The Philippine Islands - Forgotten Books

77 m PH IL IPP INE

ISLANDS 493 898

Explorations by Early Navigators, D escriptions of the

Islands and the ir Peoples , their H istory and Records of

the Cathol ic Missions, as related in contemporaneous

Books and Manuscripts, showing the Poli tical , Eco

nomic,Commercial and Religious Condi tions of those

Islands from the ir earl ies t relat ions wi th European

Nati ons to the close of the N i ne teenth Cen tury

T R A N S L A T E D F R O M TH E O R I G I N A L S

Edited and annotated by EMMA HELEN BLAI R and

JAMES ALEXANDER ROBERTSON, with historical intro

duction and additional notes by E DWARD GAY LORDBOURNE . W ith m aps, portraits and other illustrations

Volum e XXXI V

1519-1522; 1 28 0-1 605

The Arthur H . Clark CompanyCleveland

,Ohio

MCMVI

CO PY R I GHT I 906

TH E ARTH U R H . CLARK COM PANY

ALL n ear s nssm vsn

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIV

Preface

P rim o viaggio intorno al m ondo (concluded) . An

tonio Pigafetta . I talian text with English translation. MS . m . 1525, of events of 1519

- 1522

Notes to P rim o fviaggz'

o

Description of the Philippines . Chao Ju-kua, a

Chinese official and geographer, m . 1280

Docum ents of 1565- 1576

Letter to Felipe I I . Guido de Lavez aris;CubuMay 30,

1565Letter to Felipe I I . Andres de M irandaola '

Cubu,

1565Letter to Felipe I I . Guido de Lavez ari5°

Cubu,July 25, 1567

Letter to Felipe I I , from the royal officials .

Guido de Lavez aris, and others; Cebu,July

Letter to the M arquis de Falces . M artin deRada, Cebu

,July 8 , 1569

Letter to Felipe I I . D iego de Herrera,

Panay , July 25, 1570

Royal com m unications to and concerning Le

gaz pi. Felipe II; Madrid, August 6, 1569- August 29, 1570

Letter to the Viceroy of Nueva E span'

a. Francisco de O rtega, Manila

,June 6

6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V01. 34

Docum ents of 1565- 1576Augustinian m em oranda . [U nsigned and un

dated, but probably com piled jointly by the

Augustinian m issionaries, ca .

Letter to the v iceroy of Nueva E spana, Mar

tin E nriquez . Martin cle Rada; Manila

Jun6 30,1574

Letter to Felipe I I , from the royal officials .

Andres Cauchela and Salvador de Aldave °

Manila, July 1 7, 1574Encom iendas assigned by Legaz pi . HernandoRiquel; Manila, June 2, 1576

Docum ents of 1580- 1605

Letter to the v iceroy of Nueva E spana, Mar

tin Enriquez . M iguel Loarca; ManilaJune 15, 1580

Letter to Gregory X I I I . Pablo de JesusManila, 14 Kalends of July, 1580

Bishop Salaz ar’

s Council regarding slaves .

[Notarial docum ent signed by Bishop Do

m ingo de Salaz ar, Tondo, O ctober

Erection ofManila cathedral . Bishop Dom ingode Salaz ar

,O .P . ;M anila, Decem ber 21 , 158 1

Letter to Felipe I I . Antonio Sedefio, S. .JManila, June 17, 1583

Letter to Felipe I I . Bishop Dom ingo de Salaz ar

,O .P . ; Manila, June 1 8

,1583

Relation of the Philipinas Islands . [Unsignedand undated; I 5863]Letter to Felipe I I . Juan Bautista Rom an;

M anila, July 2,158 8

Letter to Felipe I I . Gom ez Perez D asm ar

m as; Manila, June 21 , 159 1

1 280 -166 5] CONTENTS

Docum ents Of 1580-1605

Royal decree regarding hospitals for nativesFelipe I I ;Madrid, January 17, 1593

Augustinian affairs . Thom as Marquez , O .S .A.

and the nuncio Of Spain; 1599Letter to Felipe II I , from the ecclesiastical cabildo. Juan de Bivero and others; ManilaJuly 3 , 1602

Letter to Felipe I I I . Bernardino Maldonado,Manila, June 21 , 1605

Bibliographical Data

ILLUSTRATIONS

P igafetta’

s Chart of the M oluccasPigafetta

’

s Chart of the islands of Bachian, etc.

P igafetta’

s Chart of the islands of Am boina, etc.

P igafetta’

s Chart of the Banda IslandsP igafetta

’

s Chart of the islands of Zolot, etc.

P igafetta’

s Charts of the island of Tim or, and of

the Laut Chidol or Great Sea

Photographic facsim ile of last page of Pigafetta’

s re

lation showing signature; from the P igafetta MS .

in the Biblioteca Am brosiana, M ilan,I taly

Map of eastern Asia and the eastern archipelago,showing the Moluccas; drawn by D iego Hom em

,

ca . 1558 (on vellum ) ; photographic facsim ileof original m anuscript m ap in the BritishMuseum 150 ,

India tercera nova tabula — m ap of the E astern

archipelago; from Mattiolo’

s edition of P tolem y’

s

Geograpnia ( Venetia, M . D . v 111 ) ; from a copy

of this work in possession of Frank A . Hutchins,

M adison, W isconsin facing p .

Signature of Francisco de Ortega,

from

M S. inArchivo general de Indias , Sev illa facing p .

Signature of M artin Ignacio de Loyola, author of

the I tinerar zo l n Mendoz a’

s H ictoria a’c

China; from M S . in Archivo general de Indias,Sevilla facing p .

PREFACE

In the present volume,P igafetta

’s narrative (be

gun in VOL. XXXI II ) i s concluded ; and a descrip tionof the is lands written by a Chinese geographer Chao

Ju-kua, probably in the th i rteenth centu ry, and various documents covering the years 1565

-1605 are

p resented . Chao Ju-kua ’s description is especi allyinteresting and valuable as i t forms the earl iest authentic notice of the Phil ipp ines p revious to thei rdiscovery by Magalhaes . The remaining documents treat of secular and eccles iastical affai rs in theisl ands and cover a wide range of interests . Variousdetai ls o f the firs t settlements at Cebu and Manil a

,

early explorations,and descriptions of the Phil ip

pines and thei r peoples,supplement the informa

tion of previous volumes . The royal intentions inregard to the discoveries of Legazp i and Legazpihimsel f are set forth in a series of documents

,and

form an inte resting chapter f rom which one m ay

construct the effect caused in Spain by the NewOrient Opened for the fourth time to that country .

The early efforts o f the first miss ionaries,the compl i

cations that arise almost from the very start betweenthem and the secular government

,and the inte rnal

trouble in the Augustinian Order,receive consider

able attention . Of especial interest i s B ishop Sala

I 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

zar’s manifesto creating and erecting the cathedralof Manila

,in which

,in addi tion to other matters

,he

outl ines the duties Of the various Officials . E arlygovernment matte rs and p roblems that a rise therein

,

among them the tribute and commerce,in which one

can see the intimate rel ations between the rel igiousand secular governments Of Spain

,are touched upon .

The documents for 1565- 1605 show that the Phil ippines have had ever since thei r firs t permanent settlement in Cebu

,a precarious existence

,but that they

have nevertheless advanced,although totteringly

,

f rom a very simple state to the more compl icatedcondi tions necessarily brought about by greater stabil ity of government . A synopsis of the documentsin this volume follows .P igafetta relates that on November 13 , a Portu

guese named Pedro Affonso de Lorosa, who hadgone to Terrenate after the death Of Serrao

,comes

to the ships . From him they lea rn the efforts madeby the Portuguese to prevent thei r expedi tion

,and

various news of the region ; and they ply him so wellthat on departing he promises to return to the shipsand go to Spain with them . On November 16 and17, the Moro king of Gilolo visi ts the ship , and isdel ighted with the arti l le ry and fighting quali ties ofthe ships and men

,for he had been a great warrior in

his youth,and is feared throughout that region . On

the eighteenth also,P igafetta goes ashore to see how

the clove grows ; and the resul t of his vis i t i s given ina tole rably correct description of the clove and nutmeg trees . The women of that region , he says , areugly

,and the men are jealous of them and fearful

Of the Europeans .Meanwhile

,the Ternatans bring daily boatloads

1 51 9-1 522] PREFACE I 3

of cloves and other things to the boat,but only food

is bought f rom them,as the clove trade is kep t fo r the

king Of Tidore . The latter returns to the islandson November 24, with news that many cloves willsoon be brought . On the fol lowing day the firstcloves are stowed in the hold amid the firing of thearti l le ry. The king

,in accordance with the custom

of that district,invites the sailors to a banquet in

honor of the firs t cloves laden .

‘But they,mindful of

the fatal May-day banquet,suspect treachery and

make preparations for departure . The king,lea rn

ing of thei r intended departure,is bes ide himsel f

and entreats them to stay with him,or i f they will

go, to take back all thei r p resents , as he would otherwise be considered a traitor by all h is neighbors .Afte r his entreaties have availed

,i t is learned that

some chiefs had endeavo red in vain to turn the kingagainst the Spaniards

,in hopes of currying favor

with the Portuguese . On November 27 and 28,

many cloves are traded . The governor of the i sl andof Machian comes to the ships on November 29, butrefuses to land

,as his father and brother are l iving

in exi le at Tidore ( a curious evidence of O rientalgove rnment customs ) . The king proves hi s f riendl iness once more by returning them some of thei rp resents

,as thei r stock had given out

,in o rde r that

they might give them to the governor . Again on

December 2,the king leaves his isl and to hasten

thei r departure,and on the fifth and sixth the last

trading is done,the men in thei r eagerness bartering

articles o f clothing fo r cloves . Then afte r manyvis its f rom the kings and chiefs of the various MO

luccas and other islands ; after Lorosa, the Portu

guese, has come aboard, notwi thstanding the effo rts

I 4 THE PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

of one Of the Ternatan p rinces to seize him ; andaf te r the witness ing Of various ceremonies betweenthe kings of Batchian and Tidore : the new sail s arebent to the yards

,and the ships p repare to depart .

Leaving the king of Tidore certain of the artil leryand powder captured with the junks

,and thei r Bor

nean captives (having previously given him all thei rother p risoners ) ; and having made peace with va

rious potentates of the region roundabout : the “Victori a” l i fts anchor and stands out to await the “Trinidad . The latte r vessel

,however

,is unable to l i f t

anchor,and suddenly sp rings a leak . The “Vi c

tori a” puts back to port ; the“Trinidad” i s l ight

ened ; but all endeavors to locate the leak are nuavail ing. The king

,sol ic itous les t his p lans of fu

ture greatness go astray,i f the ships cannot return

to Spain,i s ti reless in his effo rts

,but his bes t divers

a re unable to accomplish anything . Finally i t i s deci ded that the “Victori a” will take advantage of thewinds and return to Spain by way of the Cape ofGood Hope

,while the Trinidad

,

” after being overhauled will retu rn by way Of the I sthmus of Panama . Having l ightened the former vessel of Sixtyquintales of cloves

,as i t is overl aden

,the ships sepa

rate,forty-seven Europeans and thi rteen natives sail

ing in the “Vi ctoria” and fifty-three men remainingwith Joao Carvalho . Amid tears from each side

,

the Victori a” departs,and pass ing by the isl and of

M arc,where wood has been cut fo r them

,soon stows

the wood aboard,and then takes i ts p ath among the

numerous isl ands of the East Indian archipel agoes .To P igafetta, the world is indebted for the firstMalayan vocabulary

,and for many descriptions of

isl ands,peoples

,and p roducts . Stopping occasion

1 51 9- 1 522} PREFACE I 5

al ly at various isl ands,fo r fresh supplies and wood,

the “Victoria” p icks i ts way toward the open IndianOcean

,P igafetta meanwhile plying the Malayan

pilot with q uestions regarding all the region, andlearning much

,partly true and partly legendary

,of

various islands,China

,Malacca

,and the Indi an

coast. Thei r longest stay is at Timur,where two

men desert and which they leave on Wednesday,

February 1 1,1522, passing to the south of Sumatra

for fear of the Portuguese . On the way to the cape,

some,constrained by hunger

,wish to s top at the

Po rtuguese settlement at Mozambique,but the ma

jority , loving honor more than l i fe , decide that theymust return to Spain at al l hazards . For nine weeksthey are buffeted about the cape

,which is finally

doubled in May,but only afte r the loss of a mast.

They sail for two months longer without fresh supplies

,and final ly on Wednesday

,July 9, reach San

ti ago,one of the Cape Ve rde I sl ands . Sending a

boat ashore,with a story invented to throw the Port

uguese Off the scent,they are given two boatloads

of rice for thei r merchandise . They are surprisedto find themselves out one day in thei r reckoning

,a

fact that puzzles P igafetta, until he finds out the reason late r

,for he has been most sedulous in setting

down the reco rd of each day. The boat with thi rteen men returns once more

,but the secret leaks out

in part,and the ship with only eighteen Europeans

( for twenty-one men, counting Europeans and Malays

,have died since leaving Timur

,part of Whom

have been executed for thei r c rimes ) , hastily departsto avoid capture . On Satu rday

,Sep tembe r 6

,the

ship enters San Lucar,with most of i ts crew sick

,

and on Monday,September 8

,they are anchored

I 6 TH E PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

once more at Seville . Next day,the men vis i t two

famous shrines in p rocession to give thanks for thei rreturn . P igafetta, s til l restless , goes to Valladolid ,

ences ; and finally to Venice in I taly, where he p roposes to pass the remainder of his days .Especially valuable to the student in Phil ipp iniana is the short description of the Phil ipp ines byChao Ju-kua

,who p robably wrote in the thi rteenth

century,more than a century before the first Eu

ropean discove ry . Chao Ju-kua ’s information seemsto have been Obtained personal ly from Chinese traders to the Phil ippines

,and al though very imperfect

and all too short,one can identi fy almost certainly

the islands of Luz én,Mindoro

,Mindanao

,Paragua

,

and the Vi sayas . The people are sl ightly described ;and various p roducts of the islands are given andtrading methods desc ribed . The existence in thefirst-named island of smal l statues of Buddha is interesting and probably points to a long-continuedintercourse between Chinese and Fil ipinos .Guido de Lavez aris writes to Fel ipe I I (May 30,

referring briefly to his participation in theV i ll alobos expedition

,and his subsequent journey

to Spain to give information thereof ; also his partieipation in a Florida exploration expedi tion underTristan de Arellano . After aiding in the preparation of Legazpi ’s fleet

,he sails with it as treasurer .

He asks royal reward in behalf Of his services in ih

troducing the ginger plant, which has thriven soabundantly

,into Nueva E spana ; of which he has

been cheated by Francisco de Mendoga who hadpromised to negotiate i t for him . Legazpi ’s expedi

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I 8 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

Men and supplies are needed by the colonis ts .M irandaola asks royal confirmation of his office andan increase in sala ry.

This is followed by a lette r from Guido de Lavezaris (July 25, in which reference is made tohis lette r of I 565 and his services . The

“San Geronim o

” despatched from Nueva Espana in 1566,has arrived

,with news Of the discovery Of the return

route,afte r a voyage flavored with hardship and

mutiny ; Legazpi and the royal oflicials sending a

detailed relation . Mountains full of cinnamon havebeen found at Caui t in Mindanao

,but in order to be

benefitted thereby,a settlement in that region is nec

essary,and also as a menace to the Portuguese who

pass by there en route from Malacca to the Moluccas . Two Portuguese ships anchor at Cebu July 10

,

1567, with lette rs from Perei ra, in which the Spaniards are ordered to forsake thei r settlement and goto India . Pe rei ra has received orders to drive themfrom the land and is even now on his way thi therwith nine ships and eight hundred soldiers . ThePortuguese together with the Ternatans have commitred many depredations among the Phil ipp ines .The natives of the res t Of the Moluccas are generallywell disposed toward the Spanish ; and the Tidorans are compelled to pay an annual tribute to thePortuguese . The Portuguese ships leave Cebu inthi rteen days

,but in that time

,Lavez aris has man

aged to borrow a map and navigation chart f romthem

,of which he copies the portion of the l and in

the Spanish demarcation . This he encloses wi th hislette r.The following day

,July 26

,the royal Oflicial s

write to the king, giving somewhat more detailed

1 280 -1605] PREFACE 19

info rmation on some points than Lavez aris has done .

The Cebuans and other natives make peace withLegazpi afte r the departure of the “San Pedro” in1565, but they are a faithless race , who eas ily aban

don thei r homes On the Show of force . Legazp iwisely refrains f rom war with them

,and couse

quently the colonists are sti l l al ive . The cinnamonobtained in barte r is about to be sent to Nueva Es

pana . Mindanao,which has gold

,has been taken

possess ion of for Spain . Cebu has been vis i ted byMoros from Luz én and Mindoro

,who trade gol d

and rice for si lver and pearls ; and they report activetrade with the Chinese . A mutiny in Cebu

,Novem

ber 28,I 565, i s quelled and Legazpi merci fully par

dons most of the offenders . The troubles and m u

tin ies of the “San Geronimo” are graphically re

l ated . Relations with the Portuguese are discussed,

in which it is seen that Legazpi attempts to gaintime. Goiti succeeds Mateo del Saz in the oflice of

maste r-of-camp because of the latter’s death . Theroyal ofiicials ask for an increase in salary

,and

state the need of men and supplies,which are il l

supplied from Nueva Espana . A beginning hasbeen made in the conversion ; but for greater Stability married colonists are needed .

Under date of July 8,1569, Martin de Rada ,

writes to the viceroy of Nueva Espafia, themarquis of Falces

,congratulating him on his ap

pointment . He gives various data in regard to theisl ands Of Luzon

,Borneo

,Panay

,and Mindanao .

The wealthy village of Manila is only seventy leguasf rom Cebu . Gold is very abundant ~ throughout theis lands and is possessed by all the natives

,but they

never mine more than will suflice fo r thei r imme

20 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

diate wants . Merchants f rom Luzon,Borneo

,and

Jolé go through the islands constantly seeking goldand slaves . The natives are arrogant and the rule isone of might

,fo r they have no real rule rs . Soldie rs

are not needed to conquer the land ; they have donemuch damage

,and the natives are afraid of them

,so

much so that they abandon vill ages at thei r ap

proach . The natives are mostly heathens,although

there a re some Moros ; and they could be easi ly converted . Legazpi is to blame for his inaction . Moreharmony is needed . Notwithstanding the abundanceOf suppl ies in the isl ands

,famine p revail s . There

are no boats wi th which to get out the valuable andabundant timber . A settlement in the Phil ipp ines i snecessary i f the Spanish king desi res to conquerChina . The rel igious have not yet begun to bap tizein earnest because they are uncertain whether thecolony is to be permanent .D iego de Herrera

,also wri tes (July 25,

1570 ) to Fel ipe I I , in somewhat the same vein , s tating the need for governmental reform ; for men whounderstand warfare ; and the bad treatment of natIves by Spaniards . He inveighs against the removalfrom Cebu

,the strongest s i te of the isl ands seen

hitherto,to Panay

,which is swampy and unheal th

ful . He advises against the concession of the petition of the Spaniards to allow them to plunder andenslave the Moros . The Moros Of Luz én arescarcely so more than in name and in abstinence frompork

,and are of very recent date . Those of Borneo

are only sl ightly more es tablished and only livealong the coast . Herrera petitions that regular suppl ies be given the rel igious from Nneva E spana unti lthe Phil ippines furnish sufli cient support . Al

1 280 - 1 605] PREFACE 2 I

though they have generally refrained f rom baptism,

because of thei r unce rtainty as to the permanenceOf thei r colony

,they will

,now that that unce rtainty

has ceased,give themselves to the work .

This is followed by a series of documents boundtogether ( 1568-70 ) consis ting Of royal com m unica

tions to and concerning Legazpi . An ofli cial letterbearing the king’s rubric (November 16

,1568 ) re

plies to two letters of Legazpi written in 1567 . Hei s o rdered to continue his policy in the islands . Thematter of galleys wil l rec eive consideration

,as wil l

the question of suppl ies,which will be sent from

Nueva Espafia. He must attend carefully to theconversion of the natives . Encomiendas may be assigned with certain reservations to the crown .

Moros may be ensl aved i f they try to preach Mahom etanism . A report on slavery among the Filip inos is to be sent to the royal Council of the Indies .Al l the Portuguese among the colonis ts must be sentto Spain as they are a menace to the new colony . Bya document dated August 6

,1569, Legazpi is

granted the l ieutenancy of a fort in Cebu,and shall

be received as such,and shal l perform the duties

incumbent upon that oflice . On the fourteenth ofthe same month and year

,he is also granted by royal

concess ion the ti tle of governor of the Ladrones .Legazp i is to take possess ion of the islands fo r Spain,and he shall be received as governor and captaingeneral therein with the ordinary powers

,and

perquisi tes,and a salary of two thousand ducados .

A document of the same date confers upon Legazpithe ti tle of adelantado of the Ladrones . Royal instructions of August 28

,1569, cons isting Of twenty

two sections,outl ine the pol icy to be followed by

22 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

Legazpi in the Ladrones . These ins tructions cove rsuch points as colonization

,treatment of the natives

,

fortification,rel igion and convers ion

,civil gove rn

ment and public Oflicers,industry

,and trade . The

final document of the series concedes to Legazpi

(August 29, I a grant Of two thousand ducados .The letter of Francisco de Ortega

,O .S .A . (June

6,

discusses general condi tions in the isl ands .Ortega narrates the death of Legazp i on August 21

,

1572, which is greatly deplored by al l for his goodqual i ties and government. Juan de Salcedo has returned f rom explorations in Luzon

,during which he

has ci rcumnavigated the is land — the first to aecom

p l ish that feat . An expedi tion sent out by Lavez arisfails to discover anything new

,the soldiers only

overrunning the district formerly explo red,where

they commit many depredations on the natives,

many of whom are killed,while others flee before

the Spaniard . The present of gold sent to the king iswrung from the poor natives and is only a trifle whencompared to the vas t expenses al ready incurred inLegazpi ’s expedition . The only just sources of

profit will be the cinnamon and the exploiting of thegold mines

,and even this will mean the destruction

of the natives . The viceroy should not trus t only towhat rel ation Juan Pacheco

,who i s going to Nneva

Esp ana,may give

,for he is b iassed in favor Of the

governor for favors received . Authentic news andinformation may be had from D iego de Herrera

,

who is going to Nueva Espana and Spain to reportconcerning secular and eccles iastical affai rs . Ortegacomplains bi tterly of Lavez aris who is a man ofbias and pass ion

,and unfai r to the rel igious and the

Indians and poor Spaniards . He should be reti red

1 280 -1 605] PREFACE 23

as he is over seventy years of age . He has donewrong in regranting vacant encomiendas that hadreverted to the crown

,which is contras ted strongly

with Legazp i ’s steadfas t refusal to do so . The population of the i sl and has been greatly overestimated .

I f a new governor i s not appointed,an efficient

vis i tor should at least be sent . Ortega lauds Juan deSalcedo and Juan de Moron ( the l atte r of whom hasbeen sent unde r unjus t arres t to Nueva Espana ) andasks rewards for them . He bewails the fact that theChinese exploration planned by Legazpi and so desi red by the rel igious has not been carried out mainlybecause of the oppos i tion of Lavez aris and hisf riend . He offe rs h imsel f anew to accompany theexpedition i f i t i s reorganized

,and suggests the ex

plo ration Of the i sl and of Canehill,which belongs

to China,and has a rich export trade in pepper and

Moluccan cloves .At about the same time as the above lette r

,must

have been written the undated memoranda fo r D iegode Herre ra who sail s fo r Nueva Espafia in 1573 to

inform the king of various abuses,and to report on

the i slands,and make various requests . The memo

randa paint the condi tion of the conques t in the darkest colors

,dilating on the cruelty of the Sp aniards

,

which has caused the name of Spaniard to be hatedby the Fil ip ino . Justice is almost an unknownquanti ty

,and sentences are adjudged in favor of him

who pays most . Retal iation for inju ries infl ic ted bythe Fil ipinos i s the o rder of the day

,without any

heed as to whether the guil ty person i s punished ornot . Many raids are made ; and the land is dividedinto encomiendas

,al though not yet pacified . The

encomenderos only bleed,but do not p rotect thei r

24 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS (Vol . 34

natives . Slavery is common among the natives andfor various reasons

,and the Spaniards are quick to

make use of the insti tution unjustly. Various re

quests,some for reform

,are to be made . Above al l

the wrong to the natives should be corrected,and an

investigation made regarding the slaves held un

justly. Honest men should be sent to inspect conditions. Two hospi tals are needed

,and rel igious

are extrem ely necessary. Two secular priests arereques ted to look afte r the Spaniards . I f the Chinese expedi tion is despatched

,the Augustinians wish

to be p referred . Aid i s needed for the support ofthe rel igious . I f slavery is al lowed various measures a re needed regulating i t

,and the final word

regarding slaves should be said by the rel igious .Natives should not be taken on raids agains t thei rwill . The chief p roducts of the isl ands are gold

,

pearls,spices

,and drugs

,and the nearby mainl ands

are rich .

Under date of June 30 , 1574, Martin de Rada ,writes the viceroy of Nueva E spana

,dis

cussing events and condi tions among the Spaniardsand Fil ipinos . He also draws a dark picture of therapaci ty of the Spaniards

,who molest the Fil ipinos

by unjust raids and excess ive demands fo r tribute .

An expedi tion made to the Bicol Rive r and Camarines by Salcedo and Chaves has met success onlyafte r considerable opposi tion f rom the natives whoare the bravest of Luzon

,and who meet heavy losses

in consequence . Chaves is left in I locos with asmall band to effect a colony. Rada encloses a copyof his Opinion” regarding tributes . Notwithstand

ing contrary reports,the islands are but sl ightly

pacified ; the natives are restless and pi racy is fre



meddle with the affai rs of the royal Offici als . Thetrouble with the Augustin ians over the tribute is related f rom the standpoint of the royal officials

,the

Augustinians going so fa r as to assert that the kinghas no legal ti tl e in the i slands . However

,the

tribute is being collected on the l ines lai d out byLegazpi . The officials (Cauchela and Aldave, forM irandaola has been sent under arrest to NuevaEspana ) peti tion an increase of sala ry ; and Aldavethe confirmation of his appointment as treasu re r

,

given him because of Lavez aris’s appointment to thegovernorship .

Hernando Riquel , governmental notary, gives

(June 2,1576) a l ist of encomiendas ass igned by

Legazp i . These include the islands of Cebu,Panay

,

Mindanao,Leyte

,Luzon

,Mindoro

,Luban

,E l in

,

I m aras,Masbat

,Capul

,Maz agua, Maripip i , Cami

guinin,Tablas

,Cubuyan, Bohol , Bantayan , Maren

duque,DonblOn (Romblon ) , Bantén, and Negros.

Many of the names of the early conquistadors a regiven

,and the document possesses value as i t denotes

early attempts at estimation of population,although

those estimates are only vague and very inadequate .Loarca

’s lette r of June 15, 1580, complain ing of

the enmity of Governor Sande,who hates him be

cause he went ou the Chinese expedition by order OfLavez aris

,while he ( Sande ) was ins ide the islands ,

complains that false reports are sent regarding theconquests

,and hence there is a waste of money. He

fears to be too specific in his lette r lest his letters goastray. He asks fo r aid

,for he has received no sal

ary for some years,and has even spent his own money

for publ ic purposes,and has become poor .

In the name of all his b rethren,Pablo de Jesus

,soon

1 280- 1605] PREFACE 27

to be elected custodian of the Franciscans in Manila,

writes (June 18, 1580 ) to PopeG regory XI I I a letter

( partly doctrinal ) , giving account of the voyage ofthe first Franciscan missionaries to the Philippines .On the journey thither a short hal t is made at one ofthe Ladrones

,of whose inhabi tants the father gives

a b rief description . At Manil a the Augustinians,

hi therto the sole rel igious order in the islands,give

them a hearty welcome,but report discouraging

p rogress among the aborigines . Undaunted however

,the new missionaries set to work with a will and

soon Obtain marked results . The evil influence OfM ahom etanism

,which has entered by way of Bor

neo has made i tsel f fel t among some of the natives,

but yet with a suflicient supply of missionaries,the

Fil ip inos,whose customs ( social and religious ) are

briefly described,would soon be converted to the

fai th . The first Franciscan expedition to China,

under the guidance of Pedro de Al faro,which left

Manila,May 20

,1579, is also described , and the

Chinese characte rized . Pablo de J esus begs thepope to order the authori ties in Manil a to ceaseOffe ring obstructions to those rel igious who desi reto go to China to evangelize that great empi re .

On October 17, 158 1 , a council of various rel igiousassembled by Bishop Salazar to discuss the questionOf the l iberation of native slaves held by Spaniards

,

which has been ordered by a royal decree dec ide1 . That an old decree of 1530 prohibi ts the Spaniards to enslave the natives of the Indies ; and thatthat decree was suffic ient by i tsel f to cause all s l avesto be freed . Consequently

,the new decree must be

obeyed . 2. There is not any just reason for awaitinga new order because of peti tion

,for such peti tion is


only a subterfuge to gain time and postpone the l iberation of the slaves . 3 . The slaves must be freed immediately

,al though they may be ordered to remain

with thei r maste rs fo r twenty or thi rty days,in o rde r

to give the latter time to adapt themselves to the sudden change .

Of distinct eccles iastical as well as his to rical interest i s B ishop Salazar’s document Of D ecember 21158 1 , creating and establi shing the cathedral churchof Manila . He p rovides for the appointment Of thevarious eccles iastical Offices

,such as dean

,archdea

con,chanter

,schoolmaste r

,treasurer

,canons

, p reb

endaries,racioneros

,hal f- racioneros

,acolytes

,chap

lains,sac ristan

,organist

,beadle

,econome

,notary of

the chap te r,and the pecul iar office of dog-catcher

,

and outl ines the duties of al l and names the sal aryeach is to receive . Much of interest is said on thesubj ect of ti thes and revenues

,benefices

,the various

parish churches that exis t or may be establi shed,and

thei r p riests,the fai lure of duty of any official

,chap

ter meetings (which must occur twice each week ) ,church services

,etc . A question to assume vast pro

portions late r,namely

,the royal patronage

,presenta

tion for benefices,and the episcopal jurisdiction also

receives mention . This document presents in germthe ecclesiastical government of Manila .

Anton io Sedeno,S . J .

,one of the first of his orde r

to come to the Phil ippines (he having accompaniedBishop Salazar

,in company with one othe r pries t

Alonso Sanchez — and two lay-brothers ) , writes toFel ipe I I

,June 17, 1583 , requesting that the govern

o r be appointed from a resident of the islands,in

stead of sending a new man from Spain to fil l thatpost. Thereby will great occas ion for graft be

1 280- 1 605] PREFACE 9

avoided,and the royal expenses be greatly reduced,

while the whole land will benefit . He suggests theappointment of Juan Baptista Roman , the factor, aprudent man

,who has always opposed wrong . He

also requests permiss ion to found a seminary in o rderthat the Jesuits may remain in the country and fulfilthei r Obligations ; and royal aid for such foundation .

One day after the date of the above letter (Junethe b ishop D omingo de Salazar wri tes to Felipe

I I,urging the establ ishment of a Jesui t college by

royal aid,because of the great advantage that wil l

ensue therefrom . He mentions in general the samereasons for such establ ishment as are urged bySedefio ; and dwells upon the saving to the royaltreasury and the advantage to the l and at l arge . Heasks that dis tricts be divided justly among the rel igions and seculars

,and that the members of no o rder

p reempt a la rge r terri to ry than they can attend to .

This has caused friction between himsel f and therel igious

,which wil l be eliminated by a royal o rder

to the above effect .An anonymous relation translated from a p rintedpamphlet

,which bears ne ither place nor date

,fol

lows . Inte rnal evidence shows i t to have been written by a rel igious Augustinian

,Franciscan

,or Jes

ui t,p referably the second — and before 1587 ( the

year of the arrival of the D ominicans ) , notwith

s tanding that the B ritish Museum copy (whence ourtranscrip t was p rocured ) queries the date 1595. Thisrelation contains many valuable obse rvations on theisl ands

,and thei r people

,products

,and history . The

greate r part Of i t consists of a description of the fourp rovinces Of Luzon

,VI Z .

,that of the Tagalogs and

Pampangos,I locos

,Cagayan

,and Camarines . The

30 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [VOL 34

author mentions the important fact that the Tagalogs are mis takenly cal led Moros

,but they are not

and have neve r been Moros . Continuing his relation

,the rel igious describes Borneo briefly and gives

the sal ient points o f Sande ’s campaign there . TheV is ayans and thei r isl ands are touched upon

,some

l ittle Space being devoted to the first Spanish settlement at Cebu

,whence the Spaniards move to Panay

afte r the negoti ations wi th and assaul t by the Portu

guese under Perei ra . More men and rel igious areneeded to develop the Phil ippines and to christi anize them thoroughly.

The factor,Juan Baptis ta Roman

,writes to Fel ipe

I I (July 2,

relating the chief events OfThomas Candish’

s memorable expedition through aportion of the Phil ippine archipelago . He com

plains b i tterly of the apathy of the governor in notpursuing the English pi rate

,who is only 22 or 23

years old,and says that good time is wasted by at

tempting to strengthen the city of Manila to theabandonment of al l idea of pursui t. He suggestsmeans by which such expeditions may be renderedimpossible in the future . The usual cry of inefli

cient administration and useless expense is made,

as an Offset to which Roman proposes the encouragement of private shipping instead of the use of theroyal vessel s there for

,by means of which the gov

cruor,who engages in trade on his own account

,be

comes rich at the expense and loss of the royal treasu ry. Finally

,the stone fort being buil t at Manila is

useless as i t i s old s tyle and incapable of defendingthe ci ty.

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas in a letter to eithe r theviceroy of Nueva E spana or some high Oflicial in

1 280 1 605] PREFACE 3 I

Spain (June 21 , 1591 ) devotes himsel f almost en

tirely to mil ita ry affai rs . He has introduced systemand discipl ine where i t was lacking before

,and has

bui l t a barracks fo r the soldie rs . He complainsgreatly of the insubordination of the soldie rs therebefore his arrival and the bad example that theyfurnish to the new soldiers . He has also constructeda Stone wall about the ci ty

,which gives an appear

ance of stab il ity and renders the city secure . He asksthat he be allowed to reward the services of gentlemen and soldiers who have accompanied him . Theprovinces of Zambales and Cagayan

,which were in

revolt have been pacified,and D asm arifi as suggests

the advisabil i ty of a Spanish colony in the latte r,on

account of its p roximity to China,and its good har

bor. He is having considerable trouble with thebishop and fri ars who oppose him in everything

,and

act as though they were the rulers of the country .

In 1599, a series of th ree documents concerningthe p rocuratorship of Tomas Marquez

,of the Phil

ipp ines, and the methods of the Spanish provinc ialsof the Augustin ian O rde r

,and addressed to the pope

( then Clement VII I ) , shows well the pol iticalmeans employed by the Augustinians in Spain inthei r efforts to retain in thei r own hands the balanceof power as over against that of the Augustinians ofthe Spanish p rovinces . The first is a short peti tionfrom the above fathe r praying that he be restored tohis posi tion as procurator-general of the Phil ippines

,

of which he has been dep rived by the Spanish p rovincial

,and that he be allowed to take to the islands

those of his order who des i re to accompany him .

The second paper has also the same end as the firs t,

but is more specific,as i t gives more at length the


various methods employed by the Spanish p rovincial s. Marquez p rays that the o rder in the Phil ipp ines be subj ect only to the general o f the wholeorder and not to the Spanish p rovincials

,who claim

jurisdiction as vicars-general . The Spanish p rovincials endeavo r to govern the o rder in the Phil ipp ines and other p rovinces Of the Indies

,not for the

good of the whole o rder,but for thei r own interests

,

using therein methods that a re contrary to the constitution and laws of the o rder

,and

,in addition

,

wrong morally. The offscourings of the Spanishconvents are sent to the islands instead of men fittedfor the task

,and those Of the l atter class who desi re

are not permitted to go . The thi rd document is evidently the report of the nuncio , and gives the reasonswhy the Augustinian p rovinces of the Indies are notsubject to the p rovincials of Spain

,but only to the

general of the whole order . The pretext upon whichthe Spanish p rovince urges leade rship is the fact thatthe firs t Augustinian establishment in the NewWorld was under i ts ausp ices . Since ordered to t es ign al l rights to the Office of vicar-general by thegeneral chapter of Rome 1592, the p rovincial hasdone so.

The king,by a royal decree of January 17, 1593 ,

addressed to Bishop Salazar,notifies him that the

governor has been ordered to take possession of thehospi tal s for the natives in Manil a in accordancewith the king’s right as patron of the hOSp itals.

Eccles iastical matters a re discussed in a lette r fromthe Mani la eccles ias tical cabildo to Fel ipe I I I (July

3 , 1602) The royal Audiencia I S trying to fo rce theeccles iastical judge to make arrests by i ts aid ; butsuch a course would involve much time and expense



so unbridled are they that they res is t the vis itor sentout by thei r own order . The Franciscans

,in spi te

of thei r humil i ty,have buil t a church at D i lao on

thei r own authori ty . Thus the royal patronage istranscended

,and the governor has been cognizant

thereto, through his partial ity to the orders . Thecabi ldo asks that the alms generally given to the rel igious be also granted to the cathedral , for it i s ve rypoor. In the cathedral is a bench for the wives Ofthe auditors and another for the oflicials of the HolyOffice both unusual in other cathedrals . The benchbelonging to the Holy Office has led to the excomm unication of one of the canons of the cathedral whomoved i t one day

,through the pass ion engendered

in the commissary,a Dominican rel igious . The

cabi ldo asks that both benches be removed,and that

justice be shown them,as they are unable to send

anyone to Spain to plead thei r case,as do the rel i

gions .The condi tion of the redoubt or fort of Manilais discussed in a lette r to Fel ipe I I I by i ts castell anBernardino Maldonado (June 21

,Many

inte resting deductions as to the social and economiccondi tions of Manila can be made from this docum ent. Like so many other documents

,this i s one

Of complaint and shows the inefliciency Of the governm ent. The fort i s poorly garrisoned and almostneglected in spite of i ts importance ( as i t is used as

the arsenal ) and the efforts of i ts castell an . The garrison is only of fifty men ( although Tello had p romised to increase it at the earnest sol ic i tation of Maldonado ) and those are the Offscourings Of the camp .

A l ieutenant appointed has to enter sui t in order toreceive his pay . The artille rymen should l ive in the

1 280-1605] PREFACE 5

fort and Should not be taken elsewhere,and should

be experienced men,and not those who receive ap

pointm ents through favor . Tello has used part Ofthe arti lle ry against Ol iver van Noordt

,and it was

in consequence lost,and now Acuna p roposes to take

a portion of the few pieces left on his Maluco expedition . Maldonado’s efforts to p repare fo r thefeared Chinese insurrection of 1603 were not en

couraging , and he was quite unable to obtain food,and was even compelled to aid the other soldierswith what l i ttle he did have . Since that insurrection

,the Chinese merchants have come to the Cl ty

each year,and have been housed partly in the ci ty

among the inhabitants,as thei r alcaiceria was

burned,although the Parién i s now rebuilt . Mal

donado complains o f the companies formed f romFil ip inos in whom he sees grave danger . Thesoldie rs of the fo rt are ill paid

,and inasmuch as they

are permanently in the fort and make no raids,as do

the other soldiers,they suffe r considerably . Conse

quently,Maldonado asks that they be paid first

,and

that thei r pay of Six reals be raised . Arms are

needed,especially arquebuses and muskets . Final ly

Maldonado mentions his own services and asks forvarious rewards for his fai thfulness .

TH E EDITOR‘

S

J anuary,1906.

PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO

( concluded )

By Antonio P igafetta. MS . composed ca .

