowing,corpusofdataonPersianPeriodoccupationintheWesternDesert.TheepigraphicmaterialfromAmheida’stempleinDakhlehhasprovidedanimportantcollectionofcartoucheswithLatePeriodnamesthatindicategovernmentalinvestmentintheoases.Therecoveredcartouchesarehighlyfragmentary,giventhedestroyedstateofthetemple,andinterpretationsmaychangewithtime.Atthisstage,itseemsthatminorbuildingtookplaceundertheTheban23rdDynasty(KingPedupast,ca.800BC)andtheearly26thDynasty(NekauII,610–595BCandPsametikII,595–589BC).MajorconstructionappearstohavestartedunderAmasis/AhmoseII(569–526BC)andthePersianrulerDariusI(522–486BC).WeknowthatDakhlehwasruledbyanEgyptianizedLibyantribecalledtheShamainduringtheThirdIntermediatePeriod(seeKaper2009;KaperandDavoli2006;KaperandDemarée2006).AcartoucheofDariusIstampedontoaceramicobjectwasfoundonthesitesurfaceofArea1atAmheidain2005,furtheringsuggestionsoftradeandincorporationduringthePersianPeriod(Figure6).Mutel-KharabhasrevealedsubstantialquantitiesofLatePeriodceramicsinthevicinityoftheSethTemple,whichrequirefurtherstudy(Hopeetal.2009).TheepigraphicmaterialfromAmheida,alongwithagrowingcorpusofceramics,suggeststhattheseLatePerioddynastiesincorporatedthisoasismuchmorethoroughlyintotheirregionalrulethanhasbeensuggestedpreviously.Thisincorporationmayhaveincludedagriculturalintensification,asevincedinKharga,butourcurrentevidenceisnotclearinthisrespect.

EvidencesuggeststhatPersianPeriodoasitesadheredtotraditionallocalpracticesathome,oftenrepresentingthemselvesintheirtombswearingadistinctivedressmoreinlinewithLibyantraditionsthanthoseoftheNileValley.Suchidiosyncraticoasitedresscanbefoundinthe26thDynastytombsofTa-Nefert-BastetandZed-Amun-ef-ankhinBahariyaOasis(Fakhry2003[1974]:130).

DespitesubstantialinvestmentsintheWesternDesert,thePersiansdidnotsettleinEgyptandreliedonhegemonicimperialpracticesratherthanonterritorialintegration. Thelackofsubstantialnumbersofimmigrants,combinedwithtraditionalEgyptianxenophobia,preventedintegrationbetweenthetwocultures.Indeed,localloyalties,atleastalongtheNileValley,seemtohaveheightenedduringthisperiodofforeignrule,ratherthanmixingorabating(Lloyd2000a:383).ItisentirelypossiblethatthePersianoccupationoftheoasesprovidesadifferentstory,whichonlyfutureexcavationscanreveal.

PtolemaicPeriod

3


Page 15 of 32


AftermanyrevoltsbyEgyptiansandadiscontinuousrule,thePersianslostEgypttoAlexandertheGreatin332BC.TheeventualPtolemaicDynasty(305–30BC)ruledEgyptfornearly300yearsand,unliketheirPersianforerunners,focusedlargelyonthedevelopmentofEgypt,whereitwasbased.

Untilrecently,evidenceforPtolemaicPeriodactivitywasthoughttobelimitedincomparisontotheRomanPeriodintheWesternDesert.RecentresearchonDakhlehceramicssuggeststhatthereweresubstantialsettlementandagriculturalactivitiesinDakhlehduringthisperiod(Gill2012a,2012b).AlthoughthereareknownPtolemaicruinsfromthisperiodatAinBirbiyaandMut,wecansaylittleabouttradeandmigrationrelatingtothesesites.

Onceagain,Khargaprovidesshadowyevidence.QasrZaiyan(ancientTchonemuris),27kmsouthofHibis,appearstodatefromthePtolemaicera,althoughtheonlydatedinscriptionisRomananddatesfromthereignofAntoninusPius(140AD).Egyptianarchaeologistsworkingatthesiteclearedmuchofthetempleprecinct,exposingasubstantialgranaryandassociatedadministrativequarters(Cruz-Uribe1999).Thesefindsareunpublished,yetitispossibletohypothesizethattheneedforagranaryandadministrationintheregionsuggesttheexportofagriculturalgoods.

RomanPeriod

EgyptonceagainbecameaprovincewithinagreaterempirefollowingtheRomanconquest(30BC–395AD).RelativelyfewRomansimmigratedtoEgypt,instrikingcontrasttothemanythousandsofGreekswhosettledinEgyptunderPtolemaicrule(BagnallandFrier1994:48).ThisdistinctioninthequantityofimmigrantsispartiallyafunctionoftheRomanpolicythathinderedimmigrationtoEgyptbecausetheemperorsfearedthatsuchsettlersmightuseEgyptasabaseforpoliticalopposition(Lewis1983:16),givenEgypt’shistoryasalocalewhereRomanscouldcultivatetheirownpowerbase(i.e.,Caesar,Antony,Pompey).DespitetheselimitationsofimmigrantstoEgypt,thereappeartohavebeenpopulationshiftswithinEgyptitself,duetoRomaninvestmentandcontrolacrosstheprovincethatmayhavecreatednewopportunitiesindifferentregions.

ItislikelythattheRomansestablishedauthorityovertheoasitessoonaftertheytookcontrolofEgyptin30BC.ControloftraderoutesandresourcenetworkswasofprimaryimportancethroughouttheRomanPeriod,asisattestedthroughtheconstructionoffortsalongtheoasisroutesduringorafterthetetrarchy(293–312AD),whichmonitoredaccessthroughthecaravanroutes.Thesefortressesweremultifunctional,servingasmilitary,administrative,andevenreligiouscentersfortheoasissettlements(Boozer2013).Theroleofthearmy,ingeneral,wasmultiplexsinceitnotonlyservedasdefensebutalsocontrolledtrade,travel,andtheextractionofresources.

EvidenceofthesevariedrolescanbefoundinthefortressesintheWesternDesert,wherethemovementofpeoplewasalsoacentralconcerntotheRomanadministration(Boozer2013).Thisconcernformonitoringthesemovementsprobablyreflectsaconcernforbanditry,whichwouldhavehinderedtheeconomicinterestsoftheRomanEmpire,andforcollectingcustomsdues.Forexample,caravanscarryinggoodsfromtheoasestotheNileValleymayhaveofferedeasytargetsforbandits,particularlywhenthesecaravanswereinmoreremotepartsoftheirjourney.ThiseconomiccomponentofRomanruleconvergeduponagriculturalproduction,mineralextraction,andtradenetworking(Peacock2000:419).TheseeconomicinterestsshapedRomaninvestmentinregionsalloverEgyptand,inparticular,theWesternDesert.

ThearchaeologicalremainsdatingtotheRomanperiodsuggestagreaterpopulationdensityintheoasisregionthaneverbefore.Itisunclearwherethesemigrantscamefrom,althoughIhavesuggestedelsewherethatthemoveformanypeoplemayhavebeenforpositivereasonsratherthancoerced(Boozer2011).Indeed,theWesternDesertbecamequitewealthyduringtheRomanPeriodduetotheincreaseddemandforluxurygoodsproducedintheregion.Inadditiontoeconomicanddemographicchanges,theoasesexperiencedculturalandphysicalchangesaswell.Asaresult,theRomanPeriodbringsusawealthofarchaeologicaldataondailylife,theeconomy,religion,andotherfactors.

BytheRomanPeriod,specializedoasiscrops,suchasolives,dates,andwine(KaperandWendrich1998)wereencouragedthroughimprovedirrigationtechniques.ItisalsolikelythattheRomanswereinterestedinalum,amineralpresentintheoases(Giddy1987:5).CottonmakesanappearanceintheoasesintheRomanPeriod(ca.200AD)(Bagnall2008b;Gradeletal.2012).Thisnewcrop,whichderivedfromeitherSudanorIndia(Wild1997;Wildetal.2008),suggeststhattherewasanewconcernforproducingtypesofgoodsnotpreviouslyconsumedin


Page 16 of 32


Egypt.Theoasesweresuitableforcultivatingthissummercrop,unliketheNileValley,duetotheperennialpresenceofwater.Migrationtotheoases(mostlikelyfromSudan)mightbelinkedtothisneweconomicandagriculturalventuresinceagriculturalknow-howwouldhavestreamlinedtheintroductionofthisnewcrop.Thepotentialforslavelabor,andpossiblyevenslavetrade,shouldnotbeoverlooked.Slavelaborwasnotuncommonintheempireandwouldhaveofferedasignificanteconomicadvantageintheregion.

DocumentarysourcessuggestthatRomanwritersperceivedlocaloasispeopleasdifferentfromtherestofEgyptians.Forexample,adocumentfromAD202describesaslave“oftheOasisgenos”(Wagner1987:120),whichsuggeststhatthisgeographicdesignationwasconsideredmeaningful.Voyagersviewedtraveltoandfromtheoaseswithsignificantapprehension,sincethescorchingheatofthedeserthasalwaysbeenfearedinancientEgypt.RomanPeriodtextscontainanxiousdescriptionsofthedesertasawastelandofheat,sandstorms,andgeneraldesiccation(Wagner1987:117–118).Mixedinwiththisapprehensionofthetreacherousnatureoftheenvironmentwasafearofthepeople(Boozer2013),whichpotentiallyreflectstheperennialfearofattacksbybandits,criminals,andnomadicgroups.

