The role of work experience and individual beliefs in police officers' perceptions of date rape: An integration of quantitative and qualitative methods

American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 23, No. 2, 1995

The Role of Work Experience and Individual Beliefs in Police Officers' Perceptions of Date Rape: An Integration of Quantitative and Qualitative Methods 1

Rebecca Campbell 2 Michigan State University

Surveyed police officers from two police departments in the Midwest on their perceptions of date rape (N = 91). The aim of this research was to examine the influence of officers' work experiences and general beliefs about women on their perceptions of date rape. Two approaches were utilized. First, using quantitative structural-equation modeling, a model that integrated work experiences and individual beliefs was evaluated using LISREL VII. Results suggest a direct path from the work experience variables to perceptions of date rape: Officers with more experience with rape cases held more sympathetic beliefs about date rape and date rape victims. Officers who found their training on rape to be very helpful, and those who reported that their work environment was sexualized and sexual harassment was a problem, were also less victim blaming. An indirect influence of these variables was also supported. Officers with more experience, those who perceived their training as helpful, and those with heightened awareness of sexual harassment in the workplace also held more favorable attitudes toward women, which, in turn, predicted less victim-blaming perceptions of date rape. Second, qualitative methods were used to have the police define and describe in their own words what has shaped their beliefs about date rape. These narratives were content analyzed by two raters. The qualitative results validated the quantitative findings as the officers were most likely to mention professional experience with rape cases and

1The author thanks the Editor, Bill Davidson, Holly Angelique, Susan Englund, Doug Luke, Melody Scofield, and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on this paper. I also acknowledge Camille Johnson and Jody Venable for their assistance collecting and coding the data. This research was supported by a grant from the George W. Fairweather Fund.

2All correspondence should be addressed to Rebecca Campbell, Department of Psychology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan 48824-1117.

249

0091-0562/95/0400-0249507.50/0 �9 1995 Plenum Publishing Corporation

250 Campbell

departmental trainings as important factors that changed their opinions. Work climate and personal experiences were also cited as influential. Implications for integrating qualitative and quantitative methods in research, and training interventions with police are discussed.

KEY WORDS: date rape; police officers; qualitative research; work experiences.

Police officers can have an important role in rape victims' experiences and decisions to further pursue legal prosecution. Police are often the first contact victims have with the criminal justice system and this interaction can mediate the victimization experience (Kerstetter & Van Winkle, 1990). Nu- merous studies have found that insensitive treatment by members of the legal system can magnify feelings of powerlessness, shame, and guilt for rape victims (Feldman-Summers & Palmer, 1980; Flynn, 1974; Madigan & Gamble, 1991; Medea & Thompson, 1974; Peters, 1973; Russell, 1974). Previous research has also suggested that some officers have tried both overtly and covertly to discourage rape victims from prosecuting (Feldman- Summers & Palmer, 1980; Goldstein, 1960; Kerstetter & Van Winkle, 1990; LaFree, 1989). Consequently, police officers have been, and continue to be, a key component of the criminal justice system to study and target for change to improve the legal response to rape.

The focus of previous studies has been almost exclusively quantitative: documenting officers' beliefs about stranger rape and using individual characteristics, such as demographics and attitudes toward women, to predict attitudes. Yet, with this aim, three key issues have been overlooked that could be vital for intervening with police. First, stranger rape is less common than assaults by nonstrangers (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987). Available epidemiological data suggest that rapes are more likely to be per- petrated by the date, friend, acquaintance, or marital partner of the victim (Belknap, 1989; Kanin, 1957; Kanin & Parcel, 1977; Kirkpatrick & Kanin, 1957; Koss et al., 1987, Miller & Marshall, 1987; Russell, 1982, 1984). Since existing research has focused on attitudes toward stranger rape, officers' perceptions of date rape are largely unexplored. Second, identifying individual characteristics and beliefs that predict police attitudes toward rape (e.g., attitudes toward women) has left other options for intervention un- tapped. Community psychologists have long argued that we must look beyond the individual to address social problems (Murrell, 1973; Rappaport, 1977; Seidman, 1988; Shinn, 1990; Wicker, 1990). The officers' work experiences may also impact their perceptions of rape, which could suggest another approach to promote effective legal response to rape. Finally, officers' qualitative accounts of their beliefs and experiences have not been explored. Using quantitative approaches can often limit the scope of research

Police Perceptions of Date Rape 251

to issues of interest to researchers, which may or may not be consistent with the concerns of those researched (Jayaratne & Stewart, 1991; Mies, 1983, 1991). The purpose of the current study was to examine the role of officers' work experiences and general attitudes toward women in predicting their perceptions of date rape as well as to qualitatively explore officers' accounts of their beliefs and experiences.

POLICE OFFICERS' ATTITUDES TOWARD RAPE

Since rape as a topic of scientific study is relatively recent, it is not surprising that only a handful of studies have even indirectly examined police attitudes toward date rape. Feldman-Summers and Palmer (1980) found that officers thought only half of the rapes reported to them were "real" rapes. They believed real rapes involved physical injuries, complete consistency in the victim's story, willingness of the victim to take a lie de- tector test, and chaste behavior of the victim (i.e., she did not engage in premarital or extramarital affairs, and she did not have any previous social contact with the assailant). Some of these characteristics of "real" rape are not typical in date rape: Date rape victims often do not have extensive physical injuries, and by definition, they knew and have had previous contact with their assailants (Koss, Dinero, Seibel, & Cox, 1988; Koss et al., 1987; Russell, 1984). The defining aspects of date rape are the very features many officers found suspicious. Similarly, LeDoux and Hazelwood (1985) reported that the officers in their study were suspicious of victims who had had prior sex with a man or who "provoked" rape through appearance and behavior. This suspicion of date rape cases was also supported by Krahe (1991) when she asked East German police to define a "typical" rape and a "dubious" or hard-to-believe rape. Their definition of the typical rape was an assault by a stranger (often "crazy") that occurred at night, out- doors, and resulted in some minor physical injuries to the woman. The dubious rape occurred between two people who knew each other (the man was "normal"), happened at either the man's or woman's house when the woman was drunk, and resulted in no physical injuries to the woman.

The results of these studies indirectly inform our understanding how officers perceive date rape. It could be argued that these researchers, like their respondents, conceptualized rape as a crime primarily between strangers, not dates or acquaintances. The measures used in these studies failed to fully explore attitudes toward date rape. For instance, Feldman-Summers and Palmer's questionnaire specifically cued respondents to a strange rape scenario: Sample causes of rape included "women who are raped use poor judgement; for example, about when and where to go out alone, accepting

252 Campbdi

rides from strangers, etc." and "[rape occurs because] of inadequate lighting in downtown areas, inadequate transportation systems, etc." Moreover, Le- Doux and Hazelwood (1985) used a modified version of Feild's (1978) At- titudes Toward Rape Scale, which has only one item (of 32) that addresses attitudes about sexual violence between nonstrangers. Although attitudes toward date rape were not explicitly measured, these studies indirectly suggested that police are suspicious of dating assaults. Other work has found that characteristics typical of date rapes (a prior relationship between the victim and assailant, lack of major physical injuries, lack of a weapon) are the very elements officers see as reducing the credibility of the victim and the case. Sebba and Cahan (1975) and William (1976) both reported that victims receive "less official" reactions when they were acquainted with the offender prior to the incident. Police take stranger rape cases more seriously than rapes involving acquaintances and investigate them more thor- oughly (McCahill, Meyer, & Fischman, 1979). Kerstetter (1990) found that police officers were more likely to "decide" that reports of rape by an acquaintance were unfounded. A direct assessment of officers perceptions of date rape is warranted.