1525, of events of 1519-1522

SOURCE : Our transcript is m ade from the original documentwhich exists in the B ibl ioteca Ambrosiana, Milan , I taly.TRANSLATION : This is made by James Alexander Robertson .

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORN0 AL MONDO]

(Continued from Vol . XXX/l ] , pag e

Sul ta rdi deL m ede/im o giorno vene in vuo prao

pietro alfon/O portughele et non el/endo anchora

defm ontato iL re lo mando a chiamare et ridendo

di/egl i se lui ben era de tarennate ne dice/[e l a veri ta

de tuto quello l i dom anda/[em o CO/tui dice

Como Ja [ediz e anny Itaua nela Judia ma x in

m aluco et tante erano q maluco [taua delcoperto

asco/am ente et era vuo anno mancho quindici giornjche venne vua naue grande de malaca quiui et [e

parti te caricata de garofal i ma p l i mal i tempi who

in bandan alquanti me/i delaqal le era cap° tri/tan de

meneses portughese et Como lui l i demando que

noue erano ade/[o in chri/tianitatte l i dif/e como era

parti ta vua armata de cinque nauj de [iuigl ia p

de/cop rire maluco in nome deL re de/pagnia e/sendo

capi tano fe rnando de m agal l ianes portughe/e et

corno 10 re de portugal lo p di/pecto q vno portu

gue/e l ifo/[e contat hauca m andatte alquante naue aL

capo de bonna [peran/a et al tre tante aL capo de

[ancta mari a doue [tanno l i C anibal i p vietargl i lo

pa/[O et Como no lo trouo poy il re de portagalo

haueua Jnte/o Como lo dicto cap itanio haueua pal

[ato p vuo al t0 mare et andaua am alucho Subito

[cri/[e aL fuo cap°

m agiore de l a india chiamato3 8

[FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]

(Continued from Vol . XXXI I I , page

In the afternoon of that same day, P ie tro Al fonso ,the Portuguese

,came in a p rau . He had not disem

barked before the king sent to summon him and told

him banteringly to answer us truly in whatever we

should ask him,even if he did come from Tarennate.

He told us that he had been s ixteen years in India,

but x in Maluco,for Maluco had been discovered

secretly for that time . I t was a year all but one

fortnight,s ince a large ship had arrived at that place

from Malaca,and had left l aden with cloves

,but

had been obliged to remain in Bandan for somemonths because of bad weather . I ts captain wasTristan de Meneses

,a Portuguese . When he asked

the latter what was the news back in Christendom,

he was told that a fleet Of five ships had left S ivigl i ato discove r Maluco in the name of the king of

Spagnia under command of Fernando de Magall ianes

,a Portuguese ; that the king of Portugal lo,

angered that a Po rtuguese should be Opposed to him,

had sent some ship s to the cape of Bonna SperansaGood H Ope] , and a like number to the cape of

Sancta Mari a,where the cannibals l ive

,in o rder to

prevent thei r passage,but that he was not found .

Then the king of Portagalo had heard that the saidcaptain had passed into another sea

,and was on his

way to Malucho . He immediately wrote di rectinghis chief captain of India

,one D iego Lopes de

39


diego lopes de [ichera mada/le fey naue amaluco

me p caufa del gra turco che veniua am alacha nO le

mande p che l i fu fo r/a mandare Contra lui [exanta

velle aL [treto deLa m ehca nella tera de Juda l iqal l i

non trouorono al t° [olum alcate gal lere in [eco nela

riua de qel la forte et bella cita de adem leq

al le tuete

bru/orono dopo Que/to mandaua contro anuy am a

lucho vno gra galeOe con due mani de bombarde ma

9 certi ba/[i et coreuti de hacqua che [onno ci rca

malaca et venti Contrarj non puoto pa/[are et torno

in drieto Lo cap° de quefto gal iOe era f ranc° fari a

portughe/e et Como erano poqi giornj‘

c‘

j vna Cara

uel la cO dui Jonci e rano [tati quiui p Jntendere de

nui l i Junci andarono abachian p caricare garofal i cO

[ette portughe/i Que/ti portughe/i p nO hauef

re/pecto ale donne deL re et de l i [uoi 10 re l i di/ce

piu volte nO face/[ero taL cola ma loro nO volendo

re/tare furono am az ati Quando qell i de l a Carauel la

intez ero que/to fuhi to tornorono a malaca et l a/c ia

rono l i Junci CO catrocento bahar de garofal i et tanta

mercantia p com perar’

cento alti bahar et Como ogni

anno mol ti Junci veneno de malaca abandan p pigl ia

re matia et no/ce m ofcade et da bandan am alucho

p garofal i et como que/ti popul i vanno cO que/ti lui

Junci da maluco a bandan in tre giornj et de bandan

am alaca in quIdici et como 10 re de portagalo Ja x

anny godena malucho a/co/am ente acio 10 re

de/pagnia noL [ape/[e co/tui [tete cO nuy al ti

in/ino a tre hore de nocte et di/cene mol te al tre cofe


42 THE PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [VOL 34

opera/[em o tanto q co/tui p m etendolj bO [oldo ne

p m i/le de veni re cOnuy in [pagnia.

Vennere a Quindici de nouem bre il re ne di/ce

como andaua abachian p pigl ia i‘ de qel l i garofal i

la/sati da l i portugue/i ne dim ando duy pfiti pdarl i al i dui gubernatorj de muti r in nome deL re

de/pagnia et pal/ando per mezo de le naui vol/e

vedere Como tirauao l i [chiopeti l i bale/tre et l i verl'

i

O [0110 m agiori duno arcubu/O ti ro lui tre volti

de bale/tra 9 Chi l i p iaceua piu O l i [chiopeti Sa

bato 10 re moro de giailolo vene ale naui con molti

p rao alqual le dona/cem o vuo [ayo de dom a/cho

vde dui b racia de panne ro/[O [pechi forfice cortel l i

petini et dui bichery dorati ne di/ce poi q eramo

amici deL re de tadore eramo anchora [oi p che

am aualo Como p p'

[no figl iolo et [e may alguno

del i no/‘

ti anda/[eno in fua terra l i farebe grandil

limo honnore Que/to re em ol to vechio et temuto

p tutte que/te y/Ole p e/[ere molto potente et chia

ma/[e raia Jussu Que/ta y/ola de Jayalolo e tanto

grando que tardano catro me/i a circundarla cO vuo

p rao . Dom enicha matina que/to m ede/im o re

venne ale naui et vol/e vedere in que modo comba

teu’

a'

o et como [caricauam o le nfe bombarde dilque

p igl io grandi/[im o piace‘

r’

ct [ubito [e parti Co/tui

Como ne fu detto era [tato nela lua Jouenta g ra

Com batitoi".

N eL m ede/im o giorno anday in te rra p vedere

Como na/cheuano l i garofal i LO arburo luo he

alto et gro/[O Como vno homo al trauer/o et piu et

1519-15221 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 43

p romis ing him good pay that he p romised to return

to Spagnia with us .On Friday

,November fifteen

,the king told us that

he was going to Baob i an to get the cloves abandonedthere by the Portuguese . He asked us fo r two presents so that he might give them to the two governorsofMuti r in the name of the king of Spagnia. Pass

ing in between the ships he desi red to see how wefired our musketry

,crossbows

,and the culverins

,

which are large r than an arquebus . He shot threetimes W i th a crossbow

,for i t pleased him more than

the m usketsf“ On Saturday

,the Moro king of Giai

1010 came to the ships with a considerable numberof praus . To some Of the men we gave some greendamask si lk

,two brazas of red cloth

,mirrors

,scis

sors,knives

,combs

,and two gilt drinking cups . That

king told us that s ince we were friends of the kingofTadore

,we were also his friends

,fo r he loved that

king as one of his own sons ; and whenever any of

our men would go to his land,he would show him

the greatest honor . That king is ve ry aged and is

feared among all those isl ands,fo r he is ve ry power

ful . H i s name is Raia J essu . That island of J ayalolo is so l arge that i t takes four months to ci rcumnavigate it in a p rau . On Sunday morning that sameking came to the ships and desi red to see how wefought and how we discharged our guns . He tookthe greates t pleasure in i t . After they had been discharged he immediately departed . He had been agreat fighter in his youth as we were told .

That same day,I went ashore to see how the clove

grows . The clove tree i s tall and as thick as a man ’sbody or thereabout. I ts branches sp read out some

44 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [VOL 34

meno li [ui ramj [pandeno alquante l argo neL

mezo ma neL fine fanno in mo do de vna cima la

fuo fogli a e como qe

l la deL lauro la [cor/a e

Ol iua/ta

ly garofol i veneno Jn cima de l i ramiti

diece ho vinti in/iem i Que/ti arbory fanno [em p re

ca/i p iu duna banda (1 de lalta Segondo l i tempi

Quando na/cono l i garofal i [onno bianqim aturj

ro/[i et [ecqi negri [e cog leno due volte alanno

vna dela natiuita deL nto redem p tore [Quando

l anno e piu : crossed out in or ig ina l MS ] l al ta in

qel la de s"° Joha bap p che in que/ti dui tempi e piu

temperato laric ma piu in qe

l la deL nfo redem p tore

Quando lanno e p iu caldo et CO mancho piogie et

cogl ienno trecento et quatrocento baha r in ogni

vna de que/te y/ol le na/cono [olam é te nel i monti et

[e alguni de que/ti arborj [onno pi antati aL p ianno

ap re/[o l i monti nO viueno l a luo fogli a la [corza

et il legnio vde et cofi forte como l i garofol i [e

non [i cogl ieno quado [onno maturi diuentano grandi

et tanti duri q non e bono alt° de lo ro finon la lua

[cor/a nO na/cono aL mondo alti garofal i [inon in

cinque m Oti de que/te cinque y/Ol le [e ne trouano

ben alguni in giailolo et in vna y/ol a picola f ra tadore

et muti r detta mare ma non [onno buoni Vede

uamo nuy cafi ogni gio rno vna nebula di/cendere et

ci rcundare mo luno mo l al t° de quel ti monti p i lque

l i garofoli diuentano p fecti C ia/cuno de que/ti

populi anno de quel ti arbori et ogni vuo cu/todifcono li [ui m a non l i col tiuano Jn que/ta ylola

[e trouano alguni arbori de noce mo/cada l arbore

e como le noftre noguere et con le m ede/im e foglie

15119- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 45

what widely in the middle,but at the top they have

the shape of a summit . I ts leaves resemble those ofthe laurel

,and the ba rk is of a dark color . The

cloves grow at the end of the twigs,ten or twenty in

a clus ter . Those trees have generally more cloves onone side than on the other

,according to the season .

When the cloves sprout they are white,wiien ripe

,

red,and when dried

,black . They are gathered twice

per year,once at the nativity of our Savior

, [whenthe year is more : crossed out in or ig ina l MS . ] andthe other at the nativi ty of St . John the Bapti st ; forthe cl imate is more moderate at those two seasons

,

but more so at the time of the nativi ty of our Savio r .When the year i s very hot and there is l i ttle rain

,

those people gathe r three or four hundred babars

[of cloves] in each of those islands . Those trees

grow only in the mountains,and i f any Of them are

planted in the lowlands near the mountains,they do

not l ive . The leaves,the bark

,and the green wood

are as strong as the cloves . I f the latte r are not

gathered when they are ripe,they become l arge and

so hard that only thei r husk is good . N0 cloves a regrown in the world except in the five mountains ofthose five i sl ands

,except that some are found in Giai

1010 and in a small island between Tadore and Muti r,

by name Mare ,“6 but they are not good . Almost

eve ry day we saw a mis t descend and encircle nowone and now another of those mountains

,on account

ofwhich those cloves become perfect . Each of thosepeople possesses clove trees

,and each one watches

ove r his own trees al though he does not cultivatethem . Some nutmeg trees a re found in that isl and .

The tree resembles ou r walnut tree,and has leaves


l a noce quando [e cogl ie he g rande como vuo Codo

guio p icolo cO qeL pelo et deL m ede/im o colore l a

lua pim a [corza et gro/[a como la verde dele nr

'

e

noce Soto de Olta he vua tella lotil le Soto laqal le

[ta la mati a ro/[isim o riuol ta intorno la Scor/a della

noce et de dent° da que/ta e La noce m O/cade le

ca/e de que/ti po puli Sonno faete como le altre m a

non cu/[i alte da terra et [onno ci rcunda te de canne

in modo de uno [ieue que/te fem ine [onno bructe

et vano nude Como le altre con q‘

l l i panny de [corca

de arbore fanno que/ti panni intaL modo pi

g l ianno vuo pezo de [cor/a et 10 la/cianno nelacqua

fin que diuenta molle et poy lo bateno CO legni et 10

fanno longo et Largo Como voleno diuenta como

vno vello de [eda cruda cO certi filecti de dent° q

pare/ta te/uto mangiano panne de legnio de ar

bore como la palma facto in que/to modo pi

gl ianno vno pezo de que/to legnio mole et l i Cauano

fuora certi [pini negri longui poi LO pe/tanno et col i

fanno Lo panne luz ano qua/i lolo p portare in mare

et 10 chia mano [aghu Que/ti bomini vano nudi

Como li al ti ma [onno tato gelO/i dele fue moglie

che nO voleuano anda/[em o nuj in terra cO Le

braguete di/coperte p che diceuano le [ue donne

pen/are nuy [em fi e/[ere in ordine .

Ogni giorno veniu‘

a’

o de tarenate molte barche

caricate de garofal i ma p che a/pectauam o il re nO

contractauam o al t°

[inon victuuagl ia Quel i dc

15194 522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 47

l ike i t . When the nut is gathered i t is as l arge as

a small quince,with the same sort of down

,and i t

i s o f the same colo r . I ts firs t rind i s as thick as thegreen rind of our walnut. Unde r that there is athin layer

,under which is found the mace . The

latte r i s a brill iant red and iswrapped about the rindof the nut

,and within that i s the nutmeg . The

houses of those people are bui l t l ike those of the

others,but are not raised so high from the ground

,

and are surrounded with bamboos l ike a hedge . Thewomen there are ugly and go naked as do the o thers ,[covered only] with those cloths made from the barkof trees . Those cloths are made in the followingmanner . They take a piece of bark and leave i t inthe water unti l i t becomes soft. Then they beat i t

with bits of wood and [thus] make i t as long andas wide as they wish . I t becomes l ike a veil of rawsi lk

,and has certain threads within i t

,which appear

as i f woven .

“8 They eat wooden bread made froma tree resembl ing the palm

,which is made as fol

lows . They take a piece of that soft wood fromwhich they take certain long black thorns . Thenthey pound " 9 the wood

,and so make the b read .

They use that bread,which they cal l sagbu

sago] , almost as thei r sole food at sea . The m en

the re go naked as do the othe rs [of those regions] ,but they are so j ealous of thei r wives that they do

not wish us to go ashore with our drawers exposed ;for they asse rt that thei r women imagine that we are

always in readiness .A number of boats came from Tarenate dailyl aden with cloves

,but

,as we were awai ting the king

,

we did not barter for anything except food . The

48 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS (Vol . 34

tarenate [e lem entauano molte p Che nO voleuam o

Contractare CO loro Dom enicha de nocte a vinti

Cat° de nouem b i" venendo aL luni LO re vene fuo

nando con qe

l le fue borchie et pa/[ando p mezo l i

naui di/ca rica/[em o molte bombarde ne di/[e in

fine aquat°

giornj venirianno m ol ty garofal i luni

10 re ne mando [etecento et noranta vno cathil i de

garofal i [enza leuar La tara la tara e pigl i are le

[peciarie p mancho de qeL que pez ann

/

O p Che ogni

giorno [e [echano piu p e/[ere l i p’m y garofal i

haueuam o me/[i neli nauj di/carica/[em o molte

bombarde Quiui chi amano li garofal i ghom ode

in [aranghani doue p ig l ia/[em o l i dui p iloti bon

ghalauan et in malaca Chianche .

Marti a vinti/ei de nouem bf il re ne dilce como

non era CO/tum e de alguno re de partir/i de lua y/ola

ma lui [e era parti to p amore deL re de ca/tigl ia et

per che anda/[em o p iu pre/to in [pagnia et retornaI

[em o CO tante naui O pote/[em o vendicare la morte

de fua padre O fo am az ato in vua J/ola chiamata

buru et poi botato neL mare et di/[enne Como era

vz a/a quando li p’m i garofal i eranno po/ti nele naui

O vero nel i Junci lo re fare vuo conuito aqel l j dele

naui et pregare LO [uo dio li conduce/fi [alui neLO

[uo porto et anche lo vol ia far p cagiOe deL re de

bachian et vno fuo f ratello Che veniuano p viz itarne

faceua netarel i vie al guni de nui pen/ando qalque

tradim eto p che qq I doue pigl iauam o l acha



foreno am az ati da certi de que/ti a/co/i nel i bO/Chi

tre portughe/i de franc°

[eranno et p che vedeuam o

que/ti Jndi [u/urare con l i no/ti

p re/oni, dice/[em o

contra alquanti volentoro/i de que/to conuito nO [i

doucre andare in te rra p conuiti ricordandogli deq°L

al t° tanto infeli ce face/[em o tanto [e conclu/e dc

mandare di re aL re veni/[e p re/to ne le nauj p Che

voleuam o [i p arti re et con/egniarl i l i catro bomini

p m i/[i con al tre m ercantie J l re [ubito venne et

Jntrando nele naui di/[e adalungunj [ui CO tanta

fidutia entraua in que/te como nele fue caze . Ne

di/Ie e/ere grandam éte [pauentato p volerne parti re

Co/i pre/to e/endo il te rmine de Carigare le naui

trenta g iornj et non eler/i parti to p farne algun m aL

ma p forni re p iu p re/to l i naui de garofol i et como

nO [i doueuam o par ti re alora p non e/[e re anchora

lo tempo de nauigare p que/te y/ol le et 1) l i

mol ti ba/[i [e trouano zi rca bandan et 1) Che facil

mente hauere/em o potuto incontrar/i in qalque naui

de portughe/i et [e pur era 1a nfa op igniOe de par

ti r/i alhora pigl ia/sem o tute le nfe m erchadantie p

che tucti l i re Circunuicini direbenno iL re de tadore

hauef receuuti tanty pfiti da vno [i gra re et lui nO

hauerl i dato co/a alguna et pen/arebéo nuy e/[er/i

partitj [inon p paura de qal que inganno et [em pre

Chiama rebenno lui p vno tradi to‘

r poi fece portare

lo [uo alchoranno et pima ba/an dolo ct m etendo/elo

catro O cinque vol te [oura lo capo et dicendo fra [e

certe parol le, Quando fanno cuffi Chiamano Zam

babeau,dil/e in pfitia de tucti O Juraua p ala et p

1 519- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 5I

tain of those people who had hidden in the thickets ,and because we saw those Indians whispering with

our prisoners,declared in opposi tion to some who

wished to go to the feas t that we ought not go ashorefo r feas ts

,fo r we remembered that other so unfortu

nate one . We were so urgent that i t was concludedto send a message to the king asking him to come soon

to the ships,for we were about to depart

,and would

give him the four men whom we had p romised him,

bes ides some other merchandise . The king cameimmediately and entered the ships . He told someof his men that he entered them with as great assurance as into his own houses . He told us that he wasgreatly astonished at our intention of departing so

soon,s ince the limit of time fo r lading the ships was

thi rty days ; and that he had not left the island todo us any harm

,but to supply the ships with Cloves

sooner . He said that we should not depart then fo rthat was not the season for sai l ing among those is

lands,both because of the many shoals found about

Bandan and because we might eas ily meet some

Portuguese Ships [in those seas] . However,i f i t

we re our determination to depart then,we should

take al l our merchandise,for al l the kings round

about would say that the king Of Tadore had re

ceived so many p resents from SO great a king,and

had given nothing in retu rn ; and that they wouldthink that we had departed only fo r fear of sometreachery

,and would always call him a trai tor . Then

he had his koran brought,and first kiss ing i t and

p lacing it four o r five times above his head,and say

ing certain words to himsel f as he did so (which theycall z am bahean he declared in the p resence of


lo alcoranno haueua in mano lemp volere elle re

fidel le am icho aL re delpagnia dille tuto que/to

cali p iangendo per le lue bone parol le le p m etel

lemo de alpectare auchora quindici giornj Albora

l i del lem o l a firm a deL re ct la bandera real le

niente di meno Jntendel/em o poy p buona via al guni

princip al i de quel te ylole hauerl i dicto ne douelle

am az are p Che farebe grandillimo piacere al i portu

gueli et como loro p donnarianno aqe

l l i de bachian

et iL re hauerl i rilpo [to non lo faria p cola alguna

cogniol lendo Lo re de/pagnia et hauédone data la

lua pace.

Mercore a vintelette de nouem bf dopo dilnare 10

re fece fare vn bando a tutj qel l i haueuano garofal i

l i potel leno portare nele nauj tuto que/to g ior no et

lal t°

contratal lem o garofol i CO g ra fu ria t venner

lul tardi vene lo gouuernatoi‘ de machian con molti

p rao no volle delm ontare in te ra p ehe l taufio lui

luo padre et vno luo f ratello bandi ti da machian

JL giorno lequente lo nto re CO 10 gouuernatof Suo

nepote entraronno nele naui nuy p nO b auci‘ p iu

panno ne mando alore tre b racia deL luo et neL dete

loqal le con al tre col/e donnal lem o aL gouuernatoi

‘

partendol i le dilcarico molte bombarde dapoy

10 re ne mando ley braci a de panno rollo agio lo

donnalem o aL gouuernatof lubito Lo l i p relental

lemo p i lque ne ringratio molto et dille ne m an

1 51 9-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 53

all,that he swore by Al lah and by the koran which

he had in his hand,that he would always be a faith

ful f riend to the king of Spagnia. He spoke all thosewords nearly in tears . In return for his good words

,

we promised to wai t another fortn ight . Thereupon,

we gave him the signature of the king and the royalbanner . None the less we heard afterward on good

authori ty that some of the Chiefs of those islands “8

had p roposed to him to kill us,saying it would be

doing the greates t kind Of pleasure to the Portu

guese, and that the latte r would forgive those ofB achian But the king had repl ied that he wouldnot do i t under any consideration

,s ince he had recog

niz ed the king Of Spagnia and had made peace withhim .

Afte r dinner on Wednesday,November twenty

seven,the king had an edict p roclaimed that al l those

who had Cloves could bring them to the ships . All

that and the next day we bartered for cloves withmight and m ain . On Friday afternoon

,the gover

nor of Machian came with a consi de rable number

of p raus . He refused to disembark,fo r his father

and one of his b rothers who had been banished from

Machian were l iving in Tadore . Next day,our king

and his nephew,the governor

,entered the ships . As

we had no more Cloth,the king sent to have three

brazas of his brought and gave i t to and we gave

i t with other things to the governor . At his departure we discharged many pieces . Afte rward theking sent us s ix brazas of red cloth

,so that we might

give i t to the governor . We immediately p resentedi t to the latter

,and he thanked us heartily for i t

,tell

ing us that he would send us a goodly quantity of

54 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [VOL 34

darebe alsay garofoli Que/to gouuernatore le

chiama humar et e ra for/i vinticinque anny .

Domenica pim o de decembre Que/to gouuer

nato i“ Se parti ne fu deto iL re de tadore hauergl i

dato panny de leta et algune de qel le borchie acio

Cul tuy piu pre/to l i mandalle l i garofoli luni iL

re ando fuora de l a ylola p garofol i mercore

matina p ellere gio rno de barbara et 9 la venuta

deL re le delcarico tuta lartigl iaria l a nocte Lo

re venne ne la riua et volle vedere Como tirauam o l i

rOChetti et bombi de fuoco dilque lo re p igl io gra

piacere Joue et vennere le Compero mol ti garo

fol i culli nell a c ita como nelle naui p catro bracia

de friz etto ne danfio vuo bahar de garofol i p due

Cadenel le de Latonne O valeuao vno marcello ne

detero cento l ib re dc garofoli in fine 1) nO hauer p iu

m erchadantie ogni vno l i daua qile cape eq

i l i lagl i et

q’lle Cami/e CO al tre vel tim entj p bauci La lua quin

tal ada Sabato tre figl iol i diL re de tarenate con

tre lue mogl ie figl iole deL nfo re et pietro alfonlo

portughel i venironno ale nauj donal lem o ogni vuo

deli tre f ratell i vn bichier de vetro dorato ale tre

donne forfice et al tre COle Quando le partironno

forenno [caricate molte bombarde poy m andal lem o

in tera a la figl iola deL ni‘o re Ja mogl ie diL re de

tarennatte molte COle perche nO vol/e vegnire CO le

al t° a le nauj tutta Quel ta gente culli bomini

Comme donne vanno lem p re delcal l i .

Domenica a octo di decemb re p elle re gio rno

dela Conlep tiOe le lcarico mol te bonbarde Rocheti

1519- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 55

cloves . That governo r’s name is Humar, and he was

about twenty-five years Old .

On Sunday,the first of December

,that governor

departed . We were told that the king of Tadorehad given him some s ilk cloth and some

,of those

gongs 5“ so that he might send the Cloves quicker.On Monday the king went out of the is land to getCloves . On Wednesday morning

,as i t was the day

of St . Barbara,

1512 and because the king came,all the

arti l le ry was discharged . At night the king came to

the shore,and asked to see how we fired our rockets

and fire bombs,

’513 at which he was highly del ighted .

On Thursday and Friday we bought many cloves,

both in the C i ty and in the ships . For four brazas

Of ribbon,they gave us one bahar of cloves ; for two

brass chains,worth one marcello

,

“14 they gave us one

hundred l ib ras Of cloves . Finally,when we had no

more merchandise,one man gave his cloak

,another

his doublet,and anothe r his shi rt

,besides other

articles of clothing,in order that they might have

thei r share in the cargo. On Saturday,three of the

sons Of the king Of Tarenate and thei r three wives,

the daughters of our king,and P ietro Al fonso

,the

Portuguese,came to the ships . We gave each of the

three b rothers a gil t glass drinking-cup ,” and scis

sors and other things to the women . Many pieceswere discharged at thei r departure . Then we sentashore many things to the daughte r of our king

,now

the wi fe of the king of Tarennatte,as she refused to

come to the ships with the others . Al l those people,

both men and women,always go barefoot .

On Sunday, December eight, as i t was the day ofthe conception

,we fired many pieces

,rockets

,and

56 THE PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

et bombe di fuoco luni lul tardi 10 re venne ale

naui CO tre fem ine l i portau‘

a’

o il hetre al ti non

pone menare leco donne [e nO iL re dopo venne

lo re de Jaialolo ct volle vedere nuy vnal ta fiata

cObatere inl iem e dopo alquanti g iornj il ni‘o re

ne dille lui al l im igl iare vna fanciulo Che lattal le et

cogniocel/e l a lua dulce madre et qel la parten doli

lo lal l iare lolo m agiorm ente lui reltare delcololato

p Che gia ne haueua Cogniol luto ct gul tato alchune

cole di lpagnia et p che doueu’

a’

o tardare molto aL

retornare Caril lam am ente ne prego l i l a/Cial lem o

p lua defentiOe alquanti dc l i [lui z crossed out in

or ig ina l MS . ] Yl i a et ne anilo Quanto fol lem o

p arti ti nauigal lem o le non de giorno p l i mol ti balli

sonno in quel te ylol le l i relpondel lem o le voleuao

andar in lpagnia nera forla nauigaf de giorno et de

nocte alhora dille farebe p nui ogni giorno ora

tiOe aL luo ydio agio ne conducel le a laluam éto et

dil lene Como deueua veni re le re de bachian p

mari tare vuo luo fratel lo CO vno dele lue figl iole

ne p rego vole/lem o fa r alchuna felta in legnio

dal legrez a ma nO lcarical lem o le bombarde grolle

p che farebenno gra danno ale nauj p elle re carigate

in que/ti giorni venne pietro alfonlo portuguele Con

la lua donna ct tute le altre lue CO/e altare ne le

naui del i a duy giornj venne ale naui Chechil i de

roix figl iolo deL re de tarennate in vn prao ben for

ni to et dille aL portuguele decendel le vn poco aL

luo p rao l i rilpole nO l i voleua dilcendere p che

veniua nolco in lpagnia Alhora lui volle intrare



nele naui ma nuy nO lo vol lem o lalciar Jntrai‘

Col tui p ellere grade am icho deL cap° de malaca

portughele e ra venuto p pigl ia rlo et grido molto

aqel l i l tantiauao ap rel lo iL portuguele p cio Lo

haueuao Lalciato parti re lenla lua l i/entia.

Domenica a quindic i de decembre lul tardi iL re

de bachian et iL luo fratello veni rono in vno prao

CO tre many de vogatorj p ogni banda eranno tucti

cento et vinti con molte bandie re de p iuma de papa

galo bianque J alle et rolle et con molti loni de qe

l le

borquie p que aquel to lonny l i vogatori voganno

atempo et CO dui alti prao de donzelle p pfitarle a la

lpola Quando pal larono aprel lo l i naui l i la

lutal lem o con bonbarde et lo ro p lalutarne Circun

dorono ly naui et iL porto J l re nolt°

p elle re

col tum e nungune re de delcendere ne le terre de

altrui venne p cong ratularle lecho . Quando iL

re de bachian lo vil te venire le leuo daL tapeto oue

ledeua et polel l i de vua banda iL ni‘o re non volle

ledere loura lo tapeto ma da lal ta parte et coli n iuno

l taua lopa Lo tapeto iL re de bachian dete aL ufo

re cinquecento patol le p Che del/e lua figl iola pmoglie aL luo fratel lo Quel te patol le lonno

panny de oro et de leta facti nela Chiina et molti p re

C i ati f ra col toro. Quando vno de que/ti more l i

al ti lOi p farl i p iu honnore Se vel tonno de que/ti

panny danno p vuo de quelti tre bahar dc garofal i

et piu et meno lecondo O lonno .

1 51 9- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 59

tried to enter the ship,but we refused to allow him

to come aboard,as he was a Close f riend to the Portu

guese captain of eMalaca,and had come to seize the

Portuguese . He severely scolded those who l ivednear the Portuguese because they had allowed the

l atter to go without his permission .

On Sunday afternoon,December fifteen

,the king

of Bachian and his b rother came in a p rau withthree tie rs of rowers at each s ide . In all there wereone hundred and twenty rowers

,and they carried

many banners made of white,yellow

,and red parrot

feathers . There was much sounding of those gongs,

fo r the rowers kept time in thei r rowing to thosesounds . He b rought two other p raus fil led with gi rlsto p resent them to his betrothed . When they passednear the ships

,we saluted them by firing pieces

,and

they in order to salute us went round the ships andthe port . Our king came to congratulate him as i tis not the custom for any king to disembark on the

l and of anothe r king . When the king of Bachiansaw our king coming

,he rose f rom the carpet on

which he was seated,and took his posi tion at one

side of i t . Our king refused to si t down upon thecarpet

,but on i ts othe r s ide

,and so no one occupied

the carpet . The king of Bachian gave our king fivehundred patols , because the latter was giving hisdaughter to wife to the former’s brother . The said

patols are Cloths Of gold and silk manufactured inChiina

,and are highly esteemed among them .

Whenever one of those people dies the other members of his family 5“ Clo the themselves in those Clothsin o rder to show him more honor . They give threebahars of Cloves for one of those robes or thereabouts

,

according to the [value of the] robe .


Luni iL nfe re mando vno conuito aL re de ba

chian p cinquanta donne tuete vel tite de panny dc

[eta dela C inta fina aL genochio . Andauano a due a

due CO vno homo in mezo de lo ro ogniuna portaua

vuo piato grande pienno de al tri p iatel l i de diuerle

viuande l i bomini portauao lolam é te Lo vino in

vaz i grandi dieze donne dele piu vechie eranno

le m agiore andaro no in que/to modo fina aL prao

et ap relentarono ogni cola aL re O lede na loura lo

tapeto loto vuo baldachino rollo et giallo tornando

col toro indie tro pigl iarono alguni del i ni j et [C 1010

volle ro ellere l iberi l i bilognio darl i qalche lua

coleta Dopo que/to il re ni‘o ne mando cap re cochi

vino et al tre cole hogi m ete/lem o le velle noue

ale naui neleqal le era vua croce de s

‘° J acobo de

gal itia CO l itere O diceuao Que/ta he la figura de la

nr'

a bonna ventura .

Marti donal lem o al ni'

o re certi pez i de artig l iaria

Como archibul i O haueu’

a’

o pigl iati in que/ta india

ct alguni verl i del i nfj CO cat°

baril l i de poluci

p igl ial lem o quiui octanta botte de hacqua p cial

cuna naue gi a cinque giorni 10 re haueua mandato

cento hom ini afare legui a p noy ala ylol a de mare pChe conueniuam o pallare p iui og i 10 re de bachian

co molti al ti del i luoi dicendete in terra p fare pace

CO nui dinanzi de luy an danano quat° bomini CO

l tochi driti in mano dille in pfitia deL ni‘

o re et

de tucti l i al ti Como lem p re l tarebe in leruitio deL

re delpagnia et laluaria in luo nome li garofol i

1 519- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 6 1

On Monday our king sent a banquet to the king

of Bachian by fifty women all Cl ad in si lk garmentsfrom the waist to the knees . They went two by twowith a man between each couple . Each one bore a

l arge tray fil led with other small dishes which con

tained various kinds of food . The men carried

nothing but the wine in large j ars . Ten of the oldestwomen acted as macebearers .” Thus did they goquite to the prau where they p resented everythingto the king who was si tting upon the carpet undera red and yellow canopy . As they were returning

,

those women captured some of our m en“2° and i t

was necessa ry to give them some l ittle trifle in orderto regain thei r f reedom . Afte r that our king sentus goats

,cocoanuts

,wine

,and othe r things. That

day we bent the new sails in the ships . On themwas a cross of St . J ames of Gal itia

,

” 1 with an inscription which read : “This is the Sign [figura] of ourgood fo rtune .”

On Tuesday,we gave our king certain p ieces of

artil lery resembl ing arquebuses,which we had cap

tured among those India [isl ands] , and some of ourculverins

,

522 together with four barrels of powder .

We took aboard at that place eighty butts of waterin each ship . Five days p reviously the king hadsent one hundred men to cut wood for us at the isl andof Marc

,by which we were to pass . On that day

the king of Bachian and many of his men cameashore to make peace with us . Before the kingwalked four men with drawn daggers in thei rhands . In the presence of our king and of al l theothers he said that he would always remain in theservice of the king of Spagnia, and that he would


lalciati dal i porthuguel i finque veni le vnal tani

‘a

armata et may l i darebe a loro lenza lo ni‘o con/enti

meto mando adonare aL re delpagnia vno lchiauo

duy bahar de garofoli gl i ne mandaua x male naui

p ellere tropo Gargate nO l i poterono porta i"et dui

vccel i morti bel il l im i Que/ti vecel i lonno grol l i

Como tordi anno LO capo picolo CO Lo becquo

longo le lue gambe lonno longue vn palmo et

[otil l i Como vn Calamo non anno ale ma in loco

de qel le penne longue de diuerl i colori como g i

‘a

penachi la lua coda he como qel la deL to rdo

tute le al tre lue penne eccepto le alle lonno deL

colore de taneto et may nO vol ano lenon Quando he

vento Col toro ne dicero que/ti veceli veni re daL

paradilo terel tre et le Chiamano bolon diuata c ioe

vcel i de dio ognj vno del i re de maluco lcril lero

aL re delpagnia O lemp volenao elerly Suy veri

lubditi JL re de bachian era forli de fetanta anny

et haueua quelta vz anl a Quando voleua andare a

Com batere ho vero a fare qalche alta cola importante

pim a lil faceua fare due ho tre volte da vuo luo

leruitof'

Che nol teniua adal t0 efecto linon p quel te.

Vn giorno il nio re mando a di re aqe

l l i a O

l tauao nela cala de la merch‘

a’

ti a non anda/lero dc

nocte fora de cala p certi del i lui hom ini que le

ongeno et vano de nocte et parem m o li ano lenza capo

Quando vh o de quel ti truoua vna del i alti l i toca la

mano et l i la ongie vn pocho dent° lubito colui le

1 51 9- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 63

save in his name the Cloves left by the Portuguese

until the arrival of another of our fleets,and he

would never give them to the Portuguese withoutou r consent . He sent as a present to the king of

Spagnia a slave , two babars of Cloves (he sent x, butthe ships could not carry them as they were so heavi lyl aden ) , and two extremely beauti ful dead bi rds .

Those bi rds are as l arge as th rushes,and have a small

head and a long beak . Thei r legs are a palmo in

length and as thin as a reed,

£523 and they have no

wings,but in thei r stead long feathers of various

colors,l ike large plumes . Thei r tail resembles that

of the thrush . All the rest of the feathers except

the wings are of a tawny color . They neve r fly ex

cept when there is wind . The people told us thatthose b i rds came from the te rres tri al paradise

,and

they call them bolon diua ta ,” that is to say

,

“ bi rdsof God. On that day each one of the kings ofMaluco wrote to the king of Spagnia [to s ay] thatthey desi red to be always his true subjects . The kingof Bachian was about seventy 5“ years old . Heobserved the fol lowing custom

,namely

,whenever

he was about to go to war o r to undertake any otherimportant thing

,he firs t had i t done two or three

times on one of his se rvants whom he kept for no

other purpose .One day our king sent to tel l ou r m en who werel iving in the house wi th the merchandise not to goout of the house by night

,because of certain of his

men who anoint themselves “2“ and roam ab road bynight. They appear to be headless

,and when any

of them meets any other man,he touches the l atter’s

hand,and rubs a l i ttle of the ointment on him . The


infirm a et f ra tre o quat° giornj more et quando

que/ti trouano tre o cat° inl iem e nO l i fanno al t° male

linon O l inbalordil cono et Che lui ne haueua facto

im p icare molti Quando que/ti po pul i fanno vna

cala de nuouo pim a l i vadanno ad habitare dent° l i

fanno fuoco into rno ct molti conuiti poy atachano

al teto de la cala vn poco dogni cola Se troua nela

ylola acio nO pollino may m anchare taL cole al i

habitanti in tucte quelte ylole [e troua gin gero

noy lo m angiauam o Vde como panne lo gingero

non e arbore ma vna pi anta p icola Che pulula fuora

de la te rra certi coresini lon gui vn palmo como qel le

del i canne et CO le m edel im e fogl ie ma piu l trecte

que/ti corel ini nO valeno niente ma la lua radice he

iL gengero et non e culli fo rte verde como [echo

Que/ti popul i lo lechano in cal l ina p Che al tramente

non durarebe.

Mercore matina p vole r le parti re de malucho iL

re de tadore QueL de Jaialolo qeL de bachian et vno

figl iolo deL re de tarennate tucti erao venuti paCom pagniarne infino al ilola de mare la naue

Vi ctoria fece vela ct dilcol tol i alquanto alpectando

la naue trinitade ma qel l a non potendo leuare

l anchora lubito fece hacqua neL fondo a lhora

l a V ictoria torno aL luo luOChO et lub ito Comin

C iamo a [caricare La trinitade p vedere le poteuam o

rem ediarl i li lentina veni re dent°

l acqua Como p

vn canone et non trouauam o doue La entraua tuto

ogi ct el di leguente non face/lem o al t° linon dare

aLa bomba ma niente l i Jouauam o JL nfe re


66 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

Jntendendo que/to lubito venne nela naue et le

afatigo p vedere doue veniua lacqua mado ne

lacqua cinque de l i luoy p vedere le hauel leno

potuto trouare la lfil lura l teteno piu de meza

hora soto lacqua et may la trouarono vedendo iL

re col toro non potere Jouare et ogni o ra ere/cere piu

l a hacqua dille ca/i piangendo m andarebe aL capo

de la ylola p tre bomini l taua'

o molto loto hacqua

Vennere matina a bona hora venne lo ni‘o re CO l i tre

hom inj et p relto m andol i ne lacqua con l i cap illi

lparl i acio CO q°l l i troual lero lo lfil lura Coltoro

l tetero vna bonna hora loto hacqua et m ay la

trouarono iL re quando vilte nO pote rl i trouare

remedio dille p iangendo O andaremo in lpag“ daL

m io s . et darl i noua dime li relpondel lem o l i

andarebe l a Victoria p non perdere l i leuanti l iqal l i

Com inciauao a la alta fin le concial/e elpetarebe

l i ponenti Ct poy andaria aL darien Che e neL al t“

parte deL mare nela tera de diucatan iL re ne

dille haueua duz ento vinticinque m arangonj O fa re

beno il tuto et l i nolti O re/tau’

a'

o yui l i tenirebe como

lui fig l iol i et non se afaticarebeno [e non dui in

Comandare al i m arangonj como doue/cero fare

dice ua quel te parol le CO tanta pal ionne O ne fece

tucti piangere nuy de la naue Vic toria dubitando

le apari/le l a naue p ellere tropo cari cata la l igeril

lemo de lexanta quintali de garofol i et que/ti face


availed nothing. When our king heard of i t,he

came immediately to the ships,and went to consid

erable trouble in hi s endeavors to locate the leak .