UnderRomanrule,Khargaexperienceditsgreatestprosperityandtookshapewithnewfortresses(Reddé1999).ThelocationofthesefortssuggeststhatRomanadministratorswereconcernedwithinternalsecurityaswellastraderoutes.Itisuncertainiftheyrepresentaresponsetochangingcircumstancesorwerepartofanoverarchingstrategy,becausedatingremainsuncertain(Morkot1996:87).Mostofthesefortressesarenotsubstantialandwereprobablydesignedtoimpress,intimidate,andcontroltrafficratherthanprovideadefensivefunction.Furthermore,thecharacterofthefortressesthemselvessignifiesthattheywereprimarilyresidentialsincethewallswerenotnearlywideenoughtosustainanearnestattack(IkramandRossi2004;Rossi2000).

ThenorthernpartofKhargaprovidessomesignsofincreasedpopulationaswellasfortresses.ThelocationoftheHibisgarrisonhasarousedmuchconjectureamongscholars.Currently,itseemslikelythatNadura,locatedapproximately2kmsoutheastoftheHibistemple,servedasamilitaryinstallationforHibis(Bagnall2001:6–7).TwoRomanPeriodforts,atQasrGibandQasrSumeira,arealsofoundinthenorth(Hodge2007;Ikram2005).ThisconcentrationoffortresseswouldhaveprotectedandmonitoredthemovementofgoodsbetweentheoasesandtheNileValley.Notably,therecentresearchatthesiteofel-DeirhasrevealedthatcottoncultivationmakesanappearancehereduringtheRomanperiod,whichemphasizesthesignificanceofagriculturewithintheoasis(Gradeletal.2012),aswellasthesignificanceoftheoasismonitoringandprotectingthemovementoftradegoods.

Clicktoviewlarger

Figure7 “GeneralviewoftheRomanfortressatDush”(Kysis),KhargaOasis(RomanPeriod)(AncientWorldImageBank:InstitutefortheStudyoftheAncientWorld,2009–https://www.flickr.com/photos/isawnyu/4565861115/in/album-72157623964269444/,usedundertermsoftheCreativeCommonsAttributionlicense)

InsouthernKharga,theInstitutFrançaisd’ArchéologieOrientalehasbeenexcavatingatQasrDush(ancientKysis)from1976onward(Dunandetal.1992,2005;Harrison2007;Reddéetal.2004)(Figure7).ThetownsofKysis,AinManawir,andMounesis(Shamsel-Din)appeartohavehadpopulationsengagedintradeandcultivation,bothimportantpracticesonthetraderoutethatthefortressguardedinthisextremesouthernfringeoftheoasis(Wagner1987:182–183).


Page 17 of 32


TheDakhlehOasiswasprofoundlyimpactedbyRomanruleasevidencedbywhatseemstobeasignificantpopulationandwealthincreaseatthistime.TheDakhlehOasisProject(DOP),directedbyAnthonyJ.Mills,involvedafullarchaeologicalsurveyoftheoasisbetween1977and1983(ChurcherandMills1995).Since1986,ColinA.HopeofMonashUniversityhasconductedexcavationsatKellis(Ismantel-Kharab),whichappearstohavebeenoccupiedduringthefirstthroughfourthcenturiesAD.ThissitehasproducedclearsignsofagriculturalintensificationaswellasconnectionstoregionsbeyondtheWesternDesert.OfparticularinterestareeconomicandliterarytextsthatplaceKelliswithinathrivingregionalagriculturaleconomyduringthefourthcenturyAD(c.f.Bagnall1997,2008a).Cottonandweavingappeartobeintegralpartsofthiseconomyaswell.

Inadditiontoagricultualindicatorsoftradegoods,Hope’sexcavationshaverevealedarchitecturalanddecorativemotifs,aswellasportableobjects,thatsuggestRomanMediterraneaninfluencesandinteraction(HopeandWhitehouse2006;Kaper2012).Inparticular,aglassgladiatorjugsuggeststhelong-distanceconnectionsandRomanactivitiesexperiencedbytheinhabitants(HopeandWhitehouse2004).Twomonumental,classicalstyletombsdatingtothethirdcenturyADwerefoundinthenorthofKellis.ThesetombsfindparallelsonlyinLibya;theyalsoresembledepictionsofbuildingsoncoinsfromNorthAfrica(firstcenturyBC)andAlexandria(secondcenturyAD),signalingpotentialconnectionstotheseregions(Hope1999).

ExcavationsatTrimithis(Amheida)since2004,ledbyRogerS.Bagnall,havecontributedvaluableinformationonRomanDakhleh.Ademolishedtemple,builtuponthesamelocationastheaforementionedLatePeriodone,experiencednewconstructionintheRomanPeriodunderTitus(AD79–81)andDomitian(81–96)(KaperandDavoli2006).Athird-centuryhouse(BoozerInpress)andadecoratedhouse(Boozer2010;Leahy1980)providenewfine-graineddataonthesocial,economic,andciviclifeofthiscity(BagnallandRuffini2004,2012).Wells,whichwereessentialformaintaininglifeaswellasagriculturalproduction,appearinasubstantialnumberoftheostrakafoundatTrimithis(BagnallandRuffini2012).

LikeKellis,theextantdomesticmaterialfromTrimithisreflectsmulticulturalaffinitiesbetweenRomanMediterranean,Egyptian,andlocaloasitetraditions(Boozer2010,2011,2012).Althoughbothawealthyhouse(B1)andamoremodesthouse(B2)displaythisintermixing,gender,age,andstatuslevelappeartohavebeencriticalfactorsinfluencinghowindividualsalignedtheirculturalaffinities.WomenandthelesswealthyindividualsofB2appeartohavetransitionedmoreslowlytoaucourantRomanMediterraneanconsumptionpracticesthanthosewhooccupiedB1,relyingupontraditionaloasitecropsforcooking.Itispossiblethattherewerecropsproducedprimarilyforthewealthyandexportation,whileothercropswereproducedforlocalconsumption.WeknowfromtheNotitiaDignitatumthattherewasafortressatTrimithis,whichappearstohavebeenlocatedatal-Qasrnearby.Thisfortress,likethoseinKharga,mayhaveservedtoprotectandmonitorthetransportofgoods.

Clicktoviewlarger

Figure8 “AdetailofthepaintinginsidethetombofPetosiris,depictingthedeceasedonafunerarybed,presidedoverbyAnubis,Isis,andNephthys”(el-Muzawaka,DakhlehOasis)(RomanPeriod)(AncientWorldImageBank:InstitutefortheStudyoftheAncientWorld,2009–https://www.flickr.com/photos/isawnyu/4545651705/in/set-72157623916994596,usedundertermsoftheCreativeCommonsAttributionlicense)

Thetombsofel-Muzawwaqa,whichpresumablybelongedtoTrimithis,havebeenexploredaswell(Osingetal.1982).Thesetombsconfirmthemulticulturalinfluencesthatweseeinthehouses,althoughthedecorativeemphasisswingsmoreemphaticallytowardanEgyptianratherthanaClassicalinfluence,unlikethedomesticwallpaintingsfromTrimithis(Riggs2008[2005]:161–162;Whitehouse1998)(Figure8).Thismulticulturalrangefound


Page 18 of 32


atKellis,Trimithis,andel-MuzawwaqareflectsthechangedsocialconditionsinDakhlehaswellasthepotentiallycomplexethnicmakeupoftheinhabitants.

Deirel-Hagar,thesignaturemonumentofDakhleh,canalsobeassociatedwithTrimithisandmayhavebeenafestivaltemplethatwaspotentiallybuiltunderNero(64–67AD)anddecoratedunderVespasian(69–79AD),Titus(79–81AD),andDomitian(81–96AD).ThetemplewasdedicatedtotheThebantriadthroughSeth(Kaper1997),signalingthecontinuedsignificanceofThebanconnectionswiththeoasesduringtheRomanperiodaswellastheinvestmentinlocalcultsprovidedbyRomanemperors.

DocumentarysourcessubstantiatethesuggestionthatoasiteswerestronglyconnectedwiththeNileValleythroughtrade,familialconnections,religiousties,andpoliticalrelationships.SomeoasisfamiliesevenheldpropertyinUpperEgyptiandistricts(e.g.,P.Kell.,IG32.3n).ThegrowingcorpusofpersonalnamesknowninDakhlehaddstothisimpression.MostnamesatTrimithisderivefromNileValleycults,particularlytheThebantriad,Horus,andlocalgods,suchasTutuandShai.TherearealsoGreeknames,HebrewnamesfromtheOldTestament,afewChristiannames,andothernames(Semitic,Thracian,Iranian,unidentifiableorigins).NamesthatappeartobecommonlocallyalsooccurandusuallyhaveGreekorEgyptianorigins(Bagnall2012:42–43;BagnallandRuffini2012;Ruffiniforthcoming).

TheSiwaOasiswasfarremovedfromtherestoftheoasesintheWesternDesert.ItseemsthatSiwamayhavebeenmoreconnectedtoLibyathantoEgyptpriortothePtolemaicandRomanPeriods.TheSiwaOasisremainsamysteryintheRomanPeriod,althoughmarkedlylesssothaninearlierperiods.TombsinSiwasuggestamoderateresidentpopulationinthePtolemaicandRomanPeriods.Althoughthesetombshavebeenscavengedovertheyears,itisclearthattheyfollowmortuarypatternscommontotheNileValley(Fakhry1990:173–174),suggestingthatconnectionsdevelopedbetweenSiwaandEgyptduringtheseperiods.

Siwansettlementsites,suchasAinel-QurayshatandAbuShuruf,havebeenexplored.Ainel-Qurayshathasmanyoliveoilpressesconcentratedtogether,anadjacentresidentialzone,andatemple.OliveoilwasanimportantcommodityduringtheRomanPeriodandthecropwasintroducedacrossNorthAfrica,andparticularlyLibya,atthistime.Theintroductionofoliveoilproductionmayindicatemigrantswhoinitiatedthiscropandfamiliarizedthelocalswiththeproductionofoliveoilaswellasmanageditsexport.Thehousesaremud-brickandbuiltaroundlargecourtyards,reflectingamoreRomanizedplanthantraditionalEgyptianpractices(Kuhlmann1998),againsignalingconnectionstotheRomanMediterranean.