PREDICTING POLICE OFFICERS' ATTITUDE TOWARD RAPE

Existing research from both police and adult community samples has substantiated that attitudes toward rape can be predicted by individual characteristics and beliefs. Yet with this focus, the investigation of the impact of officers' work experiences has been lacking. Community psychologists have noted that the settings in which we work, live, and relate affect our behaviors and beliefs (Barker, 1968, 1978; Moos, 1986; Seidman, 1988; Wicker, 1983). This suggests that the influence of both individual beliefs and professional experiences must be examined.

Individual Characteristics and Beliefs

Feild (1978) reported that sex and race/ethnicity were strong predictors of officers' beliefs about rape. Police who were female and/or Black held the least victim-blaming attitudes toward rape. Level of education also contributes to perceptions of rape. In a random sample of adults (not police officers), participants with more formal education were less accepting of rape myths and stereotypes (Burt, 1980).

Attitudes toward rape are also influenced by sex role stereotypes. Men, particularly those who hold traditional attitudes, believed rape is


more justifiable than do women (Muehlenhard, 1988). Muehlenhard and Linton (1987) reported that men who initiate a date, pay all the expenses, and drive on the date are more likely to be sexually aggressive. But, if a woman assumes the role of date initiator, she is judged by both sexes to want sex, and if sex occurs against her will, it is judged as a likely conse- quence and viewed as justifiable (Muehlenhard, Friedman, & Thomas, 1985).

Burt (1980) hypothesized that adversarial sexual beliefs (the belief that sexual relationships are fundamentally exploitative and each party is manipulative, sly, and cheating) and acceptance of interpersonal violence contribute to blaming victims for their own victimization. In her random sample of adults, sex-role stereotyping and adversarial sexual beliefs were correlated with rape myth acceptance, but the best predictor was acceptance of interpersonal violence. Respondents who believed that force and coercion are legitimate ways to gain compliance in intimate relationships strongly believed that rape victims were to blame for the assault.

Work Experience Factors

Research on the influence of police officers' work experiences on rape beliefs is sparse. To more fully understand previous studies (and the current research), it is important to examine how various aspects of officers' work experiences are measured. For example, there is debate as to what, if anything, can be learned about extraindividual phenomena by collecting data from individuals. Some, such as Lewin (1952), have stressed the importance of objective measurement of the environment--how do observable features of the environment impact individuals? By contrast, Katz and Kahn (1978) and Glick (1985) have argued that individuals' perceptions of their experiences and environments can shed some light on the larger environmental context--how does what you think about your environment influence beliefs and behaviors? An alternative perspective is to view the assessment of the "environment" on a continuum from more subjective measurements to objective assessments. The focus may be on individuals' belief (an individual level of analysis), or, individuals' perceptions of their environments (also an individual level of analysis), or observable features of their environments (an ecological level of analysis). Depending on the aim of study, different locations on this continuum of assessment may be more or less appropriate, more or less valid.

Turning to rape research, subjective assessments of the environment have been utilized in previous studies predicting police attitudes toward rape (i.e., people's perceptions of their environments--an individual level

254 Campbell

of analysis). Feild (1978) used a self-report measure of professional experience with rape cases, which was, and likely continues to be, an appropriate conceptualization of measurement. Typically, one officer writes the police report, but several others may have talked to or interacted with the victim, which may not be reflected in the official report. He found that officers' self-reported professional experience with rape cases had no influence on their perceptions of rape. Police who reported that they had more experience with rape victims did not differ in their attitudes from those with less professional contact with victims. Further, training on rape appeared to have a detrimental impact: Officers who reported that they had had training on rape tended to place more emphasis on victims' resistance. At the time this study was conducted, many state laws required victim resistance for prosecution (see Fischer, 1989), but Feild's results suggested that officers overemphasized this aspect of the law, and focused less on the assailants' behaviors.

Integrating Work Experiences and Individual Beliefs: A Proposed Model

Police officers' perceptions of rape appear to be related to their individual beliefs, with some suggestion that their work experiences may also shape their attitudes. A model that integrated and expanded these approaches is developed in this study. The basic premise of this model is that officers' work experiences will have a direct impact on their perceptions of date rape. Yet, individuals' beliefs about women and gender roles have also been demonstrated to be influential. Thus, the effect of work experience may be quite complex, and therefore, a simple, direct connection cannot capture the effect of individuals' global ideologies. As a result, in addition to a direct path, work experience may have an indirect effect through of- ricers' general beliefs about women and gender roles. The specific constructs in this model and its structure are presented below.

Work Experience Predictor Variables

Experience with Rape. Feild (1978) found that self-reported experience with rape cases did not affect officers' attitudes toward rape. Due to the fact that more women have come forward to report rape since this study was conducted, these results may have changed, and experience may have a positive impact on rape attitudes. Working with victims and witnessing their devastation may change officers' rape stereotypes. In their experiences, officers may see behaviors that might be supportive of common rape myths (e.g., alcohol use by the victim, poor judgement by the victim) but,


overall, experience could have a beneficial effect, challenging victim-blaming beliefs. Police officers' self-reported experience with rape cases (rather than official departmental records) was used in this study, locating this con- struct at the more subjective end of the "assessing the environment con- t inuum" discussed previously (i.e., people ' s percept ions of their environments, an individual level of analysis).

Training on Rape. Feild (1978) also reported that officers who had been trained on rape viewed victims' resistance as a critical factor in the case. Most states have dramatically reformulated their rape laws since this study, dropping victim resistance as a necessary component for prosecution (see Berger, Searles, & Neuman, 1988), and most police were retrained on the new sexual assault laws. The majority of the officers in the present study had had training on the revised rape statutes, making an objective assessment of training per se less informative. As a result, this model utilized a more subjective perspective and examined the connection between how helpful the officers rated their training on rape and their rape beliefs (i.e., people's perceptions of their environments, an individual level of analysis). The fact that the officers had been trained may not be as critical as what they gained from their training environment. Police who found training to be very helpful may have less victim-blaming attitudes toward date rape.