He sent five of his men into the water to see whetherthey could discover the hole . They remained more

than one-hal f hour under water, but were quite un

able to find the leak . The king seeing that he couldnot help us and that the water was increasing hourly

,

said almost in tea rs that he would send to the headof the i sland for three men

,who could remain under

wate r a long time . Our king came with the threemen early on Friday morning. H e immediately sentthem into the water with thei r hai r hanging loose

so that they could locate the leak by that means.

They stayed a ful l hour under water but were quite

unable to locate i t. When the king saw that he couldbe of no assi s tance

,he asked us weeping who of us

would go“to Spagnia to my sovereign, and give

him news of me .

” 5” We repl ied to him that the

V ictori a ” would go the re in o rder not to lose theeast winds which were beginning to blow

,while the

other ship until being refitted would await the west

winds and would go then to Darien which is locatedin the othe r part of the sea in the country ofD iucatan

Y ucutan] . The king tol d us that he had twohundred and twenty-five carpenters who would doall the work

,and that he would treat “3 3 al l who re

m ained here as his sons . They would not suffer anyfatigue beyond two of them “3 4

to boss the carpentersin thei r work . He spoke those words so earnestly 5”

that he made us all weep . We of the ship Vic

tori a,mistrusting that the ship might open

,as i t

was too heavily laden,l ightened i t of s ixty quintals


lemo portare nela cal a doue eranno l i al ti

alguni de

la nfa naue volle ro rel tare quiui p paura O l a naue

non potel le durare fin in lpagnia ma molto p iu p

paura de mori re de fame .

Sabato a vinti vno de decembre giorno de S tho

malo il re nfo venne ale naui et me con/ignio l i du i

p iloti haueuam o pagati p Che ne Conduce/lero fora

de q5l te ylol le et dil leno Como albo ra era bO tempo

da partirle ma p 10 lcriuere de l i ni‘

j in lpagnia nO

li parti/lem o linon am ez o di Venuta lora le naui

p igl i arono l ilentia luna de lal ta

con [caricare le bom

barde et pareua loro lam entarl i p l a lua Vl tim a

parti ta l i n‘

i'

j ne aCom pagniarono vn pocho CO loro

batel lo ct poi CO molte lagrime et ab raciam entj li

dilpartil lem o lo gouuernatoi“ deL re venne CO nuy

infino a La ylol a deL mare non ful lem o col/i

p rel to Jonti com parleno quat° prao caricati de le

gnia ct in mancho duna hora carical lem o l a naue et

lubito p igl ial lem o l a via deL garbin Quiui rel to

Johan caruaio CO cinquanta tre p lonne del i ni j

nuy eramo quaranta lette et tredicj Jndj Que/ta

ylola de tadore tenne ep ilchopo et alhora ne era vno

Que haueua quarante mogl ie et alsail l im i figl iol i .

Jn tucte quel te ylol le de malucho le trouano garo

fol i genegero Sagu qeL lue panne di legnio rilo capre

oche gal ine cochi figui m andol le piu grolle de le

nfe pomi g ranati dolci ct garbi naranc i l im onj

1 519- 1 522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 69

of Cloves,which we had carried into the house where

the other Cloves were . Some of the men of our shipdesi red to remain there

,as they feared that the ship

would not l ast out the voyage to Spagnia, but muchmore for fear lest they perish of hunger .On the day of St . Thomas

,Saturday

,December

twenty-one,our king came to the ships

,and assigned

us the two p ilots whom we had paid to conduct us

out of those islands . They said that i t was the propertime to leave then

,but as our m en [who stayed be

hind] were writing to Spagnia, we did not leave

unti l noon .

53 6 When that hour came,the ships b id

one another farewell amid the discharge of the can

non,and i t seemed as though they were bewail ing

thei r last depa rture . Our men [who were to remain]accompanied us in thei r boats a short dis tance

,and

then with many tears and embraces we departed .

The king’s governor accompanied us as far as the

i sland of M arc. We had no sooner arrived at that

isl and than we bought four p raus laden with wood,

and in less than one hour we stowed it aboard theship and then immediately laid our course towardthe southwest . Johan Carvaio s tayed there withfifty

-three “3 7 of our men,while we comprised forty

seven men and thi rteen Indians . The said isl and ofTadore has a bishop

,

£53 8 and he who then exercisedthat oflice “3 9 had forty wives and a multi tude of Children .

Throughout those islands of Malucho are foundCloves

,ginger

,sago (which is thei r wood bread ) ,

rice,goats

,geese

,Chickens

,cocoanuts

,figs ba

nanas] , almonds larger than ours , sweet and tas typomegranates

,oranges

,lemons

,camotes [botato] ,


batate mele de ape p icol le Como form icque leqal l i

fanno l a melle nel i a rbo ri Canne dolci ol io de cocho

et de giongiol i Meloni Cocom ari z ucque vuo fructo

refrelcatiuo grande como le angurie deto com ul icai

et vuo al t° f ructo cali Como lo perl iCho deto guaue

et al tre cole da mangiare et lel i trouano papagali de

diuerl i lorte ma fra le al tre alguni bianchi chiamati

Cathara et alguni tucti rolli deeti nori et vno de

que/ti rolli vale vn bahar de garofol i et parlano piu

Chi aramente que l i altri Sonno fo rli cinquanta

anny Que Que/ti mori habitam o in malucho pim a

l i habitauano gentil l i et non ap reciauano l i garofal i

gl i ne lono anchora alguni ma habitano ne l i monti

doue nalcono l i garofol i .

La ylola de tado re lta de lati tudine al polo articho

in vinti/etc m enutj et de longitudine de la l inea de

la repartitiOe in cento et lelanta vna grado et longi

de l a pim a ylola de Larcipelago detta z anial

Zam al ] noue gradi ct mezo aLa carta deL m elo

Joruo et tram Otana Vlo grego et garbin tarenate

l ta de lati tudine alartico in dui terl i Muti r l ta

pontualmente locto La l inea equinoctial le Machian

l ta aL polo antarticho in vn quarto et hachia

ancora lu i aL antarticho in vn grado Tarenate

tadore muti r et machia lonno quat° monti al ti et

pontini oue nalcono l i garofol i elsendo in quel te

quat° ylol le non le vede bachian m a lui em ag iore de

Cialcuno de quel te quat°

ylol le ct il luo monte de l i

garofol i non e culli pontino como li altri ma piu

grande .


THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

Vocabul i de que/ti popul i m orj

AL [110 ydio allaAL xp iano naceran

AL turco rumnoAL moro m ululm an JsilamAL gentil le caphre.

AL lue melchi te MilchitAl i lui preti maulana catip mudinAl i hom inj sapientj horan pandi taAl i bomini luideuotj Molsai.

A le lue cerem onie z am bahehan de alam elchit

AL padre bapaAl a madre mama am buiAl figl iolo anach .

AL f ratello landala .

AL f ratello dcque/to

AL germanoAL auo

AL locero

AL generoAL homoA l a feminaA l i cap il iAL capoAL f ronteAL ochioAle C iglieAle palpebreAL nazoAl a bocaAl i labri

capatin mu ladilandala [Opopuninym inthua

,

mi nanthuhoran

poran jpoan

l am but

capal adaimatta

quilai

Cenin

Jdon.

mulutbebere .

519- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 75

Words of those Moro people

For thei r God Al lafor Christi an naceran

for Turkfor Morofor Heathenfor thei r Mosque

for their Priestsfor thei r Wise Men

for thei r Devout Men

for thei r Ceremonies

for Father bapafor Mother mama am buifor Son anachfor Brothe r saudala

for the B rother ofand so

for Cousin

for Grandfatherfor Father-in-l aw

for Son-ln-l aw

for Manfor Womanfor H ai r

fo r Headfor Foreheadfor Eyefor Eyebrowsfor Eyel idsfor Nosefor Mouthfor L ips

rumno

musulman ; isilamcaphre

m ischit

maulana catip mudinhoran p andita

mossaiz am bahehan de alameschi t

capatin m uiadi

saudala sopopu

niny

m inthua

mi nanthu

horan

poran poanlam but

capaladaimatta

quilai

cenin

i donmulutbebere


Al i denti

Ale gengiueALa l ingua

AL palatoAL mento

Al a barba

Al i m o/taqi

Ala macellaALa orechie

ALa gollaAL COlO

Ale [paleAL petoAL co reALa mamelaAL ltom acho

AL corpoAL membroA l a natura deledonne

AL vz are CO 1010

Ale nalgheAle colcieAl a gambaAL lchinquo de lagamba tula

Al a lua polpa tilo r chaCi.ALa Cauechia deLpie buculal i

AL calcagnia tumiAL piede bati s .Ale lolle deL piede em pachaq

’.

Al a ongia Cuchu .

AL bracio Langban .

tun dun .

balachan .

dada .Atti

lussu.

parutTun dunbutubotto .

1 51 9-1522] FIRST AROUND THE WORLD 77

for Teeth

for Checks

for Tonguefor Palatefo r Chinfor Beardfor Mus tachesfor J aw

for Earfor Throatfor Neckfor Shouldersfor Breastfor Heartfor Teatfor Stomachfor Body

for Penisfor Vaginafor to have com m unica

tion with womenfor Buttocks

for Thighsfor Legfor the Shinbone of the

leg tulafor its Cal f tilo r Chacifor Ankle buculati

for Heel tumifor Foot batisfor the Sole of the Foot em pachaqui

for Fingernail cuchufor Arm langhan

pip i

tal ingha

l aher

tun dun

balachan

dada

atti

sussuparut

tun dunbutu

botto

huechI I


AL gom edo

ALa mano

AL dito grollo de

la mano Jdun tanghan .

AL lecondo tungu

AL ter/o geri .

AL carto mani

AL Quinto Cal inchin

AL rizo bugax.

AL cocho in ma

lucho et in burne

in Lozon

in J aua m agiore

AL figuo

Ale canne dolce

Ale batate

Ale radice como

rani

Ale ciachare

AL m elone

Ale angurie

ALa vacqua

AL porco

AL bophalo

Ala pecora

ALa Cap ra

AL gaLo

Al a gal ina

AL caponne

AL ouo

vbi

m andicai Sicui

antimon .

labu .

Lambu

babi

Ca than .

b i rj

Gambin .

l am bunghan.

aiam batina

gubil i

talor.

- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 79

for Elbow

for Handfor the l arge Finger ofthe hand the

Thumb]for the Second Fingerfor the Thi rdfor the Fourthfor the Fifthfor Ricefor Cocoanut in Malucho and Burne biaz z ao

[for Cocoanut] inLozon

[fo r Cocoanut] in JavaMajor

fo r Fig banana]for Sugarcanefo r Camotes [ba ta te]for the Roots l ike turnips

for Nangcafor Melonfo r Cucumbersfor Cow

for Hogfor Buffalofor Sheepfor She goatfor Cockfo r Henfor Caponfo r Egg

idun tanghan

tungu

gerimani

cal inchin

bugax

ubim andicai s ieu lantimon

labulambu

bab icathanb i ricambiusam bunghan

aiam batina

gubil i

talo r

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

AL occato

Al ocqua

Al vccelo

Al elephante

AL caualo

AL leonne

AL cerno

AL canne

Alle hape

Al melle

Al a cera

Al a candel a

AL luo l top inoAL fuoco

AL fumo

Al a cenere

AL cucinato

AL molto cucinato

AL hacqua

AL 010

AL argento

ALa pietra p recrola

ALa perla

AL argento vino

AL m etalo

AL feroAL piomboAle lue borchie agun .

[V0] . 34

Alo cenaprio galuga ladal inghanAL argento lol im an danasAL panno de leta cain SutraAL panno rollo cain mira

Jtich

an/a .

bolon .

gagia.

cuda .

hurim an

roza .

Cuiu

haerm adu.

gull a .

lel in .

dian .

Sum budian

appi

alap .

abu .

azap .

Lam bech.

tubi .

amax


82 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

AL panno negroAL panno bianchoAL panno ve rde

AL panno gi allo

AL bonnet

AL cortel lo

ALa forfice

AL lpequio

AL petineAL cril tal ino

AL lonagl io

AL annel lo

Al i garOphol iALa cannela

AL peuere

AL peuere longo

Al a noce m olcada

AL filo de ramoAL p iato

Al a p igniataAl a lcutela

AL p iato de legnio

ALa conqua

Ale lue melureAla te rraAl a tera fermaAl a m ontagnia

ALa p ietraAL ylolaA vn capo de teraAL fium e

Como le chiama

quel to apenam aito

[VOL 34

cain ytam .

cain putecain igao

cain cuninCOphia.

pixao

guntin .

Chiel a min

l ilsir

manich .

giringirin

lins in .

ghianche.

caium anis

l adaSabi .

buapala gosoga

Canot

pingban .

prin

manchu .

dulan

Calunpan.

Socar

buchlt

buchit tana

gonun.

batu .

polantaniun buchit

longhaL

1 519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 8 3

for B lack Cloth

fo r White Clothfor Green Clothfor Yellow Clothfor Capfo r Kni fe

for Scissorsfor Mirrorfo r Combfor Glass Beadfor Bellfor Ringfor Clovesfor Cinnamonfor Pepperfor Long Pepperfo r Nutmegfo r COpper wirefor D i shfo r E arthen potfo r Porringerfor Wooden D ishfor Shellfor thei r Measuresfor Land [term ]for Mainlandfor Mountainfor Rockfor Is landfor a Point of Land

a Cape] taniun buchit

fo r River songhaiWhat is so-and-so’

s

name ? apenam aito?

manich

giringirin

sinsin

ghianche

caium anis

l adasab ibuapala gosoga

canotp ingbanprinmanchudulancalunpan

socat

buchit

buchit tana

gonun

batupolan

THE PHILIPPINE I SLANDS

AL oleo de cocho M ignach.

AL oleo de giongiol i lana l inghaAL [ale garan S i ra .AL m ulchio et al

luo animale caltori

AL legnio O mangiali cal tori

ALa lanluga

AL gibeto

AL gato O fa lo

gibeto Mozan

Al reobarbaro CalamaAL demonio Saytan.

Al mondo bumiAL from eto gandunAL dormi re tidor.

Ale [tore ticaL

Al cu/lino bantaL

AL dolo re lachet

A l a lanitate bayAl la ledola cup ia

AL lparauentolo chipasA l i lui panni Chebun.

Ale camile bainAle lue cale pati alam .

AL anno tanu .

AL mele bullan .

AL di all iAl a nocte mallan .

AL tarde m alam arjAL mezo di tam hahari .Al a matina patan patan .

AL lolle mata hari

[Vol 34


fo r Cocoanut oi l m ignach

for Beneseed Oi l l ana l inghafor Salt garan s i ra

for Musk and its Anim al castori

for the wood eaten by

the castorsfo r Leechfor Civetfor the Cat whichmakes the Civetfo r Rhubarbfor Demonfo r Worldfo r Wheatfor to Sleepfo r Matsfor Cushion

for Pain

fo r Heal thfor B rushfor Fanfor thei r Clothsfor Shi rtsfor thei r Housesfor Yearfor Monthfor Dayfo r N ightfor Afte rnoonfor Noonfor Morningfor Sun

mozancalama

saytan

bumigandun

tidor

ticalbantal

s achet

baycup iachipasChebun

bainpati alamtanubullanall imallanm alam ari

tam haharipatan patanmata hari

86 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS W01. 34

Al a luna bulan .

Al a meza luna tanam patbula

Ale l tel le bintan

AL C iello Languin

AL trono gunthur

Al m erchadante Sandgar

Ale Citade naghiri

AL cal tel lo cuta

ALa casa rinna

AL lede re duodo

ledeti gentilhom o duodo orancaia

ledeti homo da duodo. horandai

benne anan

S ignor

AL puto

A vno luo al ieuoAL lchiauo

AL S iAL noAL intendereAL non intendere

non m egardare

guardam e

A ellere vua medelina cola s iama s iama .

AL mazareAL mangiareAL cuchiaro

Al a magalda

grandeLongopicolo

1 519-15221' FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 87

for Moon

for Half moonfo r Starsfor Skyfor Thunderfo r Merchantfor Cityfor Castlefor Housefor to S itS i t down

,Sir

Si t down,honest fellow

Lordfor Boyfor one of thei r Foste rChildren

for Slavefor Yesfor NO

for to Understandfo r not to UnderstandDO not look at meLook at meTo be one and the samething casi casi ° s iama

fo r to Killfor to Eatfor Spoonfor HarlotLargeLongSmall

bulan

tanam patbulan

bintanlanguin

gunthur

sandgar

naghiri

cutarinnaduodo

duodo orancaia

duodo horandai

anan

88 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

CortoAL hauereAL nOhauere

Signior alcol ta

doue V iene il JoncoALa guquia dacul ire

AL cul ire

AL filo da cul ireAl a lcufia deL capoAL re

ALa reynaAL legnio

AL Stentar

AL Solal lare

A l a venna deLbraCio doue se

[VOL 34

lalalla vrat paratanghan.

AL langue que vienfora deL braCiO dara CarnaL

AL langue buona dara.

Quando l tratuitanodiceno

AL peceAL polpoALa carneAL corniolopocoMesoAL f redoAL caldoLongiAl a veri taAl a bugia

pandach

Ada

tida ha datuan diam

dimana ajun

Jalun.

banan .

pintaL banandaltar capal a .

raiaputl icaiuCaraiar.

buandala.

ebarasai

yeam .

Calabutan.

daginCepot

lerich .

Satanha SapanghaL

dinghinpanas

lbenar .dulta


90 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [VoL 34

AL robare

Al a rognia

pigl ia

D ame

gra/lo

magro

AL capelo

Quanti

Vna fiata

Vuo bracio

AL parlare

A quiui

Ala

BO Joruo

AL ril pondere

Signori bon pro vi

facia

gia ho mangiato

homo lcuati del i

AL dildisidare

B'

uona lera

AL rilponder

AL dare

A dare ad alguno

Al i cep i de fero

o Como puza

AL homo Jouene

AL vechio

AL lcriuano

Al a Carta

am biL

gannich.

golos .

tundun capala .

barap a .

latu chal i

dapa

catha .

S ini

S ana datan .

lalam al ichum .

al ichum [alam .

Mali horancaia

macan .

Suda macan

pandan Chita horan.

banunchan.

Sabalchaer.

Chaer S andat

minta

b ri pocoL .

balanghu

bosso Chini

horan muda .

tua

151 9-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 9 1

for to Steal

for ScabTake

Give m e

FatThinfor H ai rHow many ?OnceOne brazafor to Speakfor Herefor There s ana datan

Good day salam al ichum

for the Answer [togood day] al ichum sal amSi r

,may good fo rtune mal i horancaia

attend you mancanI have eaten al ready suda macan

Fel low,betake yoursel f

off pandan Chita horan

for to Des i re banunchan

Good evening sabalchaer

for the Answer [togood evening]fo r To giveTo give to some onefor I ron fetters

0 what a smell "for Young manfo r Old manfor Scribefor Writing-paper

ambil

gannich

golostundun capala

barapa ?

s atu chal i

dapa

catha

Siui

Chae r sandat

mintab ri pocolbalanghu

bosso Chinihoran mudatuaxi ritolescartas

92 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V01. 34

AL lcriuere

Al a penna

AL inchiol t°

AL calamaroAl a leteraNon lo ho

V ien qi

Che volettjChe mandati

AL porto de mareAl a gal iaALa naueALa p roaALa popa

AL nauigare

AL luo arboreALantena

Alle lartieALa vell a

Al a gabia

Ala corda de lancora

ALa anchora

AL batel lo

AL remo

Ala bombardaAL ventoAL marehuom o vienq

i

A l i lui pugnial iAL luo m anicho

ALa lpadaAla z orobotana

m angurat

Calam .

dauat

padantan.

luratguala.

Cam arjAppa m an.

appa itoLabuan .

gurap

CapaL

al on.

biritan

bel aiar .

tian .

laiar.

tami ra

l eier .

l inbulaia.

dandaSan .

laupau.

daiun

badiL

anghinl authoran i tu datanCal ix golog .

daga nan .

padan gole .Sumpitan

1 519- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 93

for to Write

fo r Penfor Inkfor Writing-deskfor Letter

I do not have i tCome hereWhat do you want ?

Who sent you?for Seaportfor Galley

for Shipfor Bow [of a boat]for Stem [of a boat]for To sailfor the Ship ’s mastfor Yard [of a ship]for the Riggingfor Sail

for Maintopfor the Anchor ropefor Anchorfor Boat

for Oarfor Mortar can

non]forWindfor Sea

Fellow,come here

fo r thei r Daggersfor thei r Dagger hil tfor Swordfor Blowpipe

appa man ?appa ito?

l abuangurap

capalasson

biritan

belaiar

tianlaiar

tami rale ie r

sinbulaia

danda

san

badi langhinl authoran i tu datancal ix gologdaga nanpadan golesumpitan

94 [VOL 34THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

Ale lue frez e damachA lerba venenata ypu

AL carchal/o bolo .

AL archo bolsor.

A le lue frez e anat paan.

A l i gati cochin puchiaAL lorge ticus

AL legoro buaia

Al i vermi que man

giano le naui Capan lotos

AL hamo da pelcare m atacanir

Al a lua eleb a Vnpan.

ALa corda deL

hamo tunda

AL lauare mandi

Non hauer paura Tangan tacut

Straca l ala .

Vno balo dolce Sadap manisAL am icho landaraAL nem icho S anbatCerto he z onhu

AL m erchadantare biniaga

Non ho ani s .

A ellere am ichodue coleS iAL rufo z oroan pagnoro.

Adarce piacere Mam ain

A ellere agriz ato Amala .

AL mato gil a .

AL interp rete . giorobaz a.

Quanti l ingagi Sai barapa bahasa tan .

1 519- 1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 95

for thei r Arrows

for the poisonous Herb

for Quiver

for Bow a

weapon] bolsor

fo r i ts Arrows anat paan

for Cats cochin puchia

for Rat ticus

fo r L izard buaia

for Shipworms capan lotos

for Fishhook m atacanir

for F ishbait

for Fishl ine

for to Wash

Not to be afraid

Fatigue

A pleasant cupfor Friend

for Enemy

I am certain

for to Barte rI have not

TO be a friendTwo thingsI f

for z oroan pagnoro

TO give pleasu re to one m am ain

To be stiffwith cold amalafor Madman gilafo r Interprete r giorobaz a

How many l anguages

do you know ? barapa bahasa tan ?

unpan

tunda

mandi

tangan tacut

l ala

sadap maniss andara

sanbat

z onhu

biniaga

anis


Mol ti bagnaAL parlare de m al aca Chiaram alain

doue l ta cului d imana horanALa bandiera tonghoL

Ade/lo Sacaran

da matina hez och.

lal t° giorno luza

hieri Calam arjAL m artelo palm o colbasi.AL Chiodo pacuAL mortaro Lozon.

AL pilone da

pil tare

AL balareAL pagareAL chiamareA none/[ere m ari

tatoAel lere mari tatoTuto vnoALa piogia

AL ebriacoAl a pelleAla billaAL Conbater

DolceAmaroComo ltaiBenneMallePortam e q

°l lo

Que/to huom o hevn pol trone .Balta

g iadi hiat horan itu .

luda

Vgan.

luda babiniSannia

Vgian.

hdoboch.

culi tVl lat

guzar.Manisazon.

Appa gladibay

lachet

biriacan.


TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

l i Venti

Ala tram Otana

Al mezo di

AL leuante

AL ponente

AL griego

AL garb in

AL m ael trale

AL l iroco

Numero

catro

[VO] . 34

tugu .

duolappan.

lam bil an

Sapolo .

duapolo.

tigapolo

am patpolo.

l im apolo.

Anam polo.

Tuguppolo.

dual apanpolo.

Sam bilam polo.

Saratus .

duaratus

tigaratus


fo r the North

for the South

for the East

fo r the West

for the Northeast

fo r the Southwest

for the Northwest

for the Southeast

Numbers

OneTwo

Three

Four

Five

S ix

Seven

E ight

N ine

Ten

Twenty

Thi rty

Forty

Fifty

S ixty

Seventy

Eighty

N inety

One hundredTwo hundred

Three hundred

The winds

i raga

salatan

timor

baratapat

utara

berdaia

bardaut

tunghara

tugu

duolappan

s ambilan

sapolo

duapolo

tigapolo

am patpolo

l im apolo

anam polo

tuguppolo

dualapanpolo

sam bilam polo

s aratus

duaratus

tigaratus

1 00 TH E PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS

Quatro cento

Cinque cento

Sey cento

letecento

octocento

Nouecento

Mille

due m il l ia

tre m il l ia

Quatro mille

Cinque m il l ia

Sey m il l ia

Sette m il l ia

octo m il l ia

Noue m il l ia

diece m ll l ia

Vinti m il l ia

trenta m il l ia

Quar’

a’

ta m ll l ia

C inqu‘

ata m il l ia

Sesanta m il l ia

Settanta m il l ia

octanta m il l ia

Nouanta m il l ia

Cento mi lle

Ducento m il l ia

trecento m l l l ia

Quatro cento m il l ia

Cinque cento m il l ia

ley cento m ll l ia

34

Anam paratus

Limaratus

anam bratus

Tugurattus

dualapanratus

Sam bilanratus

Sal ibu .

dual ibu

tigal ibu

am patl ibu

l im al ibu

Anam l ibu

tugul ibu

dualapanl ibu

Sam bilanl ibu.

Salacz a.

dualacz a.

Tigalacz a.

Am patlacz a

l im alacz a.

Anam lacz a.

tugulacz a

dualapanlacz a

Sam bilanlacz a

Sacati .

duacati

Tigacati

Ampatcati

l im acati

Anam cati



Setecento m il l ia Tugucati

Octo cento m il l ia dual apancati

Nouecento m il l ia Sam bilancati

D iece fiate cento

m il l ia S ainta .

Tucti l i cento l i mille l i diece mille l i cento mille

et diece fiate cento mille se congiungenno CO il

numero de Satus et dua et 85C.

Andando aL nfo camino palal lem o fra quel te

ylol le C aioan l aigom a Sico giogi Gaphi in que/ta

ylola de caphi nalcono hom ini picol i Como l i nanj

p iaceuol i l iqal l i Sonno l i p igmei et l tanno lubiecti

p forl a 3 L ni‘o re de tadore Laboan toliman Titam eti

bachian Ja deto Lalalata Tabobi M aga et batutiga

pal/ando fuora aL ponente de batutiga Cam inal

lemo fra ponente et garbin et dilcoperlem o cL mezo

giorno alquante ylolete p i lque l i piloti de malucho

ne dicero le ariual le p cio ne caciauam o f ra molte

ylol le et bass i ariual lem o aL S i roco ct delcem o in

vna ylol l a O [12 de lati tudine aL polo antartico in

dui gradi et Cinqu'

a'

ta C inque legue Longi de maluco

et chiam a/[e lul ach l i hom ini de que/ta lonno

gentil i et non hanno re mangiao carne humana

vano nadi coli bomini Como fem ine ma lol am é te

portano vn pezo de [cor/a larga dui diti intorno la

lua Vgonia Molte ylol le lonno p Quiui que


I 06 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vok 34

mangiano carne humana l i m omy de algune lonno

quel ti Silan noselao biga atulabaou leitim or tene

tun gondia pailarurun m anadan et benala poi

col tegialem o due ylole dete l am atola et tenetun da

lulach Ci rca x . l egue a La m edel im a via troual lem o

vna ylola allay grande nelaqal le le troua rilo porci

cap re gal ine cochi canne dolci Sagu vno luo man

giare de fighi el qal le Chi amano Chanal i Chiachare

aque/te Chiam fio nangha le chiachare lonno fructi

Como le angurie de fora m odole de dentro afio certi

frueti rolli pocol i come arm el ini non hanno ol/o m a

p qel lo hanno vua m edola como vn faz olo ma piu

g rande et al mangia r tenere Como cal tagnie et vn

f ructo facto como l a p ignia de fuora J allo et biancho

de dentro et al tagl i are Como vn pero ma piu tenero

et molto megl iore deto Connil icai la gente de

que/ta ylola vanno nudi Como qell i de lolach

[onno gentil i et non hanno re Que/ta ylola [ta de

lati tudine al polo antartico in tre gradi et mezo et

longi da malucho Setantacinque [gradi z crossed out

in or ig ina lMS .] leghe et chiam a/[e buru la leuante

de que/ta ylola diece legue ne lta vna grande q con

fina COJ iaalolo l aqal le he habitata de mori et da gen

ti li l i morj l tanno ap rel lo iL mare et l i genti l i de

dentro nel la te rra et que/to m’

a'

giao carne humana

nalee in que/ta le cole Ja dete et le chiama ambon fra

buru et ambon Se trouano tre ylole ci rcondate da


about where the inhabi tants eat human flesh . The

names of some of them are as follows : Silan,Nose

l ao,Biga

,Atulabaou

,Leitim or

,Tenetun, Gondia,

Pailarurun,Manadan

,and Benaia

f” Then we

coasted along two isl ands cal led Lam atolam

and

Tenetun,lying about x leguas f rom Sul ach. In that

same course we encountered a very large island

where one finds rice,swine

,goats

,fowls

,cocoanuts

,

sugarcane,sago

,a food made f rom one of their va

rieties of figs bananas] cal led chana lifw

and

chiacare,which are called nangha . Naugeas are a

f rui t resembl ing the cucumber [angurie] . They areknotty on the outs ide

,and ins ide they have a certain

small red frui t l ike the ap ricot . I t contains no stone,

but has instead a marrowy substance resembl ing a

bean but l arger . That marrowy substance has a del icate taste l ike chestnuts. [There is] a fruit l ike the

p ineapple. I t i s yellow outside,and white ins ide

,

and when cut i t is l ike a pea r,but more tender and

m uch better. I ts name i s connilicai . The inhabitants oi that isl and go naked as do those of Solach .

They are heathens and have no king. That island

l ies in a l atitude of three and one-hal f degrees

toward the Antarctic Pole,and is seventy-five 5“

[degrees : crossed out in or ig ina l MS .] leguas f romMalucho . I ts name is Buru . Ten leguas eas t of

the above isl and is a la rge isl and which is boundedby J iaalolo. I t is inhabi ted by Moros and heathens.

The Moros l ive near the sea,and the heathens in the

Interlor . The latte r eat human flesh . The productsm entioned above are produced in that island .

I t is cal led Ambon .

“56 Between Buru and Ambonare found three isl ands surrounded by reefs , called

I 08 THE PHILIPPIN E ISLANDS [V01. 34

balli chiamate Vu dia Cailaruri et benaia

de buru cat° leghe aL mezo di l ta vna ylola picola

ct chiam a/[e am balao.

Longi da Que/ta ylol a de buru ci rca trentacinque

leghe a l a carta deL mezo Jorno verlo garbin Se

truoua bandan bandan et dudici ylole in ley de

quel te nalee l a matia et nolce m olcada et l i nomi

loro lono que/ti Zoroboa m agiori de tuete le al tre

Chel iceL Sam ifiapi pulaC pulurun ct rologhin le

al tre ley lonno quel te Vnuueru pulan baracO lailaca

manucan Man et meut in quel te nO l i trouano

m olce m olcade se nO Sagu rizo cochi figui et al ti

fructi et lonno vicine luna de lal ta Ly popul i de

que/to lonno morj ct non hanno re Bandan l ta de

lati tudine aL polo antarticho in Sei gradi et di

longitudine dela l inea repartitional le in cento et

lexantre gradi et mezo et p ellere vn pocho fuora

deL nio Camino nO ful lem o ini .

P artendone de quell a ylola de baru a la carta deL

garbin ve rlo ponente ci rca otto gradi de longi tudine

ariual lem o a tre ylol le vna ap rel lo l al ta dette zolot

nocem a m or et gal iau et nauigando p mezo di quel te

ne al l al to vna grO fortuna p i lque face/lem o vuo

pelegrino a la n‘

f'

a donna de la guida et p igl iando

apopa lo temporale del/eme in vua ylola alta et

inanci ajungel/em o iui Se afatical lem o molto p le

refegue decendeu’

a'

o de l i lui m Oti et 9 l i grandi

Corenti de hacqua l i hom ini dc quel ta ylola lonno

l aluatici et bel tial l i m a gianno carne humana et

non hanno re vanno nudi CO qe

l la [cor/a como l i


1519- 1 522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD I I I

Vudia,Cailaruri

,and Benaia ; and near Buru, and

about fou r leguas to the south,is a small island

,

cal led Am balaof”

About thi rty-five leguas to the south by west of

the above island of Buru,are found Bandan . Bandan

cons is ts of twelve is lands . Mace and nutmeg grow

in six of them . Thei r names are as follows : Zoro

boa, the l argest of them all , and the others, Chel icel ,Sam ianap i, Pulac , Pulurun, and Rosoghin. The

other s ix are as follows : Unuueru,Pulanbaracon

,

Lailaca,Manucan

,Man

,and Meut. Nutmeg is

not found in them,but only sago

,rice

,cocoanuts

,figs

bananas] , and other f rui ts . Those is l ands arelocated near together

,and thei r inhabitants are

Moros,who have no king. Bandan l ies in a lati tude

of six degrees toward the Antarctic Pole,and in a

longi tude of one hundred and s ixty-three and one

hal f degrees from the line of demarcation . As i t was

a trifle outsi de of our course we did not go there .“0

Leaving the above mentioned island of Baru,and

taking the course toward the southwest by west,we

reached, [after sail ing through] about eight degrees

of longitude,three islands

,quite near together

,called

Zolot,Nocem am or

,and Gal iau .

561 While sail ing

amid them,we were struck by a fierce s torm

,which

caused us to make a pilgrimage to our Lady of

Guidance . Running before the storm we landed ata lofty isl and

,but before reaching i t we were greatly

worn out by the violent gusts of W ind that came fromthe mountains of that island

,and the great currents

of wate r. The inhab itants of that isl and are savageand bestial

,and eat human flesh . They have no king,

and go naked,wearing only that bark as do the others ,

I 1 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [VoL 34

al ti lenon Quando vanno a Com batere portanno certi

pez i de pelle de bu phalo dinanz i ct de drieto et neli

fianchi adornati CO corniol l i et denti de porci et con

code de pelle caprine atacate denanz i et de drietto

portano ly capil i in alto CO certi petini de cana

longui O l i pallano da parte aparte et l i tieneno al tianno le lue barbe riuol te in fogl ie ct polti in canuttjde Canna cola ridicula aL vedere et lonno l i piu

bruti li anno in que/ta india l i lui a rchi ct le lue

frez e Sonno de canna et anno Certi lachi facti dc

fogl ie de arbore ne l iqal l i portanno lo luo mangiare

et bere Le lue fem ine Quando ne viltenno ne

veni rono in contra CO archi ma dandol i al guni plenti Subi to diuenta/lem o lui amici Qiui tardal

lemo quindici giornj per Conciare La naue ne l i

Col tadi Jn que/ta ylol a le troua gal ine Capre

cochi cera p vna l ib ra de fero vechio ne donorono

quindici de cera et peuere lOgo et rotondo JL

peuere longo he como qel le gatel le O fanno l i niz ol le

qua'

do he l inuerno il suo arbure e Como elera et

atacal le al i a rbori Como quella ma le lue foglie

lonno como qel le diL moraro ct 10 Chiamano lul i JL

peuere rotondo nalce Como que/to ma in lp igue

como lo from étone della india et se delgrana et 10

Chiamano lada in quel te parte lonno p iennj l i

campi de quel to peuere facti in modo de pergol adi

p igl ial lem o quiui vuo homo agio ne COducel le ad

alguna ylola hauel le victuuaria Que/ta ylola l ta

de latitudine aL polo antarticho in octo gradi et

mezo et cento et sesantanoue et dui te rzi de longi


1 519-1 522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I I 5

except that when they go to fight they wear certain

pieces of buffalo hide before,behind

,and at the

s ides,which are ornamented with small shell s

,

562

boars ’ tusks,and tails o f goat skins fastened before

and behind . They wear the ir hai r done up high andheld by certain long reed p ins which they pass f romone si de to the other

,which keep the hai r high .

They wear thei r beards wrapped in leaves and thrus tinto small bamboo tubes a ridiculous sight. Theyare the ugl ies t people who l ive in those Indias . Thei rbows and arrows are of bamboo . They have a kind

of a sack made from the leaves of a tree in whichthei r women carry thei r food and drink . Whenthose people caught s ight of us

,they came to meet

us with bows,but afte r we had given them some

presents,we immediately became thei r We

remained there a fo rtn ight in order to calk thes ides “4

of the ship . In that i sland are found fowls,

goats,cocoanuts

,wax (of which they gave us fifteen

l ib ras for one l ib ra of old i ron ) , and pepper, bothlong and round .

” The long pepper resembles thefirs t blossoms of the hazelnut in winter ?“ I ts plantresembles ivy

,and i t cl ings to trees as does that plant ;

but its leaves resemble those of the mulberry. I t iscalled luli .‘567 The round peppe r grows l ike theformer

,but in cars l ike Indian corn

,and is shelled

off; and it i s called lada . The fields in those regionsa re full of this [l as t varie ty of] pepper , planted toresemble arbors . We captured a man in that pl aceso that he might take us to some i sl and where wecould lay in provis ions . That island lies in a lati tudeof eight and one-hal f degrees toward the AntarcticPole

,and a longi tude of one hundred and sixty-nine

I 6 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [VOL 34

tudine de l a l inea repartitional le et Chiam al le malua .

Ne disse iL nfo piloto Vechio de maluco como

ap rel lo quiui era vna ylola Chiamata arucheto l i

bomini ct fem ine delaqal le non lonno m agiorj dun

cubito et anno le orecquie grande como lo ro de

vna fanno lo luo lecto et de l alta le COp reno vanno

tos i et tuti nudi corenno molto anno la voce lotil le

habi tam o in caue loto terra et m angiano pelce et vna

cola O nalce f ra l arbore et la [cor/a Che ebiancha et

rotonda como coriandol i de COfeto deta am bulO m a

p l i g ra corenti de hacqua et molti bal/i nO l i anda

lem o

Sabato a vinticinque de Jennaro m v°xxij Se

parti/lem o de la ylola de ma lua et l a dominica a

vinti ley ariual/em o a vna grande ylol a longi de

q°l la C inque legue fra mezo di et garbin Jo lolo

andai in terra a parla re aL m agiore duna vil a deta

amaban ac io ne del/e victuuaria m e rilpole ne

darebe buphal i porci et capre ma nOl i potel lem o

aCordare per Che voleua molte cole p vno bufalo

noi auendone pocque et con/trigédone l a fama

retene/lem o ne l a naue vno p rincipal le CO vno luo

figl iolo de vnal ta vila deta bal ibo et p paura nO lo

am az al/em o Subito ne dette lei buphal i cinque

cap re et dui porci et p compire lo numero de diese

porci et diece cap re ne dete vno bufalo perche culli

Laueuam o dato tagli a poi l i m andal lem o in tera

Contenti/l im i CO tell a panny Jndiani de [eta et de


1519-1 522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD I 19

and two-thi rds degrees from the l ine of demarca

tion ; and is called Malua .