BahariyaOasisshowssignsofoccupationthroughoutantiquity,particularlyintheRomanPeriod(Gosline1990).Intheal-HayzareaofBahariyathereareapproximatelyelevensettlementsofuncertaindate.Thereareatleastninesettlementsinthenorthernportionofthisoasis(DospělandSuková2013:6–7).Recently,excavationhasbegunatalateRomansettlementknownasBirel-Showish(VernerandBenesovska2008:54).Oilandwinepresseshavebeenfoundelsewhereatel-Haiz(Hawass2000:148–167),againattestingtotheintroductionofcropsprizedbytheRomanEmpire.AmongthemostspectacularfindsoftheRomanPeriodaretheremainsof“goldenmummies”fromBahariya(Hawass2000).ThesemummiesderivefromanecropolisassociatedwiththeunexcavatedcapitalofBahariyaandgivesomeindicationastothewealthandimportanceofthisoasisduringtheRomanPeriod,likelyduetotheagriculturalwealthoftheregion.Indeed,irrigationseemstohavebeeninvestedinatsomestagetopromoteagriculturalintensification(DospělandSuková2013:271–285).Twofortresses,locatedatal-HayzinthesouthandQasrMuharibinthenorth,pointtowardtheneedtomonitorandprotecttradeitems.

BythefifthcenturyasignificantreductionintheoccupationofseveralmajorsitestookplaceatmajorsitessuchasDush(ancientKysis)inKharga(Wagner1986)andIsmantel-Kharab(ancientKellis)inDakhleh(MarlowandMills2001).Amheida(ancientTrimithis)inDakhleh,withitslackofclearevidenceofanyfifth-centuryactivity,likelysharedthesamedestiny.ThislocalcollapseisreminiscentofabroaderRomanimperialcollapsethatistheorized(butrightlyqueried)forthistimeperiod(Jones1964:1025–1068;Liebeschuetz2000:29–32).ItisunclearwhatfactorscatalyzedthecollapseintheWesternDesertandtowhatextentwecanconnectit(ifatall)tobroaderchangesintheRomanEmpire.Potentialexplanationsmayincludeenvironmentalchangesthatnegativelyimpactedagriculturalproduction,increasedattacksoncaravanscarryingtradegoods,orsimplyachangeintraderoutesthatnegativelyimpactedtheoases.

Conclusion

4


Page 19 of 32


ThisoverviewofmigrationandtradeintheWesternDesertfromPharaonictoRomantimesbringsseveralpatternsofsocialimpactstolight.

First,agriculturaltradegoodsweretheprimarygoodsdesiredfromwithintheoases.Wine,oil,andcottonseemtobetheprimarycrops.Becauseagriculturalgoodsweretheprimarysourceofwealthconcentrationintheancientworld,thisconclusionisnotsurprising.Itisnotablethatsocietiesthatdevelopedlong-distancetradenetworkshadtoestablishandmaintaininformationconduitsbetweenagents(Anthony1990:902).Inparticular,thelong-termassociationbetweentheoasesandwineisnotablebecauseitlastedfromatleasttheMiddleKingdomthroughtheRomanPeriod.Thelong-termcultivation,preparation,andmarketingofthisproductcertainlycreatedenduringconnectionsbetweenpeoplesoftheWesternDesertandtheNileValley.OlivecultivationalsoappearstohaveincreasedintheWesternDesertduringtheRomanPeriod,mostnotablyinSiwa,whichmayhavebeenlinkedwithRomaninvestmentsinoliveproductioninLibya.

CottonwasaRomanPeriodintroductiontotheWesternDesert.GiventheproximityoftheoasestoSudan,itisthemostlikelyoriginforthiscrop.Inadditiontotheseedsthemselves,technicalknowledgeaboutsowing,cultivating,picking,preparing,andweavingcottonlikelyderivedfromSudanaswell.Forexample,cottonclothwasdominantatsitessuchasQasrIbrim(WildandWild2009)beforeitslowlymovedintoEgypt.Connectionsbetweenknowledgeableexperts(cultivators,weavers)intheWesternDesertandSudanseemlogical,evenifwecannotsuggestthelong-termmovementofpeoplesbetweentheseregions.

Second,qanatsaretiedtotheagriculturalintensificationfoundintheregion.Theseqanatswouldhaverequiredsubstantialtechnologicalexchangesinordertoconstructthem.Thisspecializedknow-howderivedfromtheNearEastandappearstohavebeenintroducedbythePersianswhentheydevelopedtheGreatOasis.Substantialandcomplexconstructionprojectssuchasthesenecessitatedskilledindividualstodirectandorganizetheworkforlongperiodsoftime.Onceagain,itisunclearwhothesepeoplewereandhowlongtheystayed,butconnectionswiththeNearEastwouldbelogical.

Third,long-termconnectionswithThebescanbeseeninthedocumentarysourcesaswellasthereligiouslandscapewithintheGreatOasis.Thebesgovernedthisregion,andconnectionsbetweenthoseinvolvedincivicandeconomiclifeareclear.ItwouldalsobelogicaltosuggestthatsocialconnectionsandmovementbackandforthbetweentheWesternDesertandThebeswerecommon.ItispossiblethattherewasachainmigrationbetweenThebes(anditsenvirons)andDakhlehbecausetheconnectionsbetweenthesetwoareasfigurefromapproximatelytheendoftheOldKingdomthroughtheRomanPeriod.

Fourth,somegroupsseemtoreappearovertimeintheWesternDesert.Libyans,thecatch-alltermforpeopleswestoftheNile,reappearinbothoasiteandNileValleytexts.Itremainsdifficulttomakedistinctionswithinthisundifferentiatedwestern“other”ofPharaonicEgyptianandGraeco-Romanliterature.Moreover,itseemslikelythatthisliteratureconfused“Libyans”withnomadicandseminomadicpeoplecomingfromtheoasesandsouthofEgypt.TheseenigmaticgroupsappearinwavesovertimeandwereusuallylabeledasBlemmyesor“Libyans.”Inreality,theywereprobablydifferentgroupsofpeopleswithshiftingidentitiesandcompositions(c.f.Hope2007).Equallymysteriousarethemanycriminals,taxationescapees,andbanditswhonecessitatedthepositioningofmilitaryfootholdsintheregion.PeoplesfromnorthSudanwerelessperplexingandappeartohavebeenusedasconscriptsinthemilitaryandindesertpatrols.Likewise,Asiatics,whowereemployedintheSinai,appeartohavebeensenttotheWesternDesertduetotheirfamiliaritywiththeenvironmentalconditions.

Finally,despitelong-termwavesofmigrationandtradebetweentheoasesandtheNileValley(aswellasareasfurtherafield),theoasesmaintaineddistinctiveidentities.Theinfluxofnewpeoplesandgoodsappearstohavebeenintegratedinlocallysignificantways,oftenhighlightingtheindividualpersonalitiesofeacharea.TheenduranceoftheWesternDesertasauniquelocaleinEgyptthroughouttheperiodsexaminedherecanbeseenasindicativeoftheintertwiningbetweenoldandnewtraditionsoveralongperiodoftime.

Asisevidentfromtheearliersurvey,wearesorelylackinginafine-grainedunderstandingofdiachronicdevelopmentswithintheWesternDesert.Thislackappearstobeduetothetellformationofsettlements,whichobscureearliertimeperiodsandleaveuswithRomanruinsdominatingthesitesurface.Withoutfulleraccesstopriorperiods,theoasitesthemselvesremainshroudedinanonymity.Despitethislacuna,itisclearthattheWesternDesertexperiencedmanywavesofmigrationandconnectiontolocalesinEgypt,Sudan,Libya,theMediterranean,andWesternAsiaovermanythousandsofyears.The“oasites”werenotastablepeople,but


Page 20 of 32


ratheramosaicofthesedifferentlayersofinfluenceandconnectiontotheNileValleyaswellasfurtherafield.Despitethemutablenatureoftheoasitesthemselves,theinhabitantsofEgypt’sWesternDesertretainedspecificlocalidentitiesandpracticesthroughouttheiroccupation.Thisdistinctivequalityremainsthecasetoday,evenastheoasesexperiencewavesofmigrationonceagainfromtheNileValley.

Acknowledgements

RogerS.BagnallandGiovanniR.Ruffinireadandcommenteduponanearlydraftofthispaper.JohnC.Darnellprovidedreferencestoandoffprintsofhisrelevantpublicationsforthisarticle.Theerrorsandlacunaeremainmyown.

ReferencesAnthes,R.(1930a).“EinePolizeistreifedesMittlerenReichesindieWestlicheOase.”ZeitschriftfürÄgyptischeSpracheundAltertumskunde65:108–114.

Anthes,R.v.(1930b).“EinePolizeistreifedesMittlerReichesindieWestlicheOase.”ZeitschriftfürAegyptischeSpracheundAlterthumskunde65:108–114.

Anthony,D.(1997).“PrehistoricMigrationasSocialProcess.”InMigrationsandInvasionsinArchaeologicalExplanation,J.ChapmanandH.Hamerow,eds.:21–32.Oxford:BritishArchaeologicalReportsInt.Ser.664.

Anthony,D.W.(1990).“MigrationinArchaeology:TheBabyandtheBathwater.”AmericanAnthropologist92(4):895–914.

Bader,B.(2012).“MigrationinArchaeology:AnOverviewwithaFocusonAncientEgypt.”InMigrations:InterdisciplinaryPerspectives,M.Messer,R.Schroeder,andR.Wodak,eds.:213–226.Wien:Springer-Verlag.

Bagnall,R.S.,ed.(1997).TheKellisAgriculturalAccountBook(P.Kell.IVGr.96).Oxford:OxbowMonograph92.