Sexual Harassment in the Workplace. One previously unexamined fea- ture of officers' work experiences that might have implications for rape attitudes is sexual harassment in the workplace. Other research has suggested that when men outnumber women in a workplace, the work environment is often more "sexualized" (e.g., flirting, sexual innuendo, and sexist comments are common), and there is more actual and perceived sexual harassment of women (Deaux & Ullman, 1983; Gutek, 1985; Gutek, Cohen, & Konard, 1990; Gutek & Morasch, 1982; Haavio-Mannila, Kaup- pinen-Totopainen, & Kandolin, 1988; Konrad & Gutek, 1986; O'Farrell & Harlan, 1982). Since policing remains a male-dominated profession (U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1992), it is possible that their work climate is highly sexualized and sexual harassment is prevalent. Additionally, it is reasonable to assume that since sexual harassment affects people's perceptions of women in general (see Unger & Crawford, 1992), working in a sexualized work climate could impact officers' attitudes toward date rape victims, in particular. Yet, objective measurement of sexual harassment and a sexualized work environment is extremely difficult, so subjective assessments are typically employed (e.g., Gutek et al., 1990, Sexualized Work Environment Scale) (i.e., people's perceptions of their environments, an individual level of analysis). With this approach, however, it is more accurate to view such measurements as indices of individuals'

256 Campbell

awareness of sexual harassment rather than group-level climate measurements. For instance, to report that a sexist joke occurred requires that one identified the remark as both a joke and as sexist. To report that flirting occurred requires that one identified the behavior not as typical interaction but as flirting. Self-report measures of work environment sexualization, therefore, may be measuring individuals' levels of awareness of sexual harassment. The aim in the present study was to explore a possible link between perceiving work environment sexualization and sexual harassment, and perceptions of date rape. If officers are aware of such behaviors and label them as sexualized and harassing, it would be expected, given this level of awareness, that they would hold less victim-blaming perceptions of date rape.

IndivMual Beliefs Predictor Variable

Sex Role Stereotypes. General attitudes toward women have been reported to be strong predictors of opinions toward rape (Burt, 1980; Feild, 1978). Officers who have less stereotypical ideas about women may be less victim blaming on the issue of rape. People who believe that women should have choices and control over their lives and bodies are quite different from those who believe women should service men and children. Favorable attitudes toward women in general may be related to less victim-blaming perceptions of date rape.

Outcome Variable

In the current study, perceptions of date rape were defined more broadly than in previous research. Attitudes toward dating violence have been used as predictors of rape beliefs (Burt, 1980). But, date rape is dating violence. Consequently, perceptions of date rape were measured with multiple scales that assessed attitudes toward dating violence and general attitudes toward date rape.

Structure of the Model

Figure 1 presents the structure of this integrated model. Multiple pathways to perceptions of date rape are modeled. First, direct pathways from the work experience constructs to perceptions of date rape are hypothesized. Officers with more experience with rape cases, those who found their training on rape to be helpful, and those who perceived their work


A

E

Q

e ~

q~

-O

O

c~

o

258 Campbell

environment as more sexualized were expected to hold less victim-blaming perceptions of date rape. Second, indirect pathways through sex-role stereotypes were expected. The effect of officers' work experiences may be fil- tered through their general ideological beliefs about gender roles. Police with more experience with rape cases, those who found their training on rape to be helpful, and those who perceived their work environment as more sexualized were expected to have more favorable attitudes toward women in general, which would be related to less victim-blaming perceptions of date rape.

THE CURRENT STUDY

T~vo approaches were used in this study to converge on an understanding of police officers' perceptions of date rape. First, this proposed model that integrated work experiences and individual beliefs to predict perceptions of date rape was evaluated. The second approach utilized qualitative, open-ended questions that allowed officers to define and describe what they viewed as important factors and experiences that have shaped their beliefs about date rape. Qualitative methods were used in addition to quantitative path modeling for several reasons. Schmitt and Bedeian (1982) reminded researchers that although structural equation modeling is a useful tool for understanding complex patterns of prediction, there could be alternative models that would also represent the data. Cross-validation of the model is necessary. By qualitatively asking the officers if, how, and why their perceptions of date rape cases have changed over time, we can asses whether the constructs identified by the researcher that were evaluated in the model are consistent with the constructs identified by the participants as those that have influenced their beliefs. As noted previously, what may be defined as important by the researcher may not be viewed as important by the participants. By integrating quantitative and qualitative approaches, a convergent understanding of key constructs necessary to predict officers beliefs about date rape may emerge (see Cherryholmes, 1992; Fetterman, 1988; Salomon, 1991; Steckler, McLeroy, Goodman, Bird, & McCormick, 1992). Additionally, several philosophers of science have noted that quantitative methods have overshadowed other ways of knowing, such as qualitative methodologies, which can hamper scientific progress (see Brannen, 1992). By mixing methods, this bias in science can begin to be addressed and the quantitative-qualitative divide can become deconstructed (Bran- nen, 1992; Bryman, 1992; Hammersley, 1992; Jayaratne & Stewart, 1991; Steckler et al., 1992).

Police Perceptions of Date Rape

Table I. Demographics of Research Participants

259

Medium-sized University Total city police police

Sample size 91 53 38 Gender

% Male 88 98 74 % Female 12 1 26

Race % White 91 90 91 % African American 9 10 9

M Age (years) 39 40 39 Family

% Married 60 62 58 % Children 79 87 68

Education % college graduate 74 57 91

Work history M years Police Officer 15.95 15.76 16.27 M years at Department 14.17 14.47 13.66

% Patrol 56 58 52 % Command 30 27 33 % Investigations 11 15 5

Rape training % Had training on rape 60 53 67

METHOD

Research Participants

Two police departments agreed to participate in this study (N = 91). 3 The first group of officers were from a medium-sized city in the Midwest (n = 53). The second group of officers were from a police department for a large Midwestern university (n = 38). The officers from the two departments did not differ significantly on the variables studied, so they were combined and treated as one sample.

Relevant demographic information regarding the research participants is presented in Table I. The majority of the participants were male (88%), and 91% of the sample was white. Ages of the police officers ranged from 24 to 57, with a mean age of 39 years. Most of the officers were married (60%), and the majority had children (79%). Almost three quarters (74%) had obtained either an associate's or bachelor's degree.

3A third department was asked to participate, but declined. The Assistant Chief of Police told the investigator that his department simply did not view date rape as a serious enough crime to warrant his officers' time to participate (Personal Communication, May 27, 1992).

260 Campbell

The police had been officers for an average of 15.95 years, with a range of 1.8 years to 30 years. They had been with their current department for an average of 14.17 years, with a range of 7 months to 29.6 years. Over half (56%) of the participating officers were street patrol officers, 30% were command officers, and 11% were investigators. Over half (60%) of the of- ricers had had special training on rape.

Procedure

The investigator began this project by spending over 100 hours with each police department, riding along on police calls, attending briefing meetings, and attending trials. This lengthy time of reconnaissance was employed because prior research suggested that response rates could be quite low (e.g., only 24% of the police officers in Feldman-Summers and Palmer's, 1980, study completed their surveys). This concern was raised with the command officers at each department and both recommended that the members of the research team spend extensive time with the officers to establish trust. Further, the command officers advised that we take care not to assert our own values and opinion so strongly in these interactions that we may jeopardize the quality of the data. Consequently, in this initial phase, the officers were aware that the members of the research team were psychology students who were planning a project on the criminal justice system and violence against women. Very rarely, however, did the topic of rape come up in these initial discussions. Instead, the focus was almost always on helping the research team learn the pro- cedural details of the officers' jobs and the functioning of the criminal justice system.

After this trust-building phase, the research component began. The investigators attended briefing meetings at the police departments to further describe the project to the officers and distribute the questionnaires. Officers were given time on duty, in private offices to complete the questionnaires, and spent approximately 1 hour completing the survey. The response rates in this study were quite high as 87% of the officers from the first department and 86% of the officers from the second department completed the questionnaire.

Measures

A written questionnaire that contained scales developed for this study and scales modified from previous research was used to assess the predictor


and outcome variables in the model. (Copies of all scales are available from the author.) Three additional open-ended questions were included that asked officers to describe what has been influential to them in shaping how they think about date rape.