”

Our old pilot f rom Maluco told us that there wasan is l and nearby called Arucheto

,

“0the m en and

women of which are not talle r than one cubit,but

who have cars as long as themselves. With one of

them they make thei r bed and with the other theycover themselves . They go shaven Close and quitenaked

,run swiftly

,and have shrill vo ices . They

l ive in caves underground,and subsis t on fish and

a substance which grows between the wood and thebark [of a tree] , which is white and round l ike p reserved coriander

,which is called a m bulon. H ow

ever,we did not go there because of the s trong cur

rents in the wate r,and the numerous shoals .

On Saturday,J anuary 25, MCCCCCXXI I ,

we left the island Of Malua . On Sunday,the twen

ty we reached a large isl and which l ies fiveleguas to the south southwest of Malua . I went

ashore alone to Speak to the Chief Of a C i ty calledAmaban to ask him to furnish us with food . H etold m e that he would give me buffaloes

,

“ swine,

and goats,but we could not come to te rms because

he asked many things for one buffalo . Inasmuchas we had but few things

,and hunger was con

straining us,we retained in the ship a Chief and his

son f rom another vill age called Bal ibo f“ He fo rfear les t we kil l him

,immediately gave us s ix buf

faloes,five goats

,and two swine ; and to complete the

number of ten swine and ten goats [which we haddemanded] they gave us one [additional] buffalo.

For thus had we placed the condition [of thei r ransom ] . Then we sent them ashore very well pleased

I 20 TH E PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [VOL 34

bom ba/O accete cortel iz i indiani forfice Spechi ct

correll i qeL Signiore a cui anday a parlare teniua

lolum fem ine Lo [eruiuano tutte vano nude Como

le al tre et portano atacate ale orechie Schione picole

de horo CO fiocqi de [eta pendenti et ne l i b raci anno

m olte maniglie de 010 et de latonne fin aL cubi to

l i hom ini vanno Como le fem ine Se non anno atacate

aL colo certe cole de horo tonde Como vn tagl iere

et petini de canna adornatj con schione de oro polti

neli capi li et algu ni de que/ti portanno col i de

zuche Seche polti ne le orechie p schione de oro.

Jn Que/ta ylola [e truona lo landalo biancho et nO

z l troue gengero bufal i por Ci capre galine rizo fighi

canne dolci naranci l im onj cera m andol le fa z ol i ct

al tre cole ct papagal i de diuer/i colorj de l al t‘

parte de ll lola l tano catro fratell i O lonno l i re dc

que/ta ylola doue l tauam o nuy erano ville et alguni

p rincipal le dc qel le. Ly nomi de l i catro habitatioe

del i re lonno que/ti oibich l ichsana suai et Cabanaz a

oibich e la m agiore. Jn cabanaz a li Como ne fu

deto le truoua alay 010 in vuo monte et Comperano

tute le Sue cole CO pez etti de oro tuto lo landalo

et la cera O contractano quel i de Jaua et di malaca

Contractano da que/ta banda aqui trouam o vno

Jonco de lozon venuto p m erchadantare Sandalo

Quel ti popul i lonno gentil l i et quando vanno a

tagl aire lo landalo Como loro ne dilcero lel i molta


I 22 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

10 de monio en varie forme et l i dice le anno bilo

guio de qalque cola li l a dem adino p Laq

al le apari

tione l tanno infe rmi alquanti giornj lo landalo

l i tagl ia a vno certo tempo de la luna p Che al tra

mente nO larebe bonno la merc‘

a’

ti a O vale Quiui

p 10 landalo e panno rollo tell a accete fero et Chiodi

Que/ta ylola he tuta habitata et molto longa da

leuante a ponente et poco larga de mezo di a la

tram Otana l ta de lati tudine aL polo antartico in

dieCi gra di ct cento et Settanta catro gradi et mezo

de longitudine dala l inea de l a repartiOe ct se chiama

timor. Jn tutte le ylol le hauem o trouate in

que/to arcipelago regnia lo m aL de S . Jop et p iu

Quiui O in al t° luocho ct Lo Chiamano foi f ranchi

c ioe m aL portughele.

Longi vna giornata de qui tra iL ponente ct iL

m ael trale ne fu deto trouarle vna J lola in laqal le

nalcie assai cannella et se chiama Ende cL luo

populo he gentille et nO hanno re et como lonno a la

m edelm a [J lo z crossed out in or ig ina l MS .] via

molte ylol le vna dietro a lalta in fina a Jaua m agiore

et aL capo de malaca l i nomi de leqa

l le lonno

que/ti ende tana butun creuo Chile bim acore ara

naran Mani Zum baua lom boch Chorum et J aua ma

giore Que/ti populi nO l a Chiamano J aua ma Jaoa

le m agiorj ville lono in J aua Sonno quel te

Magepaher iL luo re Quando viueua e ra m agiore

de tutte quel te ylol le et Chiam aual le Raia patiunus

Sunda in que/ta nalce molto peueri da ha dama


I 26 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V01. 34

gaghi amada M inutaraghan Cipara Sidaiu tuban

crel/i C irubaia et ball i et como J aua minore ellere

l a ylola de Madura et [tare ap rel lo Jaua m agiore

meza legha Ancho ne dil lero Quando vuo homo

de l i p rincipal i de Jaua m agiore more Se b rula LO

luo corpo La lua moglie p iu p rincipal le adornal l i

CO girlande de fiori et falli portare de tre ho catro

hom inj loura vno lcanno p tuta qe

l la vil a et ridendo

et confortando li lui parenti que p iangeno dice nO

piangere p d o me vado quel ta cera a Cennare COL

mio caro marito et dormi re [echo in quel ta nocte

poy et portata aL foco doue [e brula Lo luo marito

et ley vol tandol i contra l i lui parOti et confortando

l i vnal ta fiata Segetta neL fuocho oue le b rula lo luo

marito ct le que/to nO facelle nO laria tenuta donna

da benne ne vera mogl ie deL marito morto

Como li Joueni de J aua Quando lono Jnam o rati in

qalque gentiL donna [e l igano certi lonagl i CO fil lo

tra iL membro et l a pelel l ina et vanno loto le

fenel tre de le lue Jnam orate et facendo mol

tra de horinare et Squalando LO membro

lonano CO qel l i lonagl i ct fin tanto le lue Jnam o

rate hodeno lo lono lubito qel le veneno Ju et fanno

luo volere Sempre CO qell i lonagl iti p Che loro

donne [e p igl ianno grfi [pa/la alen ti rli Sonare de

dentro Quel ti lonagl i lonno tucti Coperti et piu

[e cop reno piu lonano JL nfo piloto p iu vechio

ne dille Como in vua ylola deta acoloro loto de Jaua

m agiore in Quella trouarl i linon fem ine et quelle

1 519- 1 522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD I 27

Gag iam ada ; M inutaranghan ; Cipara ; Sidaiu ; Tu

ban ; Cressi ; C irubaia ;587 and Balli .58 8 [We were

told] also that J ava Minor is the isl and of Madura,and is located near to J ava Major

, [being only] onehalf legua away.

" 8 9 We were told also that whenone of the Chief men of J ava Majo r dies

,his body

is bu rned . H is p rincipal wi fe adorns hersel f withgarlands of flowers and has hersel f ca rried on a Chai rthrough the enti re vill age by three or four men .

Smiling and consol ing her relatives who are weeping , she says : Do not weep, for I am going to sup

with my dear husband this evening,

” and to sleepwith him this night.” Then she i s carried to the

fire,where her husband is being burned . Turning

toward her rel atives,and again consoling them

,she

‘

throws hersel f into the fire,where her husband is

being burned . D id She not do that,She would not

be cons idered an honorable woman or a true wi feto her dead husband .

591 When the young men of

J ava are in love with any gentlewoman,they fasten

certain l i ttle bells between thei r penis and the foreskin . They take a posi tion under thei r sweetheart’swindow

,and making a p retense of urinating

,and

shaking thei r penis,they make the l i ttle bell s ring,

and continue to ring them until thei r sweethearthears the sound . The sweetheart descends immediately, and they take thei r pleasu re ; always withthose l i ttle bells

,fo r thei r women take great pleasure

in hearing those bells ring f rom the ins ide.

“ Thosebells a re al l covered

,and the more they are covered

the louder “93 they sound . Our oldest p ilot told usthat in an isl and called Acolorof

‘” which l ies belowJ ava Major

,there are found no persons but women

,


a regniarl i de vento et poi Quando parturilcono

l iL parto et m alchio Lam az ano le he femina lo

aleuano et le hom inj vanno aqe

l la lua ylola lo ro

am az arl i purche polli anno .

Ancho ne dilcero de loto de J aua m agiore vlo

l a tram Otana neL gol fo de l a Chijna Laqal le l i

anticqui Chiamano ligno magno trouarl i vno arbo re

grandiss°nea l le habitano vecel i deti garuda tanto

grandi O portano vn bufalo et vno elefante aL luocodoue he l arbore chiamato puza thaer et Lo arbore

cam panganghi aL luo fructo bua panganghi ea l le

he m agiore O vna anguri a l i mori de burne

haueuam o m e l i naui ne dilcero loro hauerne veduto

p Che lo luo re banena dui m andatigl i daL regnio de

li am niun Jonco ne al tra ba t cha da tre ho catro

legue le po apxim are aL luoco de larbore p l i grandi

reuolutiOe de hacqua que lonno C i rca quel to La

pima fiata que li lepe de que/to arbure fu vn Jonco

lp into da ly véti m e l a riuo lutiOe ia l le tuto le

dilfece tutti l i bomini le anegorono ecceto vn puto

picolo ilqal le el lendo atacato loura vna tauola p

miraculo fo [pinto ap rello quel to arbore et m Otato

loura lo arbore nO acorgendol i le mille loto lal a a

vuo de qel l i vccel i lo giorno leguento Lo vccelo

andando in tera et hauendo pig l i ato vn bufalo iL

puto venne de loto a la hala aL megl io puoto p

cul tui le lepe Que/to et albora Cogniobero q°

l i

popul i vicini l i fructi trouauano p iL mare ellere

de quelto arbore .

JL capo de malacha l ta in vn grado ct mezo aL



antarticho a loriente de que/to capo a longo la

colta [e trou‘

ao mol te ville et ci ta de l i nomi de

algune lono aO/ti C inghapola O l ta neL capo pahanCalantan patani bradlun benan lagon Che regi

gharan tum bOp rhan Cui brabri bangha Judia Que/ta

e l a ci ta doue habita iL re de Si am ea l le Chiam al le

S i ri Zacabedera Jandibum Lanu et Langhon pi fa

Quel te Citade [onno edificade como le ni‘

e et lub

geete aL re de [i am a ue/to regnio de [i am no

le riue de li fium i S i como ne fu deto habitanno

vccel i grandi l iqal l i nO m angerianno de alguno ani

male morto lia portato iui [e pima nO V ienne vuo al t°

vccelo am angiarl i iL core et poi Loro Lo mangiano

dopo [iam [e troua Cam ogia iL luo re e deto Saret

z acabedera Chiem pa CL [110 re raia brahaun maitri

inquel to locho nalce lo reubarbaro et [e troua in

que/to modo [e acaodunano vinti o vinti C inque

hom inj inl iem e et vanno dentro ne l i bolchi

Quando he venuta la nocte montano [oura l i a rbori

[i p [enti re Lodore deL reobarbaro como ancho ppaura de leonnj elefanti et al tre fere et daq

e

l la parte

doue he 10 reubarbaro iL vento l i porta lodore poi

venuto lo giorno vanno in qe

l la parte doue l i he

venuto iL vento et 10 cercanno fin tanto lo trouano

Lo reubarbaro he vno arbure grollo putrefato et

[enon fol/e culli putrefacto non darebe lo hodore

iL m eg l iare de que/to arbore he l a radice n iente

dimeno iL legnio he reobarbaro ia L Chiamano

Calama poi [e truona Cochi cL luo re e dettoraia Seribum ni pal a dopo Quel to [e troua la gra

Chijna iL luo re he m agiore de tuto cL m Odo et

1 519- 1 522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 3 1

degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. Along the coast

east of that cape are many vill ages and Ci ties. The

names of some of them are as follows : C inghapola,

which is located on the cape ; Pahan ; Calantan ;Patani ; B radlun ; Benan ; Lagon ; Cheregigharan ;Tumbou ; Phran ; Cui , B rabri ; Bangha ; India,which is the C ity where the king of S iam

,by name

S i ri Zacabedera,l ives ;Jandibum ; Lanu ; and Long

honp ifa.

597 Those C i ties a re buil t l ike ours,and are

subject to the king of S iam . On the shores of therivers of that kingdom of Siam

,l ive

,as we are told,

l arge b i rds which will not eat of any dead animal thatmay have been carried there

,unless another b i rd

comes first to eat i ts heart,afte r which they eat

Next to S iam is found Cam ogia,” whose king is

called S aret Zacabedera ; then Chiem pa, whose kingis Raia B rahaun Rhubarb which is found

in the following manner grows there. Twenty or

twenty-five men assemble and go together in to thejungles. Upon the approach of night

,they Cl imb

trees,both to see whether they can catch the scent

of the rhubarb,and also for fear of the l ions

,ele

phants, and other wild beasts . The wind bears to

them the odor of the rhubarb from the di rection inwhich i t is to be found . When morning dawns they

go in that di rection whence the wind has come, andseek the rhubarb until they find i t. The rhubarb isa large rotten tree ; and unless i t has become rotten ,i t gives off no odor . The best part of that tree is theroot

,although the wood is also rhubarb which is

called ca lam a .

” 1 Next i s found Cochi,

602 whose kingis called Raia Seribum ni Pala . Afte r that countryis found Great Chi ina

,whose king is the greatest in

1 32 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

Chiam al le Santhoa rai a ia l le tenne letanta re de

coro na [oto de [e al guni de l iqal l i anno dieci et quin

dice re de loto [e eL luo porto he deto guantan

fra le altre alayssim e Citade ne ha due p rincipal le

dette nam chin et Com laha nel iqal l i [ta que/to re

tienne catro lui p rincipal i a p rel lo Lo luo palatio

vuo verlo iL ponente l al t0 aL leuante lal tO

am ez o de

et l al t° ala tram Otana ogni vno de que/ti danno au

dientia Se nO aqe

l l i Che veneno de lua parte

l i re et liguori de la Jndia m agiore et [uperiore

hobedilcono aquel to re et p [egnial le O li anno lui

veri valal i Cialcuna ha in mezo de la lua piaza vno

animale [colpito in marmore p iu gali ardo que iL

leonne et Chiam al le Chinga Que/to Chinga e 10

[igilo deL dito re de Chijna et tucti qell i O vanno ala

Chijna Conuieneno hauere Que/to animale [colp i to

in cera in vn dente de elephante p Che al tramente nO

potrianno intrare neL luo porto Quando alguno

Signiore he in hobediente a que/to re lo fanno [corti

care et [ecanno l a pelle aL [Olle con [ale ct poy la

empi enno de pagli a ho de al tO et 10 fanno [tare CO

10 capo ballo et CO le many Jonte [oura lo capo in

vno luocho eminente ne l a pi aza acio Alhora [i veda

Cului far zongbu C ioe riuerentia Quel to re nO

[i l alei a vedere de al gi'

io et Quando lui vole vedere

l i lui C aualcha p iL palatio vuo pauone facto

m ael tralm ente CO[a richil l im a acom pagniato de leydonne de le [ue piu p rincipal le vel tite Como lui fin

Che entra in vn [erpente deto nagha rico Quanto

al tra cola [i pol/a vedere il qal le e [Op

a l a corte m a


I 34 THE P HILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

giore deL palatio iL re et le donne entranno dent°

agio lui nO [i a cogniol luto fra le donne vede l i [ui pvno vedro grando O c neL pecto deL [erpente lui et

le donne [e ponno vedere ma nonl i puo dilcernere

qaL he lore . Cul tui [e mari ta ne le [ue [orel le acio

lo [angue real le nO [i a m il l idiato CO al ti C ircha lo

luo pa l atio [onno [ette cerche de muri et f ra ogni

vna de quel te ce rche [tano diece m il l ia bom ini q

fanno la gardi a aL palatio fin O [ona vna Cam pana

poi vieneno diece m il l ia al tihom ini p ogni cercha et

culi [e m udanno ogni giorno et ogni nocte ogni

cercha de muro a vna porta ne l a p ima l i l ta vuo

homo CO vuo granfionne in mano deto [atu hora con

[atu bagan nella lecondo vn canne detto [atu hain

nella terza vn homo CO vna maza ferata deto Satu

horan cu pocum becin nela carta vno homo CO vno

archo in mano deto Satu horan con anat panan nella

Quinta vn homo con vna lancia deto Satu horan con

tum ach m e l a [exta vno leonne deto S atu horim an

nell a [eptim a duy elefantj bianchi detti duo gagia

pute in Que/to pal atio l i [onno letanta noue [alle

doue l tanno [e non donne O [erueno aL re et l i [onno

lem p re torcie acec/e Se tarda vno Jorno alercare

que/to pal atio Jn c ima de que/to l i [onno catro

[al le doue vanno alguna vol ta l i p rinc ipal i a parlare

aL re vua he hornata de m etalo coli de loto como

de [uura vna tuta de argento vna tuta de horo et

Lal ta de perle et petre p reciole Quando l i lui

val lal i l i portanno horo ho al tre cole pci ole p tri

buto le butano p Quel te [alle dicendo Que/to [i a a

1 519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD 1 35

is kept in the greatest cou rt of the palace. The king

and the women enter i t so that he may not be recogniz ed among his women . H e looks at his peoplethrough a large glass which is in the b reast of theserpent. H e and the women can be seen

,but one

cannot tell which is the king. The latter is married

to his siste rs,so that the blood royal may not be mixed

w i th others . Near his palace are seven encircl ingwalls

,and in each of those ci rcul ar places are Sta

tioned ten thousand men for the guard of the palace

[who remain there] until a bell rings , when ten thousand other men Come for each Ci rcul ar space . Theyare Changed in this manner each day and each night.Each C i rcle of the wall has a gate . At the first standsa man with a large hook in his hand

,called satn

horan with satu bagan ; in the second, a dog, calledsatu hain ; in the thi rd , a man with an i ron mace,called sa tu horan with pocum becin ; in the fourth,a m an with a bow in his hand called satu horan witha na t panan ; in the fifth, a man with a spear, calledsa tu horan with tum ach ; in the s ixth , a l ion , calledsa tu horim an ; in the seventh , two white elephants,called two gog ia pa te.

” That palace has seventynine halls which contain only women who serve theking. Torches are always kept l ighted in the

palace,

" 10and i t takes a day to go through it. In the

upper part of it are four halls,where the principal

m en go sometimes to speak to the king. One is o rnam ented with copper [m etalo] , both below and above ;one all wi th s ilver ;one al l with gold ; and the fourthw i th pearls and p recious gems. When the king’svassals take him gold or any other p recious thingsas tribute

,they are placed in those halls

,and they


honnore et glori a deL n'

f'

o Sant hoa rai a

quel te cole et molte al tre de quel to re ne di[[e vno

moro et lui bauerle vedute l a gente de la Chijna e

biancha e vel tita et mangiano [oura taule Como nuy

et anno croce ma non [i [a p Che tengonno Jn

Que/ta Chijna nalee Lo m ulchio iL luo animale

e vuo gato Como qel lo deL gibeto et non mangia al t°

[enon vn legnio dolce Sotile como li di ti chi amato

Chamaru Quando voleno far 10 m ulchio atacano

vno [anluga aL gato et l i l a lalcianno atacata infin

[i a ben pienna de [angue poi La [trucano in vuo

p iato et m eteno iL [angue aL lolle per cat° ho Cinque

giornj poy lo bagniano CO orina et il m etenno al tre

tante fiate aL lolle et culli diuenta m ulchio p feto

ogniuno que tienne de quelti animali Conuien pa

gare vuo tanto aL re Quell i pez eti que parenno

[i an grani de m ulchio [onno de carne de cap reto

pel tatagl i dent°iL vero m ulchio et [e non iL [angue

et [e ben diuenta in pez etti Se di[fa aL m ulchio

et al gato Chi amano caltori et ala [anluga l intha

Seguendo poy l a colta de q5l ta Chijna [e trouano

molti popul i O [onno que/ti l i Chienchij et [tano in

Jlole ne leqal l i nalconno perle et cannela L i Lechij

en tera ferma [Opa lo porto de Que/ti trauerla vna

m ontagnia p laqaL [e Conuien delarburare tucti ly

Jonqui et naui voleno Jntrare neL porto Jl re Mom

in terra firm a Quel to re ha vinti re loto di[e et e

hobediente aL re de l a Chijna l a lua ci ta he deta bara

naci Quiui e iL g ra catayo oriental le H an ylola al ta

et frigida doue [e truoua m etalo argento perle et Seta


I 38 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

iL luo re chiam a/[e raia Zotru Mli J anla eL luo re e

detto raia chetisqnuga gnio 10 [no re rai a [udacal i

tucti Que/ti tre luogui Sonno frigidi et in terra

fe rma Triaganba Trianga due ylol le nelle Qualle

vieneno perle m etalo argento et [eta il luo re

rai a R rom Balli balla terra ferma et poi Sum bdit

pradi t due ylole richi/im e de oro l ihom ini

deleqal le portanno vna gr

‘

a’

[Chiona de oro ne

l a gamba Soura iL piede Aprel lo Quiui

ne l a te ra ferma in certi m ontagnie [tano popol i che

am az ano l i lui padri et madre Quando [onno vechi

acio nO [e afati cano piu tucti l i popul i de Que/ti

luogui [onno gentil l i

Marti de nocte venendo aL mercore a vndici de

febraro 1522 partendone de La ylola de timor [e in

golfal lem o neL mare grande nominato Laut ChidOL

et pigli ando lo nfo Camino tra ponente et garbin

lalcia/em o a La mano drieta a La tram Otana p

pagura deL re de portoghala l a J lol a Zam atra anti

Cham éte Chiamata Trap robana pegu bengal a Vriz a

Che lui nel aqa

l le l tanno l i malabari Soto iL re de

narl ingha Calicut loto Lo m edel im o re Canbaia

nelaqa

l le lonno l i guz erati Cananor ghoa Armus et

tutta l al tra colta de la india m agiore in quelta

india m ag iore l i [onno ley [orte de hom ini Nai ri

panichal i yranai pangel ini M acuai et polcai Nairj

[onno l i p rincipal i panichal i [onno l i C itadini

Quel te due lorte de hoj'

Conuerlano inl iem e J ranai

Colgeno lo vino de la palma et fighi pagel injSonno l i m arinarj Macuai [onno l i pelcatorj

1 51 9-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 39

i s land where copper [m eta lo] , s ilver, pearls , and si lkare p roduced

,whose king is called Raia Zotru ;Ml i

I anla,whose king is cal led Raia Chetisqnuga ;

$22

Gnio,and i ts king

,Raia Sudacal i. Al l three of the

above places are col d and are located on the mainland . Triaganba

‘m and Trianga [are] two i sl andswhere pearls

,Copper [m eta la] , Si lver, and s ilk are

produced,and whose king is Raia Rrom . Bass i Bassa

[i s] on the mainland ; and then [follow] two is l ands,Sum bdit and Pradi t,

"2‘ which are exceedingly rich ingold

,whose inhabitants wear a large gold ring

around the legs at the ankle . On the mainland nearthat point l ive a race in some mountains who killthei r fathers and mothers as age comes on

,so that

they may have no further trouble . Al l the peoplesof those districts a re heathens .On Tuesday night as i t drew near Wednesday,Feb ruary eleven

,1522, we left the i sl and of Tim o r

and took to the great open sea called Laut Chidol .”

Laying our course toward the west southwes t,we left

the i sland ofZam atra,fo rmerly called Traprobana,

”

to the north on our right hand,for fear of the king

of Portoghala ;“27[as well as] Pegu , Bengala, Uriz a

,

Chel in where the Malabars l ive,who are subject to

the king of Narsingha, Cal icut, subj ect to the sameking

,Cambaia

,where the Guz erati l ive

,C ananor

,

Ghoa,Armus

,and all the rest of the coast of India

Major . S ix different Classes of people inhabi tIndian Major : Nai ri

,Panichal i

,Y ranai

,Pangel ini,

M acuai,and Poleai .629 The Nai ri a re the Chiefs ;

and the P anichal i are the townspCOp le : those twoClasses of men have converse together . The I ranaigather the palm wine and figs. The P angel ini arethe sai lors . The Macuai are the fishe rmen . The

I 40 THE PHILIPPI NE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

poleai [em inano et colgeno lo rizo Que/ti habi

tanno lem p re nel i campi mai intrano in ci ta alguna

et quando [e l i da alguna cola la [e ponne in tera poy

loro la p igl ianno col toro Quando vanno p le

[trade cridano po po po gioe gar date dam j , acadete

[i como ne fu referito vno nai r e[[ere tocho pe r di[grati a da vn polea p iLque iL nai r [ubito [e fece

am az are agio non rim anel le CO qe

L delhonnore E t

p Caualcare lo capo de bonna [pera’

za andal lem o fin

a Quaranta dui gradi aL polo antarticho [tel lem o

[oura quel to Cauo noue [etim ane CO le velle amay

nate p 10 vento accidentale et mailtral le p proa et CO

fortuna grandi/sim a ia L capo [ta de l ati tudine in

trenquat° gradi et mezo et mille et ley cento legue

longi daL capo de malaca et e lo m ag iore et piu

pericolo/o capo [i a neL mondo aL guni de l i no[ti

a malati et [ani voleuOO andare a vno luoco de portu

gheli deto Moz anbich p la naue O faceua molta

hacqua p 10 f redo grande et molto piu p nO hauere

alt° da mangiare Se non rizo et hacqua p Cio l a carne

haueuam o hauuta p non hauere [ale ne era pu trefata

Ma al guni de l i al ti piu del iderol i deL luo honnore

Ode la p p ria vita del iberorono viui o morti volere

andare in lpagnia finalm ente CO 10 ajuto de dio a

ley de magio pala/[em o Quel to capo ap rel lo lui

C inque legue [e non la p xim auam o tanto may Lo

poteu’

a’

o pal/are po i nauigal lem o aL m ay/trale dui

meli continui lenza pigliare refrigerio alcuno in

quel to pocho tempo ne m orleno vinti vno homo

Quando l i butauam o neL mare l i xpiani andauao al


I 42 THE PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

fondo con lo volto in lu[o et l i Jndij [em pre CO 10

volto in giu et [e dio non ne conduceua bon tempo

tucti m oriuao de fame alfine con/trecti de l a

grande necel itade andal lem o a le ylole de capo

verde Mercore a noue de Julio ag iungel lem o a

vua de que/to deta S J acobo et lubito m adal lem o

lo batelo in te ra p victuuagl ia con quel ta JnuetiOe

de di re al i portughel i como ne era rocto lo trinqueto

Soto la lignea equino tialle ben Che fol/e [oura lo

capo bonna [peranz a et Quando lo conciauao LO nfe

cap°

general le CO le altre due naui elcrl i andata in

lpagnia con quel te bonne parol le et CO le ni‘e mer

cadantie hauel lem o dui batel l i pi ennj de rizo

Com etel lem o a l i ni j deL batelo Quando andarono

in tera dom andal/ero que giorno era ne dilcero como

era a l i portughel i Joue Se m arauigl ia/[em o

molto p Che era mercore anuy et nO [apeuam o Como

hauel lem o berato p ogni Jo ruo yo p ellere [tato

[em pre [anno haueua [cripto [enza nil[una Jnterm il

[ione ma como da poy ne fu deto non era crore m a iL

viagio facto [em pre p occ idente et ri tornato a lo

i[te[[o luocho Como fa iL [olle haueua portato qeL

vantagio de hore vinti catro como Chiaro [i vedeel lendo andato lo batel lo vnal t

a vol ta in tera p rizo

furonnore tenuti tredici bomini CO 10 batel lo p che

vno de qel l i como da poy [ape/emo in lpagnia diceal i portughel i Como lo nfo cap

° era morto et al ti ct

que noi nO andare in lpagnia dubitandone de cl[ereancho nuy p reli p certe carauel le [ubito [e parti/lemo . Sabato a ley de [ep tem bre 1522 Jntral lem o

nell a bai a de S . lucar [e nO di[doto bomini ct l a

1 51 9-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD I 43

the Chris ti ans went to the bottom face upward , while

the Indians always went down face downward .

63 8

Had not God given us good weathe r we would allhave perished of hunger . Finally

,cons trained by

our great extremity,we went to the isl ands Of Capo

Ve rde . Wednesday,July nine

,we reached one of

those islands called Sancto and immediately sent the boat ashore for food , with the storyfor the Po rtuguese that we had lost our foremastunder the equinocti al l ine ( although we had lost i tupon the cape of Bonna Spe ranza ) , and when wewere restepping it,

“0our captain-general had gone

to Spagnia with the other two ships . With thosegood words “1 and with our merchandise

,we got

two boatloads of rice . We Charged our men whenthey went ashore in the boat to ask what day it was

,

and they told us that i t was Thursday with the Portu

guese . We were greatly su rprised for i t wasWednes

day with us,and we could not see how we had made

a mistake ; fo r as I had always kept well , I had setdown every day without any interruption . H ow

ever,as was told us later

,i t was no error

,but as the

voyage had been made continually toward the westand we had returned to the same place as does thesun

,we had made that gain of twenty-four hours

,as

is C learly seen . The boat having returned to theShore again for rice

,thi rteen men and the boat were

detained,because one of them

,as we lea rned afte r

ward in Spagnia, told the Portuguese that our captain was dead

,as well as others

,and that we were

not going to Spagnia .

“L2 Fearing lest we also betaken p risoners by certain caravels

,we hasti ly de

parted .

“ On Saturday,September Six

,1522, we

ente red the bay of San Lucar with only eighteen

144 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 3 4

m og ior parte Jnferm y iL rel to de [exanta Oparti/lem o da malucho q

i morle de fame chi fugite

nela ylola de timor et qifurenno am az ati p [ui del ic ti

daL tempo O [C parti/lem o de quel ta baya fin aL

giorno pfite haueu’

a’

o facto catordicy mille et quatro

cento et [axanta leghe et piu Compiuto lo ci rculo

deL m Odo deL leuante aL ponente . Luni a octo de

[ep tem bre butal lem o l anchora aplo Lo molo de [e

uigl ia et delcarical lem o tuta lartigl iaria Marti nuj

tucti in Camila et di[calCi andal lem o COvna to rcia pvuo in mano auil itare iL luoco de Sa . maria de la

Victo ri a ct qella de S mari a de lantiqua .

Partendomi de [euigl ia andai a vag l iadol it oue

ap relentai a l a [acra m agel ta de D . carlo non 010 no

argento ma cole da ellere allay ap reciati da vn

[im iL Signiore fra le al tre cole l i detti vno l ib ro

[crip to de mia mano de tucte le cole pal/ate de

giorno in giorno neL viagio no[t° me parti de l i

aL meglio puoti et andai in portagalo et parl ay aL

re don Johanny de le cole haueua vedute pal[ando

p l a lpagnia veni in franla et feci donno dc algune

cole de l al t° em ilperio a la madre deL xpianil l im o

re don francilco madama la regenta poi me venni

ne la J tal ia oue donnay p [em p re me m edel im o et

Quel te mie poche faticque a lo Jncl ito et I l lul tril

[im o Signor phil ipo de Vi l le rs l isleadam gr’

a’

m ael t°

de rhodi dignil/im o.

JL Caual ier

ant° pagaphetta


Photog raph ic facsim ile of last p age of P igafetta

’

s relation showing signature

[F r om the P ig afetta [MS i n the B ibl ioteca Am br os iana ,

M ilan ,I ta ly ]

1 519- 1 522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TH E WORLD I 47

men and the majori ty of them Sick,all that were left

of the s ixty men who left Malucho . Some died of

hunger ; some deserted at the island of Timor ; andsome were put to death for crimes .“ From the timewe left that bay [of San Lucar] until the p resentday [of our return] , we had sailed fourteen thousand four hundred and Sixty leguas

,and furthermore

had completed the ci rcumnavigation of the worldf rom east to west .“6 On Monday

,September eight

,

we cast anchor nea r the quay of Sevigl ia, and disCharged all our artille ry. Tuesday

,we all went in

Shi rts and barefoot,each holding a candle

,to vis i t

the shrine of Santa Mari a de la Victoria “ St.Mary of Victory and that of Santa Maria del’Antiqua St . Mary of AntiquityLeaving Sevigl ia, I went to Vagl iadol it

Valladol i d] , where I presented to his sacred Majesty, Don Carlo, nei ther gold nor s ilver, but thingsve ry highly esteemed by such a sovereign . Amongother things I gave him a book

,written by my hand

,

concerning all the matters that had occurred fromday to day during our voyage .

648 I left the re as bestI could and went to Portagalo where I spoke withKing Johanni of what I had seen . Pass ing throughSpagnia, I went to Fransa where I made a gift ofcertain things from the other hemisphere to themother o f the most Christi an king

,Don Francisco

,

Madame the regent.“9 Then I came to I tal i a,where

I es tabl ished my permanent abode,and devoted my

poor labors to the famous and most i llustrious lord,

Phil ipo de Vi l lers L isleadam,the most worthy

grand maste r of Rhodi .The Cavalier

ANTONIO PAGAPH ETTA “5°


10

oO C

ap of eastern Asi a and the eastern arch ipelago,showm

of or

) luccas ; drawn by D iego Homem,ca . 1558 (on vel lu

azap zn toe B r i m /2 Mascara]


I S4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

The Banda,or Nutmeg Islands, which belong to the Dutch ,

are small and ten in number,some of which are uninhabited .

Banda (properly Bandan ) means in Javanese the thing or thingstied or united

, or with the word Pulo,” “ united islands. ”

The group lies between south latitudes 3°

50'

and 4°

Sontar

or the G reat Banda is the largest island , but the principal settlem ent is on Nera. They are volcanic in origin and frequenteruptions and earthquakes have occurred . The population isscant, and the raising of nutmegs constitutes almost the entiresource of revenue. Abreu was the first Portuguese to visit them( in 151 1 , at the order of Alboquerque) , but Varthem a ( Travels ,

Hakluyt Society edition , pp . 243 , 244) seems to have visitedthem before that time . The Portuguese held the islands peacefully until 1609, when the Dutch attempted to settle , but wereresisted by the natives , and many of the Dutch mas sacred , fromwhich followed a war of extermination until 1627. Most of

the natives fled , so that it became necessary for the Dutch to

introduce Slave labor for the cultivation of the nutmegs . At theDutch conquest the nutmeg plantations were given to the personstaking part in it, and are still held by their heirs, under thename of Parkeniers, on condition of delivering the whole productto the government at a fixed and low rate. See Crawfurd

’

s

D ictionary , pp . 3 3-36.

MS. reads than the other weapons [bastons] .

MS. reads of the color of the fruit. Cf. P igafetta ’s description of the clove tree with those of Varthem a

( Travels , H akluyt Society edition , p . 246) and Linschoten’

s

Voyag e (Hakluyt Society edition ) , 11, pp . 8 1-84. See also Craw

furd’

s D ictionary , pp . 10 1-105, and VOL . x1v, p . 58 , note 5. Crawfurd remarks that Pigafetta

’

s account is even yet a good popularone.

Probably Pottebackers Island to the south of T idore.

Cf. Pigafetta’

s description of the nutmeg with those of

Varthem a ( Travels , H akluyt Society edition ) , p . 245, and Lin

schoten’

s Voyag e (Hakluyt Society edition ) , 11, pp . 84-86. See

also Crawfurd ’

s D ictionary , pp . 304-306, and VOL . XX

,p . 258 ,

note 48 .

49 8 This method of making Cloth from tree-bark is also mentioned by Combes (H istoria, Madrid

MS. adds and bruise . There are supposed to

be five palms that produce the product called sago, which is probably the word for the meal

,as each of the palms has its own

specific name . The most frequently cultivated are the r iim biya,

1519-1522] NOTES 155

Sagas Konign or Metroxylon sago, and the bamban or Sagas

la vis. The shell of each species is very thin, and the yield of sagovery abundant , as it comprises all the pith of the tree. Sago treesgrow throughout the Malayan archipelago and Philippines as

far as Mindanao. They require a boggy ground and propagateby lateral shoots, as well as by seeds

, so that a sago plantationis perpetual . Three trees will yield more nutritive matter thanan acre of wheat, and Six trees more than an acre of potatoes.Sago is the sole bread of the Moluccas and New Guinea and its

neighboring islands, but of no other part of the Archipelago. In

the Malay countries it is only the food of the wild tribes, and

is hardly used by the Malays themselves. Only the poorer Classesin Mindanao use it, while in other islands, such as Java, whererice is abundant, it is not used at all . It is the lowest kind of

farinaceous food . The pearl sago of commerce was introducedby the Chinese. The method of preparation is essentially thatdescribed by Pigafetta. See Crawfurd

’

s Dictionary , pp . 3 71 ,

372 ; and Oflicial H andbook of Philippines (Manila,pp .

MS. omits the remainder of this sentence. Stanley( p . 135, note ) says that the dress of the soldiers of Pigafetta

’

s

time was indecent.

MS. reads seven hundred and ninety

These native names for Cloves are ghom odo and Bon

galauant” in MS. The principal names current for the

d ove in the eastern archipelago are foreign rather than native.In the Moluccas they are called gaum edi, which is a Sanskritword meaning cow’s marrow. The most frequent name iscang/eele which is said to be a corruption of the Chinese nametheng

-hia , meaning Odoriferous nails . Another name is lawanto which the Malays prefix the words flower ” or fruit ( asP igafetta

’

s bongaZanan ) , and is the name of the Telingas of

India, who have always conducted the largest trade betweenIndia and the Malayan countries. See Crawfurd

’

s D ictionary ,

pp . 10 1 , 102.

503 Still so called and located to the south .

MS. 50 adds : Ala.

MS. reads crown .

Spelled z z am backean in MS. This is the wordsubhan, giving praise ” ( Stanley, p .

507 MS. reads : by Ala his god, and by his crown .

508 MS. reads of that island .

MS. reads the king of Bacchian . These coun

I S6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

selors were those well affected to the Portuguese who hoped bysuch an act to ward off Portuguese vengeance for the murder ofthe Portuguese at Bachian because of their licentiousness ( seep .

51°MS. reads : As we had no more Cloth , we sent toask the king for three brasses of his Cloth , which he gave to us.

”

MS. reads some silk and other presents.“12 St . Barbara, the patroness of powder magazines, was a

virgin who was martyred at Heliopol is, Decem ber 4, 306.

513 MS. reads our fireports, fire-bombs, and rockets.

MS. reads three sous . The marcello was a silver Venetian coin weighing sixty-three grams. Two marcelliequaled one Venetian lira which was worth one and one-quarterI talian lire . It was later also the name given to a silver coinof Francesco I I I , duke of Mantua, 1540

-50. See Mosto, p. 98,note 7 ; and Haz litt

’

s Coinage of European Continent.51" MS. says that a couple of drinking-cups were given

to each of the brothers .

MS. reads many pieces of artillery5" MS. reads : hagbuts and culverins

MS. reads relatives and friends .

MS. reads as mistresses of the function, and ar

ranged everything.”

52" MS. adds for a j est ; but omits the remainderof the sentence.