Bagnall,R.S.(2001).“TheCampofHibis.”InEssaysandTextsinHonorofJ.DavidThomas,T.GagosandR.S.Bagnall,eds.:3–9.AmericanStudiesinPapyrology.Oakville,CT:AmericanSocietyofPapyrologists.

Bagnall,R.S.(2008a).“EconomyandEcologyintheKellisAgriculturalAccountBook.”InTheOasisPapers2:ProceedingsoftheSecondInternationalConferenceoftheDakhlehOasisProject,M.F.Wiseman,ed.:115–118.Oxford:Oxbow.

Bagnall,R.S.(2008b).“SB6.9025,Cotton,andtheEconomyoftheSmallOasis.”BulletinoftheAmericanSocietyofPapyrologists45:21–30.

Bagnall,R.S.(2012).“DakhlaandtheWestinLateAntiquity:FramingtheProblem.”InEntreAfriqueetÉgypte:RelationsetÉchangesEntrelesEspacesauSuddelaMéditerranéeàl’ÉpoqueRomaine,S.Guédon,ed.:39–44.Paris:EditionsAusonius.

Bagnall,R.S.,andB.W.Frier.(1994).TheDemographyofRomanEgypt.CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress.

Bagnall,R.S.,andD.W.Rathbone.(2004).EgyptfromAlexandertotheCopts:AnArchaeologicalandHistoricalGuide.London:TheBritishMuseumPress.

Bagnall,R.S.,andG.R.Ruffini.(2004).“CivicLifeinFourth-CenturyTrimithis:TwoOstrakafromthe2004Excavations.”ZeitschriftFurPapyrologieUndEpigraphik149:143–152.

Bagnall,R.S.,andG.R.Ruffini.(2012).OstrakafromTrimithisVolume1:Textsfromthe2004–2007Seasons.NewYork:InstitutefortheStudyoftheAncientWorldandNewYorkUniversityPress.

Baines,J.(1996).“ContextualizingEgyptianRepresentationsofSocietyandEthnicity.”InTheStudyoftheAncientNearEastinthe21stCentury,J.S.CooperandG.M.Schwartz,eds.:339–384.Eisenbrauns,IN:WinonaLake.


Page 21 of 32


Baines,J.(2003).“EarlyDefinitionsoftheEgyptianWorldandItsSurroundings.”InCulturethroughObjects:AncientNearEasternStudiesinHonourofP.R.S.Moorey,T.Potts,M.Roaf,andD.Stein,eds.:27–57.Oxford:GriffithInstitute.

Barnard,H.(2005).“Sire,iln’yapasdeBlemmyes:ARe-EvaluationofHistoricalandArchaeologicalData.”InPeopleoftheRedSea:ProceedingsoftheRedSeaProjectIIHeldintheBritishMuseum,October2004,J.C.M.Starkey,ed.:23–40.BritishArchaeologicalReports,InternationalSeries1395.Oxford:Archaeopress.

Barnard,H.(2007).“AdditionalRemarksonBlemmyes,BejaandEasternDesertWare.”ÄgyptenundLevante17:23–32.

Barnard,H.,andK.Duistermaat,eds.(2012).TheHistoryofthePeoplesoftheEasternDesert.LosAngeles:UniversityofCalifornia.

Barnard,H.,andW.Z.Wendrich.(2008).TheArchaeologyofMobility:OldWorldandNewWorldNomadism.LosAngeles:CotsenInstitute.

Baud,M.,F.Colin,andP.Tallet.(1999).“LesGouverneursdel’OasisdeDakhlaauMoyenEmpire.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale99:1–19.

Beadnell,H.J.L.(1909).AnEgyptianOasis:AnAccountoftheOasisofKhargaintheLibyanDesert,withSpecialReferencetoitsHistory,PhysicalGeography,andWater-Supply.London:JohnMurray.

Boeser,P.A.A.(1909).BeschreibungderAegyptischenSammlungderNiderlandischenReichsmuseumderAltertümerinLeidenIIpart1,Stelen.TheHague:M.Nijhoff.

Boozer,A.L.(2000).“TheHibisTempleintheKhargehOasis:PersianImperialismandReligiousLandscapes.”MAdiss.,ColumbiaUniversity.

Boozer,A.L.(2010).“MemoryandMicrohistoryofanEmpire:DomesticContextsinRomanAmheida,Egypt.”InArchaeologyandMemory,D.Borić,ed.:138–157.Oxford:OxbowBooks.

Boozer,A.L.(2011).“ForgettingtoRememberintheDakhlehOasis,Egypt.”InCulturalMemoryandIdentityinAncientSocieties,M.Bommas,ed.:109–126.LondonandNewYork:Continuum.

Boozer,A.L.(2012).“GlobalizingMediterraneanIdentities:TheOverlappingSpheresofEgyptian,GreekandRomanWorldsatTrimithis.”JournalofMediterraneanArchaeology25(2):93–116.

Boozer,A.L.(2013).“FrontiersandBorderlandsinImperialPerspectives:ExploringRome’sEgyptianFrontier.”AmericanJournalofArchaeology117(2):275–292.

Boozer,A.L.(Forthcoming).“CulturalIdentity.HousingandBurialPractices.”InBlackwellCompaniontoGraeco-RomanandLateAntiqueEgypt,K.Vandorpe,ed.Malden:Blackwell.

Boozer,A.L.(Inpress).ALateRomano-EgyptianHouseintheDakhlaOasis:AmheidaHouseB2.NewYork:NYUPress.

Bousquet,B.(1996).Tell-DouchetSaSégion:Géographied’uneLimitedeMilieuàuneFrontièred’Empire.Cairo:Institutfrançaisd’archéologieorientale.

Briois,F.,B.Midant-Reynes,S.Marchand,Y.Tristant,M.Wuttmann,M.DeDapper,J.Lesur,andC.Newton.(2012).“Neolithicoccupationofanartesianspring:KS043intheKhargaOasis,Egypt.”JournalofFieldArchaeology37(3):178–191.

Burmeister,S.(2000).“ArchaeologyandMigration:ApproachestoanArchaeologicalProofofMigration.”CurrentAnthropology41(4):539–567.

Burstein,S.M.(2008).“Trogodytes=Blemmyes=Beja?TheMisuseofAncientEthnography.”InTheArchaeologyofMobility:OldWorldandNewWorldNomadism,H.BarnardandW.Z.Wendrich,eds.:250–263.CotsenAdvancedSeminars.LosAngeles:CotsenInstituteofArchaeologyPress.


Page 22 of 32


Caminos,R.(1954).LateEgyptianMiscellanies.London:OxfordUniversityPress.

Caminos,R.(1997).“Peasants.”InTheEgyptians,S.Donadoni,ed.:1–30.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.

Castel,G.,andP.Tallet(2001).“LesInscriptionsd’El-Harra,OasisdeBahareya.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale101:99–136.

Caton-Thompson,G.,andE.W.Gardner.(1952).KhargaOasisinPrehistory.London:UniversityofLondon,theAthlonePress.

Černý,J.,T.E.Peet,andA.H.Gardiner.(1952,1955).TheInscriptionsofSinai,2Vols.London:EgyptExplorationSociety.

Černý,J.(1975).“Egypt:FromtheDeathofRamessesIIItotheEndoftheTwenty-firstDynasty.”InTheCambridgeAncientHistory.VolumeII,PartII:MiddleEastandtheAegean,I.E.S.Edwards,C.J.Gadd,M.G.L.Hammond,andE.Sollberger,eds.:606–657.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.

Chauveau,M.(1996).“LesArchivesd’unTempledesOasisauTempsdesPerses.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale137:32–47.

Chauveau,M.(2001).“LesQanâtsdanslesOstracadeManâwir.”InIrrigationetDrainagedansl’Antiquité,QanâtsetCanalisationsSouterrainesenIran,enÉgypteetenGrèce,P.Briant,ed.:137–142.Paris:ThotmÉditions.

Chauveau,M.(2005).“IrrigationetExploitationdelaTerredansl’OasisdeKhargaàl’ÉpoquePerse.”LesCahiersdeRecherchesdel’InstitutdePapyrologieetd’ÉgyptologiedeLille25:157–163.

Chauveau,M.(2008).“LesArchivesDémotiquesd’ÉpoquePerse:ÀProposdesArchivesDémotiquesd’Ayn-Manawîr.”InLesArchivesdesFortificationsdePersépolisdansleMondeAcheménide,P.Briant,W.F.M.Henkelman,andM.W.Stolper,eds.:517–524.Paris:DeBoccard.

Chevereau,P-M.(1987).“ContributionàlaProsopographiedesCadresMilitairesdel’AncienEmpireetdelaPremièrePériodeIntermédiaire.”RdÉ38:13–48.

Childe,V.G.(1950).PrehistoricMigrationsinEurope.OsloandCambridge:HarvardUniversityPress.

Churcher,C.S.,andA.J.Mills.(1995).ReportsfromtheSurveyoftheDakhlehOasis:1977–1987.Oxford:Oxbow.

Cohen,R.(2008).GlobalDiasporas:AnIntroduction.London.

Colin,F.(2005).“KamoseetlesHyksosdansl’OasisdeDjesdjes.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale105:35–47.

Cool,H.E.M.(2010).“FindingtheForeigners.”InRomanDiasporas:ArchaeologicalApproachestoMobilityandDiversityintheRomanEmpire,H.Eckardt,ed.:27–44.Portsmouth,RI:JournalofRomanArchaeology.

Cruz-Uribe,E.(1988).HibisTempleProject,Vol.1:Translations,Commentary,DiscussionsandSignList.SanAntonio,TX:VanSiclenBooks.

Cruz-Uribe,E.(1999).“KhargaOasis,LatePeriodandGraeco-RomanSites.”InEncyclopaediaoftheArchaeologyofAncientEgypt,K.A.Bard,ed.:406–408.London:Routledge.