Work Experience Predictor Variables

Experience with Rape--The Experience With Rape Scale (EWR). Police officers' experience with rape cases was assessed by four questions developed by the researcher that asked if they have ever had professional contact with a stranger/date rape victim, and if they had ever interviewed a stranger/date rape victim. The officers' responses were dichotomously coded and averaged to create a scale score so that higher scores reflect more experience with rape cases (M = 0.59, SD = 0.30, variance = .09). Corrected item-total correlations ranged from .37 to .42, and alpha for this scale was .60.

Training on Rape--The Helpfulness of Training Items (HTI). Two items examined officers' perceived helpfulness of training. Officers rated how helpful their first training on rape was and how helpful their most recent training on rape was on a 5-point scale: 1 (not helpful at all) to 5 (very helpful). The mean helpfulness rating was used in the analyses. (For the LISREL analyses, it was assumed that these items had perfect reliability.)

Sexual Harassment in the Workplace--The Sexualized Work Environ- ment Scale (SWES). Perceived sexualization of the work environment was measured with a modified version of Gutek et al.'s (1990) Sexualized Work Environment Scale. The original scale consisted of eight items that asked individuals to report how frequently various events (e.g., flirting) occur in the workplace (i.e., individuals were asked to report their perceptions of how often these behaviors occur--an individuals level of analysis assessment). Respondents answered on a 4-point scale that ranged from very frequently to not frequently at all. These ratings were then averaged to create a scale. Higher scores indicate that the participants' viewed their work environment as more sexualized and saw sexual harassment as a problem in their workplace (M = 2.96, SD = 0.46, variance = .21). One item in the original scale was dropped due to a low item-total correlation, and the remaining items had corrected item-total correlations ranging from .39 to .74. The modified SWES had an alpha of .83, which was higher than in Gutek's original work (.73).

262 Campbell

Individual Beliefs Predictor Variable

Sex Role Stereotypes--The Attitudes Toward Women Scale (ATI49. A modified version of Spence, Helmreich, and Stapp's (1973) Revised Atti- tudes Toward Women Scale was used to assess sex role stereotyping. The Revised ATW consisted of 25 items that assessed opinions toward the rights and roles of women in society (e.g., "Women should not expect the same freedom as men.") Respondents rated their agreement with each item on a 5-point scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Five items were dropped a priori due to ambiguous wording and an additional 10 were dropped because of low factor loading values reported by Spence et al. The remaining 10 items were administered to the participants in this study. Participants' ratings for each item were averaged to create the final scale: Some items were reverse-scored so that higher scores reflect more favorable attitudes toward women (M = 4.18, SD = 0.67, variance = .45). Five items were dropped due to low corrected item-total correlations. These 5 items did not from a separate scale. The final 5-item scale had corrected item-total correlations ranging from .56 to .67, with alpha = .82. 4

Outcome Variable

Given that perceptions of date rape are likely quite complex, this con- struct was measured with multiple scales. First, Burt's (1980) scale of Ad- versarial Sexual Beliefs (ASB) and her scale of Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence (AIV) were included to assess opinions toward dating and violence in intimate relationships (e.g., '~, man must show who is boss."). Par- ticipants rated their agreement with each item on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Based on the item-total correlations reported by Burt, four items were dropped a priori and a five-item version was used in this study. The AIV has an identical format and consisted of six attitude statements about violence in intimate relationships (e.g., "Being roughed up is sexually stimulating to women."). Again, based on the published psychometric properties, two items were dropped a priori and a four-item scale was administered to the participants. The modified ASB and AIV were highly correlated (r = .80, p < .01), so the items were

4These five items were (a) Women should worry less about their rights and more about becoming good wives and mothers. (b) A woman should not expect to go to exactly the same places or to have quite the same freedom of action as a man. (c) In general, the father should have greater authority than the mother in the bringing up of the children. (d) There are many jobs in which men should be given preference over women in being hired or promoted. (e) The intellectual leadership of a community should be largely in the hands of men.


combined into one scale. Reliability analysis was conducted on the combined nine-item scale. Participants' ratings for each item were averaged for this combined scale and higher scores indicated more progressive attitudes toward dating and the acceptability of violence in intimate relationships (i.e., ideas that dating is not fundamentally exploitive and that violence is not acceptable in dating situations) (M = 1.74, SD = 0.54, variance = .29). One item from the ASB was dropped due to lack of variability. Items on this scale had corrected item-total correlations ranging from .59 to .79, with an alpha of .89.

Second, the Attitudes Toward Date Rape Scale (ATDR) was developed by the investigator and consisted of 15 statements to which respondents rated their agreement on a 5-point scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) (e.g., "Women claim date rape to protect their repu- tations."). The majority of the items in the ATDR were drawn from existing measures (12 of 15 questions, 80%), for example, Ward's (1988) Attitudes Toward Rape Victim Scale; Feild's (1978) Attitudes Toward Rape Scale; Larsen and Long's (1988) General Attitudes Toward Rape Scale. Since no measure has yet been developed that specifically assesses attitudes toward date rape and date rape victims, most of the items from the other questionnaires were modified to make them applicable. The participants' ratings were averaged to create the scale, and higher scores indicate less victim- blaming attitudes toward date rape (i.e., more progressive beliefs about date rape) (M = 2.06, SD = 0.44, variance = .19). Corrected i tem-tota l correlations ranged from .24 to .65, with alpha = .81.

In a final step, the intercorrelation of the combined ASB/AIV scale and the ATDR scale was examined. Since these two scales were highly in- tercorrelated (r = .84, p < .01), they were merged to create the final measure of perceptions of date rape that was used in the analyses--the Attitudes Toward Date Rape Total Scale (ATDR-T). Individuals' scores on the ASB/AIV scale and the ATDR scale were standardized before they were combined into a single composite score so that the relative contribution of each scale was equal. A final assessment of the reliability of this combined 23-item scale produced corrected item-total correlations ranging from .26- .70, with final alpha = .90.

Qualitative Questions

Officers were asked a series of three questions exploring what factors they saw as influential in determining their opinions about date rape:

1. Have you changed how you think about date rape cases from when you first became a police officer to now?

264 Campbell

Table H. Themes Coded in the Police Officers' Qualitative Responses

How have your beliefs about date rape changed? 1. Now have more sympathy/empathy for victim 2. Now have less sympathy/empathy for victim 3. Now view date rape as a more serious crime 4. Now view date rape as a less serious crime