521 St . James of Com postella, located in the Spanish provinceof Galicia. Alboquerque, the great Portuguese viceroy of India,bequeathed a large Silver lampstand to St . James of Galicia, andhundred thousand reis ( about £20 165 8d ) , in cash for Oil at

his death . The Portuguese convent of Palmela, located in Palmela, and under the charge of the Augustinians was the headquarters of Santiago or St . James in Portugal. See Birch ’s Alboquerque, i i i, pp . 18, 19.

522MS. reads : hagbuts.

MS. reads quill .

In Eden ( p . 259 ) m anuccodiata ; and in Transylvanus, M a

m aco D iata (VOL . 1, pp . 3 3 1 , This mention by the latter isperhaps the first mention in European literature of the bird of

paradise , the skins of which seem to have been a regular articleof commerce . These skins were supposed to render the wearer


TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 3 4

T idore May 13 , 522, where the Castilians had been , and wherethey laded two of the five Ships that sailed from Castilla. I

learned that the first one had gone four months before and theother one a month and a hal f . The second had not left with thefirst because of a leak which had opened when they were on thepoint of departing. [Accordingly] it was lightened of its cargoand after it had been repaired it left. I found five Castilians ,one a factor, with merchandise, and another who was a gunner.I sent the factor Rui Gaguo with a message to the king [ofT idore] demanding the surrender of the Castil ians , artillery,and property to me, and to ask him why he had admitted Castilians since that region had been discovered so long before by thePortuguese . He answered that he had admitted them as merchants, and for fear rather than willingly. Next day he sent methree Castilians and a small amount of their goods . I had al

ready taken another with me when I left Banda, whither he hadgone to get information of the country and of trade . The fifthCastilian was absent in the island of Moro

, 60 leguas fromMaluco. The following day the king came to see me. He ahnounced himself as a good vassal of your H ighness, and had excuses for everything

,all of which was proved by the Castilians

themselves. I had him give his testimony in writing, in orderto have a Check on him at all times , for I assure you that thoseCastilians had surrendered to his power as i f they were Christians and his natives . I found the whole country full of tincrosses ( [although] some were of silver ) , with a crucifix on one

side and our Lady on the other. They were selling bombards,muskets

,crossbows , swords, darts, and powder. I brought al l

those crosses above mentioned to your H ighness , which thosepeople were selling with full knowledge of what they were.

After I had been there two days a bastard son of the kingof Ternate came to take me to his island . That m an is the onewho is governing in the name of the heir, a Child of eight ornine, whose father died seven or eight months before my arrival .This island [of Ternate] is the largest and Chiefest of Maluco,and is the one where Francisco Serrano always lived , as well asDon Tristan when he came here . Then the mother of the king

,

who has more authority, came , and they proclaimed themselvesas your H ighness ’s vassals . I sa id nothing of a fortress as I

wished first to see al l the islands . After I had seen them, I

thought it best to build the fort here as it is the largest and thereis no port in T idor .

While I was ashore my m en fell Sick, and within two months,I only had 50 well men out of the 200 I had brought with me .About 50 of them died , and with so few men the fortress was

started .

1 519- 1 522] NOTES 159

On October 22, I received news that a ship was off the backof these islands . I thought it must be the Castilians , since theytook that course . I sent three Ships with orders to bring it in ,and they did so, and with it 24 Castilians . They said that notcaring to return by the way they had come as it was so long a

voyage, they had resolved to sail to Darien . They found butlight winds

,for they could not take the monsoon

,and [accord

ingly] went to 40 degrees north . According to their accountthey had made 900 leguas when they put back. When they leftthey had 54 men , 30 of whom died at 40 degrees . The goodsof the king of Castilla were set down in writing, and the mapsand astrolabes were seized . The ship , which was old and leakingbadly, was begun to be lightened . In a week it opened and 40

babars of cloves were lost . The wood was used for the fortressand the equipment for the other Ships there .

I sent seventeen Castilians with Don Garcia so that theymight pay what they owe to Jorge de Alburquerque , so that hemight send them thence to the Chief captain of India accordingto the instructions given me in your H ighness ’s orders . Thosem en are Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa , captain ; Juan de Campos,factor , who remained with the goods in T idore Al fonso de Costa,who was going to examine the trade in Banda ; Luis del Molino ;D iego D iaz ; D iego Martin ; Leon Pancaldo, pilot of the ship ;Juan Roiz ; G ines de Mafra ; Juan Novoro ; San Remo ; Amalo ;Francisco de Ayamonte ; Luis de Veas ; Segredo ; Master Otans[the German gunner, Hans Vargue] and Anton Moreno.

“I left four here 1st, the master of the Ship, named Juan

Bautista , who is the most skilful of them al l , and has sailed inships belonging to your H ighness, and who is the one who tookcommand , and who after the death of Magallanes must havetaken his fleet to Maluco :

z ud, the clerk , who is a good sailorand pilot ; 3d, the boatswain ; and 4th, a carpenter who is neededto repair this ship by which I am now sending by way of

Burneo.

“In regard to the master, Clerk , and pilot, I am writing to

the chief captain that it will be more to the service of your H ighness to order them beheaded than to send them there . I detainedthem in Maluco because it is an unhealthy country, with the intention of having them die there , as I did not dare order thembeheaded for I was ignorant whether such action would meetyour H ighness ’s approval . I am writing to Jorge de Alburq uerque to detain them in Malaca, which is also a country thatis very unhealthy .

Navarrete describes the adventures of the Trinidad and

the fate of her crew in his Col . de viag es , iv, pp . 98- 107 ; for a

t ranslation of which see Stanley’s F irst Voyag e, pp . 23 7-241 . Cf.

I 60 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

also the account in Guil lem ard’

s M ag el lan, pp . 298-307, wheremany details not in Navarrete are to be found . The mortalityof the crew of the Trinidad ”

was terrible,and of the 53

men left with Juan Carvalho at T idore , only the following re

turned to Spain , and that only after a number of years : GonzaloGomez de Espinosa, alguazil ; G ines de Mafra, sailor ; LeonPancado [mentioned above by Brito] , sai lor ; and Juan Rodriguezof Seville, sailor. The German gunner, Hans Vargue, alsoreached L isbon with Espinosa and Ginés de Mafra

,but died

almost immediately upon his arrival there , in prison. See Guille

mard , a t supra, pp . 3 38, 3 39.

The goods left and accumulated in T idore by the Spaniardsis thus given by Brito (Navarrete , iv , p . The goodswhich remained in Tidor belonging to the Castilians amountedto quintals 32 libras of copper, libras of quicksilver,two quintals of iron , three bombards with iron blocks ( one is apasam uro and two are roqueiras ) , 14 i ron culverins without anychamber, three iron anchors ( consisting of a [ugareo, one largeone, and one broken one ) , 9 crossbows, 12 muskets

, 32 breastplates, 12 serveilheras , 3 helmets , 4 anchors, 53 iron bars, 6 ironculverins , 2 iron falconets, 2 large iron bombards with fourChambers, and quintals of Cloves . ’

So Pigafetta calls the minister in charge of the religiousmatters of T idore , which had embraced the Mahometan worship .

MS. adds was forty-five years old.

MS. omits mention of the camotes. The com ulicai

becomes com ulicar in MS. Eden reads and a m ar

ueilous coulde irute which they name Cam ulicai.”The com ul icai

is perhaps a species of Anona. The fruit like the peach calledguava is evidently the mango or manga (M ang ifera I adica ) .

See C rawfurd’

s Dictionary , p . 263 (who fails to note that P igafetta mentions this fruit as existing in the Moluccas ) . I t is mentioned by the I talian traveler Varthem a ( Travels , Hakluyt Soclety edition , pp . 159,

The generic nam e for parrot is loony . I ts correctMalay form is noy ras (Crawfurd, D ictionary , p . 221 , nuri and

Javanese nori ) . The corruption nori began to be common inthe seventeenth century. ( See Linschoten

’

s Voyag e, HakluytSociety edition

,i,p . NicolO de ’conti says that there are

three species of parrots in Banda. The first two species are

both known by the name of nori, bright,”and are about the size

of doves , one species having red feathers and a saffron-coloredbeak and the other being of various colors. The third speciesare white and as large as the common domestic fowl , and are


162 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

Maga, and a number Of unnamed islands ( ama . ,p . shown

on folio 84a of MS. preceded by the words : Chart ofthe islands Of Bacchian , Toliman , Sico, Caioan, Laigom a, G ioggi,Gaphi , Labuan, etc .

”2. On folio 69a, the islands of Sulach,

Lum atola, Tenetum , Buru , Am balao, Am bon , and a number ofunnamed islands p . in MS. shown on folio84b, preceded by the words Below is shown the chart of theislands Of Am balao, Ambon , Buru, and others.

549 A number Of these and succeeding islands are spelled slightlydifferently in Eden ( p . Mosto ( p . 104, note 1 ) conj ecturesthat Caioan is the Cayoan Of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p . whichhe seeks to identi fy with the island Of Kayoa or Kiou Laigom a isLaigam a, one of the islands among the Molucca group ; Sico isSiku ; G iogi is perhaps Gum orgi and Caphi is Gafi. See Mosto,p . 104, notes I -5.

55°Throughout the remainder Of his narrative, it is seen thatPigafetta has Often lent a credulous ear to the Malayan pilotsOf the ships and to current report. Marco POlO ( book iii , xiii ) ,explodes the belief in p igmies, which he declares to have beencleverly made for trade purposes. Pigafetta

’

s account m ay possibly refer to an aboriginal people, although more probably it is a

reference to the orang-outang.

MS. spells some Of these islands differently ( Labuan,Toliman , and several others ) , but in general the changes in spelling are very slight , consisting in a change Of vowel or a doublingof a consonant. Labuan corresponds to Laboeha, the southernpart Of the island Of Batchian ;Toliman is Twali Bezar ;Titam eti

is perhaps Tawalie Ketij l ; Latalata is Latta-latta ; Tabobi is perhaps Tappi ; Maga is perhaps Loem ang ; Batutiga is perhaps ObyMajor, a headland of which is called Aijer Batoe Geggok. See

Mosto p . 104, notes 6- 12.

Called Sulan by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p . I t isone Of the Xul la Islands ( see Guillem ard

’

s l l/I agel lan, p. 289, andMosto, p . 104, note

553 I t is impossible to identify these names with complete as

surance. The first four probably correspond to the group of

islands near Amboina, which contains those of Honim oa, Moelana,

Om a,and Noesfa Laut ; Leitim or (Ley-timur ) is a peninsula of

Amboina ; Tenetun ( called“Tenado ” by Albo — Navarrete, iv,

p . 225) is perhaps one of the Xul la islands ; the last four correspond perhaps to the group east Of Ceram known as Bonoa, Babi ,Kelang, Manipa, Toeban , and Smangi . Benaia is again namedlower down , and two other islands in its group . See Mosto,

pp . 104, 105, notes.

1 519- 1522] NOTES 63

554 AlbO (Navarrete, iv, p . 225) calls it Lum utola. I t is perhaps the island Of Lisam atula See Mosto, p . 105, note 2.

55” MS. reads a food made Of figs bananas] ,almonds, and honey, wrapped in leaves and smoke dried , whichis cut into rather long pieces and called canali.

”That MS.

omits the remainder Of this, and the following six sentences.

MS. 50 reads sixty-five. On modern maps thisname is given as Boeroe . I t is called Bur6 by Albo (Navarrete,iv

,p . and he says that it was necessary to coast along its

eastern side .” This was on December 27.

The native name Of Amboina is Ambun , which is said tobe derived from its chief town

,the island itsel f being called by

its inhabitants H itoe or H itu . The inhabitants have been con

verted to Christianity and belong to the Dutch Lutheran church .

They attend public schools and are taught to read and write theMalay language in Roman characters. Crawfurd

’

s D ictionary,p . 1 1

MS. gives this name as Undia. I t is probablythe Bidia Of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p .

Now Amblau . I t has an area of about seventy squaregeographical miles, and a small population . I t lies in latitude3°

15' south , and longitude 125

°

15’ eas t.

Following this paragraph in the original I talian MS. ( folio72a ) is shown the chart Of the islands of Bandam , namely, Lailaca , Pulurun, Manuca, Baracha, Unuvero, Palach , Saniananpi,Chel icel , Man

,Meut, Rossoghin, and Zoroboa ( g ra , p .

This chart is shown on folio 85b Of MS. preceded by thewords, Chart of the islands Of Bandan , Rossonghin, Man,

Zz orobua, and others .”

The names Of the ten islands comprising the Banda groupare Banda Pulo Nera (

“ the island of PalmLontar Palm Pulo Ai ( properly Pulo Wai ;

“Water Island Pulo P isang Banana Island Pulo Run(Rung ; Chamber Pulo Suwanggi Sorcery Island Gunung—api F ire Mountain ”

or Volcano PuloKapal (

“Ship I sland or

“ Horse and Rosingen ( theRosoghin Of Pigafetta, and the ROSOlangium Of Barros , whichC rawfurd conjectures to be derived from the Malay words roso,strength ”

and langgcing , firm ,

”assured See C raw

furd’

s D ictionary , p . 3 3 ; and ante, note 493 .

56°At this point ( folio 73 a ) of the original I tal ian MS. fol

lows the chart of the islands Of Mallua , Batuom bor , Galiau,

Zolot, and Nocem am or ( gm , p . This chart is shown on


folio 87a Of MS. preceded by the words : Chart Of theislands Of Zz olot , Galliau

,Nocem am or, Batuanbor , and Mallua.

”

These are the islands of Solor, Nobokam or Rusa, and Lomblen (Mosto, p . 105, notes 6 Guil lem ard (M ag el lan,

p . 289,note ) says that the passage taken by the Victoria ”

was eitherF lores or Boleng Strait

MS. reads : little horns. The I talian is corniol li.58 3 MS. reads : They have a kind Of sack made from

the leaves of trees, in which they carry their food and drink.When their women saw us they came to meet us with bows ,

”etc.

Stanley following Amoretti says the same. The I talian MS. willallow this translation , although the most natural translation bothin the structure and the sense is the one of our text. This mightbe recorded as another piece of carelessness on the part Of theadapter Of the I tal ian to the French .

53 4MS. reads in order to inspect and overhaul .

MS. mentions only the long pepper here, though theround variety is also described as in the Italian MS.

MS. omits this sentence, and in the succeeding sen

tence,compares the leaves of the pepper plant to those Of the

mulberry. Gatel le (Gattelli ) , the diminutive Of Gatto“cat ,

”

is the vulgar name for am ento, the botanical name for the firstflowers Of the walnut-tree, hazelnut-tree , and other trees.

MS. reads : lubi . Crawfurd (D ictionary , p . 3 35)says that the long pepper (P iper longum ) is called chave bythe Javanese and lada panjang of the Malays. I t is probably a native Of Java, although grown in other parts of the archipelago. I t is not named by Barbosa. L inschoten (Voyage, Hak

luyt Society edition , p . 73 ) says that the long pepper is grownonly in Bengala and Java, and calls it Pepelini ( from the Sanskritpippal z

‘

)568 The black pepper (P iper nig rum ) , called lada in Malayan ,

lada in the Philippines, and m ar icha ( pure Sanskrit ) in Javanese ,was probably introduced into the archipelago from Malabar. It

is not found wild in any of the Malayan islands, but abundantlyso in the mountains and valleys Of most Of the countries of thewestern Side of India. I t is produced in some parts Of the Philippines

,but little is exported , as sufficient attention has not been

paid to it to enable the Philippine product to compete with thatraised in other parts Of the East Indies . See Crawfurd

’

s D ic

tionary , pp . 3 3 3-3 35; and Officia l H andbook of Philippines, p .

1 14. See also Yule ’s J ordanas (Hakluyt Society edition ) , p . 27

(who confuses the long with the black pepper ) ; Varthem a’

s



archipelago by the H indu traders. Both Varthem a and Barbosam ent lon It as an art l cle Of commerce

, and the latter gives prices .The greatest users Of sandal-wood as a perfume, incense, or fancywood are the H indus and Chinese

,especially the latter. Craw

furd’

s D ictionary , p . 3 75.

MS. omits mention Of beans.

MS. reads steel instead of hatchets .

MS. reads one hundred and sixty-four and one

T imur is wrongly classed with the chain of islands calledthe Sunda, being different in location , structure, fauna, and botany.I t is mountainous and rather desolate . I ts inhabitants are Ma

layans and Negritos, and two languages are spoken thereTim ourese in the west, and Teto or Manatoto in the east. The

religion is a sort Of demonology. An annual sacrifice of a virginto the sharks and alligators was made until recent times, whenthe practice was abolished by the Dutch . I t is about 370 mileslong by 50 broad in its W idest part and contains aboutsquare geographical miles . The island belongs to the Dutch and

Portuguese . See Crawfurd’

s D ictionary , pp . 432-435, and Cust

’

s

Modern Languag es of the East I ndies (London , p . 143 .

MS. reads : “St . Job, and for franchi . Eden

( p . 260 ) says Of this disease : In al the I landes Of this Archipelagus, rayneth the difea/e of [aynt IOb (whiche wee caule thefrenche poxe) more then in any Other place in the worlde.

”Evi

dently this passage of Pigafetta is a reference to the disease Of

syphilis . This disease was not first introduced in the O rient bythe Portuguese as Crawfurd claims, nor first discovered in Am erica, for Varthem a found it in Cal icut in 1505, and it was Observedin China long before it was noticed in Europe . L ittré discovereda mention Of it in a work Of the thirteenth century, and it ismentioned in Sanskrit medical books prior to 1500 under thename of upadam ga . I t is doubtless an Old disease . Stanley( p . 153 ) following Amoretti , wrongly believes the leprosy to hemeant by this passage . From the fact that the F ilipinos had a

name for the disease ( see vol . i , p . it is conjectured that itsexistence was well known . See Linschoten

’

s Voyag e (Hakluyt SOciety edition ) , i , p . 239 .

The following information is received from Walter G . Stern ,M . D . , Of Cleveland , Ohio, regarding this disease : The m aladie

de J ob is considered by many authors to be syphilis ( lues venerea ) .

At least al l Of the symptoms complained Of by Job can be readilyexplained upon the theory that Job was affl icted with this diseas e.That syphil is is as Old as mankind , there can be no doubt, although

151 9- 1 522] NOTES

for centuries popular belief and tradition claimed that it was ihtroduced by Columbus who brought it from the West Indies. The

coincidence Of the terrible epidemic Of malignant syphilis with thediscovery Of the New World , the ignorance Of the medical profession Of those times, and the silence Of the popular medical writersOf former ages as to the previous existence Of such a complexcontagion as syphilis strengthened this belief into an ax iom . The

finding Of undoubted syphilitic bone lesions in skeletons of the mostremote historic periods is undisputed evidence Of the antiquity Of

syphilis. The sexual excesses Of the ancients, the B aal and Astarteworship Of the Assyrians, the Venus, Bacchus, and Priapus cultOf the Romans, were at least most favorable means Of spreadingvenereal diseases. Not taking into account references in Romanand G recian mythology, the old Syrian cuneiform epic I z deharand the papyrus Ebers, we find the first reference to syphil iticdisease in Indian literature Of the Brahman period ( 800 B . Q ) .

There is also a reference in the Chinese work OfMusi-King, whichvery possibly dates from 2637 B . C . ; also one in a Japanese MS.

D aido-rui-shim -ho of about 8 10 B . C . H ippocrates, Celsus, and

P liny also mention a disease with the characteristics of syphilis,while the Roman satirists describe venereal affl ictions identical toit . It is specifically mentioned by the medical writers Of thethirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when it was Of a very mildtype — endemic, as seen at the present day in Bosnia and Turkey.

I ts place Of origin is unknown. I t probably came from India,where it has been endemic at least from 800 B . C . , and broughtby the Assyrians, Phaenicians, and Carthaginians to Greece and

Rom e and the rest of Europe. ( See Neum an’

s Syphilis , Wien,

D r . Alexander F . Chamberlain , in The AmericanAntiquarian and O riental Journal ” for January and February,1905, has the following note :

“ American origin Of syphilis. In

his Das erst Auftreten der Syphilis ( Lustseuche ) in dereuropaischen Kulturwelt

’

( Jena, 1903 , p . 35) Iwan B loch sustainsthe thesis of its pre-Columbian existence inAmerica and transference to Europe in the wake Of the discovery Of the new world .

Bloch had previously published another work on syphilis Der

U rsprung der Syphilis ’ in which he set forth similarviews . The new work contains data concerning the first appearance Of this terrible malady in Europe

, and of a l ike sexual diseaseamong the American Indians .”

58 3 In the original I tal ian MS. at this point ( folio 76a) follows the chart Of Laut Chidol , that is , Great Sea ( am a. , p .

This chart is given on folio 89b Of MS. W ithout other inscription than that of the chart itself , which is the same as theabove

Endé, also cal led F loris and Mangarai , lies between lati

1 68 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

tudes 7°and 9

° south , and longitudes 120°and 123

° east. I t istwo hundred miles long and its breadth ranges from forty-twoto fifty miles. I t is volcanic in origin . It is said to possess sixdistinct languages, and the natives are intermediate between Ma

layan and Papuan . See Crawfurd’

s D ictionary , p . 13 8 , and Cust,ut supra, p . 143 .

585 Tanabutun - Mani ( in MS. Moiu , and in MostoMain inclusive, probably refer to the islands between Ende

or Floris and Sumbawa. Zum baua is Sumbawa, which is so calledfrom its principal people . I t is the fifth island Of the Sunda chainfrom the westward . I ts length is 140 miles, greatest breadth , 50,

and its area about 278 square geographical leagues. The islandbelongs to the Dutch , but the more civilized people are Mahom e

tans, while some Of the mountaineers are still pagans . Threelanguages or dialects are found there. Lom boch or Lom boc isthe second island due east of Java. The name is taken from theJavanese word for capsicum. By the natives Lom boc is now

called Sasak ( in Malay and Javanese, a raft ” or temporarybridge and sometimes Selaparang. I t is volcanic and mountainous, contains numerous small and unnavigable rivers , and a

number of mountain lakes. The vegetation resembles that of

Java,but its fauna is considerably different . The inhabitants

call themselves Sasak, who are Mahometans and subj ect ( alongthe seacoast ) to the Balinese who profess H induism ( a uniqueexample of a nation professing Mahom etanism being held in perm anent subj ection by another professing H induism ) . The lan

guage of the Sasaks is similar to that Of the western end Of

Sumbawa. Chorum is perhaps Bali , the island just east Of Java.

See Mosto, p . 107, notes 6-9 ; Crawfurd’

s D ictionary , and Cust’

s

Modern Languag es of East I ndies .

Java ( a Dutch dependency ) , the most important island Of

the East Indies, is correctly called Jawa, a name derived fromits principal people . It was first named among Europeans byMarco Polo. Varthem a

’

s account Of the island is almost worthless

,but Barbosa, who never visited it, describes it accurately,

while Pigafetta’

s account is still more accurate . The botany Of

Java is rich and diversified , and the island is extremely fertile.The fauna is proportionally as varied as the botany. The peoplewhether Javanese or Sundanese are Malayan . The Javaneseare industrious and honest, and are only semi-Mahometan. The

Sundanese who inhabit the mountainous districts of the westernpart are Mahometans. The language of the former is the chieflanguage of the island , and is one of the most copious languagesin the world . The Javanese are the most civilized of al l Malayanpeoples and could boast Of civil ization before the advent Of Europeans in the O rient . They have cultivated certain of the arts


I 70 TH E PHILIP PINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

MS. omits the remainder of this sentence.

This ceremony, as it was practiced in the island Of Bali( the only one Of the East Indies to preserve the custom ) is described by Crawfurd (D ictionary , pp . 30, 140 The ordinary funeral rites Of the Bal inese much resemble those Of theBuddhists Of Siam and Ava, and the concremation is a m odifica

tion of the H indu Suttee, and the bloody ceremony of krising, a

barbarism peculiar to the people Of Bali themselves. In thatisland, unless the dead m an were Of great wealth , the womansacrificing hersel f was stabbed to death with a kris

,instead of

being burned with her husband ’s corpse, as the expense accom

panying the burning was so great. Barbosa (East African and

Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition , p . 93 ) mentions thiscustom of One Of the countries Of India. See also Linschoten(Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition , pp . 249 250, and note ) .

MS. adds of their vagina.

MS. adds and more pleasantly. This custom isalso mentioned by Barbosa ( ut supra, p . 184) in connection withthe people Of Pegu. H is account, which is left untranslated byStanley, is as follows

“They are very voluptuous, and have certain round hawk’s

bells sewn and fastened in the head Of their penis between theflesh and the skin in order to make them larger. Some havethree

,some five

,and others seven . Some are made Of gold and

silver, and others Of brass, and they tinkle as the men walk. The

custom is considered as quite the proper thing. The women delight greatly in the bells, and do not like men who go withoutthem . The most honored men are those who have the most andlargest ones. I will say nothing more Of this custom, for it is ashameful one. Stanley says that this custom is also mentionedby N icolo Conti in the fifteenth century.

In MS. and in Mosto : OcolorO. Yule (Bookof Ser M arco Polo, i i , p . 395) conjectures that this is the modernisland Of Engano.

In MS. caiu paugganghi, and bua paugganghi.”

Stanley ( p . 155, note 2) says that garuda is Sanskrit and Malayfor

“ griffin,

”and ( note 1 ) that cam pong ang hin means

“ theplace Ofwind Yule ( Cathay , Hakluyt Society edition , i i , p . 51 1 ,note ) says Garuda is a term from the H indu mythologyfor the great bird that carries V ishnu ; its use among the Malaysis a relic Of their ancient religion . TO an island Of theIndian Sea also Kaz wini attributes a bird of such enormous size,that, i f dead , the hal f of its beak would serve for a ship .” De

Gubernatis (M em orie intorno ai viagg iatori italiani nel le I ndie

151 9- 1522] NOTES I 7 I

orientali, F irenze, 1867) says that the tree of the text is perhaps the mythical tree, whose fruit gives fel icity in the H induparadise ; and the bird is the one with the golden feathers, intowhich Vishnu or the sun is transformed in the H indu mythology.Mosto, p . 108 , note 5.

59“Probably Point Romania, at the southeastern extremity of

the peninsula OfMalacca.

597 Cinghapola is Singapore or Singapura, SO called from theSanskrit singa,

“ l ion,

”and pa ra ,

“ city.” I t is an island and

town located at the extremity of the Malacca Peninsula, and is

a busy mart Of trade. Pahan is Pahang ( called Pam by thePortuguese, and properly spelt Paang ) , which is a city and district or province of the eastern part Of the Malacca Peninsula.

Calantan (Kalantan ) and Patani are districts of the eastern partOf the peninsula of Malacca whose chief towns have the samenam es. Both states were from early times tributary to Siam.

Lagon is the Siamese province of L igor ( called Lfikon bythe Siamese ) . Phran is perhaps the same name as seen todayin the Pran River. Cui figures on the maps Of O rtel ius and Mercatorius ; and Valentyn gives an island Couir .

”B rabri is per

haps Bangri , and Bangha, Bang-kok. India ( error Of ancientamanuensis for Iudia ) is Y uthia, which became the Siamese capi tal in 1350. Mosto believes that Jandibum , Sanu , and Langhonpifa are also the names Of Siamese kings, but they are probably the names of cities. MS. makes Zacabedera the nameOf a city, but it appears later as part of a sovereign

’s name. Stanley ( following Amoretti , who mistranscribed ) has Bradlini,Trom bon, Joran ( for Phran ) , Laun ( in MS.

and Langonp ifa. See Crawfurd’

s Dictionary , and Mosto ( p .109, notes 1

598 MS. reads the rest.

MS. reads : Cam eggia. This is the country Of

Cambodia or Camboja (Kamboja ) , called al so Champa by theMalays . See Crawfurd

’

s Dictionary , pp . 80, 8 1 .

60° Champa, the name Of an ancient Malay settlement on theeastern side Of the gulf of Siam, in the country Of Cambodia.

Stanley makes the name Of its king Braham i Martu . Mosto( p . 109, note 10 ) makes Chiem pa, Binh-Thuan in Anam . See

preceding note ; and Crawfurd’

s Dictionary , p . 93 .

601 Stanley ( p . 156, note ) says P igafetta has confoundedrhubarb with the decayed wood of a tree found in Siam, which,when burnt, gives a very sweet perfume, and which sells at a

high price.”

MS. confuses this country with the cocoanut, and


translates accordingly : Cocoanuts are found there. I t is, Ofcourse, the country Of Cochin . MS. also makes the Seribum ni ( Scribum ni, in Mosto) Pala ( Seribum nipala, in MS.

the ruler Of Champa, although a ruler has already beennamed for that country.

“03 This king is known in Chinese history as Chitsong , of theMing dynas ty, who succeeded to Woutsong in 1519 and reignedfor forty-five years. See Boulger

’

s Short H istory of China (London,

1900, pp . 94-96)604 In Eden ( p. 260 ) the names Of these Chinese cities are

Canthan, Nauchin,and Connulaha.

”The last is the city Of

Peking which was called Khan-palik ( the city of the Khan ) bythe Mongols, a form which was changed into Cam balu in theaccounts Of those times . SeeW illiams, M iddle Kingdom ,

i,p . 55.

605 MS. reads : great and l ittle. See VOL . XXXI I I,p .

3 3 1 , note 273 .

Eden ( p . 261 ) calls the Chinese emblem a l inx ; an

allusion doubtless to the Chinese emblem,the dragon, called

lung . SeeWilliams, M iddle Kingdom ,i i,p. 267

607 MS. continues from this point so that he m ay

furnish an example.” SeeWilliam s, M iddle Kingdom , i , pp . 408420,

for modes Of Chinese punishments ( the Obeisance made bycriminals being mentioned on p . The z onghu of the textis perhaps the simplest ceremonial form called hung shau, whichconsists in joining the hands and raising them before the breast( I I , p .

608 MS. adds also artificially made. Naga in Sanskrit is the name of a fabulous snake or dragon, and is found inal l the cultivated languages throughout the Indian Archipelago.

See Crawfurd’

s D ictionary , p . 290.

609 This passage reads as follows in MS. Each circleor enclosure Of the wall has a gate. At the first is a porter whoholds in his hand a large stout iron club cal led satu horan. In

the second is a dog called satu hain ; in the third a m an with an

iron mace called satu horan with pocun bessin ; in the fourth a

m an with a bow in his hand called satu horan with anach pananin the fifth a m an with a lance called satu horan with satu tum ach ;

in the sixth a l ion called satu hurim au and in the seventh , twowhite elephants called two gagg ia pute.

” Mosto has houm an

for the horim an of our text and the hurim au ofMS. whileStanley has hurim au. Mosto also prints the word can meaningwith

,

”as a part Of the various Malayan words . The meaning

Of these words as given by Stanley and corroborated by Mostoare as follows : satu orang , one m an ; anj ing , a dog ; pohoh



Bel lem o, basing his assertion on the fact that the Peguansproper are called M on, says (Mosto, p . 1 10

,note 6) that Burmah

is here referred to. I t would seem rather to be one Of the northern districts Of China, possibly about the Yellow River

, and

Lechii m ay refer to the city Of L inching. Mosto and Amorettitranscribe M ani, and MS. M on.

Cathay, at first restricted to the northern part Of thecountry now called China, became later ( in the Middle Ages )the name for the entire country. See Yule ’s Cathay , i , preliminaryessay.

“21 MS. reads H au. Han was a small Chinesestate which gave name to the first national Chinese dynasty, andit m ay be the H an referred to by Pigafetta. See Boulger

’

s Short

H istory of China, p . 10

622 “ Chetissirim iga in MS.

“23 “Triagom ba in MS.

624 These names appear before ( see VOL . XXXI I I , p . 321 , note177) where they are given as the name of one island .

“25 Javanese for South Sea.

Sumatra, a name probably Of Sanskrit origin , is first mentioned with that spelling by Varthem a

,but it had been visited

previously by Marco Polo (who calls it Java the less ) and probably by NicolO de Conti , who calls it Scium athera, and beforehim by the Arabian traveler Ibn Batfita ( ca .

, who callsits capital Shum atrah or Sum atrah. Taprobane was the ancientname Of Ceylon , not Sumatra. I t is the most western of all theEast India Archipelago, and next to Borneo and New Guineathe largest island proper, being about miles long and havingan area Of about square miles. The ancestral home Of theMalay race was in the interior Of Sumatra, in the region Of

Menangkaba, whence they colonized the coasts of Sumatra and

spread to outlying islands. A number Of tongues akin to theMalay and many dial ects are spoken in the island . Neither theEnglish nor the Dutch obtained any real foothold in the islanduntil after 18 16, since when the latter have entered upon a systemof conquest. See C rawfurd

’

s D ictionary , Varthem a’

s Travels

(Hakluyt Society edition ) ; Cust’

s M odern Lang uag es ; and

Lucas’

s H istorical Geog raphy B ritish Colonies , i , pp . 98, 99, 10 1 .

Eden ( p . 261 ) reads Fearyng lea/t i f they fhuld fayletoward the firm land , they m yght bee [eene of the portugales whoare Of great power in Malaccha.

”

Pegu (with a capital of the same name ) formerly wieldedgreat influence in the East, but was eclipsed by the kingdoms

1519- 1522] NOTES I 7S

surrounding it . Together with Bengal or Bengala and O rissa(Uriz a ) , i t forms a portion Of British India. Bengal was in

corporated with the GhOri or Patan empire Of H industan towardthe end of the twelfth century, and was formed into a separateprovince under the second emperor. It became an independentkingdom at least by 1340, continuing as an independent stateuntil conquered by Akbar in 1573 . Chelin is probably Coulamor Quilon in Malabar, once an important center of trade, butan insignificant place by the middle Of the seventeenth century.Narsinga or B Ij ayanagar , now a ruined city, was formerly thecapital Of the ancient Brahminical kingdom of the Carnatic, whichbefore the conquests of the Mahometans extended over the greaterpart Of the peninsula between the Malabar and Coromandelcoasts. Calicut, Cambay, Cananore, Goa, and O rmus (Armus )were al l important centers Of trade before and during Portugueseoccupation in the East. MS. reads : “

Gon”

and

Arm ux.

”See Varthem a

’

s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition ) ,and Mosto ( p . 1 1 1 , notes 3 -1 1 )

629 In MS. I rauai, Poloni , and Poleai. Stanleygives the first as Franas.

”The names Of the castes as given

by Varthem a (Travels , pp . 141 , 142) are as follows : Brahmins( or priestly class ) , Naeri ( or military class ) , T iva ( or artisans ) ,Mechua ( or fishermen ) , Pol iar (who collect pepper, wine , and

nuts ) , and H irava (who sow and reap rice ) . There are onlyfour main castes, viz . : the Brahman or Sacerdotal , which sprangfrom the mouth of Brahma ; the warrior, styled Kshatriya, Ksettri,or Chuttree, and formerly the Rajputs

,who sprang from the

arms Of Brahma ; Vaisya or husbandmen class , who form the industrial class, and who sprang from the belly and thighs of

Brahma ; and the Sudra or servile class, who sprang from thefeet Of Brahma, and have no part in the sacred law . Each casteis further subdivided within its own ranks , and specific laws govern each branch . Under British rule and the influence Of western civilization the rigidity Of caste is gradually being relaxed .

P igafetta does not mention the priestly caste and confuses thevarious other divisions. For early descriptions of caste , see Barbosa ’s East Afr ican and M alabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition ) , pp . 121-144 ; Linschoten

’

s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition ) , i , pp . 278-284 ( very defective and inadequate ) Gray and

Bell ’s Voyag e of F rancois Py rard de Laval (Hakluyt Societyedition ) , i i , pp . 1 14, 1 15, 3 71

—

420 ; and Ball’s Travels in I ndia by

J ean B ap tiste Tavernier ( London and New York ) , 11, pp . 18 1-189 .

6 3 0MS. reads ° and never enter any city.

Malayalam for go. L inschoten ( i , p . and Py rard

de Laval ( i , pp . 3 83 , make the Nairs give this warningcry instead Of the lowest caste, in order that the latter m ay keep


out Of their path . Varthem a and Barbosa agree with Pigafetta.

The Brahmans also call out for the same reason (L inschoten , i ,p . 28 1 , note

Eden says ( p . feuen weekes.

Albo (Navarrete, iv ) says under date of February 1 3 , 1522,that the course was laid west southwest toward the Cape Of

( 300d Il ope.

MS. reads one thousand and sixty.The Portuguese occupation Of Mozambique dates from

1498 , when Vasco da Gama landed at the mouth of the Zambesi .A number of settlements were founded there in the first decadeOf the sixteenth century. I ts present boundaries were fixed byagreement with Great Britain in 189 1 and with Germany in 1886

and 1890. I t has an area of square miles, and has greatvegetable and mineral wealth . Slavery was abolished in thecolony in 1878. I t is governed by a governor-general sent outby Portugal . John Pory in his preliminary translations prefixedto his translation of the history Of the converted Moor LeoAfricanus (Hakluyt Society edition , London , 1896 ) says ( i , p .

58 ) that the kingdom of Mozambique was“SO called of three

small islets, situate in the mouth Of the river Meghincate infowerteene and a halfe or fifteene degrees of southerly latitude ,which kingdom e in ancient time by P tolem y was called Prom on

torium Prassum .

”Continuing he says that notwithstanding its

unhealthful site, the chief Of the three islands , where there was

a secure port and where the Portuguese built a strong fort, hecame the most frequented Portuguese station on the way to theEast Indies, and ships Often wintered there . This must havebeen the settlement mentioned by P igafetta. See also Three Voyag es of Vasco da Gam a (Hakluyt Society reprint, London ,pp 80-97

6 3 6 MS. adds and stank.

On March 14, the crew of the Victoria worked at re

pairs on the ship until noon , and then set sail again . On theeighteenth they saw a lofty island (Am sterdam Island ) , whichthey tried in vain to make, and were compelled to lie to for further repairs . April 16, the course was altered to the north . Landwas sighted on May 8 , and on the following day they anchoredon the rough coas t. On the sixteenth the ship was further disabled by the loss Of a mast . After many struggles they werefinally clear Of the cape on M ay 22, and directed their generalcourse northward . See AlbO

’

s log (Navarrete, iv ) , and Guil le

mard ’s M ag ellan. Considering AlbO’

s date as correct , P igafettais in error by almost hal f a month in his date for the doublingOf the cape .


I 7S TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

Martin Mendez ship ’s accountantPedro Tolosa stewardRicarte de Normandia carpenterRaldan de Argote gunnerMaster PedroJuan Martin sobresal ienteSimon de Burgos sobresalienteFelipe de Rodas sailorGomez Hernandez sailorSocaciO Alonso sailorP edro Chindurz a common seamanVasquito Gallego boyCf. the corrected list given by Guillem ard (M ag ellan,

p . 3 38,and note 5) who mentions thirteen men ( the number given byPigafetta ) These men were shortly released and sent to Seville(Guil lem ard, ut supra, p .

Eden says ( p . 262) that it was the seventh . AlbO (Na

varrete, iv, pp . 246, says that Cape St. Vincent was sightedon September 4, 1522.

The Official death list records two desertions, which musthave been the ones mentioned by Pigafetta. Gomara mentionsa mutiny at T imur : There was a mutiny and confl ict, in whicha considerable number of the crew were killed .

”Oviedo says

also : Some were beheaded in the island Of T imor for theircrimes. Guillem ard conjectures that both accounts are bor

rowed from this passage in Pigafetta (Guil lem ard, p . 291 , note ) .