Darnell,D.(2000).“OasisWareFlasksandKegsfromtheThebanDesert.”Cahierdelacéramiqueégyptienne6:227–233.

Darnell,J.C.(2002a).“TheNarrowDoorsoftheDesert:DiscoveriesoftheThebanDesertRoadSurvey.”InInscribedLandscapes,B.DavidandM.Wilson,eds.:104–121.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiiPress.

Darnell,J.C.(2002b).“OpeningtheNarrowDoorsoftheDesert:DiscoveriesoftheThebanDesertRoadSurvey.”InEgyptandNubia—GIftsoftheDesert,R.Friedman,ed.:132–155.London:BritishMuseumPress.


Page 23 of 32


Darnell,J.C.(2004).“TheStelaoftheReignofTutankhamunfromtheRegionofKurkurOasis.”StudienzurAltägyptischenKultur31:73–91.

Darnell,J.C.(2007a).“TheAntiquityoftheGhueitaTemple.”GöttingerMiszellen212:29–40.

Darnell,J.C.(2007b).“TheDeserts.”InTheEgyptianWorld,T.Wilkinson,ed.:29–48.LondonandNewYork:Routledge.

Darnell,J.C.(2013a).“ABureaucraticChallenge?ArchaeologyandAdministrationinaDesertEnvironment(SecondMillenniumB.C.E.).”InAncientEgyptianAdministration,J.C.M.Garcia,ed.:785–830.Leiden,TheNetherlands:Brill.

Darnell,J.C.(2013b).“TheGirgaRoad:AbuZiyâr,Tundaba,andtheIntegrationoftheSouthernOasesintothePharaonicState.”InDesertRoadArchaeologyinAncientEgyptandBeyond,F.FörsterandH.Riemer,eds.:221–263.Köln,Germany:Heinrich-Barth-Institut.

Davies,N.d.G.(1953).TheTempleofHibisinElKhargehOasisIII:TheDecorations.NewYork:MetropolitanMuseumofArt.

Derks,T.,andN.Roymans.(2009).EthnicConstructsinAntiquity:TheRoleofPowerandTradition.Amsterdam:AmsterdamUniversityPress.

DiCerbo,C.,andR.Jasnow.(1996).“FivePersianPeriodDemoticandHieroglyphicGraffitifromtheSiteofApaTyrannosatArmant.”Enchoria23(32–38).

Dospěl,M.,andL.Suková.(2013).BahriyaOasis.RecentResearchintothePastofanEgyptianOasis.Prague:CharlesUniversity.

Douglas,M.,andB.C.Isherwood.(1996[1979]).TheWorldofGoods:TowardsanAnthropologyofConsumption.LondonandNewYork:Routledge.

Dunand,F.,J-L.Heim,N.H.Henein,H.NayelBarakat,andG.Castel.(1992).DouchI:Lanécropole.ExplorationArchéologique,Monographiedestombes1à72:StructuresSociales,Économiques,Religieusesdel’ÉgypteRomaine.Cairo:InstitutFrançaisd’ArchéologieOrientaleduCaire.

Dunand,F.,J.-L.Heim,N.Henein,andR.Lichtenberg.(2005).DouchV.LanécropoledeDouch.ExplorationArchéologiquevol.2.MonographiedesTombes73à92.Cairo:IFAO.

Eckardt,H.,ed.(2010).RomanDiasporas:ArchaeologicalApproachestoMobilityandDiversityintheRomanEmpire.Portsmouth,RI:JournalofRomanArchaeology.

Eckardt,H.,C.Chenery,S.Leach,M.Lewis,G.Mueldner,andE.Nimmo.(2010).“ALongWayfromHome:DiasporaCommunitiesinRomanBritain.”InRomanDiasporas:ArchaeologicalApproachestoMobilityandDiversityintheRomanEmpire,H.Eckardt,ed.:99–130.Portsmouth,RI:JournalofRomanArchaeology.

Edel,E.(1971).“ZweineueFelsinscrhiftenausTumâsmitnubischenLändernames.”ZeitschriftfürAegyptischeSpracheundAlterthumskunde97:57–58.

Eltis,D.,S.D.Behrendt,D.Richardson,andH.S.Klein.(1999).“TheTrans-AtlanticSlaveTrade:ADatabaseonCD-ROM.”Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.

Fakhry,A.(1942).TheEgyptianDeserts:BaḥriaOasis.VolumeI.Cairo:GovernmentPress.

Fakhry,A.(1943).“ANoteontheTombofKheruefatThebes.”AnnalesduServicedesAntiquitesdel’Egypte42:447–508.

Fakhry,A.(1990).SiwaOasis.Cairo:AmericanUniversityinCairoPress.

Fakhry,A.(2003[1974]).BaḥriyahandFarafra.CairoandNewYork:AmericanUniversityinCairoPress.

Fischer,H.G.(1957).“AGodandaGeneraloftheOasisonaStelaoftheLateMiddleKingdom.”JournalofNear


Page 24 of 32


EasternStudies16:223–235.

Fischer,H.G.(1964).InscriptionsfromtheCoptiteNome—DynastiesVI-XI.Rome:ActaOrientalia.

Förster,S.,andH.Riemer,eds.(2013).DesertRoadArchaeologyinAncientEgyptandBeyond.Cologne,Germany:Heinrich-Barth-Institut.

Frachetti,M.D.(2011).“MigrationConceptsinCentralEurasianArchaeology.”AnnualReviewofAnthropolgy2011(40):195–212.

Freed,R.E.(1996).“StelaWorkshopsoftheEarlyDynasty12.”InStudiesinHonorofWilliamKellySimpson1,P.DerManuelian,ed.:297–336.Boston:MuseumofFineArts.

Fulford,M.G.(2010).“RomanBritain:ImmigrationandMaterialCulture.”InRomanDiasporas:ArchaeologicalApproachestoMobilityandDiversityintheRomanEmpire,H.Eckardt,ed.:67–78.Portsmouth,RI:JournalofRomanArchaeology.

Garcia,J.C.M.(2013).“BuildingthePharaonicState:Territory,Elite,andPowerinAncientEgyptduringthe3rdMillenniumBCE.”InExperiencingPower—GeneratingAuthority:CosmosandPoliticsintheIdeologyofKingshipinAncientEgyptandMesopotamia,J.A.Hill,P.H.Jones,andA.J.Morales,eds.:185–217.Philadelphia:TheUniversityofPennsylvaniaMuseumofArchaeologyandAnthropology.

Gardiner,A.H.(1933).“TheDakhlehStela.”JournalofEgyptianArchaeology19:19–30.

Giddy,L.(1979).“Balat:RapportPréliminairedesFouillesàAinAseel,1978–1979.”BIFAO79:31–39.

Giddy,L.,andN.Grimal.(1979a).“RapportPréliminairesurlaSecondeCampagnedeFoillesàBalat(OasisdeDakhla):LeSecteurNordduMastabaV.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale79:41–49.

Giddy,L.,andD.G.Jeffreys.(1981).“Balat:RapportPréliminairedesFouillesàAinAseel,1979–1980.”BIFAO81:198–205.

Giddy,L.L.(1980).“SomeExportsfromtheOasisoftheLibyanDesertintotheNileValley—Tomb131atThebes.”MémoiresPubliésparleMembresdel’InstitutFrançaisd’ArchéologieOrientaledueCairo104:119–125.

Giddy,L.L.(1987).EgyptianOases:Baḥariya,Dakhla,Farafra,andKhargaduringPharaonicTimes.Warminster,UK:Aris&PhillipsLtd.

Giddy,L.L.,andN.Grimal.(1979b).“Balat:SondagesurleSitedeAinAseel,RapportPréliminaire.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale79:21–30.

Gill,J.(2012a).“PtolemaicActivityinDakhlehOasis.”InThe7thInternationalConferenceoftheDakhlehOasisProject:NewDevelopmentsintheArchaeologyoftheEgyptianWesternDesertanditsOases.Leiden,TheNetherlands:LeidenUniversity.

Gill,J.(2012b).“PtolemaicPeriodPotteryfromMutal-Kharab,DakhlehOasis.”InTheOasisPapers6:ProceedingsoftheSixthInternationalConferenceoftheDakhlehOasisProject,R.S.Bagnall,P.Davoli,andC.A.Hope,eds.:231–241.Oxford:Oxbow.

Gosline,S.L.(1990).BahariyaOasisExpeditionSeasonReportfor1988:Part1,SurveyofQaratHilwah.SanAntonio,TX:VanSiclenBooks.

Gradel,C.,F.Letellier-Willemin,andG.Tallet.(2012).“‘UneLatineBienPlusDoucequeCelledesMoutons’àEl-Deir(oasisdeKharga):LeCotonauCœurdel’ÉconomieOasienneàl’ÉpoqueRomaine.”InEntreAfriqueetEgypte:RelationsetÉchangesEntrelesEspacesauSuddelaMéditerranéeàl’ÉpoqueRomaine,S.Guedon,ed.:119–141.AusoniusÉditions,ScriptaAntiqua49.Bordeaux,France:Ausonius.

Grigson,C.(2000).“BosAfricanus(Brehm)?NotesontheArchaeozoologyoftheNativeCattleofAfrica.”InTheOriginandDevelopmentofAfricanLivestock,R.M.BlenchandK.C.MacDonald,eds.:38–60.London:UniversityCollegePress.


Page 25 of 32


Grimal,N.(1997).“Travauxdel’InstitutFrançaisd’ArchéologieOrientaleen1996–1997.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale97:313–429.

Habachi,L.(1980).“TheMilitaryPostsofRamessesIIontheCoastalRoadandtheWesternPartoftheDelta.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale80:13–30.

Hackenbeck,S.(2008).“MigrationinArchaeology:AreWeNearlyThereYet?”ArchaeologicalReviewfromCambridge23(2):9–26.