What experiences or other factors helped change your perceptions? 1. Individual, nonprofessional experiences (e.g., being raped, having a daughter) 2. Professional experience with rape victims 3. Departmental training on rape/policy on rape 4. Overall department climate is receptive, which helped me be more receptive to date

rape victims 5. Overall department climate is skeptical and/or hostile, but in spite of this, became

more receptive ot rape victims

2. If so, how have your beliefs changed? 3. What experiences or other factors helped change your perceptions?

The presentation of these qualitative items was counterbalanced so that half of the officers had these questions before the quantitative measures, and half received them after the closed-ended scales. A content analysis was conducted coding the themes expressed in the second and third questions. Because the purpose of including these questions was to allow officers to define which experiences have been influential to them, the codes were not developed a prior. Rather, the narratives were read by two raters who then created categories that would characterize their responses. A coding manual was developed that defined each of these themes. Two other raters then used this manual to code the narratives. Due to the detailed and specific and nature of the coding scheme, the raters were likely somewhat aware of the purpose of the study. The themes were dichotomously coded yes (theme was mentioned in the answer) or no (theme was not mentioned in the answer). Ten questionnaires were randomly selected and coded. Initial intercoder agreement was 75%. This percentage agreement index was corrected for chance agreement with the kappa statistic (Cohen, 1960). Initial kappa was .50. The coding manual was revised and another 10 questionnaires were then randomly selected and coded. Intercoder agreement improved to 90% (kappa = .80). Once acceptable intercoder reliability had been established, all of the text was coded and a final assessment of intercoder agreement was calculated. Intercoder reliability was assessed after every 30 questionnaires coded (i.e., reliability was assessed four times). The average intercoder agreement was 96% with a range of


Table HI. Uncorrected Correlation Matrix for Model Predicting Police Perceptions of Date Rape (N = 91)

1 2 3 4

1. Experience with Rape Scale . . . . 2. Helpfulness of training items .09 - - - - - - 3. Sexualized Work Environment Scale .20 a .15 - - - - 4. Attitudes Toward Women Scale .49 a .35 a .26 a - - 5. Attitudes Toward Date Rape .37 a .39 a .29 a .76 a

Scale--Total

ap < .05.

Table IV. Correlation Matrix Corrected for Attenuation for Model Predicting Police Perceptions of Date Rape (N = 91)

1 2 3 4

1. Experience with Rape Scale . . . . 2. Helpfulness of training items .12 - - - - - - 3. Sexualized Work Environment Scale .28 a .16 - - - - 4. Attitudes Toward Women Scale .70 a .39 ~ .32 a -- 5. Attitudes Toward Date Rape .50 a .41 a .34 a .88 a

Scale --Total

ap < .05.

90%-98%. Average kappa was .89. Table II presents the major ideas con- veyed in the officers' responses.

RESULTS

Evaluation of the Model

This model was tested via estimation with analysis of covariance structures in LISREL VII (J6reskog & S6rbom, 1989). The structural equation model contains the relationships among the latent variables (e.g., the relationships among experience, sex role stereotypes, and perceptions of date rape). 5 Measurement error in the model was addressed by correcting for attenuation prior to the execution of the LISREL equations. Table III pre-

5Nine paths were estimated: 1 in the beta matrix (ATW to ATDR-T); 6 in the gamma matrix (EWR, training, and SWES to both ATW and ATDR-T); 2 in the psi matrix (residuals of ATW and ATDR-T). Three paths (all in the beta matrix) were fixed.

266 Campbell

7

' I /" m

b

Z

~J

0 r

0

o

0


sents the original, uncorrected correlation matrix. Table IV presents the correlation matrix, corrected for attenuation, that was analyzed. 6

There are three issues to consider in evaluating this model. First, three criteria are used to determine if the data fit the proposed model: (a) chi-square goodness-of-fit test (should be nonsignificant, which indicates that there is no difference between the data and the model, i.e., the data fit the proposed model)7; (b) goodness-of-fit index/adjusted goodness-of-fit index (should be above .90 and .80, respectively); (c) root mean square residual (should be close to zero) (see Hayduk, 1987, and J0reskog & S6r- bom, 1989). Second, the sign of the path coefficients must be consistent with the predictions. Finally, the size of the coefficients must be sufficient (i.e., statistically significant).

The goodness-of-fit measures were within their appropriate range of values, indicating that the data fit this model. With the number of parameters estimated, it is not surprising that the chi-square test was significant, Z2(6) = 15.01, p = .05, but, more important, the goodness-of-fit index was .97, the adjusted goodness of fit index was .82, and the root mean square residual was .03. The three work experience variables (experience with rape cases, perceived helpfulness of training on rape, and perceived sexualization of the work environment) were significant predictors of the outcome variable (perceptions of date rape). In addition to this direct path, these variables predicted sex-role stereotypes, which, in turn, predicted perceptions of date rape. All path coefficients were positive, as predicted. Finally, the size of the path coefficients was considered, all of which were statistically significant. Figure 2 presents the empirical evaluation of this model.

Qualitative Findings

Officers were asked if, how, and why their beliefs about date rape have changed over time. Over one third (38%) of the officers reported that their opinions have not changed over their career. Yet, 62% indicated that their beliefs had changed, and all officers reported that they now had more sympathy/empathy for date rape victims or now viewed date rape as a more serious crime. Table V presents the reasons officers cited for these changed perceptions and their corresponding percentages. Experience with

6A correlation matrix is presented in this table for ease in interpretation, but for the analyses it was converted to a covariance matrix. See J0reskog and S6rbom (1989) and Hayduk (1987) for a discussion on why covariances must be used in LISREL instead of correlations.

7With a large number of parameters estimated (as in this model), the chi-square test is too powerful and the two additional criteria to determine goodness-of-fit are used (Hayduk, 1987; J0reskog & S0rbom, 1989).

268 Campbell

rape victims was the most f requent ly stated reason for officers' change in

beliefs (66%). For example, some police wrote:

Through my experience I've developed a better understanding of human emotions and situations. An empathy that has survived the abusive builshit of the street and has been reinforced by time on the street. A realization that rape can only be parallel to attempted murder in the personal effect on the victim.

Until you have worked with victims you don't fully appreciate the impact it has on them.

Through my experiences on rape cases I've learned that women are the victims of rape, not the causes of rape.

D e p a r t m e n t a l t ra in ing and d e p a r t m e n t rape policies were also a f requen t ly

m e n t i o n e d factor that impacted their op in ions (41%). F o r instance, some

officers wrote:

The emotional impact on victims is devastating and sometimes they are not clear and aren't terribly helpful at first to the police. You need training to understand this impact and learn how to do the interview correctly and get the information you need.

Training is needed to get better in at investigation and report writing. I think rape is a lot more destructive than I ever thought before. It's not like any other crime. Regular procedures don't always cut it.

Some officers (21%) m e n t i o n e d that their overall d e p a r t m e n t c l imate was

g o o d - - w o m e n were t rea ted with respect, rape cases viewed se r ious ly - -

which he lped them re th ink their beliefs abou t rape:

I now consider rape to be the most serious of all crimes. In most other crimes, the recovery process is much easier. How officers treat the victim can really effect how well she is able to handle the situation. This department has really emphasized this fact to me and helped me take this more seriously.

My sergeants and lieutenants take everything about this line of work seriously. They take no trap from no one. They will not let you talk bad about anyone or any victim. I know of one officer who got in trouble for his talk about a rape girl. Since then, I have tried not to judge any victim.

Yet , 14% of the officers repor ted that their depa r tmen t was no t suppor t ive

to w o m e n and did not take rape cases seriously. In spite of this negat ivi ty

(or in response to it), they became sympathet ic to victims or be ga n to view

rape cases more seriously. Fo r example, some officers wrote:

After 30 years as a police officer, I'm disgusted that the issue of "resistance" by the victim becomes the all important factor for other officers and for their department. Bank tellers don't have to get shot in order for there to have been a bank robbery. Officers in this department just don't see the difference.

Some peer influences have not been helpful such as insensitive remarks regarding rape victims. Any improvement in how I deal with rape victims developed in spite of the other officers around here.