The survivors of the “Victoria who reached Spain , as givenby Navarrete ( Col . de viag es, iv, p . 96 ) from a document conserved at Archivo general de Indias, were as follows :

Juan Sebastian de ElcanoFrancisco AlboMiguel RodasJuan de AcuriOMartin de Y udicibusHernando de BustamenteAiresD iego GallegoN icolao de NapolesMiguel Sanchez de RodasF rancisco RodriguezJuan Rodriguez de HuelvaAnton Hernandez ColmeneroJuan de ArratiaJuan de SantanderVasco Gomez Gallego

captainpilotmasterboatswainmerinobarbergunnersailorsailorsailorsailorsailorsailorcommon seamancommon seam ancommon seam an

1519- 1522] NOTES

Juan de Zubileta boyAntonio Lombardo sobresaliente

Cf. the list as given by Guillem ard (M ag ellan , pp . 3 37,

who attempts to correct the various lists, and which showsseveral differences from Navarrete ’s list. Navarrete ( ut supra, iv ,pp . 96, 97) basing his assertion on Herrera, says : Am ong the Indians who reached land safely and desired to see the emperor andthese kingdoms, was one so sharp that his first action was to ask

how many reals made one ducado,how many maravedis one real,

and how much pepper was given for one maravedi , informinghimself from shop to shop of the value Of Spices. That furnisheda reason for his not returning to his country, although the othersdid See also Guillem ard

’

s M agellan, p . 296.

The value Of the spices brought to Spain by the Victoriaexceeded the cost of the other four vessels and their enti re equipment by about £200. The cargo consisted Of cloves, cinnamon ,nutmeg, mace, and sandalwood . The Victoria afterwardmade one voyage safely to Cuba, but was lost on a second . See

Guillem ard’

s Magellan, pp . 297, 3 10.

“47 Eden ( p . 262) says that on disembarking they went to givethanks to alm yghtie god who had brought them [afe to theyr

owh e countrey , and reftored them to theyr wyues and chyldren.

”

“48 The account Of the voyage given by Pigafetta to the emperor was probably only his brief records as set down from dayto day , and not in any sense the relation as here published . The

relation is known to have been compiled after Pigafetta’

s returnto I taly. Stanley ( p . xiv, appendix ) gives the original petitionmade by Pigafetta to the doge and council Of Venice, asking perm ission to print his relation . I ts translation is as follows

M .D . xxiv. Of the month Of August.Most Serene P rince

, and your ExcellenciesPetition of me, Antonio Pigafetta, Venetian knight of Jeru

salem, who desiring to see the world , have sailed , in past years,with the caravels of his Cesaraaan Maj esty, which went to discover the islands in the new Indies where the Spices grow. On

that voyage I circumnavigated the whole world , and since it isa feat which no m an had [before] accomplished , I have composeda short narration Of all the said voyage, which I desire to haveprinted . For that purpose, I petition , that no one m ay print itfor xx years , except myself, under penalty to him who should printit , or who should bring i t here if printed elsewhere, of a fine of

three lire per copy besides the loss of the books . [I petition] alsothat the execution [of the penal ty] m ay be imposed by any magistrate of this city who shall be informed Of it ; and that the fine


be divided as follows : one-thi rd to the arsenal of your H ighness,one-third to the accuser, and one-third to those who shall imposeit. I humbly commend myself to your kindness. August v .

’

The docket follows.“9 Ram usio says that Pigafetta presented one Of his books to

the regent Louise, and that she had it translated into French byJacques Fabre ( see volume on B ibliography, at end of this series ) .

Stanley is wrong in his conjecture that MS. of the Bibliotheque Nationale is the copy above mentioned , as it is in fact evenlater than MS.

The signature in MS. is Anthoyne P igaphete.


CHAO JU -KUA’S DE SCRIPTION OF THEPHILIPPINES

[The following description is transl ated from acopy of the P er io

’

dico H ebdom adar io E scolar“Students ’ Weekly Paper” ) for November 9, 190 1 ,

being no. 6 in order Of issue Of that paper . I t wasthere publ ished by Clemente J . Zulueta ( now deceased ) , then professo r Of history, and later engagedin archival researches in Spain for the Phil ippineb ranch Of the United States government

,who

was a man Of real ab il i ty . He himsel f communicated the existence Of this publ ication to us ; the copyOf the paper

,which is rare

,was lent us by J ames A .

LeRoy . An edito rial note at the beginning Of thechapter reads as follows : “As we cons ide r it Ofsome importance to the histo rical

,or rather pre-his

torical,cartography Of Fil ip inas

,we transcribe the

following l ines,which are a Spanish transl ation Of

chapter XI of the geography Of the Chinese wri terChao Ju-kua .

1 Professor Blumentritt translated it1 There is nO d irect reference as to the time in which Chao

Ju-kua lived , but his name is mentioned in the Imperial Catalogue,whence it appears that he was probably descended from some m em

ber of the imperial family Of the Sung dynasty, whose real namewas Chao ; and that he was born after the beginning of the secondhal f of the twelfth century. He was inspector of the salt gabelin the province of Fo-kien , and his title was probably Shih-po,which means Superintendent Of Sea Trade. ” As this post existedin FO-kien only during the years 1277-1287, it is probable thatthose dates fix the period Of Chao Ju-kua. H is work is called theChu-fan-chih, and the greater part Of his notes are copies fromOlder records. H is position , however, gave him opportunity to


f rom the English,and D r . H i rth transl ated di rectly

into English the MS . Of Chao Ju-kua [ca .

,189 1]

who according to Blumentri tt,flourished in the

thi rteenth century — that is,three centuries befo re

Magal lanes’

s expedi tion .

” Our Search for thetranslation by D r . H i rth has been unavail ing

,and

we are therefo re compel led to retranslate B lumentri tt’s translation . Concerning this transl ation weare furn ished the following information in a letterfrom James A . LeRoy, dated January 27, 1904“Zulueta owns the original letter and the translationOf this chapter as written out by Ferdinand Blumentritt and sent to Rizal while the latte r was in exile in1894. Blumentri tt made the annotations to thechapte r

,as is p roved by his lette r . In his letter to

Rizal enclos ing the transl ation Of the chapte r,

Blumentri tt tells Rizal that the previous year ( 1893 )a friend Of his in Madrid had publ ished (how or

where is not told ) his hasti ly-made version Of thischapter

,with hasty notes

,which he had sent this

friend for his own use in a s tudy Of the p rehisto ricPhil ippines

,but had no idea that it would be used

independently .

” A Spanish version with parallelEnglish translation appeared in R ev ista histor ica de

F il ipinas“Fil ipino H i s to rical Review”

) forJune

,1905 (vol . I

,no. which is Signed by P . L .

Stangl . H is version differs f rom that Of Blumentritt given by Zulueta

,being divided into two chap

gather information personally from the traders who anchored at

his port . At that time more foreign traders frequented Chineseports than either before or after, and it would be comparativelyeasy to gather information . The Chu-fan-chih contains more geographical information than do the court records . See F . H irth

’

s

China and the Rom an Orient ( Leipsic and Munich ; and Shanghai and Hong-kong , pp . 21-25.


I 86 THE PHILIPPI NE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

seldom visi t those districts . When [Chinese] merchantm en arrive at that port they cast anchor at aplace [called] the place of Mandarins . Thatplace serves them as a market

,or site where the

products Of thei r countries are exchanged . When avessel has entered into the port ( i ts captain ) offe rsp resents consis ting of white parasols and umbrell aswhich serve them for daily use . The traders areobliged to Observe these civil i ties in order to be ableto count on the favor of those gentlemen .

In order to trade,the savage traders are

assembled,

7 and have the goods carried in baskets,

and al though the bearers are often unknown , noneof the goods are ever lost o r stolen . The savagetraders transport these goods to other isl ands

,and

thus eight or nine months pass unti l they have ohtained other goods of value equivalent to those thathave been received [from the Chinese] . This forcesthe traders of the vessel to delay thei r departure ,and hence i t happens that the vessels that maintaintrade with Ma-yi are the ones that take the longest toreturn to thei r country.

The most noteworthy places of this country areSan-hsii ; Pai-pu-yen ; Pu-l i-lu

,which is located

near San-hsii ; Li -yin-tung ; L in -hsin ; and L i-han .

8

7 The Chinese call al l foreigners savages except the Japanese,Koreans, and people ofAnam B .

8 San-hsu signifies the Three Islands and is attributed to

the Visayan Islands. Pai-pu-yen is perhaps the Babuyanes. Pu

li-lu m ay be Mindanao ; Li-yin-tung, L ingayen ; Lin-hsin soundslike Lin-hsing ( called Lin-sung by Stangl ) , a Chinese name corresponding to their name for modern Luz 6n. However , Lin-hsinappears to be the Chinese name for Cal ilaya (modern Tayabas ) .

Li-han i s the primitive Chinese name for the present Malolos,whose princes bore the title of

“Gat-Salihan” or

“Gat-Salian .

”

- B .

1 2804 605] CHAO JU -KUA’S DESCRIPTION 1 87

The products of that country are yellow wax,9 cot

ton,pearls

,shells

,

10 betel nuts,and jute [ya -ta]

texti les .“ Foreign traders import porcelain,com

m ercial gold,

12 i ron vases fo r perfumes,leaden Ob

jects, glass , pearls Of all colors ,1 3 and i ron needles .1 4

San-hsii,o r the “Three I sl ands

,

” belong to Ma-yi .Thei r names are Ka-may-eh

,P a-lao-

yu,and P a-chi

neng .

15 Each of these islands is inhabited by i ts ownraces

,who are scatte red throughout them . But

upon the arrival Of the vessels,the natives assemble

in order to trade . Thei r gene ral name is S an-hsii .Thei r customs are about the same as those Observedin Ma-yi . Each tribe

1° consists o f about one thousand famil ies . The country has many lofty hills and

9 Stangl believes that the yellow wax is an aromatic resin re

sembling wax, and somewhat like but not exactly the same as whitepitch , and today sold in Mindanao under the name of yellow wax.

i e.,Tortoise-shell . B .

Y u-ta seems to be the abaca. B . Stangl prints yII-ta.

Coins of Siam and Java ? For it appears that such coins circulated in the country. B .

Stangl reads the second hal f of this note But how did it cometo pass current in the country ? ” I t is probable that the commercial gold was in the form Of gold dust or ornaments of gold . If

there were any Javanese or Siamese gold coins in the country( and it is highly improbable ) , they must have been taken there bythe Chinese , who were keen traders who early penetrated to al l

parts Of the eastern archipelagoes .1 3 Stangl inserts here iron fixtures [enseres de hierro] .

14 The following paragraph begins chapter xli in Stangl .15Ka—m ay

-en is Mait or the modern Mindoro ; and Pa-laO-yu,

Paragua. Pa-chi-neng m ay also be read “Pa-kat-lung and

Ba-ki-lung. I t seems to be the term for the true Visayans,while under the name San-hsii are understood the Visayans proper,together with the islands ofMindoro and Palawan . B .

1 6 I believe that the word tribe means here village or settlement ; for I think that the author meant to say that the villagesusually had one thousand families. B .


rugged rocks which rise up l ike gigantic walls. Thehouses of the inhabitants are buil t of bamboo . Thehigh region of the country has few Sp rings

,but the

women go to the banks o f the rivulets and creeks andthence back to the mountain bearing on thei r headstwo or three j ars fil led with wate r

,a load that does

not bother them . They ascend the mountain withthe same ease as i f they were on the level . Theinterior of the valleys is inhabi ted by a race calledH ay-tan . They are of short stature

,have round yel

low eyes,curly hai r

,and thei r teeth can be plain ly

seen [showing] f rom between thei r l ips .” They

build their nests in the forking of the b ranches oftrees

,and a family

,usually consisting of f rom three

to five individuals,l ives in each nes t . 1 8 They wander

through the fastnesses Of the thickets and invis ibleto the s ight

,shoot thei r arrows at the passers-by . On

this account they are greatly feared . When the

This phrase needs explanation . The Indians were accustom ed to stain the teeth black, a custom quite general am ong manyMalay nations. The Negritos, on the contrary, did not stainthem . B .

In Chao Ju-kua s description , Stangl translates round eyes Ofa shining appearance, instead of round yellow eyes.”

These Hay-tan are the Aetas

,Itas, or Negritos of modern

authors . The antiquity of this ethnographical name surprises us.The description Of the Negritos seems to have been written yesterday . The Chinese author, in speaking Of the nests Of the Ne

gritos , seems to have confused them with the houses that are builttoday in the forking Of the branches Of trees by some heathentribes ofMindanao. B .

M r . Jam es A. LeRoy , in a letter dated March 14, 1905, saysthat it is at least doubtful that the Negritos were ever tree-dwellersin the true sense of the word , i.a. , building solid , defensible structures like those of the typical tree-dwellers. The Negritos doindeed spend a portion of their time in the treetops and often hunttheir game in that way . I t is probable that the tree-dwellers of thePhilippines are Malays, although some of them m ay have a strainof Negrito blood .



the natives remain only three or four days aboardthe vessel

,and then after the expi ration of that term

they are restored [to shore] . Then the vessel visi tsanother vil lage Of the savages

,for the coas t vi llages

Of the Three I slands do not have one common jurisdiction . The hills keep the winds from the vesselsduring the continuance of the northeast monsoon .

But when the southwest monsoon begins,the dashing

of the waves agains t the coas t is so violent that greatcurrents are formed that do not allow the vessels toremain at anchor . This is the reason why those whomaintain trade with the Three I sl ands delay thei rreturn fo r four or five months . Porcelain

,black

damask,and other silk fab rics

,pearls of various

colors,lead

,fishnets

,and tin are imported . Pu-l i -lu

i s near Three I slands . I ts vil lages are very denselypopulated

,

25 but i ts inhabi tants are very cruel andinclined to pi racy . The sea is full of reefs andshoals

,and the beach has rocks which are indented

l ike dry wood,and thei r points a re very sharp like

those of swords and spears .26 In order that the vessels may reach that country

,they take a long and

The author accentuates the fact that the Visayan villages hadno common jurisdiction . This appears to imply that several villages in Luz On were under the jurisdiction Of one king or prince .B . This does not necessarily follow.

3 5The island of Mindanao was also more populous during theperiod of the Spanish conquest than now. The islands of Sarangani which have now B ilanes and 100 Moros, were verythickly populated by the latter in 1548 , and they had a large forton a hill there. B .

But see VOL . IX , p . 290, where it appears that the early reportsof the population of M indanao were greatly overstated .

According to the letters from the Jesuit fathers of F ilipinas ,there are yet similar coasts near Zamboanga, and such as are

described by the Chinese author. B .

India tercera nova tabula m ap

of the E astern archipelago ; fromM attiolo

’s edi tion of Ptolemy s

Geog raphia (Venetia , M . D. XLVII I )

[F rom copy of this work in possession ofF rank A. H utchins, M adison, Wisconsin ]


DOCUMENTS OF 1565- 1576

Lette r to Felipe I I . Guido de Lavez aris ; May 30,1565.

Lette r to Fel ipe I I . Andres de M irandaol a ; 1565.

Letter to Fel ipe I I . Guido de Lavez aris ; July 25,1567.

Lette r to Fel ipe I I f rom the royal Offici als . Guidode Lavez aris

,and others ; July 26, 1567.

Lette r to the Marquis de Falces . Martin de Rada,

July 8,1569.

Lette r to Fel ipe I I . D iego de Herre ra,

July 25, 1570 .

Royal communications to and concerning Legazpi .Felipe I I ;August 6, 1569-August 29, 1570 .

Lette r to the vice roy of Nueva Espafia . Franciscode Ortega

,June 6

,I 573 .

Augustinian memoranda . [Unsigned and undated,but p robably compiled by the Augustin ian missionaries

,ca .

Lette r to the viceroy Of Nueva E Spafia, Martin Enriquez . Martin de Rada ;June 30, 1574.

Letter to Fel ipe I I,f rom the royal Offici als . Andres

C auchela and Salvador de Aldave ; July 17, I 574.

Encomiendas assigned by Legazpi . He rnandoR iquel ; June 2, 1576.

SOU RCES : These documents are all Obtained from MSS. in theArchivo general de Indias , Sevilla , except the last which is translated from Pastel ls

’

s edition of Colin ’s Labor evangél ica, i , pp .

TRANSLATIONS : These are al l by James Alexander Robertsonexcept the eighth , which is by Henry B . Lathrop .



return from that expedi tion,I continued in the de

spatch and equipment of this fleet,in which I

occup ied mysel f most sedulously . When it was quiteready for the sea

,I embarked in i t as your treasurer .

When I was in Espana,your Majesty ass igned me

four hundred pesos de minas payable in acquittancesin Nueva Espafia . But they have been poorly col

lected,and there are none f rom which I can be paid .

I humbly beseech your Majesty to have me paidfrom the royal treasu ry for the support Of my wifeand family whom I left in Mexico . Besides this

,as

is well known to you r Majesty,when I left Y ndia

,I

brought pepper and carried away ginger from Y ndiaat a very great risk

,because of the o rdinances and

penal ties passed and imposed by the most se rene kingof Portugal

,which are executed without remiss ion

upon transgressors . The pepper was lost,but there

is a great quanti ty Of the ginger in your NuevaEspana today

,all of which has come from the roots

which I took there with the purpose and des ign thatyour kingdoms might enjoy so many profits and acommon usufruct . I communicated in regard to i twith Don Francisco de Mendoca

,asking him to

treat with your Majesty,so that some favor might be

shown me from the p rofits that would resul t from the

unwilling to undertake it. The Spaniards imagining Florida to beoverflowing with riches, eagerly offered themselves for the expedition . The Spanish force sent comprised six squadrons of cavalryand Six companies of infantry, and was accompanied by one

thousand Indian archers. Under the command of T ristan deLuna y Arellano ( also called Acufia ) , this force left Vera Cruzin thirteen vessels in June, 1559 . On reaching Florida, they wereso harassed by the Indians that they were compelled to send foraid, which was sent under Angel Vil lafafie, who was appointedLuna ’s successor. In a short time, however, the attempt wasabandoned , the few survivors reaching Mexico via Havana. SeeBancroft ’s M exico, i i , pp . 593

-595.

1 2230-1 605] LABEZARIS TO FELIPE 11 I 97

ginger . Don Francisco negoti ated i t fo r himsel f andnot for me as he had agreed . Consequently, he Oh

tained the reward for my services wi thout havingperformed any work or labor on his own part, whileorder was given to give me three hundred pesos deminas of acquittances wi th the injunction that theybe conferred . I wrote your Majes ty in regard to thematte r

,and al though I intended to go to ask for

justice from your Majesty,as from a most just p rince

,

afte r the despatch of the fleet,in whose p reparation I

had been occupied,I did not go

,because I thought

that i f I fai led to sai l in the fleet,I would not be

performing my duty to your royal service ; and thatsince I was one who knew the land and the season inwhich to retu rn for the discove ry Of the return passage

,and that success might be had now in that in

which so many fleets have not been able to succeed,it

was important for me to come . Therefore on accountof coming ( as I did ) , I did not go to Espar

‘

ia,

being confident in the l iberal i ty and grandeur of

your Majesty,and that i f I peti tioned you f rom here ,

you should Show me justice and thorough favor .Also [I did this] because i t is well fo r me to endmy l i fe in your Majesty’s service

,Since most of m y

l i fe has been spent in se rving you . With that motive,

I embarked,and we set sail at Puerto de l a Navidad.

Afte r a sixty-four days ’ voyage we made the Fil ip inas . While some masts were being p repared in thei sl and of Bohol fo r the fleet

,your general sent me to

the p rovince back of the i sl and to attend to otherthings . There I traded fo r the samples Of gold

,wax

,

and cinnamon which are being sent to your Majesty,

with the greatest care poss ible . I returned to Bohol,

where the fleet was s tationed,and where

,at the las t

1 98 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V01. 34

resolution taken,i t was determined that the fleet

should come to this island of Cubu,because of the

information that we heard Of i t,and for othe r rea

sons . We arrived here on the twenty-seventh of

April of this year sixty-four (or rather s ixty-five) .

We are located in the best center of the countryal though there is no other advantage in this isl andthan that i t is well settled

,and consequently we can

maintain ourselves until your Maj es ty have us informed Ofwhat is best for your royal service and thatwe should support ourselves . We are stationed hereat the gateway of great kingdoms and Maluco i s Ve rynear

,where our holy fai th wil l be exal ted and your

royal patrimony increased,fo r there is a natural fit

ness for i t. I am busying mysel f and shall continueto busy mysel f in your royal service

,and there will be

no l ack Of service . Will your Majesty aid us withthe wherewithal

,so that trade may be maintained

and introduced among many of these nations . I t is afact that entrance must be made in your royal name

,

and by force of arms . We are not well equipped,

and consequently,i t is necessary that the aid that we

are now sending to ask f rom Nueva E spafia be sentwith promptness . In the matte r of the ginger i t isal ready clear to your Majes ty

,that I b rought i t and

that Don Francisco did not treat in my favor as heought to have done

,and that I was notably injured in

this,and that the three hundred pesos de minas in

acquittances have not been col lected because of thedifficulty in doing so. I beg your Maj esty that I begiven warrants on the treasury rese rving the right Ofthe rest that makes for my justice in this matter

,until

i t is pleaded in my name and until amends may bemade to me ; since before nor s ince no one else has


LETTER FROM ANDRE S DE M IRANDAOLA TO FELIPE I I

Sacred Cathol ic Majes ty

Miguel Lopez de Legasp i came as general of thefleet which Came to these islands of the West at yourMajesty’s o rders . Don Luis de Velasco

,the Viceroy

of Nuova Espafia (may he rest in peace ) appointedme to the office of facto r and overseer of yourMajesty’s royal estate in your Majesty’s name

,in

consideration ofmy constant obligation to serve yourMajesty

,whose sacred royal Catholic person I be

seech our Lord to ever increase with great kingdomsand seigniories .This fleet reached these Fil ip inas I s lands February xvi

,I 565, and I Shall [here] relate what has been

seen in them thus far,with that fide l ity

,fai thfulness

,

and wi l l ingness which is always to be found in me ,with all poss ible dil igence .

As your Majesty will see by the relations of thepilots who came in the fleet

,in the navigation that

has been made,i t has been seen by the needle that

there is considerable land of that discovered and ofthat s til l to be discovered in these regions

,that l ies in

your Majesty’s demarcation,which

,i f i t be the will

of God our Lord,will be found . I bel ieve that i t

will al l be very useful and p rofitable,and that the

Chris tian rel igion — your Majesty’s purpose — can

really be introduced into this land .

1 280- 1 605] M IRANDAOLA TO FELIPE II 20 1

In regard to what we have as yet noticed amongthe natives of these islands

,there is gold

,cinnamon

,

and wax,and they trade in those p roducts . We con

s ider it as certain that this trade will amount to agreat sum i f your Majesty’s vassal s the Spaniardscultivate the land ; fo r the said natives , as they haveshown and as we have noticed in them

,are a race

who all l ive without any respect. For the personswho were assigned as rulers were not feared or te

spected, a thing which has been heard from personswho have been in these dis tricts before . On thataccount i t wil l be necessary for your Majesty to orderthat the land be conquered ; for beyond doubt onecannot bel ieve that i t will be poss ible to work or

cultivate the Christian rel igion in any other way,as

this is a very V icious and treacherous race,who are

full of evil manners . Accordingly,i t will be neces

sary for your Majesty to order that the enti re l andbe subdued

,and that can be done (our Lord help

ing ) without much trouble , i f your Majesty willp rovide the men

,arms

,and ammuni tion ofwhich we

are at present very needy.

While in one of the said Fil ip inas I sl ands,i t was

reported that the natives of the Malucos had comeunder the o rde rs of the Portuguese who are settled inthe said Maluco for the king of Portugal

,to an

island called Bool,where they had remained for

thi rty-s ix days . They gave out that they came forthe purpose of trading with the natives

,and having

secured from them a day,they caused a general mar

ket to be held,where they killed five hundred men

,

and seized over s ix hundred,as your Majesty will

see by the investigation made by the general inregard to the matte r . 2 All the natives of this a rchi

2 See VOL . 11, p . 208 .

20 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

pelago are complaining and very res tless,for the

Moluccans have raided al l the other isl ands,doing

all the damage possible . The island of Macagua,

whose people always were found to be very will ingto serve your Majesty

,was found deserted

,the occa

sion therefo r being the said Moluccans who wentthi the r and did all the damage poss ible with fire

,and

killed what people they could ; and [they did thesame] afte rward in all the other parts where theywent that we have yet seen . Will your Majes ty provide in this what may be advisable .The general

,remaining in the said island of Bool

,

ordered the treasurer,Guido de Labaz aris

,and

mysel f to go to eXp lore an isl and cal led Beguindanao,i ts coast and products

,and to seek a port called

‘Butuan .

3 Thither we went in orde r to perform whatwas commanded us in your Majesty’s name . Wefound that the said po rt had the settlement and tradeof which we had heard ; for two Moro junks weretrading there which were said to be from Lucon

,

near to a large island called Borney . That i sland ofBorney i s ri ch according to reports we have had ofi t. I t is a l and which contains a large populationand many forts

,where

,as we have heard

,there is a

quantity of artil lery. The people are warl ike andthere is consi derable trade throughout the isl and .

We made friendship with the chief of that said portof Butuan

,as was commanded us by the order and

instruction of the gene ral in your Maj esty’ s name .

We informed them that we were going by your Majesty

’s order to trade with them and to reside in thei r

land i f they were willing ; and if any necessi ty aroseto protect and favor them in your Majes ty’s name .

The reply given us by the Chief was that he was3 See VOL . 11

,pp . 209-210.



coming in behal f of a b rother Of the ruler of thatsettlement

,and saying that they wished peace and to

have our friendship . The general repl ied that notwithstanding that they had refused peace and hadshown that thei r intention had been evil

,sti ll they

could come with safety,unti l he informed them of

the conditions to be made with them . Thereuponthe Moro took his departure with a peace bannergiven him by the general . Immediately the saidbrother of the ruler whose name is Tupas came .The general declared that he desi red peace andfriendship

,but he mentioned to him Tupas

’s

brother] the evil des ign and the ingrati tude that theyhad employed against him in your Majesty’s name .After that the general told him that his b rothershould come

,as well as all the chief men

,in o rder to

make peace and ask the conditions that they had toObserve and perform in your Majesty’s service .Thereupon he Tupas

’s brother] went back after

asking an interval of three days in order to b ring hisbrother and the other people .This enti re island is densely populated and set

tled, and all the people are ve ry warl ike and vicious.

Consequently,I think that i t will be necessary

,i f

they do not receive the true knowledge of the holyCathol ic fai th

,for them to be conquered and brought

under your Majesty’s yoke .When the said time limit of three days had ex

p ired, the above mentioned b rother of Tupas came ,accompanied by another chief . They said that hisb rother Tupas] was indisposed , and that he

Tupas’

s brother] and some other chiefs whowere coming with him would make peace in Tupas

’s

name . But the general announced that he would not

1 280- 1 605] M IRANDAOLA TO FELIPE II 205

make peace unless his b rother came ; that heTupas

’

s b rother] should not treat deceitfully withhim as that would cause him much trouble ; that heshould return for his b rother

,and come in safety ;

and that he Legazpi] and his men would awaithim in all faith . Thereupon

,he departed and the

said Tupas came and made friendship . [The latte rstated] when he would bring his people and that hewould se rve your Majesty with them

,and that he

would not oppose any thing that was ordered them .

We bel ieve that these things come from the hand ofour Lord . May He di rect us in H is se rvice and protect us in that of your Majesty .

Inasmuch as the ship which is being despatchedfor the discovery of the return passage

,i s about

ready to sail,I cannot inform your Majesty of the

condi tions that are being resolved upon,for conclu

s ions have not yet been reached .

My uncle,Fray Andres de Hurdaneta

,i s return

ing and is going to serve your Majes ty in thisdiscove ry

,and he wil l be accompanied by Fray

Andres de Aguirre . Fel ipe de Sal z edo i s in command

,and Juan de Agui rre persons who we believe

wi l l serve your Majesty with enti re loyalty,fidel ity

,

and cheerfulness . I beseech your Majesty to have usp rovided wi th the rel igious and seculars that a reneeded for the p reaching of the holy gospel to thesenatives

,in consideration of i ts great se rvice to God

our Lord and you r Majesty .

The men whom your Majes ty must have p rovidedb esides the contingent that will be p rovided fromNueba E spana for our rel ief

,namely two hundred

well —armed and well -equipped men, [are as fol

lows] . Besides these will your Majesty please have


s ix hundred well-armed men sent immediately fourhundred Of whom should be arquebusie rs

,and the

othe r two hundred,pikemen . [Will you also send]

heavy artil lery,such as culverins

,and ammunition .

The men should be the best that can be found,and

should have the best Of morals . [Will you also send]ammunition and arms for those who are here now.

I beseech your Majesty in al l humil i ty to confirmthe appointment that was given me in your Majes ty’sname by Don Luis de Velasco

,Vice roy and governor

of Nueva Espana (may he rest in peace ) and that

you will give i t to me to hold . Your Majesty willbe doing a service to God our Lord

,and a blessing

and grace to me,by justly orde ring an increase in my

salary to the sum of three thousand ducados in goodmoney

,in consideration of the fact that al l the arti

cles necessa ry for our sustenance in this land are verydear .May our Lord p rese rve the sacred royal Cathol icperson of you r Majesty with great inc rease Of l a rgekingdoms and seigniories

,as I

,your Majes ty’s fai th

ful se rvant,desi re . The island of Cubu

, [il leg ibleor blank in or ig ina l] 1565. Sacred Catholic Majesty

,your sacred Cathol ic Majesty’s fai thful serv

ant,who kisses your Majesty’s royal feet wi th all

humil i ty.

ANDRES DE M IRANDAOLA5

5 Andres de M irandaola was treacherously killed by a privatesoldier while attending to his duties regarding the collection of thetribute

, as appears from a letter to Felipe I I from the royal offi

cials, June 18 , 1583 , the original of which is conserved in Sevilla ,with pressmark est . 67, caj . 6, leg. 29 . The document statesfurther that the soldier was not punished but was serving as

alcalde-in-ordinary at O ton , although his cas e was pending in theroyal Audiencia.



tain because he had been kil led during the voyage .There were also other mutinies and rebel l ions [onthe ship] as appears f rom the reports made hereabout i t

,which your M aj es ty may see i f so minded

and dete rm ine i ts fortune .

° At i ts arrival all thiscamp received great happ iness at learning that thatroute

,which had been so greatly desi red by the em

peror our sovereign (who is in glory ) , by yourMajesty

,and by al l your vassals and subjects

,had

been discovered'

and so easi ly — and des i red so veryrightly

,s ince besides the frui t that will be attained

in the p reaching Of the holy gospel ( the chief des ignOf your Majesty and of your Cathol ic ancestors )your Majesty will be greatly benefited in thetemporal

,your royal crown greatly increased

,your

subjects and vassals p rofited,and finally there will

be a gateway opened for the Spanish nation to havea place where i t may employ its s trength . I rejoicemore than I can tell

,and rightly

,s ince I gave advice

to your Majesty and to your royal Council Of theY ndias

,of the products of these districts in the year

fifty-four at Valladol i d

,and of the sui tabil ity and

fitness of these Phil ip inas for supporting the peoplein them both in the interim unti l the route should bediscovered

,and until your Maj es ty’s commands

should be sent all of which availed for the work andaffai r . I t has been very important for your royalse rvice

,and on that account there is legitimate reason

why your Majesty should reward me . For,besides

the above-mentioned services,I came to serve you

in this p resent expedition as treasurer Of your royalestate . N0 other person than mysel f of al l those whotook part in the expedition of Vi l lalobos came on

See VOL . 11,pp . 149, 150 ; and the following letter.

1 280 - 1 605] LAVEZARIS To FELIPE II 209

this expedi tion,and I

,by reason of my experience in

the past expedition,have given advice on what has

been necessary ; for I came to these islands for thispurpose and unti l the discovery of this route shouldbe made

,and left my wife and family in Nueva

Espana . I put away everything else for whattouches your Majesty’s se rvice

,and I hope from

your clemency to be rewarded for my services . I

Shall not give a full report of the occurrences of thisexpedition from the time of the despatch of the flagship until the p resent

,because the governor and we

,

your Majesty’s offici als

,give a report of them in the

rel ations and lette rs which are being sent . I shallonly mention that a huge quantity of cinnamon hasbeen discovered on the point of Quavit on the islandof Mindanao . I t is so abundant the re that i t is heardthat the mountains are full of i t . Inasmuch as thereis no market for i t in these is lands we can eas ilyp rocure at l i ttle expense as much as you r Majestywould l ike brought to Espafia . I t will be necessaryto have some settlement in the vicini ty where thecinnamon is gathered

,both in order to gathe r the

cinnamon and because the Portuguese fleets en routef rom Malaca to Maluco pass that place

,which is

also in the district of Borneo,Maluco

,and other im

portant places . Since your Majes ty has as yet sentno orde rs declaring you r royal will

,we are only

s triving to maintain our men until the arrival of thereenforcements of which we are in great need . I ti s advisable that that ai d be sent quickly

,and that

more zeal be displayed in the despatch from NuevaE spana than hitherto ; for al though it i s about threeyears s ince we left there

,only one ship has been sent

,

and i t p ut b ack ( I mean came ) in a condi tion more

2 I 0 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

needy of aid than to aid . Therefore,this ship is

being despatched now . We send in i t the cinnamonthat the l i ttle time at our disposal gives us opportunity to gather . I entreat your Majesty, s ince i t i s amatte r that is so important to your royal service

,to

please send your orders promptly as to what youwish most to be done . For after the arrival of reenfo rcements

,I intend ( the D ivine Will concurring ) ,

to go to kiss your Majesty’s feet,and to report

minutely conce rning these dis tricts,as I am unable

to give any adequate i dea in a letter without greatp rol ixi ty . Two Portuguese ships such as the nativesof M aluco use came to this port on the tenth of thep resent month of July . They were sent by the chiefcaptain

,Gongalo Perei ra Mam arraque, who went

f rom Y ndia to Maluco by commiss ion of the Viceroy,

Don Antonio de Loronha . They bore letters f romthe chief captain for the governor which info rmedhim and declared that we were in thei r demarcation

,

and tried to get us to go to Maluco and thence toY ndia .

7 I endeavored to gain some informationfrom those ships regarding the affai rs of Maluco

,

and some of the men told me that your Majesty’sold-time vassals

,the kings of Tidore and Geilolo

,

have been kil led and persecuted by the Portugueseand by the king of Ternate thei r the Portu

guese’

] f riend and confederate . They killed theking of Tidore

,and destroyed a fort which the king

of Geilolo possessed,who died while being pur

sued . The king Of Tornate had the latter’s son whosucceeded him in his kingdom killed ; while the sonof the king ofTidore who is yet l iving

,pays a yearly

and very excess ive tribute of one hundred babars7 See VOL. 11, for the negotiations between Pereira and Legazpi .


2 I 2 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

chief cap tain had received a resolution and expressmandate from Y ndia to rout

,destroy

,and drive us

out of this place by whatever way he could,and that

he had left Y ndia with nine ships and eight hundredsoldie rs for that sole purpose . That news threw usinto great consternation

,as we are short of men

,

ships,ammunition

,and artil le ry

,and because the

maste rs of the sea hostile to us the Portuguese]can eas ily dep rive us of p rovisions as they have manylarge ships and oared boats and many friendlyIndians from Ternate who are well equipped withweapons and food

,while we are in need of al l things

generally. However,al though we are so needy as

at p resent,we have firmly resolved to die in the

se rvice of your Majesty l ike true Spania rds,and we

shall not move from this place until your Majesty soorders . Consequently we shall endeavor to defendourselves as far as poss ible

,with our few forces . In

the belief that I was doing your Majes ty a service,

I endeavored to get the loan of a map and navigationchart from the Portuguese

,and quickly had a po r

tion that falls wi thin the Castil i an demarcationcopied from it as well as certain remarks made byone of our pi lots . I enclose i t herewith

,

8 and if yourMajesty be so pleased the cosmographers may seeby i t the pos i tion of the lands and islands now newlydiscovered . May your Majesty receive my will ingness to serve you. May our Lord p rosper and p rese rve your royal Catholic person with increase of

greate r kingdoms and se igniories,as is the des i re of

your Majesty’s vassals . This island of Cubu,July

xxv,1567. Your sacred Catholic Majesty’s faithful

8 The m ap does not accompany this letter.

1 280- 1 605] LAVEZARIS TO FELIPE II 21 3

vassal and most humble servant who kisses yourroyal feet .

GUIDO DE LABEZARIS

[E ndorsed Examined . File i t wi th the otherpapers treating of this matter .

LETTER FROM THE ROYAL OFFICIALSTO FELIPE I I

Sacred Catholic Majes ty :We reported to your Majesty all of the events upto the day of i ts departure by the “San Pedro

,

” whichcame to these districts as flagship and which left thisport on the firs t day of June

,s ixty-five

,under favor

able auspices fo r the discovery of this expedition andvoyage . We shal l now relate to your Majes ty asyour Majesty’s fai thful servants what new thingshave happened here s ince then .

A ship with news of the arrival at Nueva Espafia

reached this po rt where we are settled in your Majesty

’

s se rvice,and of the flagship which went to

discover the route which our Lord was pleased tohave accompl ished in the most invincible days ofyour Maj es ty . Not l ittle should all Christiansentreat H is D ivine Majesty to grant many years Ofl ife to your Majesty

,so that the holy Cathol ic fai th

might be increased and exal ted by your Majesty’sinfluence in the so great kingdoms and seignioriesthat are located in these dis tricts .Afte r the departure of the San P edro

,the

natives of this port,both the chiefs and the othe r

people,came to render obedience to the governor in

your Majesty’s name

,and to place themselves under

the p rotection and dominion of your Majes ty . Theyoffered to recognize and to hold your Majesty as


2 I 6 THE PHILIPPI 1

11, ISLANDS [Vol . 34

In View of the great delay in sending us aid fromNueva Espana

,and news of what your Majesty has

ordered provided,i t was determined to despatch the

patache San Juan .

” I t carries seventy quintals ofcinnamon which was barte red for in the island of

Bindanao,namely

,at the point called Cavi te . We

have heard that i t is abundant in that part and that i tcan be easily gathe red . B indanao i s a well settledisl and both in the north and in the south . We haveheard that there is much gold in al l p arts of i t

,and

that i f we settle i t and cul tivate the land we shalllearn many secrets of i t. The inhabi tants there arewarlike and full of malice . We have taken possession of i t in your Maj esty’s name .

Moros have come to this port where we are atp resent from certain isl ands called Lucon and Bindoro. They have b rought rice and gold to sell inexchange for s ilve r and pearls . These men have toldus that the Chinese go to thei r land to trade andcarry away all the products of thi s archipelago

,

namely,gold

,wax

,and slaves . From the info rma

tion given us it is a rich land and has [plenty] oftrade .

A mutiny happened on November xxvi i i of theyear lxv

,but our Lord was pleased that those who

took part in i t should not succeed in thei r vi le purpose . That mutiny was of such a nature that had Hepermitted i t [to succeed] because of our sins , wewould have all mise rably perished . But He wasgraciously [incl ined] to Show us mercy, and did notallow them to succeed in the deceptions with whichthe devi l had imbued them . Consequently

,the ring

leaders were punished,and the matte r smoothed

over and settled . Justice is rightly done in What

1 280- 1 6051 ROYAL OFFICIALS To FELIPE I I 217

arises . There was another mutiny afte rward whichwas engaged in by the same ones

,al though there

were not so many in i t and i t was not a matte r inwhich they could succeed . Al l punishment was in

flicted in accordance with law .

9

The said aid and advice that was despatched fromNueva Espana reached this port in so desperate andso unfortunate a condi tion that

,according to our

understanding,no Chris ti ans have ever heard of

anything so filled with chances . Our Lord waspleased to bring the ship mi raculously and thosewhom it carried

,as your Majes ty wil l see by the re

port that the governo r is sending of what happened .