Haring,B.J.J.(1992).“LibyansintheLateTwentiethDynasty.”InVillageVoices.ProceedingsoftheSymposium:“TextsfromDeirel-MedinaandTheirInterpretation,”Leiden,May31-June1,1991,R.DemaréeandA.Egberts,eds.:71–80.Leiden,TheNetherlands:LeidenUniversity.

Härke,H.(1998).“ArchaeologistsandMigration:AProblemofAttitude?”CurrentAnthropology39(1):19–24.

Harrison,R.(2007).“Materiality,‘Ambiguity’andtheUnfamiliarintheArchaeologyofInter-SocietalConfrontations:ACaseStudyfromNorthwestAustralia.”InEncounters,Materialities,Confrontations:ArchaeologiesofSocialSpaceandInteraction,P.CornellandF.Fahlander,eds.:42–57.Newcastle,UK:CambridgeScholars.

Hassan,F.,ed.(2002).Droughts,FoodandCulture:EcologicalChangeandFoodSecurityinAfrica’sLaterPrehistory.NewYork:KluwerAcademic/PlenumPublishers.

Hassig,R.(1985).Trade,Tribute,andTransportation:TheSixteenthCenturyPoliticalEconomyoftheValleyofMexico.Norman:UniversityofOklahomanPress.

Hawass,Z.(2000).ValleyoftheGoldenMummies.NewYork:HarryN.Abrams.

Henkelman,W.F.M.,andM.W.Stolper.(2009).“EthnicIdentityandEthnicLabellingatPersepolis:TheCaseoftheSkudrians.”InOrganisationdesPouvoirsetContactsCulturelsdanslesPaysdel’EempireAchéménide,P.BriantandM.Chauveau,eds.:271–329.Paris:DeBoccard.

Hodder,I.(1978).“SimpleCorrelationsbetweenMaterialCultureandSociety:AReview.”InTheSpatialOrganizationofCulture,I.Hodder,ed.:3–24.NewApproachesinArchaeology.London:GeraldDuckworth&CoLtd.

Hodder,I.(1982).SymbolsinAction:EthnoarchaeologicalStudiesofMaterialCulture.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.

Hodge,C.J.(2007).AMiddlingGentility:Taste,Status,andMaterialCultureattheEighteenth-CenturyWoodLot,Wanton-Lyman-HazardSite,Newport,RI.Boston:BostonUniversity.

Hope,C.A.(1999).“DakhlaOasis,Ismantel-Kharab.”InEncyclopaediaoftheArchaeologyofAncientEgypt,K.A.Bard,ed.:222–226.London:Routledge.

Hope,C.A.(2004).“TheExcavationsatIsmantel-KharabandMutel-Kharabin2004.”BulletinoftheAustralianCentreforEgyptology15:19–49.

Hope,C.A.(2007).“Egyptand‘Libya’totheEndoftheOldKingdom:AViewfromDakhlehOasis.”InTheArchaeologyandArtofAncientEgypt:EssaysinHonorofDavidB.O’Connor,Z.HawassandJ.E.Richards,eds.:349–415.SupplémentauxAnnalesduServicedesAntiquitésdel’Egypte.Cairo:ConseilSuprêmedesAntiquitésdel’Égypte.

Hope,C.A.,G.E.Bowen,J.Cox,W.Dolling,J.Milner,andA.Pettman.(2009).“Reportonthe2009SeasonofExcavationsatMutelKharab,DakhehOasis.”BulletinoftheAustralianCentreforEgyptology20:47–86.

Hope,C.A.,andH.Whitehouse.(2004).“TheGladiatorJugfromIsmantel-Kharab.”InTheOasisPaper3,ProceedingoftheThirdInternationalConferenceoftheDakhlehOasisProject,DakhlehOasisProject:Monograph14,G.E.BowenandC.Hope,eds.:291–310.Oxford:Oxbow.

Hope,C.A.,andH.Whitehouse.(2006).“APaintedResidenceatIsmantel-Kharab(Kellis).intheDakhlehOasis.”


Page 26 of 32


JournalofRomanArchaeology19:312–328,colorplates1–10.

Hope,C.A.(2005).“Mutel-Kharab:Seth’scityinDakhlehOasis.”EgyptianArchaeology27:3–6.

Horden,P.,andN.Purcell.(2000).TheCorruptingSeaaStudyofMediterraneanHistory.OxfordandMalden,MA:Blackwell.

Hubschmann,C.(2012).“SearchingforanOasisIdentity:DakhlehOasisintheThirdIntermediatePeriod.”InKnoblauch,ChristianM.Gill,JamesC.61–70.Oxford:Archaeopress.

Ikram,S.(2005).“BriefReportoftheNorthKhargaOasisSurvey’s2005Season.”BulletinoftheAmericanResearchCenterinEgypt187:8–11.

Ikram,S.,andC.Rossi.(2004).“NorthKhargaOasisSurvey2001–2002PreliminaryReport:AinGibandQasrel-Sumayra.”MitteilungendesDeutschenArchäologischenInstitues,AbteilungKairo60:69–92,Tafel8–9.

Jamieson,R.W.(1995).“MaterialCultureandSocialDeath:African-AmericanBurialPractices.”HistoricalArchaeology29(4):39–58.

Janssen,J.J.(1968).“TheSmallerDakhlehStela.”JournalofEgyptianArchaeology54:165–172.

Jones,S.(1997).TheArchaeologyofEthnicity:ConstructingIdentitiesinthePastandPresent.London:Routledge.

Kahn,A.(1994).“‘Juthaa’inTrinidad:Food,Pollution,andHierarchyinaCaribbeanDiasporaCommunity.”AmericanEthnologist21(2):24–269.

Kaper,O.E.(1997).“TemplesandGodsinRomanDakhleh:StudiesintheIndigenousCultsofanEgyptianOasis.”PhDdiss.,RijksuniversiteitteGroningen.

Kaper,O.E.(2008).“TheLibyanPeriodinEgypt.”EgyptianArchaeology(32):38–39.

Kaper,O.E.(2009).“EpigraphicevidencefromtheDakhlehOasisintheLibyanPeriod.”InTheLibyanPeriodinEgypt,HistoricalandCulturalStudiesintothe21st—24thDynasties:ProceedingsofaConferenceatLeidenUniversity,25–27October2007,G.P.F.Broekman,R.J.Demarée,andO.E.Kaper,eds.Leiden,TheNetherlands:NetherlandsInstitutefortheNearEast.

Kaper,O.E.(2012).“TheWesternOases.”InTheOxfordHandbookofRomanEgypt,C.Riggs,ed.:717–735.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.

Kaper,O.E.,andP.Davoli.(2006).“ANewTempleforThothintheDakhlehOasis.”EgyptianArchaeology28:12–14.

Kaper,O.E.,andR.J.Demarée.(2005).“DonationStelaintheNameofTakelothIIIfromAmheida,DakhlehOasis.”JaarberichtvanhetVooraziatische—EgyptischGenootschapExOrienteLux39:19–37.

Kaper,O.E.,andR.J.Demarée.(2006).“ADonationStelaintheNameofTakelothIIIfromAmheida,DakhlehOasis.”JaarberichtExOrienteLux39:19–37.

Kaper,O.E.,andW.Z.Wendrich.(1998).“EastandWestinRomanEgypt:AnIntroductiontoLifeontheFringe.”InLifeontheFringe:LivingintheSouthernEgyptianDesertsduringtheRomanandEarly-ByzantinePeriods:ProceedingsofaColloquiumHeldontheOccasionofthe25thAnniversaryoftheNetherlandsInstituteforArchaeologyandArabicStudiesinCairo,9–12December1996,O.E.Kaper,ed.:1–4.Leiden,TheNetherlands:ResearchSchoolCNWS,SchoolofAsian,African,andAmerindianStudies.

Kaper,O.E.,andH.Willems.(2002).“PolicingtheDesert:OldKingdomActivityaroundtheDakhlehOasis.”InEgyptandNubia—GiftsoftheDesert,R.Friedman,ed.:79–94.London:BritishMuseumPress.

Kelly,K.G.(2004).“TheAfricanDiasporaStartsHere:HistoricalArchaeologyofCoastalWestAfrica.”InAfricanHistoricalArchaeologies,A.M.ReidandP.J.Lane,eds.:219–242.Dordrecht,TheNetherlands:Springer.


Page 27 of 32


Kitchen,K.A.(1986).TheThirdIntermediatePeriodinEgypt(1100–650BC).Warminster,UK:Aris&PhillipsLtd.

Kitchen,K.A.(1990).“TheArrivaloftheLibyansinLateNewKingdomEgypt.”InLibyaandEgyptc.1300-750BC,A.Leahy,ed.:15–27.London:UniversityofLondon;SocietyforLibyanStudies.

Krzyzaniak,L.(1990).“PetroglyphsandtheResearchontheDevelopmentoftheCulturalAttitudetowardsAnimalsintheDakhlehOasis(Egypt).”Sahara3:95–97.

Krzyzaniak,L.(1991).“DakhlehOasisProject:ResearchonthePetroglyphs1990.”PolishArchaeologyintheMediterraneanIV,Reports1992:80–82.

Krzyzaniak,L.(2004).“DakhlehOasis.ResearchonPetroglyphs.”PolishArchaeologyintheMediterraneanXV,Reports2003:181–189.

Kuhlmann,K.P.(1998).“RomanandByzantineSiwa:DevelopingaLatentPicture.”InLifeontheFringe:LivingintheSouthernEgyptianDesertsduringtheRomanandEarly-ByzantinePeriods,O.Kaper,ed.:159–180.Leiden,TheNetherlands:ResearchSchoolCNWS.