Personal experiences were ment ioned by the officers 22% of the t ime as factors that changed their percept ions of date rape. For instance, some police wrote:

I was raped when I was in college. I remember how the officer who took my report snapped his gum and yawned. I don't want any victim to have to go through what I went through.

I think of my wife and daughter. I treat rape victims as if they were my own wife or daughter, with empathy, patience, concern, support, understanding, etc.

I think of how my daughter would want to be treated and how I would like my daughter to be treated.

A friend of mine was raped recently. I know she couldn't have done anything to cause that kind of attack. Made me think about other victims and that they probably didn't cause it either.

These narratives suggest that the work experience variables in the quantitative model (experience with rape cases, training on rape, perceived sexual harassment in the workplace) are indeed key constructs impact ing how officers perceive date rape. Individually based reasons were also cited by the officers, but somewhat less frequently than the work experience constructs.

D I S C U S S I O N

Two approaches were used in this study to examine what variables predict police officers ' percept ions o f date rape. Using quanti tat ive methods, a model that integrated work experience constructs and individual beliefs was evaluated for its fit with these data. F rom a qualitative perspective, police defined in their own words what experiences have been influential to their perceptions.

Table V. Percentages for Themes Coded in the Police Officers' Qualitative Responses

What experiences or other factors helped change your perceptions? %

1. Individual, nonprofessional experiences (e.g., being raped, having 22 a daughter) Professional experience with rape victims 66 Departmental training on rape/policy on rape 41 Overall department climate is receptive, which helped me 21 be more receptive to date rape victims Overall department climate is skeptical and/or hostile, 14 but in spite of this, became more receptive to date rape victims

2. 3. 4.

5.

270 Campbell

Major Fintfings

It was hypothesized that the data would fit this integrated model, and there was empirical support for this prediction. In contrast to previous research (e.g., Feild, 1978), these results suggest that officers with more experience held more sympathetic beliefs about date rape and date rape victims. Also diverging from Feild's findings, officers who found their training on rape to be very helpful had less victim-blaming perceptions of date rape. The present study delves into new areas by examining the relationship between perceived sexual harassment in the workplace and beliefs about date rape. This model suggests that officers who reported that their work environment was sexualized and sexual harassment was a problem also held less victim-blaming perceptions. Sex-role stereotypes have been demonstrated in previous studies to be strong predictors of rape attitudes (Burt, 1980; Muehlenhard, 1988), which was also confirmed in this model. The work experience variables had an indirect influence on rape beliefs through sex-role stereotypes. Officers with more experience, those who perceived their training as helpful, and those with heightened awareness of sexual harassment in the workplace also held more favorable attitudes toward women, which, in turn, predicted less victim-blaming perceptions of date rape. These results emphasize the importance of looking beyond individual beliefs factors to understand how members of the criminal justice system view date rape.

The qualitative results supported the argument for the importance of work experience constructs predicting individual's perceptions. When officers were asked to describe what experiences and factors have impacted their beliefs about date rape, most often they reported that professional experience with rape victims helped them to develop more sympathy and/or view date rape as a more serious crime. Through their experiences, many officers more fully realized and understood the devastation caused by this type of assault. The second most commonly mentioned factor was departmental training on rape. Officers noted that training was important to learn how to respond to rape victims because the impact of this crime is markedly different from other crimes against the person. Not surprisingly, their personal experiences also affected their beliefs. One officer disclosed that she had been raped in college, which influenced how she now responds to victims. Others mentioned that having a daughter and realizing that she too could be a victim prompted them to take rape cases more seriously. Few officers mentioned sexual harassment in the workplace explicitly, yet some referred to interactions between men and women in the work environment as experiences shaping their beliefs. Whereas some officers noted that strong ethics, respect for women, and respect for all victims influenced


them, others noted that insensitive remarks and unprofessional treatment of victims by their colleagues strengthened their resolve to be empathic and responsive. These qualitative responses suggest, similar to the quantitative findings, that the work experiences had an equal, if not stronger, impact on police perceptions of date rape.

It is important to note three methodological limitations that must be considered in the interpretation of these results. First, structural equation modeling is a well-suited technique for examining multiple predictions, but several models could successfully fit one data set. Additionally, other variables not measured in this study could be strong predictors of date rape attitudes. Allowing the officers to define what factors have been influential to them somewhat addressed this issue, as they had the opportunity to name other influences not tapped in the quantitative questions. This cross- validation revealed that the variables in the model were also identified by the police officers as influential. Yet, it is important to note that the qualitative findings cannot address whether the structure of this model is "cor- rect." Rather, they can help answer the broader question of whether the variables in the model are indeed important to the officers and how they think about date rape. Taken together, the quantitative and qualitative re- suits indicate that these work experience and individual beliefs constructs are influential variables, and one such "arrangement" (i.e., structure) of these variables has been supported. In future research, quantitative and qualitative approaches should be used independently as well as integratively to determine if they again converge on a consistent pattern of results. Moreover, other model structures should be evaluated.

Second, both samples of officers were selected from police departments that agreed to participate in this study, and, therefore, the generalizability of these findings are unknown. The demographic characteristics reported indicate that the officers' education level may be higher than national averages: 74% of the officers in this sample were college graduates compared to 37% on the national level (Carter & Sapp, 1991; U.S. De- partment of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1992). But, due to ambi- guity in the question, it is not clear if the officers in this study had degrees from a 2-year or 4-year college. The national data reported here are the percentages for 4-year college graduates. These results may be gener- alizable only to other officers with similar education levels. Other factors that may affect generalizability include the gender and racial composition of this sample. Although the gender breakdown in this study is consistent with national data, there was limited racial diversity as the sample was almost exclusively white. Feild (1978) found that racial/ethnic minorities held more sympathetic views of rape victims, which suggests that the results of this study may have been different with greater racial diversity. Addition-

272 Campbell

ally, information about the officers' socioeconomic status was not collected, so it is not known how SES may have impacted the findings. These samples were also drawn from Midwestern cities, and one was a college police department. The officers in these departments do not handle the number of crimes and the number of serious crimes as do police in departments in larger cities. The college police sample used in this study, however, may be helpful in examining how date rapes on college campuses are responded to. Date rape is a growing problem at many universities and these findings could be useful for understanding similar police departments.

Finally, both social desirability bias and common method variance are potential threats to the interpretation of these findings. Rape is a contro- versial and sensitive topic and officers have reason to bias their answers to appear more aware and sensitive to the problem of rape. Further, because the researchers spent extensive time with the officers to establish trust before the study began, this familiarity may have also biased the re- suits. Given that this possibility was not specifically tested for, it remains a limitation of this study. Additionally, common method variance is an issue as all of the data collected in this study were self-report. Thus, one problem of using subjective assessments of work experiences is that validation from independent, objective sources of information is not available. Future research should employ more objective techniques, such as collecting archival data from the police departments to verify how many rape cases the officers had worked on. Similarly, an observational technique to assess sexualization of the work environment and sexual harassment may have been beneficial to provide another, convergent source of data.