The crew killed the captain and al férez and afte rward hanged the sargento-mayor who was comingwith an appointment [to that post] in place of theabsence of the one here in this camp . He in companyw i th other tyrants killed the said captain and alférez

,

and his companions afterward hanged him . Afterthat event they reached certain i slets

,located about

seven hundred leguas f rom this port. They tried toabandon a great portion of the men there

,while they

intended to go to the district where the Chinese andJ avanese trade

,and to pursue thei r career of pi racy

i f they were able . Our Lord was pleased at thatjuncture to give courage to the men who wished toserve your Majesty

,some ofwhom were naked while

others were clad only in thei r shi rts . They determined to go to the ship and raise a shout in favor ofyour Majesty. I t succeeded as we have wri tten .

Our Lord was pleased to give them strength and todi rect them so that al l the tyrants were left ashoreon one of the said islands where the ship was

9 See VOL . 11,pp . 143 , 144, 148 .

2 I 8 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

anchored . The Ship arrived here without any kindof aid ei ther of arms or of ammuni tion

,fo r all of

which we had sent to ask. The men were quite wornout and in a deplorable condition

,and all thei r

clothing had been left ashore . As soon as they arrived

,the governor ordered an investigation of

everything that had occurred in all the affai r,and he

is sending the report to your Majesty,by which

everything will be more explici t and detailed .

By order and command of the governor,the

maste r-of-camp,Mateo del Saz (may he rest in

peace ) , left this port to go to the place where we hadheard that cinnamon was to be found

,and to run

along the coast in order to visi t our f riends there,

and to go on to where the said C innamon was to befound . He

,going upon that expedi tion

,met with a

Portuguese galley during very furious weather .The master-of—camp

,desi ring to know what sh ip i t

was,tried to go to them

,upon which the Portuguese

reti red . Thereupon the maste r-of—camp waited tosee whether there was any fear on the part of thePortuguese . Then the captain of the galley sent hima lette r

,whose copy and reply is enclosed herewith .

When the said maste r-of—camp perceived what thatmeant

,and when he saw two other sails

,he tried to

come to this port with all haste as he had a favorablewind . He met a large fleet of the Portuguese

,who

,

as was believed,did not see him or else thought that

his ship was one of thei r own which had becomeseparated by a storm which they had suffered .

When the master-of—camp had reached this port heimmediately put us on the watch and lookout fo rwhatever might happen . In this way did we wai t



have been great,and for which we have been given

courage and strength,by the pleasure of our Lord

,

to suffer them .

We humbly beg your Maj esty to grant us thesala ry and increase which we ask your Majes ty to

make us to the sum of three thousand ducados annual ly, in consideration of the fact that we are inparts so remote where the things which we need areso dear

,as we have pledged and been cheated out of

our patrimonies in o rder to come to serve your Majesty on this expedition

,on which we have endured

many hardships and necessi ties . We hope to beremunerated fo r i t all by a sovereign and prince soChristi an and one who has so m unificent and l ibe rala hand as your Majes ty

,by your showing us the favor

to concede and grant us the repartim ientos whichmight be in this land .

At p resent there is nothing in this l and f romwhich our s al aries can be paid

,unless in cinnamon

which has no market in these districts . We humblybeg your Majesty to grant us and concede us thepower of being paid in Nueva E spafia f rom thep roceeds of the cinnamon and other drugs in thesedistricts

,and that they be paid to the person who

shal l have and has had our power of attorney therefo r . We beg and entreat [this] of your Majestywith all humili ty .

Some of the natives have been converted to thetrue knowledge and have received the waters of holybap tism . The chiefs and all the natives say thatSince we have no wives we do not intend to remainin the country. I t is advisable for your Majesty tohave some married people sent he re who are of goodmorals

,and m ay they come quickly.

1 2851-1 605] ROYAL OFFICIALS To FELIPE II 221

We have great need of arti lle ry,ammunition , and

arms for the men who are here . Will your Majestyplease have us provided with the best men and menof the best morals that can be found

,fo r this is neces

s ary for the se rvice of your Maj es ty whose royalCathol ic person we p ray our Lord to preserve withgreater kingdoms and increas ing seigniories , as is

desi red by us,your Majesty’s fai thful servants .

Two caracoas of Maluco Indians arrived at thisport on the tenth of this month . They carried twelvePortuguese

,whom one Goncalo Pe reyra

,chief

captain of a l arge fleet which the V ice roy of Indiadespatched to Maluco because he thought that wemust have stopped there

,and Alvaro de Mendoga,

captain of the fort of the said Maluco,had sent .

They wrote to the governor that they had sure evidence that we had settled in this port

,and they

thought that i t must have been by acci dent,as all the

district he reabout was ( as was a fact [they said] )in thei r demarcation . Therefore i f i t were so

,and

we were here because of any need,we should en

deavor to go to the fort of Maluco where we wouldbe given the best of welcomes . The governoranswered this putting them off as much as possib le

,

as your Maj esty will see by the lette rs and thei r replyto which we refer ( as well as to Captain Juan de laY sl a

,who has a good understanding of this in detail

and of al l other things that have happened in thesedis tricts

,and from whom your Majesty wil l receive

as we have said,a true and extens ive relation ) .

There has been a s ingular carelessness in p roviding us from Nueva E spafia with reenfo rcements ;and if it should happen (which may God our Lordavert ) that we should suffe r some loss , i t would be

222 THE PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

because of that . At p resent we have nei ther arms,

ammuni tion,nor artil le ry with which to defend our

selves if the Portuguese should try to harm us . MayH is D ivine Goodness remedy and direct everythingas He deems best . Surely H i s divine hand has p rotected us

,and so we are ready to die in H i s most

holy service and that of your Majesty with greatsteadfastness i f occasion Offers . May our Lordpreserve your sacred Catholic Majes ty and give yougreater kingdoms and increasing seigniories . Thisport Cebu] , July XXVI , 1567. Sacred Cathol icMajesty

,your sacred Catholic Majesty’s fai thful

servants,who most humbly kiss your Majesty

’s royalfeet.

GUIDO DE LAVEZARISANDRES CALCH ELAANDRES DE MYRANDAOLA



fo r almost all i ts people are traders and the Chinesecome to trade with them . The nearest land from theChinese

,namely

,Y balon and the Camarines

,i s fifty

o r s ixty leguas from this port . The wealthy vill ageof Manila may be seventy leguas from here . Thatisl and of Lusson contains quanti ties of provisions

,

cons isting of rice,swine

,goats

,and buffaloes . There

is much gold when compared with these otheri sl ands

,and articles from China . The isl and of

Burnei i s about five hundred leguas in ci rcumference . I t yields pepper

,sandal-wood

,camphor

,and

othe r drugs . The island of Baguindanao and that o fF anac are each about three hundred leguas in ci rcum ference. That of Panao i s rich in food and thatof Baguindanao in gold , cinnamon , and pepper .Each of them is located about forty leguas from thi sport . The island of Bashat M asbat] has manygold mines . There are many other isl ands also

,

which I shall not mention in order to avoid p rol ixi ty .

Al l of them in general yield gold,some more

,others

less,partly from the rive rs and partly from mines .

There is evident p roof of this,fo r all the people

,

both great and small,wear i t

,and the natives recog

nize whence the gold comes as soon as they see i t,

and say that this gold comes from such an isl and,

and this other gold from such another . I t i s evidentalso because many merchants of Lusson

,Bornei

,

Xolo,and othe r parts travel continually throughout

these is lands,and the object of thei r search is ei ther

gold or slaves . However,no one of these Indians

has more than a very li ttle gold,for i f they get a

couple of pairs of earrings and a couple of pai rs ofb racelets

,and a pai r of anklets fo r the feet

,they do

not look for any more , for they do not s trive to hoard

1 280- 1 605] RADA TO MARQUIS DE FALCES 225

i t . This race is the most arrogant that was ever seenand the sl aves are the freest that can be imagined

,

for they do only what they wish ;12 and bes ides this

[i t i s seen] by the lack of loyalty which they p reservetoward one another . For al though they be relativesor b rothers i f they meet one another in the open , hewho i s s trongest lays hands upon the othe r and sel lshim . Consequently

,no one dares to go ever so l i ttle

a distance from his vi llage . I f perchance any merchant junk comes [to trade] they buy all the goodson credit

,afte r which

,in o rder to pay

,all the Vil l age

assembles and goes armed to the placer or to themines

,in order that no one will dare to touch them

,

and accordingly get the gold that they have to give .

I f the place i s settled by Spaniards,I am convinced

that (God helping ) , there wil l be abundance of goldextracted by them

,for there is l i ttle that can be

seized from the natives . Pearls are also to be foundin some places

,and other things such as pepper

,cin

namon,and drugs .

Soldie rs are not needed to conquer this l and,fo r

they do not conside r the wel fare of the land,but only

how to amass weal th quick in orde r to return home .

When they are unable to attain thei r des i re,they de

stroy and lay waste the country . But colon is ts whointend to remain in the country must be sent . Thepeople of these isl ands have no king or sovereign andare without any law . Most of them are heathensal though some are Moros . They can be convertedand adopt our fai th easily ; and are rather l ikemonkeys very desi rous of imi tating us in dress

,

See W allace ’s M alay Archipelag o ( pp . 3 18 , 3 19 ) for a

modern corroboration of this statement, with regard to the slavesof Ternate.


speech,and all other particula rs . The fear with

which God has inspi red them is great,for no matte r

how la rge may be the Vi l lage,when a dozen Span

iards go to i t, the natives come out immediately withthei r hands tied and beg for peace

,promising to

give what tribute may be asked from them . Conse

quently,when any village was carried by peace

,we

had a great abundance whence to draw the necessarysuppl ies . For more than two years at this point aloose rein has been given in robbing friend and foe

,

and we are now suffe ring extreme need . We haveno place where we can get anything

,and no boats to

get what we need,for most of the Vi l l ages in the

enti re radius of more than forty leguas are desertedand depopulated . Wherever the Spaniards go, thenatives do not dare await them but all flee to themountains with thei r goods . Consequently

,I am

certain as to our fate,fo r i f God does not m iracu

lously aid us , we shall all soon be los t . Our lack hasalways been that we have had no [adequate] leader,not because any harm has occurred by his command

,

but because he has passed i t by. Consequently,

diss imulation is no longer sufficient to remedy thematte r . The vilest soldie r of all dares to disobeyhis o rders and to do only what he des i res . He knowsthat afte r all the matte r will be ended by detaininghim in his quarters for a fortnight. Besides this thesoldier is good for nothing

,and there i s no man in the

camp who considers the common welfare but eachlooks afte r his own interests . I am writing this toyour Excel lency so that you may insti tute a reformin i t

,fo r I avow seasonably that unless we have a

different harmony and anothe r one to di rect thecrowd

,the country will be worthless

,the king wil l



I have wished to write this,for I trust in our Lord

that this l and may,through the medium of your

Excellency,receive the fai th

,and that we shall have

an entrance into China ; but, on account of our greatuncertainty and because we do not know whethe rhis Majesty will order us to abandon this l and

,we

have not dared to baptize . I bel ieve that i f we hadput our hands to baptism

,we would al ready have

more than twenty thousand Christians . As soon aswe know the king’s will they will all accep t ourfaith easily. May our Lord

,etc . Cebu

,July eight

,

1569.

LETTER FROM DIEGO DE HERRERA TOFELIPE I I

Sacred Cathol ic Royal Majesty :When I saw that the affai rs of this land had no

permanent settlement and no hopes of one, and thatthe natives were very much molested by the Spaniards

,and that so far as I could see God was being

se rved but l i ttle in thi s region because of the greatl icense which men have here for evil and the lack Ofjustice

,and that very li ttle se rvice was being ren

de red your Majesty,s ince they are ruining excel lent

lands here for you : I dete rmined last year,s ixty

nine,to go to Nneva Espana in order to give advice

Of what was pass ing here in o rder that some reformmight be insti tuted in this

,and to discuss the matte r

with the Viceroy in order that he might rel ieve thecondi tion as much as he could and give notice of theother things to your Majesty. [I determined] thati f the viceroy thought that I ought to go to E spanato discuss the matte r wi th your Majesty

,I would also

do so. When I reached Nueva Espafia and discussedthis matter with the viceroy

,and i ts great necessi ty

for reform,and the extremely ruinous condi tion of

affai rs,he thought that I ought to return and give

notice of i t to your Majesty . Accordingly he toldme that I would be fulfil l ing the service of God andof your Majesty i f I would immediately return to

1 3 See VOL . I I I , p . 52, and VOL . XXI II,pp . 189, 190.


these di stricts on the first ships . He gave me tounderstand that until the remedy was Specified hecould refo rm some of the evils . Al though that orde rwas very grievous to me as I had reached NnevaEspafia i l l and worn out by the sea, s ince the serviceof two so great lords as God and your Majesty wasplaced before me

,I considered it fitting

,and accord

ingly reembarked for these i slands on the ninth ofMarch of this year one thousand five hundred andseventy . I reached this island of Panay where thegovernor is establ ished

,on the twenty-second of July .

Al l the people were overjoyed at the reenforcementsthat your Maj esty orders sent them

,and with the

concess ions of the peti tion made from this land . I

found the country in a most ruinous condition andsuch that more has been destroyed in this one yearhere than during the pas t five years . Your Majestyowns so many islands in this district that one i s surp rised at the number . 14 They are all ve ry rich andferti le and contain many gold mines

,pearls

,and

wax,while some of them have cinnamon . They are

thickly inhabited and the people p romise better thanthose o f Nueva Espana . But s ince your Majes ty

14 The number of islands and islets in the Philippine Archipelago is , according to G . R . Putnam , in charge of the U . S.

Coast and Geodetic Survey in the Philippine I slands, Thisnumber comprises everything, however small , which at high tideappears as a separate island . O f them, are listed by name.while are, so far as known, without names. More accurateinformation will doubtless further increase this number, which ,as well as the following, cannot be regarded as yet as entirelydefinitive . The total area of the islands , so far as known , is

square miles . Two islands have areas exceedingsquare miles each ; nine of more than but less thansquare miles ; 20 ,

between 100 and square miles ; 73 , between10 and 100 square miles ; 262, between one and ten square miles ;and less than one square mile each . See Census of Philippine I slands, i, pp . 56, 57.



reti rement to another part ; and i f the Portuguesedid not cause the abandonment while they werethere

,they caused i t when they left

,and the

strongest Si te and best port in all these islands,so

far as has yet been seen,was abandoned

,and we

came here to establish ourselves in Panay along theswampy and very poor shore of a rive r . I t will bevery much less strongh than Cubu and has no port

,

while i t is hot and unhealthful . I f your Majesty donot appoint some one to govern

,this colony will

daily become less,and will fall enti rely into destruc

tion . I f we are not more firmly establ i shed,we re

l igious cannot treat of the conversion of thesenatives with zeal and care nor with so much frui t asi f the land had peace and securi ty.

They sent from here to peti tion your Majesty toconcede them the favor to allow them to rob andenslave the Moros throughout these dis tricts . Thereason that they gave for i t was to say that they wereMoros and that they were preventing and opposingthe preaching of the gospel . The statement thatthey were p reventing the p reaching of thegospel was false

,fo r they have never prevented

i t nor do so at present . On the contrary,there

is an inc rease to be observed in famil ies wherethe husband is a Moro and the wife a pagan

,

who come in order to beg the rel igious to baptizethei r son and make him a Christi an ; fo r they do not

at all object to each one l iving according to the bel iefthat he l ikes best . For al l the Moros who l ive inthese islands have been Moros fo r but few yearsback . Many of them

,such as those of Lugon, have

nothing except the name , and the fact that they donot eat pork ; for they have no mosque or cacique

1 280 - 1 605] HERRERA TO FELIPE II 3 3

[sic] (who are thei r p riests ) . This worship is onlya trifle more firmly establ i shed among those of theisland of Burney than in the other

,al though they are

also of recent date there .

1 6 Not al l the island is Moro,

but only certain vil lages along the coast,fo r the ih

habi tants of the inte rio r are heathens . None ofthem possess the lands of Christi ans o r wage war onthem

,or do them any injury ; al though we do to

them,and much

,fo r four or five ships of Burneo

have been pillaged and many people kil led,while

many more from Lucon have been killed,al though

excellent friends to us . As to the chiefs,they made

the land friendly to us,or at leas t exerted a great

influence in that di rection . They suppl ied us withfood in abundance and stuffs very sui table for clothing

,and gold for our s ilver

,in o rder that we might

barter for our necess i ties . Now,however

,conditions

are such that no one dares come [to trade] . I donot bel ieve that any other reason can be given forauthori ty to rob them

,excep t that they are Moros ;

and that i s no legitimate reason and cannot be done .

After we rel igious came to these districts wi th thefleet

,at your Majesty’s command

,nothing bes ides a

l i ttle rice has been furnished us for our sustenanceevery week in the same way as to the soldiers . I t isa ration

,but even with bread a man cannot be sup

po rted by it. I have wri tten to that effect to the viceroy of Nueba Espana so that we may be suppl iedfrom there with necessi ties until the re shall be suf

Herrera probably confuses the word “kasis ( see VOL . XVI ,

p . 134, note 161 — here also used wrongly ) with the Am ericanword “cacique” or

“chief. ”

See P igafetta’

s statements , VOL . XXXI I I , pp . 223-225, 227

23 1 ; see also his statement about the introduction Of Mahometanism into the Moluccas, ante, p . 73 .


ficient means of gain in this land from which to supply us ; but he ei ther has no authori ty from yourMajesty to do that

,or he does not dare unless i t be

remitted to us here . I entreat your Majesty to pleaseorder us to be supplied with an amount each weekper religious as i s done in Nueba Espana

,in consid

cration of the fact that our expenses here are heavie rthan in Nucha E spafia. For the Indians in Nueba

Espafia know only how to give , but these Indianshere know only how to beg . The soldiers who arehere now are so poor that i t is necessa ry to try to giveto them and not to beg from them . Consequently

,

i t wil l be necessary for your Majesty to make us amore l iberal concess ion than to the religious of

Nueba E spafia . I believe that one rel igious can besupported in these regions for two hundred pesosbut not with less . I trust

,God help ing

,that the

frui t which will be ob tained in the convers ion inthese districts

,will be so great that your Majesty

will make us other greater rewards . We havehithe rto stayed here because we suspected here thatyour Majesty would order us to abandon this place

,

but since we now know that i t i s your Majes ty’s wil lthat we continue to advance the undertaking

,we

shall begin to baptize all the people ; for althoughthere are some Christi ans

,there would be many

more i f we had known before what we now know .

May our Lord p reserve the sacred royal Catholicperson of your Majesty for many yea rs

,as I your

humble and leas t se rvant desi re . This island ofPanay

,July 25, 1570 . Your sacred royal Cathol ic

Majesty’s most humble servant,

FRAY D IEGO DE HERRERA

[E ndorsed : Examined . T0 be given to the re

porte r,so that he may file i t with the



needed for the trade and commerce of those isl ands,

we have ordered the matter to be discussed,but as yet

no resolution has been taken by which we can adviseyou concerning our will .Your son

,Melchor de Legazpi

,and Juan de la

Y sla have asked for certain things necessary for thesol id colonization of that l and and fo r your defenseand safety .

1 8Y ou will see what we have supplied

by the memorial taken by Juan de la Y sla,and by

what our officials in Nuova Espafia will send you.

The balance Of what is yet to be furnished will besent in the firs t fleet that leaves for Nneva Espafia.

You will watch over everything in your charge as weexpect f rom your person ; and you shall have especial care in furthering the conversion of the Indiannatives of that country to our holy Cathol ic fai th

,

and thei r good treatment ; fo r that is most importantto the se rvice of God our Lord and mine . S ince iti s so important you shall Obtain i t by all possiblegood means .You shall assign and al lot the vill ages of thoseislands which may be reduced to our se rvice as youthink best

,according to the law of the success ion of

the Indians ; provided that you do not assign or allotthe capitals

,seaports

,or places settled by Spaniards

,

fo r these mus t be left for our royal c rown,and we

order that they be so l eft .19

1 8 See VOL . 11,pp . 157-160.

19 By a decree dated at Burgos, February 22, 1512, Fernandoorders that no encomendero m ay have more than three hundredIndians ; for i f they have more than that number,

“they cannot bewell treated , aided , maintained , or instructed in the matters of ourholy Catholic faith , as would be proper.” In the Philippines,encomenderos had sometimes as many as one thousand two

hundred natives. See D oc. I ned. Am er . y Oceania, i , pp . 23 7-241 ,and Census of Philippine I slands, i , p . 423 .

1 280- 1 605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI

We have also been petitioned in your name that,

in conside ration of the fact that there are is landsinhabi ted by Moros in that l and

,and that they come

to trade and traffic,thus hindering the p reaching of

the holy gospel,and disturbing you, we grant you

permiss ion to ensl ave such Moros,and to seize thei r

possess ions . You must take note that i f such Morosare Moros by bi rth and nation and come for the purpose Of Sp reading thei r cursed Mahometan worship ,or to make war on you or on the Indians subject tous and to our royal service

,then you can enslave

them . But you Shall under no conside ration whatever enslave those who were Indi ans who may haveadopted the worship of Mahomet ; but you shallendeavo r to convert them and to persuade them to

accept ou r holy Cathol ic fai th by good and legitim ate means .Report has been made me on behal f of the con

quistadors of that country that many slaves have beenmade there by the natives of those i sl ands . I havebeen entreated to grant permiss ion to those conquistadors to purchase them and hold them as slaves inthe same manner as the said natives hold them . Inasmuch as I desi re to be informed of the custom in thismatter and of what i t i s advisable to do

,I o rder you

to submit a report of the causes why slaves are madein that country — whether Sl aves are made mutuallyamong the natives themselves ; whether the Moroswhowage war upon the said natives are made slaves ;or whether there are various sects among them

,so

that they wage and maintain mutual warfare amongthemselves and make sl aves mutually of oneanothe r. Y ou Shal l report on the other characteristics of that race in so far as they touch this matter ;

238 THE PH ILIPPIN e~

i SLANDS [Vol . 34

and when the said report i s ready you shal l send itto ou r Council of the Indias

,so that

,after they have

examined i t,the most advisable measures may be

taken in acco rdance with justice .

20

I f the re are any Portuguese o r foreigners of thesekingdoms who have gone with you or who Shall havegone afte rward

,or who should be in the ships sail ing

from Nneva Espafia to those islands , you shall orderthem to retu rn to these kingdoms

,even i f such Portu

guese o r foreigners be those who are allowed to bein those districts in accordance with my laws

,ordi

nances,and decrees . Y ou must attend to this matter

with the greatest poss ible haste,for you know how

dangerous i t wil l be to the welfare,peace

,and quiet

of the l and and to the service of our Lord and mine .

The Escorial,November sixteen

,one thousand five

hundred and sixty-eight .I TH E KING

Countersigned by Eraso,and signed by Luis

Quixada,Vazquez

,Don Gomez Capata

,Mufioz

,

Molina,Salas

,Aguilera

,Vil lafafie

,and Votel lo.

[The above document is followed by one enti tled,Title of governor and captain-general of the islandof Cubu to Miguel Lopez de Legazpi . I t is almostword for word the same as the document p resentedin our VOL . 111

,pp . 62-66 ( the few verbal differences

not at all chang ing the sense in any way ) , but i t bearsa date eight days prio r to that of the above-mentioneddocument . The ending of this document is as follows : “Nei ther you nor they shal l act contrary to this

See Lavez aris’

s report on slavery in the Philippines , VOL . 111,

pp . 286-288 ; also the memoranda of Augustinians , post , pp . 273

285; and Rada’s letter

,post , pp . 286-294, where the king

’s order ismentioned .


240 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS {Vol 34

arms,equipment

,food

,and other things that i t

might contain,in inventory and before a notary.

After they shall have done this we do by the presentor by a copy thereof

,Signed by a notary-publ ic

,re

l ieve and discharge them of any covenant,homage,

act of fidel i ty,or pledge that shal l have been made

by the said fortress,and we declare them free and

quit of it,both they and thei r goods

,and thei r hei rs

and successo rs forever . They shal l do and perfo rmthis notwithstanding that no known porter of our exchequer inte rvenes in the surrender of i t

,or the other

ceremonies that are usual in such cases,under penal ty

of being condemned and of incurring the otherpenalties which those who keep fo rtresses and donot del iver them at the command of my natural kingsand seigniors , are exposed to and incur . Furtherwe order the Council

,justices

,regidors, knights ,

squi res,Official s

,and good men of the sai d island of

Cubu and of the othe r islands in i ts vicini ty, to con

s ider and hold you as ou r warden and keeper of thesaid fortress fo r the rest of your l i fe as i s said above ;and they shall pay and cause to be paid to you the feesannexed and pertain ing to i t fo r i ts l ieutenancy.

They shall cause to be Observed toward you thehonors

,grace

,rewards

,exemptions

,l icenses

,p re

eminences,prerogatives

,and immunities

,and all

other things which you Ought to possess and enjoyas our warden and keeper of the said fo rtress ; andwhich must be kept for you in the same way as theyare possessed and held by the wardens and keepersof the fortresses of these ou r kingdoms enti rely andcompletely

,so that no omission Shall be made to you .

They shall not place o r allow to be placed any hindram ce or opposi tion to thi s or any part of it . Given

1 280-1 605] FELIPE 11 AND LEGAZPI 241

in Madrid,August s ix

,one thousand five hundred

and s ixty-nine .I TH E KING

Counters igned by E raso and s igned by the above .

THE SAID LEGAZP I . T ITLE OF GOVERNOR OF

THE LADRONES ISLANDS

Don Phel ippe,etc. Inasmuch as report has been

made me in behalf of you , Miguel Lopez de Le

gaz pi, our governor of the islands of the West, that acertain fleet having been prepared at our order in

Puerto de la N avidad of Nueva Espafia fo r the purpose of the discovery of the said isl ands , our formerviceroy

,Don Luis de Vel asco

,appointed and named

you by our commiss ion through the satisfactionwhich he had in your person

,to be the captain-gen

eral of it and our governor of the said isl ands . Wehave heard that you, having gone in search of them,

in order to attain the end desi red,and having spent

a conside rable sum of gold pesos f rom yourown p roperty

,discovered the said islands and took

possess ion of them in our royal name with the ceremonies requis ite in such cases ; and made a settlementin the is land of Cubu where you are at present withthe men whom you took . In that place you haveheard Of other islands in that vicini ty called the Ladrones I slands and of thei r ferti l i ty and wealth . Y ou

have desi red to explore and colonize them at yourown cost and expense

,and peti tion has been made us

to have permission given you therefor, as wel l as theti tle of governor and captain-general of the sa idislands

,in cons ideration Of the many expenses that

you have incurred in thei r discovery,and the hard

242 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V01. 34

ships that you have endured . We,respecting the

said your services because of the wide knowledge ofthem

,and because of those which we expect that you

shall perform from this time on,and having dis

cussed ir with our royal person,have conside red i t

fitting . Therefore by the present we grant l icenseand permiss ion to you,

the said Miguel Lopez deLegazpi

,so that you are empowered to make for us

in our name and at your own cost — and you shallmake — the exploration and colonization of the saidLadrones I slands . You shall take and seize possess ion of them in the said name with the ce remony thatis requis i te in such cases ; provided that you Obse rveand cause to be Observed in toto the instructions andprovis ions which have been issued by us in regard tothe course to be followed in the said colonizationsand explorations . I t i s our wish and intention to

make you our governor and captain-general of thesaid Ladrones I sl ands and of al l the vil lages that youshall settle therein fo r the rest of your l i fe . Youshall hold and exercise our civil and criminal jus ticewith the Oflices of jus tice which Shall be in the saidisl ands of the West . By this our letter

,we order

counci ls,justices

,reg idors, knights , squi res , officials ,

and good men of al l the ci ties,towns

,and hamlets

that Shall exis t in the said islands,land

,and colony

,

and those that shall be colonized,and our official s

and other persons who Shal l res ide therein — andeach one of them that

,as soon as they shall be sum

monod by this order,they shal l take and receive

f rom you,the said Miguel Lopez de Legazp i

,the

oath and ceremony that is requisi te in such cases , andthat you ought to give

,without any further delay

or p rocrastination,and wi thout informing us any



cause to be given to you all the p rotection and aidthat you may ask f rom them and that shall be necessa ry to you . They shall respect you in all things

,

and shal l obey and perform your orders or those ofyour subordinates . They shall place no Obstacle orOpposi tion to your orders or any part of them

,nor

allow any to be placed . Therefore by this p resentwe do receive you and conside r you received in thesaid Offices and in the exerci se and enjoyment ofthem . We grant you ful l power to enjoy and oxercise

,and to perfo rm and execute

,the sai d our justice

in the sai d islands,coasts

,l and

,and hamlets that you

shall colonize and in the cities,towns

,and hamlets

of the said islands and thei r l imits,ei ther through

yourself o r through your subordinates as abovesaid .

In case that you are not received by them or by anyof them into the said offi ces

,we do

,by this our lette r

,

order any person or persons who shall exercise theauthori ty of our justice in the vill ages of the saidisl ands

,coast

,and land

,to del iver and surrender

,

and use such offices no longer without our l icenseand express mandate wheneve r they Shall be summ oned by you

,the sai d Miguel Lopez de Legazpi

,

under the penal ties incurred and suffered by thoseprivate persons who exercise public and royal Officesfor which they have no authority or l icense . Suchpersons we do by the p resent suspend and consider assuspended . Furthermore

,the fines pertaining to our

exchequer and treasury to which you and youralcaldes and subordinates shal l condemn any persons

,Shal l be executed by you,

and you shall causethem to be executed

,and shall have the fines given

and del ivered to our treasurer of the said islands .Furthermore

,we order that i f you,

the said Miguel

1 280-1 605] FELIPE I I AND LEGAZPI 245

Lopez de Legazpi,consider i t fitting fo r our se rvice

and the execution of our justice,that any persons now

in,or who may in the future be in , the sai d islands,

coast,and land

,be banished and enter them no more

or l ive in them,and that they come to present

themselves before us, you may order i t in our name

and cause them to leave in accordance with the ordinance regarding that matter . You shall give to the

person thus exiled the reason for his exile ; but i f youdeem it advisable that the matter be kept secret

, you

shal l give the reason under lock and seal,and you

shal l on your part send us another person,so that we

may be informed of i t . But you are to take noticethat when you have to exile anyone

,i t must be only

for a very urgent cause . For the abovesaid,and so

that you may exercise the said offices as our governorand captain-general of the said is lands

,coast

,l and

,

and vil l ages that you shall colonize,so that you may

perform and exercise ou r justice therein,we delegate

you full authori ty by this our lette r,with all their

incidences,dependencies

,emergencies

,annexes

,and

rights ; and i t is our will and we order that you re

ceive and be paid the annual salary,togethe r with

the said offices,of two thousand ducados ( a Sum

equivalent to seven hundred and fifty thousandmaravedis ) . You shall enjoy them from the dayon which you shal l set sai l to pursue you r voyage,and thenceforth for the time that you shall maintainthe said government . I f that sum is not had duringthe said time

,we shall not be obl iged to pay you any

part of i t . A receipt shal l be taken from you, withwhich

,and with the copy of this our p rovis ion

s igned by the nota ry-public,we order that the said

two thousand ducados be rece ived by you and placed


on your account. Nei ther you nor any one else shallact contrary to this under any consideration

,under

penalty of los ing our favor and one thousand castell anos in gold to be paid to our exchequer andtreasu ry. Given in Madrid

,August fourteen

,one

thousand five hundred and sixty-nine .

I TH E KINGCounte rs igned by E raso

,and signed by Luis

Quixada,Docto r Vazquez

,L icenti ate Don Gomez

Capata,Doctor Luis de Molina

,Doctor Aguilera

,

and Docto r Francisco de Vil lafafie .

TO THE SAID LEGAZP I [GRANT ING H IM ] THE

T ITLE OF ADELANTADO OF THE

LADRONES ISLANDS

Don Phelipe,etc . Inasmuch as we have granted

l icense and authori ty to you,Miguel Lopez de Le

gaz p i, our governor of the isl ands of the West, sothat you may explore and colonize the said isl ands ofthe West for us and in our name

,and at your own

expense ; and because of the expenses which you haveincurred in i t

,and those which you shall incur in the

exploration and colonization of the said i sl ands ofthe Ladrones ; and because we have you and yoursaid services in mind constantly

,and in order that

you and your descendants may be more honored :therefore having reflected upon the matte r in ourroyal person

,I have cons idered it fitting to bestow

upon you the ti tle of adelantado of the sai d LadronesI slands fo r yourself and for your hei rs and successo rsforever . Therefore it i s our intention and will bythis p resent that you be now and henceforth forever,our adelantado Of the said Ladrones I slands

,as well



belonging to the said office of adelantado up to theircomplete value

,so that you may suffer no lack in

anything,according to and in the manne r in which

i t has been enjoyed and paid,and as i t must be en

joyed,paid

,and kept for the other adelantados who

have been and are in these our kingdoms of Casti l laand in the said Indias . They shall place no obstacleor opposition to you in this matte r or in any part ofi t,or allow such to be pl aced . Therefore

,we do

,

by this p resent,receive and hol d you as received into

the said office,and to i ts enjoyment and exercise . We

grant you authori ty and license to enjoy and exerciseit ; and in case that you are not received in that offi ceby them or any of them

,we order you to give this our

letter s igned by our hand and counters igned by oursecretary mentioned below . Given in Madrid

,Au

gust fourteen,one thousand five hundred and s ixty

nine .I TH E KING

I,Francisco de H erasso

,secretary of his Majesty ,

had this written by his command . I t is s igned byLuis Quiz ada, Docto r Vazquez , Licentiate Don

Gomez Capata,Docto r Luis de Molina

,Licenti ate

Salas,Doctor Aguilera

,and Doctor Francisco de

V i l lafane .

[The above document is fol lowed by one enti tled,The said Legazp i

, [granting him] the ti tle of governor and captain-general of the isl and of Cubu .

”

I t is the same document,and bears the same date as

that publ ished in VOL. 111,pp . 62

280-1 605] FELIPE 11 AND LEGAZPI 249

INSTRUCTIONS G IVEN TO M IGUEL LOPEZ DE

LEGAZP I , IN REGARD TO WHAT HE IS TO

DO IN THE LADRONES ISLANDS

The King. That which you,Miguel Lopez de

Legazp i,our governor and captain-general in the

i sl ands of the West,are to do and Observe in the gov

ernm ent,exploration

,and colonization of the La

drones I slands which we charge to you,i s as follows .

I . Fi rs t,afte r the said isl ands a re explored

, you

shal l select s i tes and locations fo r colonization,tak

ing care that the land be healthful and fertile,and

abounding in wood,water and good pas tu rage for

cattle . You shall see that the land be apportionedto the colonis ts

,but you shall not occupy or take pos

sess ion oi any p rivate property of the Indians . In

order that thi s may be better pe rformed,you shal l

for the p resent,make the s aid settlement somewhat

dis tant from the dis tri cts and locations where theIndians may have thei r settlements

,pas tu res

,and

fields,so that al l the abovesaid may be done without

harming them at all . On the contrary thoroughgood treatment must be shown them .

2. The si te of the place where the settlement isto be made having been chosen

,you shall orde r the

colonists to build thei r houses,making in them a

sort of s tronghold,where they may defend them

selves and thei r flocks i f necessa ry,in case that the

Indi ans try to attack them .

3 . You shall see that the colonis ts who settle inthis way

,endeavor to obtain peace and friendship

wi th the Indians who dwell in that l and . They shal ltreat the latter well

,and shall endeavor ( fo r such is

my will ) to have the Indians l ive near them in vil


l ages,and shall defend them and help them to

defend themselves against those who try to harmthem . They shal l reduce the Indians to a civil izedl i fe

,and shall endeavor to separate them from thei r

vices,s ins

,and evil customs . They shall endeavor

to reduce them and convert them willingly to our

holy Catholic faith and the Christian rel igion bymeans of rel igious and other good men .

4. I f there shal l be any persons among the sai dIndians who Oppose and refuse to listen to our in

s truction,and convert or i l l treat those who do l isten

to i t, you shall endeavor by all good means possible

to you to p revent i t,so that the p reaching of the gos

pel may not cease for that reason . You shall proceed in this with al l manner of discretion

,kindness

,

and moderation .

5. Further,you shall endeavor to have the In

dians persuaded to adopt our holy Cathol ic fai thwill ingly

,and to render submission to us . I f they

do so you shal l order that they be exempt from tribute for ten years.

6. I tem : You shall o rder that the Spaniardswho shall settle later in the vil lages thus establ i shed

,

rule and govern in peace and quiet,and that they

shall not moles t o r injure anyone . They shall appoint thei r ministers of justice

,regidors, and noces

s ary ofli cials,fo r the meanwhile and unti l we

provide otherwise .

7 . Some repartim ientos of Indians shall be madeto those persons who shall go to make the said settlement

,in accordance with thei r se rvices and the

qual ity of the persons to whom they are made . Thechief capi tals and the seaports shal l be ass igned to



be benefited . They shall cultivate the l and andenrich it with new plants of vines and fruit trees fori ts support and gain .

I 3 . I tem : I f the natives endeavor to prevent thesaid settlement

,they must be told that the men are

not trying to settle there in order to do them anyharm or wrong

,or to seize thei r possessions

,but on ly

to have friendship with them and teach them to l ivein a c ivil ized manner and recognize God

,and to ex

pound to them the law of Jesus Christ by which theywil l be saved . After that message and warning hasbeen given (which must be made three times asshall seem best to the person appointed by youafter consul ting with the rel igious who shall go tosuch settlement and by the tongue of the religiouswho shall tel l and declare i t ) , then if notwithstanding the abovesaid

,the natives refuse to consent to

the colony,the colonis ts shall endeavor to settle and

shall defend themselves from the said natives withoutdoing them other injury than that necess ary fo r thei rdefense and for making the said settlement . Al l themildness and moderation poss ible shall be obse rvedin the said defense .

14. Further,afte r having made such hamlet and

settlement you shall see to i t that the ci tizens andrel igious who shall be there

,try to trade and com

m unicate with the natives and to make friends withthem

,and to make them understand the abovesaid .

I 5. I f the said natives and inhabitants locatednear the said colony should become friends becauseof such good efforts and persuas ions

,so that they give

the rel igious permiss ion to enter to teach them and topreach to them the l aw of Christ

, you shall see thatthey do i t . The rel igious shall endeavor to convert

1 280-1 605] FELIPE 11 AND LEGAZPI 253

them and allure them to the faith,and to have them

recognize us as sovereign king and lord .

16. Further,i f the said natives and the rulers of

the Indians refuse to admi t the rel igious preachers ,after the announcement o f thei r purpose as abovesaid

,and after the natives shall have been peti tioned

many times to allow the rel igious to ente r to preachand to expound the word of God

,you shall make a

report of i t and send i t to our Counci l with the mostjustifiable testimony that you have of what has beendone

,in o rder that we may have you ordered as to

what course you are to pursue . Meanwhile you shallendeavor to retain thei r f riendship and trade

,and

shal l treat them well . You shall endeavo r by allposs ible means to bring them to a knowledge of ourLord .

17. I f any of the officials appointed by us die,

you shal l appoint in each island those that may bel acking

,so that in accordance wi th the instruction

and orde r given them,they may administe r our

finances and attend to the other things that areentrusted to the other officials of the other p rovincesof the Indias . Y ou shall make such appointmentsuntil we provide for i t

,and you shall immediately

advise us of i t so that we may have the proper measures taken .

18 . The persons and our officials who shall be entrusted with duties

,shall be paid thei r s alaries f rom

the fruits of the l and by our treasurer,in accordance

with a l ist made out and signed by the said offi cialsand signed by the governor of the p rovince .

19. I tem : You shal l endeavor to take the mostvi rtuous and Christian people possible

,and those

who shall be best fitted for the said colonization .


20 . I tem : You shall take four of the religiousat p resent in the said isl ands

,and i f you do not have

them,you shall take two seculars who must be per

sons of good l i fe and morals,fit to give the instruc

tion,and to adminis ter the holy sacraments .