Kuhlmann,K.P.(2002).“The‘OasisBypath’ortheIssueofDesertTradeinPharaonicTimes.”InTidesoftheDesert:ContributionstotheArchaeologyandEnvironmentalHistoryofAfricainHonourofRudolphKuper,T.Lenssen-Erzetal.,eds.Africapraehistorica,14.Köln,Germany:Heinrich-Barth-Institut.

Leahy,A.(1994).“EthnicDiversityinAncientEgypt.”InCivilisationoftheAncientNearEast,Vol1,J.M.Sasson,ed.:225–234.NewYork:Scribner.

Leahy,L.M.(1980).“DakhlehOasisProject:TheRomanWall-PaintingsfromAmheida.”JournalfortheSocietyfortheStudyofEgyptianAntiquities10:331–378,platesXXI–XXXVI.

Lewis,N.(1983).LifeinEgyptunderRomanRule.Oxford:ClarendonPress.

Lichtheim,M.(1975).AncientEgyptianLiterature:Volume1,TheOldandMiddleKingdoms.LosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.

Lilley,I.(2004).“DiasporaandIdentityinArchaeology:MovingBeyondtheBlackAtlantic.”InACompaniontoSocialArchaeology,L.M.MeskellandR.W.Preucel,eds.:287–312.Malden,MA:Blackwell.

Lloyd,A.B.(2000a).“TheLatePeriod(664–332BC).”InTheOxfordHistoryofAncientEgypt,I.Shaw,ed.:369–394.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.

Luttwak,E.N.(1976).TheGrandStrategyoftheRomanEmpirefromthefirstcenturyA.D.tothethird.Baltimore,MD:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress.

McDonald,M.(2001a).“Themid-HoloceneSheikhMuftahCulturalUnitofDakhlehOasis,SouthCentralEgypt:APreliminaryReportonRecentFieldwork.”NyameAkuma56:4–10.

McDonald,M.(2001b).“DakhlehOasisProject.HolocenePrehistory:InterimReportonthe1984and1986seasons.”JournaloftheSocietyfortheStudyofEgyptianAntiquities15:126–135.

Meskell,L.(2004).ObjectWorldsinAncientEgypt:MaterialBiographiesPastandPresent.OxfordandNewYork:Berg.

Mills,A.J.(1998).“ANoteonaNewOldKingdomSiteintheDakhlehOasis.”TheJournaloftheSocietyfortheStudyofEgyptianAntiquities25:61–65.

Mills,A.J.(1999a).“DakhlehOasis:DynasticandRomanSites.”InTheArchaeologyofAncientEgypt:AnEncyclopedia,K.A.Bard,ed.:220–222.LondonandNewYork:Routledge.

Mills,A.J.(1999b).“PharaonicEgyptiansintheDakhlehOasis.”InReportsfromtheSurveyoftheDakhlehOasis,WesternDesertofEgypt:1977–1987,C.S.ChurcherandA.J.Mills,eds.DakhlehOasisProject:Monograph2.Oxford:OxbowMonograph99.


Page 28 of 32


Minault-Gout,A.(1985).“UneInscriptionRupestredel’OasisdeDakhlaSituéeauDébouchéduDarbel-Tawil.”InMélangesOffertsàJeanVercoutter,F.GeusandF.Thill,eds.:267–272.Paris:ÉditionsRecherchesurlesCivilisations.

Minault-Gout,A.,andP.Deleuze.(1992).BalatII.LeMastabad’Ima-Pépi.Tombeaud’unGouverneurdel’OasisàlaFindel’AncienEmpire.Cairo:Institutfrançaisd’archéologieorientaleduCaire.

Morkot,R.G.(1996).“TheDarbel-Arbain,theKhargaOasisandItsForts,andOtherDesertRoutes.”InArchaeologicalResearchinRomanEgypt:TheProceedingsoftheSeventeenthClassicalColloquiumoftheDepartmentofGreekandRomanAntiquities,BritishMuseum,Heldon1–4December,1993,D.M.Bailey,ed.:82–94.AnnArbor,MI:JournalofRomanArchaeology.

Mullins,P.R.(2011).“TheArchaeologyofConsumption.”AnnualReviewofAnthropolgy40:133–144.

Newberry,P.E.(1900).TheLifeofRekhmara,VezîrofUpperEgyptunderThotmesIIIandAmenhetepII(circaB.C.1471–1448).Westminster:A.Constable.

Newton,C.,T.Whitbread,D.Agut-Labordère,andM.Wuttman.(2013).“L’AgricultureOasienneàl’ÉpoquePersedansleSuddel’OasisdeKharga(Égypte,Ve-IVes.AEC).”Revued’Ethnoécologie4:2–18.

Orser,C.E.J.(1998).“TheArchaeologyoftheAfricanDiaspora.”AnnualReviewofAnthropology27:63–82.

Osing,J.(1986).“NotizenzudenOasenChargaundDachla.”GöttingerMiszellen92:79–85.

Osing,J.,Moursi,Mohamed,Arnold,Dorothea,Neugebauer,Otto,Parker,RichardA.,Pingree,David,Nur-el-Din,andAbdel-Halim,eds.(1982).DenkmälerderOaseDachla:AusdemNachlassvonAhmedFakhry.MainzamRhein:PhillipvonZabern.

Pantalacci,L.(1985).“UnDécretdePépiIIenFaveurdesGouverneursdel’OasisdeDakhla.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale85:245–254.

Pantalacci,L.(2013).“BroadeningHorizons:DistantPlacesandTravelsinDakhlaandtheWesternDesertattheEndofthe3rdMillennium.”InDesertRoadArchaeologyinAncientEgyptandBeyond,F.FörsterandH.Riemer,eds.:283–296.Köln:Heinrich-Barth-Institut.

Peacock,D.P.S.(2000).“TheRomanPeriod(30BC—AD311).”InTheOxfordHistoryofAncientEgypt,I.Shaw,ed.:422–445.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.

Porter,A.,andR.Moss.(1937).TopographicalBibliographyofAncientEgyptianHieroglyphicTexts,ReliefsandPaintings:V.UpperEgypt.Sites.Oxford:GriffithsInstitute.

Porter,B.,andR.Moss.(1952).TopographicalBibliographyofAncientEgyptianHieroglyphicTexts,ReliefsandPaintings:VII.Nubia,theDesertsandOutsideEgypt.Oxford:GriffithsInstitute.

Pyburn,K.A.(1998).“ConsumingtheMaya.”JournalofDialecticalAnthropology23(2):111–129.

Reddé,M.(1999).“SitesMilitairesRomainsdel’OasisdeKharga.”BIFAO99:377–396.

Reddé,M.,Ballet,Pascale,Barbet,Alix,andBonnet,Charles.(2004).Kysis:Fouillesdel’IfaoàDouch,OasisdeKharga,1985–1990.Cairo:InstitutFrançaisd’ArchéologieOrientale.

Redford,D.B.(1977).“TheOasesinEgyptianHistorytoClassicalTimes:PartII.”TheSocietyfortheStudyofEgyptianAntiquities:TheNewsletter7(2):2–4.

Riemer,H.(2006).“OutofDakhla:CulturalDiversityandMobilitybetweentheEgyptianOasesandtheGreatSandSeasduringtheHoloceneHumidPhase.”InArchaeologyofEarlyNortheasternAfrica:InMemoryofLechKrzyzaniak.StudiesinAfricanArchaeology9,K.Kroeper,M.Chlodnicki,M.Kobusiewicz,andM.Poznan,eds.:493–526.Poznan:PoznanArchaeologicalMuseum.

Riemer,H.(2009).“PrehistoricRockArtResearchintheWesternDesertofEgypt.”Archaeo-Nil19:31–46.


Page 29 of 32


Riemer,H.,F.Förster,S.Hendrickx,B.Eichhorn,N.Pöllath,P.Schönfeld,andG.Wagner.(2005).“ZweipharaonischeWüstenstationensüdwestlichvonDachla.”MitteilungendesDeutschenArchäologischenInstituts,AbteilungKairo61:291–350.

Riggs,C.(2008[2005]).TheBeautifulBurialinRomanEgypt:Art,Identity,andFuneraryReligion.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.

Ritner,R.K.(2009).“LargerDakhlehStela.”InTheLibyanAnarchy.DocumentsfromEgypt’sThirdIntermediatePeriod,R.K.Ritner,ed.:173–178.Atlanta:SocietyofBiblicalLiterature.

Rossi,C.(2000).“Ummel-Dabadib,RomanSettlementintheKhargaOasis:DescriptionoftheVisibleRemainswithaNoteon‘AinAmur.”MitteilungendesDeutschenArchäologischenInstituts,AbteilungKairo56:335–352,Tafel35–39.

Rostovtzeff,M.I.(1926–1928).AHistoryoftheAncientWorld.Oxford:ClarendonPress.

Rouse,I.(1986).MigrationsinPrehistory:InferringPopulationMovementfromCulturalRemains.NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.

Ruffini,G.R.(forthcoming).“OstrakafromArea1.”InALateRomano-EgyptianHouseintheDakhlehOasis:AmheidaHouseB2,A.L.Boozer,ed.NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress.

Schacht,I.(2003).“APreliminarySurveyoftheAncientQanatSystemoftheNorthernKhargaOasis.”MitteilungendesDeutschenArchäologischenInstitues,AbteilungKairo59:279–306.

Schäfer,H.von(1905).“EinZugnachdergroßenOaseunterSesostrisI.”ZeitschriftfürAegyptischeSpracheundAlterthumskunde57:51–68,Pl.16.

Scharff,A.(1922).“EineRechnungsbuchdesköniglichenHofesausder13Dynastie(PapyrusBoulaqNr.18).”ZeitschriftfürAegyptischeSpracheundAlterthumskunde57:51–68,Pl.16.

Scheider,T.(1992).AsiatischePersonennamenindenQuellendesNeuenReiches,vol114,OrbisBiblicusetOrientalis.Fribourg,Germany:Universitätsverlag.