Implications for Research and Interventions

The results of this study underscore both the problems and the potential usefulness of collecting data from individuals about their environments. A great deal of information was garnered about possible modes of intervention by utilizing subjective assessments of the environment through surveying individuals about their work experiences. Yet, for some variables of interest to researchers, subjective measurements of the environment are neither appropriate nor particularly elucidating. For example, in this research it was hypothesized that a sexualized work environment may impact officers' beliefs about date rape. In this instance, asking police to report how often sexist jokes or flirting occurs in their workplace is very likely affected by their level of awareness of sexual harassment. Thus, this question could be more adequately answered by employing objective assessments of the environment. This suggests that researchers must consider the


degree to which perceptions of an environment may be tainted by individual beliefs when choosing subjective assessments to learn about extraindividual phenomena.

Integrating qualitative and quantitative approaches in this study added richness and validated the findings (see Steckler et al., 1992). For instance, experience with rape cases was a significant predictor of perceptions of date rape. But, as when one officer wrote, "I did not realize the personal, permanent life changing effects of rape has on the victim until I worked my first rape case," this link in the model comes to life and we gain some insight into how and why experience is important. Using a tri- angulation of methods can also verify the validity of the research findings (Steckler et al., 1992). In this study, the qualitative and quantitative results present a consistent picture, increasing the confidence of the interpretation of the results. If the two approaches do not converge, then there is an opportunity to examine the appropriateness of each method, and explore which results are more valid and why (Steckler et al., 1992). Integrating qualitative and quantitative methods can push researchers to consider more carefully the integrity of our conclusions.

From a practical perspective, using work experience constructs and integrating qualitative and quantitative approaches was helpful to suggest methods of intervention to address the police response to date rape. First, since officers' experience with rape cases affects their beliefs about date rape, encouraging rape victims to report assaults will increase police contact with victims, and thereby potentially challenge their opinions. Through experience, officers may be able to better understand the impact of rape and may change their perceptions and treatment of rape victims. Increasing reporting rates could benefit police, and, assuming sensitive treatment by the officers, the victims as well. Reporting date rape is a necessary (although not sufficient) step for prosecution and public recognition of date rape as a crime.

Yet, concentrating on increasing reporting rates may not be the sole answer to the present institutional bias against date rape (MacKinnon, 1987). Ensuring sensitive treatment by the police is critical. The model evaluation results suggest that officers who found training on rape very helpful had less negative and stereotypical perceptions of date rape. It is, however, possible that these officers already had favorable attitudes toward women and more progressive beliefs about rape, and hence, they found training more helpful. This implies that training interventions on rape may not be able to start with the issue of rape, and instead may need to first concentrate on more general issues, such as attitudes toward women and gender roles. Training programs that address general perceptions of women

274 Campbell

as well as specific information on rape may be effective in changing biased attitudes toward date rape.

Field work and training programs are only part of the experiences of police officers. The climate of their work environment may also impact how they think about their jobs and how they actually perform their jobs. In this study, police who thought they were working in a sexually harassing environment had less victim-blaming perceptions of date rape. As noted previously, this model did not examine the impact of the actual occurrence of sexual harassment on perceptions of date rape, but this relationship should be explored in future research. Given that even perceived sexual harassment is predictive of officers' attitudes, addressing sexual harassment in the police work environment could be another beneficial intervention strategy. Creating supportive work environments that do not contribute to the degradation of women may help create a climate of respect for women. Such a climate may impact officers' beliefs about women in general, and rape victims in particular.

Implicit in all of these interpretations and intervention suggestions is the importance of officers' perceptions of women as determinants of rape beliefs. Addressing sexist beliefs may be an important place to begin when educating or reeducating police officers on rape. Within a feminist framework, this approach makes intuitive and practical sense because rape is not just an act of penetration, it is about power, male power over women, and women's place in society (MacKinnon, 1987). Examining and challenging the larger social framework can address, and work to eliminate the deeper causes of rape.

REFERENCES

Barker, R. B. (1968). Ecological psychology. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Barker, R. B. (1978). Habitats, environments, and human behavior. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Belknap, J. (1989). The sexual victimization of unmarried women by nonrelative

acquaintances. In M. A. Pirog-Good & J. E. Stets (Eds.), Violence in dating relationships: Emerging social issues (pp. 205-218). New York: Praeger.

Berger, R. J., Searles, P., & Neuman, W. L. (1988). The dimensions of rape reform legislation. Law and Society Review, 22, 329-357.

Brannen, J. (Ed.). (1992). Mixing methods: Qualitative and quantitative research. Aldershot, England: Avebury.

Bryman, A. (1992). Quantitative and qualitative research: Further reflections on their integration. In J. Brannen (Ed.), Mixing methods: Qualitative and quantitative research (pp. 57-78). Aldershot, England: Avebury.

Burr, M. R. (1980). Cultural myths and supports for rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 38, 217-230.

Carter, D. L., & Sapp, A. D. (1991). Police education and minority recruitment: The impact of a college requirement. Washington, DC: Police Execution Research Forum.


Cherryholmes, C. H. (1992). Notes on pragmatism and scientific realism. Educational Researcher, 21, 13-17.

Cohen, J. (1960). A coefficient of agreement for nominal scales. Educational and Psychological Measurement, 20, 37-46.

Deaux, K., & Ullman, J. C. (1983). Women of steel: Female blue-collar workers in the basic steel industry. New York: Praeger.

Feild, H. S. (1978). Attitudes toward rape: A comparative analysis of police, rapists, crisis counselors, and citizens. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 36, 156-179.

Feldman-Summers, S., & Palmer, G. P. (1980). Rape as viewed by judges, prosecutors, and police officers. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 7, 19-40.

Fetterman, D. M. (1988). A qualitative shift in allegiance. In D. M. Fetterman (Ed.), Qualitative approaches to evaluation in education: The silent scientific revolution (pp. 3-19). New York: Praeger.

Fischer, K. (1989). Defining the boundaries of admissible expert testimony on rape trauma syndrome. University of Illinois Law Review, 1989, 691-734.

Flynn, L. (1974). Women and rape. Medical Aspects of Human Sexuality, 8, 183-197. Glick, W. H. (1985). Conceptualizing and measuring organizational and psychological climate:

Pitfalls in multilevel research. Academy of Management Review, 10, 601-616. Goldstein, J. (1960). Police discretion not to invoke the criminal process: Low-visibility

decisions in the administration justice. Yale Law Jouma~ 69, 543-593. Gutek, B. A. (1985). Sex and the workplace: Impact of sexual behavior and harassment on

women. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Gutek, B. A., Cohen, A. G., & Konrad, A. M. (1990). Predicting social-sexual behavior at

work: A contact hypothesis. Academy of Management Journa~ 33, 560-577. Gutek, B. A., & Morasch, B. (1982). Sex-ratios, sex role spillover, and sexual harassment of

women at work. Journal of Social Issues, 38, 55-74. Haavio-Mannila, E., Kauppinen-Totopainen, K., & Kandolin, I. (1988). The effect of sex

composition of the workplace on friendship, romance, and sex at work. In B. A. Gutek, A. H. Stromberg, & L. Larwood (Eds.), Women and work: An annual review (Vol. 3, pp. 123-137). Beverly Hills: Sage.

Hammersley, M. (1992). Deconstructing the qualitative-quantitative divide. In J. Brannen (Ed.), Mixing methods: Qualitative and quantitative research (pp. 39-55). Aldershot, England: Avebury.

Hayduk, L. A. (1987). Structural equation modeling with LISREL: Essentials and advances. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Jayaratne, T. E., & Stewart, A. J. (1991). Quantitative and qualitative methods in social sciences: Current feminist issues and practical strategies. In M. M. Fonow & J. A. Cook (Eds.), Beyond methodology: Feminist scholarship as lived research (pp. 85-106). Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

J6reskog, K. G., & S6rbom, D. (1989). LISREL 7." User's Reference Guide. Mooresville, IN: Scientific Software.

Kanin, E. J. (1957). Male aggression in dating-courtship relations. American Journal of Sociology, 63, 197-204.

Kanin, E. J., & Parceli, S. R. (1977). Sexual aggression: A second look at the offended female. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 6, 67-76.

Katz, D., & Kahn, R. L. (1978). The social psychology of organizations (2nd ed). New York: Wiley.

Kerstetter, W.A. (1990). Gateway to justice: Police and prosecutorial response to sexual assaults against women. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 81,267-313.

Kerstetter, W. A., & Van Winkle, B. (1990). Who decides? A study of the complainant's decision to prosecute in rape cases. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 17, 268-283.

Kirkpatrick, C., & Kanin, E. J. (1957). Male sexual aggression on a university campus. American Sociological Review, 22, 52-58.

Konrad, A. M., & Gutek, B. A. (1986). Impact of work experiences on attitudes toward sexual harassment. Administrative Science Quarte~y, 31, 422-438.

276 Campbell

Koss, M. P., Dinero, T. E., Seibel, C. A., & Cox, S. L. (1988). Stranger and acquaintance rape: Are there differences in the victim's experience? Psychology of Women Quarterly, 12, 1-24.

Koss, M. P., Gidycz, C. A., & Wisniewski, N. (1987). The scope of rape: Incidence and prevalence of sexual aggression and victimization in a national sample of higher education students. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 55, 162-170.

Krahe, B. (1991). Police officers' definitions of rape: A prototype study. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology, 1, 223-244.

LaFree, G. D. (1989). Rape and criminal justice: The social construction of sexual assault. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Larsen, IC S., & Long, E. (1988). Attitudes toward rape. Journal of Sex Research, 24, 299-304. LeDoux, J. C., & Hazelwood, R. R. (1985). Police attitudes and beliefs toward rape. Journal

of Police Science and Administration, 13, 211-220. Lewin, IC (1952). Behavior and development as a function of the total situation. In D.

Cartwright (Ed.), Field theory in social science: Selected theoretical papers by Kurt Lewin (pp. 238-303). London: Tavistock.

MacKinnon, C. A. (1987). Feminism unmodified: Discourses on life and law. Cambridge, M_A: Harvard University Press.

Madigan, L., & Gamble, N. (1991). The second rape: Society's continued betrayal of the victim. New York: Lexington Books.

McCahiU, T. W., Meyer, L. C., & Fischman, A. M. (1979). The aftermath of rape. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.

Medea, A., & Thompson, IC (1974). Against rape. New York: Farrar, Straus, & Giroux. Mies, M. (1983). Toward a methodology for feminist research. In G. Bowles & R. D. Klein

(Eds.), Theories of women's studies (pp. 117-139). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Mies, M. (1991). Women's research or feminist research: The debate surrounding feminist

science and methodology. In M. M. Fonow & J. A. Cook (Eds.), Beyond methodology: Feminist scholarsh~ as lived research (pp. 60-84). Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Miller, B., & Marshall, J. C. (1987). Coercive sex on the university campus. Journal of College Student Personne~ 28, 38-47.

Moos, R. H. (1986). Work as a human context. In M.S. Pallak & R. Perloff (Eds.), Psychology and work (pp. 9-52). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Muehlenhard, C. L. (1988). Misinterpreted dating behaviors and the risk of date rape. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 6, 30-37.

Muehlenhard, C. L., Friedman, D. E., & Thomas, C. M. (1985). Is date rape justifiable? The effects of dating activity, who initiated, who paid, and men's attitudes toward women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 9, 297-309.

Muehlenhard, C. L., & Linton, M. A. (1987). Date rape and sexual aggression in dating situations: Incidence and risk factors. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 34, 186-196.

Murrell, S. A. (1973). Community psychology and social systems: A conceptual framework and intervention guide. New York: Behavioral Publications.

O'Farrell, B., & Harlan, S. L. (1982). Craftworkers and clerks: The effects of male co-worker hostility on women's satisfaction with non-traditional jobs. Social Problems, 29, 252-264.

Peters, J. (1973). Emotional recovery from rape. Medical Aspects of Human Sexuality, 4, 4-9. Rappaport, J. (1977). Community psychology: Values, research, and action. New York: Holt,

Rinehart, and Winston. Russell, D. E. H. (1974). The politics of rape: The victim's perspective. New York: Stein &

Day. Russell, D. E. H. (1982). The prevalence and incidence of rape and attempted rape of females.

Victimology, 7, 81-93. Russell, D. E. H. (1984). Sexual exploitation: Rape, child sexual abuse, and workplace

harassment. Beverly Hills: Sage. Salomon, G. (1991). Transcending the qualitative-quantitative debate: The analytic and

systemic approaches to educational research. Educational Researcher, 20, 10-18.


Schmitt, N., & Bedeian, A. G. (1982). A comparison of LISREL and two-stage least squares analysis of hypothesized life-job satisfaction reciprocal relationship. Journal of Applied Psychology, 67, 806-817.

Sebba, L, & Cahan, S. (1975). Sex offenses: The genuine and doubted victim. In I. Drapkin & E. Viano (Eds.), Victimology: A new focus (pp. 29-46). Lexington, MA: Lexington.

Seidman, E. (1988). Back to the future, community psychology: Unfolding a theory of social intervention. American Journal of Community Psychology, 16, 3-24.

Shinn, M. (1990). Mixing and matching: Levels of conceptualization, measurement, and statistical analysis in community research. In P. Tolan, C. Keys, F. Chertok, & L. Jason (Eds.), Researching community psychology: Issues of theory and methods (pp. 111-126). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Spence, J. T., Helmreich, R., & Stapp, J. (1973). A short version of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS). Bulletin of the Psychonomie Society, 2, 219-220.

Steckler, A., McLeroy, I~ R., Goodman, R. M., Bird, S. T., & McCormick, L (1992). Toward integrating qualitative and quantitative methods: An introduction. Health Education Quarterly, 19, 1-8.

Unger, R., & Crawford, M. (1992). Women and gender: A feminist psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill.

U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. (1992). State and local police departments, 1990. Washington, DC: Author.

Ward, C. (1988). The Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Scale: Construction, validation, and cross-cultural applicability. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 12, 127-146.

Wicker, A. W. (1983). An introduction to ecological psychology. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole. Wicker, A. W. (1990). Levels of analysis as an ecological issue in the relational psychologies.

In P. Tolan, C. Keys, F. Chertok, & L Jason (Eds.), Researching community psychology: Issues of theory and methods (pp. 127-131). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

William, K. M. (1976). The effects of victim characteristics on the disposition of violent crimes. In W. F. McDonald (Ed.), Criminal justice and the victim (pp. 177-213). Beverly Hills: Sage.

Documents

The role of work experience and individual beliefs in police officers' perceptions of date rape: An integration of quantitative and qualitative methods