Schild,R.,andF.Wendorf.(1977).ThePrehistoryoftheDakhlehOasisandAdjacentDesert.Warsaw:Zakladnarodowyimieniaossolinskichwydawnictwopolskiejakademiinauk.

Sethe,K.(1920).“DieAegyptischenbezeichnungenfürdieOasenundihreBewohner.”ZeitschriftfürAegyptischeSpracheundAlterthumskunde56:44–54.

Smith,S.T.(1995).AskutinNubia:TheEconomicsandIdeolologyofEgyptianImerpialismintheSecondMilleniumB.C.LondonandNewYork:KeganPaulInternational.

Smith,S.T.(2003).WretchedKush:EthnicIdentitiesandBoundariesinEgypt’sNubianEmpire.LondonandNewYork:Routledge.

Smith,S.T.(2007).“EthnicityandCulture.”InTheEgyptianWorld,T.Wilkinson,ed.:218–241.London:Routledge.

Snape,S.R.(2003).“TheEmergenceofLibyaontheHorizonofEgypt.”InMysteriousLands,D.O’ConnorandS.Quirke,eds.:93–106.London:UCLPress.

Soukiassian,G.,M.Wuttman,andD.Schaad.(1990).“LaVilled’Ayn-AsilàDakhla.ÉtatdesRecherches.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale90:347–358.

Spalinger,A.(1986).“FoodsinP.Boulaq18.”StudienzurAltägyptischenKultur13(207–247).

Spiegelberg,W.(1899).“EineStelaanderOaseDachel.”Recueildestravauxrelatifsàlaphilologieetàl’archéologieégyptiennesetassyriennes21:12–21.

Stevenson,A.(2008).“EthnicityandMigration?TheCemeteryofel-Gerzeh.”InOrigins2:ProceedingsoftheSecondInternationalConferenceonPredynasticandEarlyDynasticEgypt,Toulouse,FranceSeptember2005,B.


Page 30 of 32


Midant-Reynes,Y.Tristant,J.Rowland,andS.Hendricks,eds.:543–560.Leuven:PeetersPublishers.

Stiros,S.C.(2006).“AccurateMeasurementwithPrivateInstruments:The‘Paradox’oftheQanatDesign.”JournalofArchaeologicalScience33:1058–1064.

Taylor,J.(2000).“TheThirdIntermediatePeriod(1069–664B.C.).”InTheOxfordHistoryofAncientEgypt,I.Shaw,ed.:330–368.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.

Usai,D.(2005).“EarlyHoloceneSeasonalMovementsbetweentheDesertandtheNileValley:DetailsfromtheLithicIndustryofSomeKhartoumVariantandSomeNabta/KiseibaSites.”JournalofAfricanArchaeology3:103–115.

Usai,D.(2008).“TracingtheMovementoftheWesternDesertDwellers:Site11-I-13inWadiKaragan,SudaneseNubia,CloselyAkintoel-Ghoraborel-Nabta.”JournalofAfricanArchaeology6:219–232.

Valloggia,M.(1986).BalatI,LemastabadeMedou-nefer.Fouillesdel’Institutfrançaisd’archéologieorientaleduCaire,31.Cairo:Institutfrançaisd’archéologieorientaleduCaire.

Valloggia,M.(1996).“Notesurl’OrganisationAdministrativedel’OasisdeDakhlaàlaFindel’AncienEmpire.”Méditerranées6/7:61–72.

Valloggia,M.(1998)Lemonumentfunéraired’Ima-Pepy/Ima-Meryrê.BalatIV.Fouillesdel’Institutfrançaisd’archéologieorientale38.Cairo:Institutfrançaisd’archéologieorientale.

vanDommelen,P.(2012).“ColonialismandMigrationintheAncientMediterranean.”AnnualReviewofAnthropology41:393–409.

vanDommelen,P.ed.(2014).MobilityandMigration.WorldArchaeology46.4.

vanDommelen,P.,andA.B.Knapp,eds.(2010).MaterialConnectionsintheAncientMediterranean:Mobility,MaterialityandIdentity.NewYork:Routledge.

Verner,M.,andH.Benesovska.(2008).UnearthingAncientEgypt:FiftyYearsoftheCzechArchaeologicalExplorationinEgypt.Prague:CharlesUniversity.

vonBeckerath,J.(1968).“DieStelederVerbanntenimMuseumdesLouvre.”RevueD’Egyptologie20:7–36.

Wagner,G.(1987).LesOasisd’Égypteàl’époquegrecque,romaineetbyzantined´aprèslesdocumentsgrecs.Cairo:InstitutFrançaisd’ArchéologieOrientaleduCaire.

Wendorf,F.,andR.Schild.(1980).PrehistoryoftheEasternSahara.NewYork:AcademicPress.

Wendorf,F.,andR.Schild.(2001).HoloceneSettlementoftheEgyptianSahara1,TheArchaeologyofNabtaPlaya.NewYork:KluwerAcademic.

Whitehouse,H.(1998).“RomaninLife,EgyptianinDeath:ThePaintedTombofPetosirisintheDakhlehOasis.”InLifeontheFringe:LivingintheSouthernEgyptianDesertsduringtheRomanandEarly-ByzantinePeriods:ProceedingsofaColloquiumHeldontheOccasionofthe25thAnniversaryoftheNetherlandsInstituteforArchaeologyandArabicStudiesinCairo,9–12December1996,O.E.Kaper,ed.:253–270.ContributionsbytheNederlands-VlaamsInstituutinCairo.Leiden,TheNetherlands:ResearchSchoolCNWS,SchoolofAsian,AfricanandAmerindianStudies.

Wild,J.P.(1997).“CottoninRomanEgypt:SomeProblemsofOrigin.”Al-RafidanXVIII(Specialvolume:FestschriftforProfessorHideoFujii,KokushikanUniversity):287–298.

Wild,J.P.,andF.C.Wild.(2009).“Cotton:TheNewWool,QasrIbrimStudySeason2008.”ArchaeologicalTextilesNewsletter46:3–6.

Wild,J.P.,F.C.Wild,andA.J.Clapham.(2008).“RomanCottonRevisited.”InPurpureaeVestesII,Vestidos,TextilesyTintes:Estudiossoberlaproducciondebienesdeconsumoenlaantiguidad,C.AlfaroandL.Karali,


Page 31 of 32


eds.:143–147.Valencia:UniversitatdeValència.

Wilkie,L.A.(2004).“ConsideringtheFutureofAfricanAmericanArchaeology.”HistoricalArchaeology38(1):109–123.

Wilkinson,T.A.H.(2001).EarlyDynasticEgypt.London:Routledge.

Winkler,H.A.(1938).Rock-DrawingsofSouthernUpperEgyptI:SirRobertMondDesertExpedition.Season1936–1937PreliminaryReport.2.London:EgyptExplorationSociety.

Winkler,H.A.(1939).RockDrawingsofSouthernUpperEgyptII(IncludingUwenat):SirRobertMondDesertExpedition.Season1937–1938PreliminaryReport.London:EgyptExplorationSociety.

Winlock,H.E.(1941).TheTempleofHibisinElKhargehOasis.III.NewYork:MetropolitanMuseumofArt.

Wiseman,M.F.(1999).“KhargaOasis,PrehistoricSites.”InTheEncyclopediaoftheArchaeologyofAncientEgypt,K.A.Bard,ed.:408–411.London:Routledge.

Wuttman,M.(2001).“LesQanatsde‘Aynmanāwīr.”InIrrigationetDrainagedansl’Antiquité.QanâtsetCanalisationsSouterrainesenIran,enÉgypteetenGrèce,P.Briant,ed.:109–136.Paris:ThotmÉditions(“Persika2”).

Wuttman,M.,B.Bousquet,M.Chauveau,P.Dils,S.Marchand,A.Schweitzer,andL.Volay.(1996).“PremierRapportPréliminairedesTravauxsurleSitede‘Ayn-Manâwîr(OasisdeKharga).”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale96:385–451.

Wuttman,M.,T.Gonon,andC.Thiers.(2000).“TheQanatsof‘AynManâwîr(KhargaOasis,Egypt).”JournalofAchaemenidStudiesandResearches1(1).

Wuttmann,M.,Barakat,H.N.,Bousquet,B.,Chauveau,M.,Gonon,T.,Marchand,S.,Robin,M.,andSchweitzer,A.(1998).“‘AynManawir(oasisdeKharga).Deuxièmerapportpréliminaire.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrancaisd’ArcheologieOrientale98:367–462.

Youssef,S.(2012).“QanatsintheDakhlehOasis.”Paperpresentedatthe7thInternationalConferenceoftheDakhlehOasisProject:NewDevelopmentsintheArchaeologyoftheEgyptianWesternDesertanditsOases,20–24June2012,LeidenUniversity,Netherlands.

Notes:

( )SeethestelaofDd-jkw(Berlin1999),whichmayderivefromAbydos(Schäfer1905);thestelaofK3y(Berlin2820),whichmayderivefromQamula(Anthes1930b);thestelaofS3-Hthr(B.M.569D12),whichmayderivefromAbydos(Fischer1957:228–229);andthestelaof‘Inw(UniversityofPennsylvaniaMuseumno.54-33-1),whichmayderivefromAbydos(ibid.:223–224).Althoughtheprovenanceofthesestelaeisquestionable,thefocusuponAbydosissignificant.

( )AdditionalThebanprivatetombsoftheNewKingdomincludeSenemirh,Intef,Menkheperreseneb,andUsir(Giddy:1980,Giddy1987:70).

( )Onhegemonicandterritorialempires,seeLuttwak1976,Hassig1985:101.

( )Egyptianhousestypicallyhadacourtyardofftoonesideorbehindhouses.

AnnaLucilleBoozerAssistantProfessorofHistoryHistoryDepartmentBaruchCollegeCityUniversityofNewYork

1

2

3

4


Page 32 of 32