21 . I tem : You shall endeavor with great careto see that the Spaniards do no harm and show no

force to the Indians , and that they do not woundthem or do them any other evil o r harm

,or deprive

them of thei r possess ions,but they shal l Show them

the utmost good treatment . I f any of the men Offendthe Indians

,then you and your captains shal l punish

him rigorously and shall warn him not to continuesuch actions . I f he be careless and negligent in this

,

then you shall have him punished with great rigor ;for this i s a matter whose fulfilment we des i regreatly

,and i f this be not obeyed we shall consider

ourselves greatly disserved .

22. I tem : Upon your a rrival at the land youShall report to us the events of your expedi tion andthe manner in which you shall be received, also whatyou ascertain and discover of the said land

,and

everything else of which you think we should beadvised . You shal l accompany i t with your op inionof what you think ought to be done, so that we maybetter o rder what is necessa ry for the service of Godand our own service ; and you shal l do the samewhenever you deem it necess ary .

We charge and order you to obse rve and performthe above inviolably

,for i f the contrary be done we

Shal l consider ourselves disse rved . Given in Madrid

,August xxvi i i

,one thousand five hundred and

sixty-nine .I TH E KING


LETTER FROM FRANC ISCO DE ORTEGATO THE VICEROY

Your Excellency : May the grace and consolationof the Holy Ghost dwell forever in the soul of yourExcellency . Last year I wrote a report and an ac

count to your Excellency of the affai rs of this region,

in fulfilment of the di rections given me by yourExcellency when I came to this country. Since inthe p revious report I wrote at length

,I shall be brief

in this one,referring to the other one and to the

statements in it for the explanation of some thingswhich I say here . I rati fy anew everything that Ihave said

,and purpose now to give information to

your Excellency of what has happened in this country Since my l ast wri ting . I have accordingly toin form you that on August 13 , of last yea r, there setsail two vessels named “Santi ago and “San Juan .

”

One week later,namely

,the twenty-first of the sai d

month,our Lord took from this l i fe by sudden death

the adelantado and governor,Miguel Lopez de

Legazpi (may he be in glory ) . H is death was greatlydeplored and is so even at the present day , for doubtless his valor and wisdom have been greatly needed .

Those who regarded him as wicked in his l i fewill now canonize him as a saint . I bel ieve that he isin glory or on the way to i t, for he was a good Christian and if he e rred in some things

,I believe that

1 280-1 605] ORTEGA To VICEROY 257

he des i red to do right,while in some othe r things

he did the best he could . He died poor,which is a

great evidence of his goodness . That was a cause forgreat confusion to those who regarded him as veryrich

,and who were murmuring about him saying

that he had a chest of gold and more thanpesos in tostons . Al l that he was found to have onthe day of his death was 460 pesos in two l i ttle sacks .These he had asked as a loan a few days before . Hehad also in gold about 120 pesos not counting one

l arge chain and one small one which he broughtfrom his own land . He had also the wrought Si lverof his table service . Al l the rest of thi s was notworth 500 pesos . This is the whole of the weal thand treasure which he had . Of this fact I am praetically an eyewitness

,for I was present at his death

and at the inventory of his p rope rty. Three daysafte r he had died his grandson

,Captain Joan de

Sal z edo,came f rom the opposite coast of the island

,

where he had been three months,having gone by the

di rection of the governor to explore that country andto paci fy the people who l ived in i t . He b roughtback very good news from there

,though he could not

give i t to him who had sent him out,and hence great

sorrow was caused to him who brought the newsand even to the rest . They reported that the popul ation there was large and that there were many goodsettlements close to one another and that they werebette r ordered and governed than in the othe r parts .They said that the re were vill ages with 300 or 400houses together

,some more and some less

,and that

there was among them one vill age that seemed to

contain more than th ree thousand houses,and an

othe r with 800,where he left his al férez with thi rty


five soldiers while he came to tell the news and tomake an extended report . He accomplished onething which astonished everybody

,because without

doubt i t was a very daring and courageous Cxploi t .This was to attempt to ci rcumnavigate the island

,

which he accomplished in two tiny boats wi th 15soldie rs . These boats did not draw one palmo of

water . They are called barangays in this countryand are rowed with very short oars by Indians seatedin the boat. Though these vessels a re of this characte r

,and the sea of that coas t i s so rough that not one

of the natives,as they say

,has ventured to navigate

it,s til l he dared to do i t in order to know and see

what there i s on the Opposi te coast. He sufferedgreat hardships but God del ivered him from all ofthem . H i s boat was ofttimes almost swamped

,and

he and the others with him on the point of drowning .

Finally he sailed one hundred leguas,coasting along

the isl and to the point of his settlement,and he has

explored and ci rcumnavigated i t . In all the lengthof that coas t the re was not a single vil lage nor oneIndian

,for the whole country is desol ate where they

supposed there would be a great many people .

In the vill ages to which he went on this exploringand paci fying expedi tion

,he collected 800 gold taes

in tribute . A tae i s a weight of one onza or a l ittlemore . Of this amount he gave hal f to the soldiersand the other hal f to his M ajesty’s treasury . Thisis the l arges t amount of treasure that had hithe rtobeen received in these islands . Three months afterhis al férez

,who had remained behind

,arrived . The

reason of his coming was that almost all his soldierswere taken sick and that they had no ammuni tion .

He b rought back a thousand taes of gold in addi tion


260 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V01. 34

bracelets which they and thei r women wear on thei rarms . For few or none of them have any otherp roperty but what they wear on thei r persons .When these so evil abuses a re inflicted upon them

,

some of them refuse to give the tribute or do notgive as l iberally as those who ask it desi re . Others

,

on account of having to give this and of thei r fear atseeing a strange and new race of armed people

,

abandon thei r houses and flee to the tingueshills] and mountains . When the Spaniards see this ,they follow them

,discharging thei r arquebuses at

them and mercilessly kill ing as many as they can.

Then they go back to the village and kil l all thefowls and swine there and carry off all the ricewhich the poor wretches had for thei r support .After this and after they have robbed them of everything they have in thei r mise rable houses

,they set

fire to them . In this way they bu rned and destroyedmore than four thousand houses in this expeditionto Y locos

,and killed more than five hundred In

dians,they themselves confessing that they com

m itted that exploi t . Your Excellency may inferhow desolate and ruined thi s will make the country

,

for those who have done the mischief say that i t willnot reach its former state within six yea rs and otherssay not in a l i fetime . Will your Excellency determine whether this i s consistent with law

,divine or

human,with rel igion or Christian chari ty . Your

Excel lency will also consider that in these invasionsand explorations the law of Mahomet is fol lowedrather than the law of God ; for no account is takenof H is p recepts and there is no care to follow H isl aw and the Christian instructions conformable withand akin to them

,which have been given by our Cath

1 280 - 1 605] ORTEGA To VICEROY 26 I

ol ic and ve ry Chris tian king and lord Don F fel ipe.

The latte r commanded that by love and kindly treatm ent and with gi fts and presents the natives shouldbe caressed and attracted to love and friendshipfor us

,so that in this manner they might come to the

knowledge of our God and Creator,and might sub

ject themselves to his royal p rotection and mightrecognize him as thei r king and lo rd . For all thesepurposes

,he Spends most freely f rom his royal

treasury,buying fine scarlet cloths

,s tuffs

,caps

,s ilks

,

and other things su itable for this purpose,as your

Excellency knows bette r than I . Yet they do not

follow his wil l but invade the country of the Indians ,kil l ing and robb ing

,burning thei r vil l ages and

houses,and collecting as enemies what his Majesty

commands us to take and rece ive f rom them as

f riends . In place of engendering in thei r breastsand souls love and goodwill

,they create and en

gender hate and abhorrence agains t us and againstthe name of J esus Chris t crucified whom they oughtto teach and preach to the natives . I f by suchpilgrimages and pacifications and services God our

Lord and his Majes ty are pleased,let your Excel

lency judge .

21

They also said in the beginning that in the province of Y locos and in the other three p rovinceswhich were explored on the opposi te coast andwhich they declare that they have pacified

,there

were more than four hundred thousand Indians,and

that there were enough to afford repartim ientos fo rall those who are in these regions . Now they decl are that there are not enough for forty soldiers

,

On the question of the tribute , see VOL . VII , pp . 267-3 18 , and

VOL . V111, pp . 25-69.


according to the account which they bring backfrom there

,for according to them there are not as

many as Indians . I s ay this so that yourExcellency may see how closely this report conformsto the others which I wrote in my former letter

,and

that your Excellency may be informed and mayknow the truth if i t should not be wri tten [by others]f rom here .

I t seems to me also des i rable to inform your Excel lency how and in what manner they send the

p resent of gold to his Majesty,that you may under

stand the wealth of this country and the se rvicerendered him in i t by them

,and how that gold was

got . In accordance with what has been related anddecla red above

,the quanti ty would be at most about

pesos ; and how l i ttle app rop ri ate i t i s to sendthis quantity of pesos as a present

,and to send as

many more deb ts to the royal treasury of this countryis very clear . I t i s also very clear and p lain thatthis present is a trifling one after the royal treasu ryhas spent more than two mill ions o r but l ittle less asI am inform ed

,within the fifteen years since the ex

pense of this expedition Legazpi ’s] began .

How far from the royal magnanimous,Caesarean

,

and more than Alexandrine heart of our king,Don

F fel ipe, this p resent is , i s so plain that the bl indcould see i t and the most ignorant judge i t ; hence onthis point I do not ask your Excellency to form a

judgment,but I do ask you to decide what reward i t

deserves f rom a king so Cathol ic as ours to make hima present and a payment into his treasury ofwhat hasbeen robbed and wrung [f rom the natives] contraryto what God and the king himsel f have commanded .

In conformity with what your Excellency with your



the governor has done for him,he wil l say that he is

fit to rule and govern the kingdom of Napoles andthe state of Millan . I t is no wonder that he says that

,

for the governor has given him more than fourthousand Indians in repartimiento

,so that there is

not a better encomienda in this region,though

Pacheco i s but a private soldie r,and one of those

who has seen least se rvice in this country. He hasdone nothing but act as sentinel for the adelantadom ay he be in glory — and that not for very manyyears

,though he is a man of wealth and of noble

bi rth,as your Excellency will have heard . Your

Excellency may Obtain specific information regarding him

,and that f rom father Fray D iego do H e

t re t a 22who i s on his way to inform your Excellencyand his Majes ty o f affai rs in this country and of theevents therein . He deserves great fai th and credi ton account o f his great goodness and devotion

,for

without anger or bias or sel f-inte rest,he will tell

your Excellency truthfully and with a zealousChristian heart desi rous to serve God and his Majesty

,the s tate of affai rs here . He will give you a

particular account of the small favor in which therel igious and the ministers of God are now held heremore than ever

,and how insul ted and l ittle regarded

they are by the governor and his followers and alliesand by those who have any command and power herenow . He will tell you how little is done for them ,

and how li ttle aid and favor is given to the instruction and the things of God

,and also how l i ttle ta

vored and protected are these natives and how

opp ressed and molested they are ordinarily. He

See post , the memoranda of the Augustinians, regarding thevarious questions to be discussed in Spain by D iego de Herrera.

1 280-1 605] ORTEGA To VICEROY 265

will also info rm you r Excellency how under colorof sending his Majes ty a very rich p resent f romeverything brought from China by the Sangleys, hehas demanded a loan in the camp of more than fourhundred taes

,taking from one ten

,and from another

twen ty,and from another fifty

,in accordance with

what he is sending,and what each one possessed . I

do not unders tand how the judge who rece ives loansas gi fts or pledges from those whom he must punish

,

can rightly judge and enforce justice . He wil l al soinfo rm your Excellency of the many revolts andriots

,the factions and enmities which arise among

the people here,how much complaint al l have in

general to make of the new governor,and how they

are i rri tated by his policy and government and murmur at i t

,and how well known he is to have a pas

sionate temperament,as is mani fes t by those whom

he is sending to that country under arrest,which will

appear in the records of the p rocess . He is alsoknown to be very biased and parti al

,and that not to

the Older,the more p rudent

,and leading persons in

the camp . For his companions he has an open doorand has always time to spend three or four hourstalking with them

,while his doo r is shut to the re

l igious and to the mini ster of God and to the poorsoldie r who has any occasion to do business withhim

,and he has no time to l is ten to the poor Indian

about the wrongs that have been done to him,or to

the Spani ard who comes to state his complaints andtroubles

,or to l isten calmly and kindly to what is

affirmed and declared regarding a demand for justice . Upon these and other matte rs of the same kindand qual i ty one might s ay much and might write along document . This I do not do

,but refe r to those


who are going there to tel l your Excellency thatnever have the forces in this camp been so disturbedand divided as at p resent . In almost nine years during which the good old man now departed may hebe in glory governed us

,there were not so many

dissensions and disturbances,nor so much discontent

,

as the re have been and are during the nine monthsin which Guido de Lavez aris has been governing us .On this account

,and Since he is now more than

seventy years of age,and I think desi res quiet

,i t i s

necessary to provide a remedy ; and that is fo r yourExcellency to send from there any person soever thatis su itable for such a duty and fit for the p resent necessity . For I believe before God and my conscience

,

casting aside all bias and partial i ty,which in this

matte r have no control over me,that this i s desi rable

fo r the service of God our Lord,and of his Majesty

,

the good of the natives,and the pacification and

prese rvation of this country . Bel ieving this withhonest purpose and with a Christian heart desi rousOf the common welfare and of the service of Godand of his Maj esty

,I give your Excellency thi s ad

vice,so that

,as a pious and most Christi an prince

you may, with your great p rudence and l iberal ity,quickly p rovide the remedy . I f you r Excellencydoes not see fit to send another new governor

,i t

would be desi rable in my judgment for your Excelloncy to send an auditor of that royal Audienci a andsome person learned in the law

,a man of characte r

and a good Christian,to Vi s i t and inspect this coun

try and to undeceive your Excellency with regardto some matters which have been written to you therewith perverse reports . I t wi ll be bette r to send arich advocate than a poor knight who as is suspected



I f your Excellency should not send and provideanother governor for these islands

,i t would be just

for your Excellency to have our present governorordered to take care to p rotect the affai rs of theadelantado

,Miguel Lopez de Legazpi (may he be

in glory ) , s ince he governed this country with so

great quietness and prudence,Spent upon it his own

p roperty,and died poor in the service of his Maj

esty. That i s very just,as is also that particular care

be taken to Show kindness and favor to Captain Joandc Sal z edo

,inasmuch as he is one of those who have

labored most in this country and have shown thegreatest zeal in the se rvice of his Majes ty. He isvery sp i ri ted and energetic

,and for a man so young

,

very cautious and prudent,and he has good desi res

and purposes to serve God and his Majesty. Hencesome Oflice might be ass igned and entrusted to him .

Therefore,any favor that your Excel lency may ex

tend or may command to be shown him will be verywell conceded ; although the governor has given himbut scant reward

,Since he has given as much or more

to a private soldie r,as has al ready been said

,by

which he has given rise to comment and occas ion tomurmuring .

I t i s also just that your Excellency should showall poss ible favor to the sargento-mayor

,Joan dc

Moron,who is going to that country under arrest

on grounds which seem very sl ight,bes ides being

imprisoned here for ten months in his house andbeing burdened by the expenses of the suit . Everybody thinks that there has been more pass ion thanreason or justice in this case

,as may be seen there by

the report of the p rocess .23 He is a man of very

See the viceroy ’s report to Felipe I I , regarding the arrest of

1 280 -1605] ORTEGA To VICEROY

good quali ties , and though he is not at all a courtie r,he is p rudent and very careful and dil igent in theservice of his Majesty

,and very useful . There is

no one in thi s region who has seen more service thanhe. I f your Excellency is about to send forces tothis country

,he might well be put in command of

them,because he is one of the first who came to this

region,and because he has se rved his Majes ty so well

in i t,as is wel l known to all

,and as your Excellency

w il l al ready have received repo rt . I f i t should benecessary for your Excellency to appoint a new cap

tain of experience in matters here,I think i t would

be the best thing for your Excellency to ass ign tohim and to the inferior captains whatever your Excel lency may be able to provide here , for there arem any of them and few soldiers . In this and in al lother matte rs will your Excellency decide upon thatwhich is most for the advantage of the service ofGod and of his Majesty .

The voyage to explore China has not been carriedout

,because of the death of Governor Miguel Lopez

de Legazp i,who was very obedient to the com

m and of his Majesty and your Excellency . Afte rhis death there was l i ttle goodwill in him who hadthe duty of ordering the execution of this command

,

since he and other captains had done what theycould to prevent i t f rom the beginning . Hence

,they

gave thei r votes against carrying it out . In sp ite ofthis

,the adel antado — may he be in glory - was de

term ined to accomplish what your Excellency haddi rected . After his death i t happened that the ships

M irandaola and Moron, VOL . 111, p . 210. The viceroy appears tohave formed his judgment regarding the matter from the presentletter.

270 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34.

which were going to that country put back,and since

the Ship “Santiago” arrived at Cubu without riggingor equipment

,they took advantage of the occasion

to strip and dismantle one vessel in order to equipanother . Thus they did away with that which was.

necessa ry for the journey to China . Howeve r,i f

they had not had this opportuni ty,I bel ieve that they

would not have gone on with the voyage because ofthe l i ttle disposi tion which the governor had for i t .Upon this point

,I believe that they have sent ful l

reports to your Excellency . What I am able to sayfrom the l ittle that I know

,and from what those

say who judge the matte r dispass ionately,i s that i t

was a very desi rable thing and a very important matte r

,and one from which great se rvice might result

to our Lord and to his Majesty,p rofit to the royal

treasury,and increase to the royal estate

,and that

this might all be done in a lawful and Christi anmanner as is commanded and di rected by his Majesty and by your Excellency in his royal name .

When it was supposed that the voyage would becarried out

,our father p rovincial commanded me to

go with the forces which were about to depart onthis voyage of discovery . Al though the voyage isuncertain and the dangers and hardships are ce rtain

,

I had offered mysel f for the undertaking because ofmy desi re to se rve our Lord and my king and yourExcellency and would go with great will ingness . I f

the said voyage is undertaken again,I offer mysel f

anew to go on the expedi tion if your Excellency wil lregard that as a service and will send me a commandto that effect . Should it be the will of your Excelleney that the voyage should be p rosecuted , i t wouldbe necessary to send from there two or three thousand



to thi s matter will your Excel lency examine i t andcommand what i s of greatest advantage to the serviceof his Majes ty and to that of God our Lord . MayGod prese rve the very excellent person of yourExcellency for many years in H is holy service withan increase of p rosperity for the good of that countryand the p rese rvation and increase of this

,and after

this l i fe may He grant you ete rnal and everlastingl i fe . Amen . From the ci ty of Manila

,June 6

,I 573 .

Most excellent Lord,your Excellency’s unworthy

chaplain and suppl iant kisses your hands .FRAY FRANCISCO DE ORTEGA

For sketch of this religious see VOL . IX, p . 95, note 18. See

also his reports on the Philippines in the same volume, pp . 95-1 19.



from them . I t also seems to be the proper thing to

p i llage them ,i f they do not wait and i f they abandon

thei r houses . All this takes place without havingbenefited the natives at all

,and without giving them

to understand that his Maj esty sent them to informthe natives of God . We Spaniards are held in ignominy in this country and our name is held inabomination

,as is even the most holy name of the

Lord,and we are considered as the usurpers o f

others ’ possessions,as faithless p i rates

,and as shed

ders of human blood,because we illtreat our own

friends,and harass and trouble them ; while many

acts of violence and force are used toward them bothto thei r own houses and to thei r wives and daughte rsand possess ions

,and they themselves are ill treated

by word and deed . In this they have no one to defend and protect them . The most abandoned inhabitants and those at a distance commit the greatestinjuries and murders ; and when those in commandhear of i t

,they do not insti tute rel ief by sending to

m ake investigations of events so far away,for they

say that i t must appear in writing, and that i t is agreat expense and trouble to send to a distance timeafter time

,as [i s s aid hy] the p resent visi to r who i s

the first to complain of i t. But he gives informationof i t and asks why he should go to Vi si t all the l and .

I tem : Because of the great outcries,murders

,and

cap tivities that have been made,both by captains

and by other leaders and soldiers throughout thei slands

,under pretext that they did not have peace

w rits,although Spania rds had never gone there ; and

also to many who had the peace writ al ready andwere p romised safety in his Maj es ty’s name

,that

wri t has been transgressed and broken . There has

1 280-1 605] AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA 275

been no punishment infl icted for all the above whichis very well known and notorious to all people .Consequently

,great dissoluteness has reigned

,and I

believe that there are very few whose ski rts areclean of this Vice . For example

,no aid has been

given to the f riends who pleading thei r just causesand the injuries that they have received from others

,

have asked protection and aid . Neither haveamends been made to them as i t seemed more troublethan gain . Such have been few [who have thuspleaded] . I only remember of a chief Of Xaro

,by

name Mam icoan,a Christi an

,who pleaded before

the alcalde-mayor of Cubu,Don Gonzalo de Luna

,

and the justice of Cubu,saying that while he was

absent another Old m an,his neighbo r

,had burned his

house . H is fathe r and mother had been burned andother damages committed

,and that

,as the chief de

el a t ed,s imply because he had just been married and

become a Chris tian at Cubu . The rel igious whol ived there at the same time interceded for him

,

asking that four Sp aniards be sent to arrest that oldman . They were answered that it would cause aninsurrection in the land i f they did that . Besidesthe above there is a p i rate called Caxabic

,who dev

astates Carnal and Mashat every year . I tem : The

Joloans devastate all the Pintados as well as Camarines

,and those of Y IO and Vilnabagan. The

Spaniards never go in pursuit of them or punishthem

,o r humil iate them

,or make them resto re thei r

booty . But they only go to rob those sheep for thesecond time by demanding tribute f rom those whomthey know not to have been enti rely cleaned up bythe others .I t is considered as a just cause for war in the War


Counci l if the Indians say that they do not care forthe friendship of the Spaniards

,or i f they build any

fort to defend themselves . Such Indians are killed,

captured,pill aged

,and thei r houses burned . For

that reason occu rred the war of B iti s and Lubao 26

and the forts which were taken by Juan de Sauz edo ;and those of Cainta

,where the night before

,an I n

dian having cl imbed into a palmtree cried outSpaniards

,what did my ancestors do or owe to you

that you should come to pillage us and that ofPapagan. In all of the above many people werekilled and captured

,and sold as sl aves

,especially in

Papagan, for i t i s said that they defied the Spaniards ,al though there was no resistance in any of thoseplaces . I t i s considered as an occasion for just warby the War Council and a Vi l l age may be destroyedand al l those captured may be enslaved

,i f any

Spaniard has been killed in the village ; al thoughthe occasions that the dead man might have givenor the wrongs that he might have committed are notconsidered

,as i s neither the fact that those natives

do not understand or have anyone whom they can

ask to avenge them unless i t be God and thei r justice .They formerly had no king or rule r f rom whom to

ask satisfaction . This chastisement is meted out

without any thought of the guilty ones,and often

although only one man is to blame,the enti re vill age

i s punished . Almost never has the guilty one paidfor his crime

,or the accomplice to i t

,for they im

mediately take to hiding . So was made the war in26 The natives of these two rivers were as signed as encomiendas

by Guido de Lavez aris to himself , but he was deprived of themby D r . Francisco de Sande , although they were later restored to

him . See VOL . IV, pp . 74, 80, 8 1 ; and VOL . V111, p . 10 1 , where thenatives of these rivers have again reverted to the king.



With no greate r pacification than the above , theland is ass igned and divided

,whereupon the enco

mendero taking some companions with him goes tothe vill age or V il lages which have been given him

,

and makes them the following speech : “Take heedthat I am your maste r

,and that the governor has

given you to me to p rotect f rom other Spaniards whoannoy you .

” This is the universal reasoning of mostof them

,and they make no mention of God or the

king . Then they immediately demand the tribute,

each one the amount that he can get without anyl imit . They have gene rally asked three or four maesapiece from the Lusones

,and two or three f rom the

P intados . That is a very excess ive sum in the beginning fo r a people who do not know what i t means topay tribute . I f some of the people do not wai t forthe encomendero in orde r to agree to give him thetribute

,thei r houses and village are burned

,as was

done by the master-of—camp in the village of Baban,

and N avarro in his encomienda of Curigo. Many ofthe encomenderos Stay in thei r encomiendas all o r thegreater part of the year looking afte r thei r interests

,

where they prove a great hindrance and obstacle tothei r Indians .No attention is paid to the instruction

,nor is pro

tection or aid given to the religious for it . On thecontrary they have hi therto Opposed us going out orbuilding houses among the Indians

,but [try to

force] us to l ive among the Spaniards . Neither thennor now has there been any aid extended on the partof those who govern

,either to attract the natives to

our holy fai th or to induce them to forsake thei r evilcustoms

,for they say that i t is too early

,although

they could be got rid of with a single wo rd . For as

1 280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA 279

they are a timid race they obey immediately in this ;and the Spaniards have never tried to overlook anything in the Christians in order thus to invite all theothers . On the contrary they have generally harassed them more than the others as they a re morepeaceful and nearer at hand . They have been ve ryslow to recompense them even in words , and i t hasconsequently happened that very few natives outs ideof Cubu have been baptized for the above reasons .There is in general very l ittle Christi ani ty amongthe Spani ards

,who pay very l ittle attention to divine

worship and to thei r ministers and even with greatdifficul ty have poor shacks been erected in which toceleb rate the divine ofli ces. There is great lewdness among the [native] women both among infidelsand the influential women this l ast secretly. Manyslaves have been sol d and many others have been re

tained who have been enslaved and captured il legally and unjustly . Some

,in order that they might be

made use of,and might not be taken from thei r own

ers in order to retu rn them to thei r own vil lages,

have fraudulently been made to come to ask forbaptism and have become Christi ans . M any i sl andsand villages are devas tated and almost wiped out

,

partly by the Spaniards or because of them,and part

ly by famines of which,or at the beginning of

them,the Spaniards were the reason ; for either by

fear or to get rid of the Spaniards the natives neglected thei r sowing

,and when they wished to sow

then anguish came upon them,and consequently

,

many people have died of hunger .Many injuries have been and are sti ll p racticed

on the Indians by the Spaniards or by thei r encom enderos themselves . Even murders have been com


m itted ; and s ince they live in remote regions , andsince the aggrieved parties cannot go to plead theirjustice

,or have no one to plead it for them

,i f it even

comes to the ears of the governor,i t is not corrected .

For the latter ei ther says that i t must appear inwriting or that when he shall go to that place he willinfl ict punishment for the matter . So he remarkedto me when I told him of an Indian woman whomLuys Pe rez had killed

,and of the other chie f woman

who had been imprisoned,and of the Indian whom

Gudinez killed . So declared the adelantado whenthe deeds of Luys de la Aya

,Andres de Ybarra, and

of the accountant were discussed .

Al l or most of the Spaniards act as justices whenthey go through the villages and decide the su its and

quarrels among the natives . They take pay for it,al though they often judge unjustly in favor of himwho pays more . Your Reve rence will inform hisMajes ty of the condi tion of the people and that theydo not have any king or sovereign

,but l ive in bands

or families where the richest o r the most powerfulis the leader . Some tyrannize over and p il lage theothers . The sl aves owned by the natives are p artlyso from time immemorial , for thei r parents andgrand-parents were slaves

,as were thei r ancestors ;

some have become slaves fo r loans and debts becausethey always reckon the loans by usurious rates whichare greatly practiced here . Some are sl aves forcrimes

,ei ther for having s tolen the sl ightest thing

or for having given false testimony, or having dareddo anything by word or deed against a chief . Others,and these are the fewest

,are those who have been

captured in the wars which they wage among themselves

,some of which have been waged for many



wrongly and of tim auas wrongly held who are inthe power of Spaniards ; and that such be taken awayfrom them even though they be Christians . That hisMajesty send men for this purpose who are not ihtested with vice

,o r who are not pledged by gifts o r

loans as are the men here . That his Majes ty endowtwo hosp itals

,which can be done with vacant eneo

m iendas to the sum that seems advisable to his Majes ty . Y ou must give him to unders tand his obl igation for it and the gain that will accrue to his

Majesty in the prese rvation of the people,which will

be so greatly furthered by this . That his Majes tyorde r the method by which we may be suppl ied withrel igious who are necessary here

,al though it even

cause a lack of them there .

That his Majesty send a couple of secular p riestsof learning and conscience so that they may correctthe customs of the Spaniards ; and that he mightstrictly order the justices to correct them as far asthey are concerned . That i f a trip should be madeto China or otherwhere

,al though when that be

done there be rel igious of the other orders here,that

we be the firs t,s ince our order can conveniently fur

nish such rel igious . I tem : In order that nothingmay be asked

,which may be justly denied to us after

first consul ting the president and auditors [of Nueva

Espafia] or some secretary, you shall peti tion hisMajesty to have such and such a sum given us asalms annually in order to build one or two monasteries in which to rear novices and give them achance to s tudy wherever it shal l be deemed mostadvisable here . In order that he may not imagineit to be for an infini te time as i t is in Mexico , let himass ign a l imited period of so many years . You shall

1 280-1 605] AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA 28 3

give him to understand and make much of the rel icsof the child J esus and the image which our Lordwas pleased to keep in this l and for so many yearsfor our consolation . That i f his Majesty permit thenatives to be held as sl aves by the Spaniards as theyare among the natives

,that he do not permit them

to be taken from thei r lands,fo r by so doing in a

short time the land will be depopulated and destroyed . That the slavery be more mild than that ofthe negroes

,and you shall give the king to under

stand how f ree the slavery of the Indians is,and that

the Indian cannot sel l more right than that which hepossesses [over a slave] . That f rom him who maltreats hi s servant

,the l atte r may be taken away by the

justice,or the owner may be compelled to sel l him

,

for the sl aves have this right among the nativesthemselves . That his Majesty order that

,unde r

heavy penalties,no one buy slaves f rom the natives

by force . That the determination of who can berightly held as a s lave be at the advice of the rel igions . That his Majes ty order that the chiefs betreated as such

,and that they do not pay tribute in

thei r persons or be made prisoners excep t for veryserious matters . Y ou shall tel l h im that that is avery insul ting thing among them and wil l angerthem greatly

,fo r among them only fugi tive slaves

are made prisoners . Y ou shall inform him that theyare thrown into irons o r stocks here for very sl ightcauses

,and often fo r the fault of thei r sl aves

,who

run away or do not obey the orders of the Spaniards ;s ince it i s a fact that the chiefs have very l i ttle control over thei r sl aves .That no one be taken on raids or [word il leg ible]

or to any other place by force or against his will


unless i t be a very necessary case and then by payinghim . And i f any sl ave is killed in the raid

,that his

master be paid if he gave the slave against his willand under speci al restriction

,i f his death happened

th rough any fault of the Spaniards which is alwaysto be p resumed since they so evilly go to the landsof others who owe them nothing to beg or to seizetheir p roperty.

M em orandum of the products or m eans of ga in inthis land

There is gold both in mines or native deposi ts,

and in placers in the rivers in almost all p arts of theland ; al though , notwithstanding that, not much isseen among the Indians ( al though the mines arerich ) because they are a lazy race , because theslaves a re very arrogant

,and because of the plunder

ing and warfare among themselves,so that they do

not dare to leave thei r houses unless they are in bandsand armed . However

,the chief mines that the

Indians work and of which we have notice,are those

of Pangasinan,Y locos

,those of Paracal i

,Vicor

,

Camarines,and Bongdo . They are al l located in the

isl and of Luzon,and in another island outs ide it

,

called Catandoanes. I tem : In the island of Y ba

bao,in that of Samal

,in that of Masbat

,in the

island that the Spaniards call Verm eja about twoleguas from Curigao, where , according to the reportof the Indians

,was the greatest wealth of all . H ow

ever,that island is now deserted because Of a ce rtain

supers ti tion until the death of the children of theone who was its rule r . Also in many parts of theisl and of Mindanao

,especial ly in the river of Curi

gao,in that of P arasao

,in that of Butuan

,and in that


LETTER FROM MARTIN DE RADA TOVICEROY MARTIN ENRIQUEZ

Most Excellent S i r :May the grace of the Holy Ghost dwell foreverin the soul of your Excellency. I received a lette rf rom your Excel lency last year after the departure ofthe ships from this place

,in which your Excellency

orders me to write at length and minutely of eventsin these islands . Although I wrote your Excellencyl ast year and father Fray D iego de Herrera went tothat country f rom here to report both to your Excellency and to his Maj esty concerning all the mattersof this l and

,and concerning the manner of the con

quest and the wars waged here,and concern ing the

encomiendas : yet inasmuch as we do not know whathappened in the voyage nor how affai rs have beendiscussed there

,I shall briefly retel l the most essen

tial th ings,first advising your Excel lency of what

happened here after [the departure of the Ships] .

This i s that the governor immediately sent CaptainJuan de Sal z edo accompanied by Captain Pedro deChaves and some men to pacify the river of Vicorand the Camarines

,which are located in this same

island of Lusson . The people there are the mostval iant and best armed men of all these islands . Consequently, al though they never attacked the Spaniards

,s ti l l they defended themselves in al l thei r

1 280- 1 605] RADA TO ENRIQUEZ 287

vill ages,and would nbt su rrender unless conquered

by force of arms. Consequently al l those villageswere entered in the same way

,by first summoning

them to submit peacefully,and to pay tribute im

mediately unless they wished war . They repl iedthat they would first p rove those to whom they wereto pay tribute

,and consequently

,the Spaniards

attacking them,an entrance was made among them

by force of arms,and the vil lage was overthrown

and whatever was found pill aged . Then theSpaniards sent to have the natives summoned to subm it peacefully. When the natives came

,they asked

them to immediately give them tribute in gold and toan excessive amount

,for which they promised to

give them writs of peace . Therefo re,s ince all the

people defended themselves,more have perished in

that l and than in any other yet conquered . Afte r hehad accompl ished this

,Juan de Sal z edo returned

with the gold,and left Pedro de Chaves settled on

the river of Vicor with seventy men . Juan de Salz edo having retu rned

,the gove rnor again sent him

with forty or fifty men to colonize Y locos. He apportioned the land among them

,and in that the

governor showed himsel f to be very parti al ; for although three companies had come together fromNueva Espafia, namely, those of Fel ipe de Sal z edo

(which was later transferred to Juan de Salcedo ) ,Artieda

,and Andres de Ivarra

,to only the company

of Juan de Salsedo did he grant repartim ientos,

while he gave nothing at all to those othe r com panies . Al though we have declared here how unjusthas been the affai r of the Y locos

,as i s so evident a

thing,they cannot bel ieve us

,for they have done

nothing the re for two years back but make raids to


tell the people that they should be friends and paytribute immediately . Accordingly

,a portion of the

people gave it through fear,and a portion because

they are not very warl ike ; and they did the samel ately for the second year . They even p illaged thepeople in the place where they fled and wasted theirvill age . They have now gone to collect the tributefor the thi rd time . They have done them no otherbenefit or kindness and have had no other communication or contact with them than the abovesaid . The

s ame thing happened in the isl and of Acuyo whichwas granted some two months ago to Luys de laHaya . The master-of—camp went there about fouryears ago with soldiers and pil l aged them of tributeto the sum of two hundred taes . As they have beenunable to go there since it is out of the way

,the

governor ordered those who went thither for Luysde la Haya to collect the enti re sum that those peopleought to have paid during the past years for hisMajesty

,and the tribute of this year for Luys de la

Haya . But s ince the Indians eithe r refused or wereunable to pay the back tribute

,they paid only that

of the present year . The governor exhibited con

siderable annoyance over this,and finally took one

hal f of what they brought in the name of his

Majesty. Al though there is l i ttle or no justice orreason in the other regions [of the Indias] for thetribute that is asked of those districts

,there is no

trace or surplus of i t here . Besides that the tributethat is col lected from the natives is excess ive andintolerable

,judging by the wretchedness of the na

tives ; and in order that your Excellency may see thesenselessness and harm perpetrated there in all thismatter

,I am enclos ing to your Excellency in this



beginning (not at the firs t entrance in Cubu , but inthe ins ignificant warfare waged at Baybay ) . Thatwas for no other purpose than to destroy some boatsof the natives

,fo r no people o r anything else were

encountered in the vil l ages . Also at other timeswhen they were going in sea rch of provis ions whenthey were suffering di re necessi ty

, [my opinion wasasked] . They also summoned me when it was resolved that the maste r-of—camp should go for thefirs t time to this c ity of Manila . I t was

,however

,

resolved in that council that hostil ities must not beengaged in with the natives

,although the Spania rds

should be provoked . Whether they did i t i s seenfrom the resul t

,for they entered Manil a by force of

arms,and turned the very artillery of the natives

upon the latte r when they were fleeing,and burned

thei r village . I f they have no blame in the matte r,

then let them allege thei r excuses,and that doctrine

has been preached to them often . I gave my“Opin ion in wri ting so that they can clear themselves if they can truly do so ; for I wish that mostheartily

,or any greater good

,rather than that they

should have any blame before God. However,I

cannot discover that they are cleared,for they have

made war and conques t by thei r sole authori ty andwithout his M aj esty’s order . Afte r that they madea false report to his Majesty

,saying that the land

was subdued,and that the natives had become sub

ject to his Majesty voluntari ly and without any war .I would l ike

,just as was shown by our

“Opinion,

”

that you would examine his Majesty’s instructions

,so that one may see whether I say true, or

whether the conquest has been made according to hisMajes ty’s instructions . Many complaints are made

1 1280 -1 605] RADA TO ENRIQUEZ 29 1

against the governor,and some of them with good

reason . For will your Excellency conside r whetherhe can be a good governor who is favorable to b ribes ,and not only that

,but who even asks them from all

persons,even if they be for mean considerations ; and

who although they be given outright and not loaned,

readily grants his pay-warrant [on the treasury] , thepayment for which will be made even if another

[than the original holder] should demand it ; andwho hates to hear Indians on whom he was takingVengeance complain . But insomuch as this i s sonotorious here that your Excellency can get information regarding it f rom all who come to this country

,

I refe r the above to them,as well as othe r sl ight

faults ofwhich I shall s ay nothing although they arepubl ic property . I will say no further

,for I am well

assu red that some one will not be lacking who willgive his pen full sway in this

,to say nothing of his

tongue .Blessed be God

,the ins truction goes on

,and the

Indians are taking i t up . Al ready there are manyChristians here at Manil a . Al though there arerel igious also at Tondo

,Lubao

,Mindoro

,Octon

,

Cubu,Vahi

,and Bonbon

,the Indians have not yet

begun to be converted .

3 1 We priests are l iving eachone s ingly in his own house

,except in Manila where

there are two,and inCubu where there are also two .

Al though some of the rel igious desi re to return tothat Nueva ESpafia because of thei r great sc ruplesconcerning the actions of thi s country and the l ack

3 1 The original at this point is somewhat blind . The las t twosentences read there : Ay ya m uchos xptianos aqui en m anila y en

tondo y en lubao y en m indoro y en Octon y en gubu en vahi y en

bonbon aunque tan bien ay Relig iosos aun no an com engado a

convertirse.


of permanence here,I have detained them and am

detaining them in the hope that your Excellency or

his Majesty will provide the rel ief that is advisableby the firs t ships .A general ep idemic of smallpox has raged herethis yea r, whi ch has spared neither childhood , youth ,nor Old age . I bel ieve that there a re very few whohave not had it ( that is , of the natives ) , and manypeople have died of i t .I have seen one of his Majes ty’s decrees

,in which

he orders the governor to in form him of the causesfor making slaves among these natives . 3 2 Al thoughthe causes might be more largely drawn out

,yet all

the causes might be covered under four heads : thosewho are slaves of long standing or from thei r bi rth ;those by captivi ty ; those fo r crimes ; and those forloans . Al though there is nothing known about thecauses fo r the slavery of those were born sl aves

,be

cause thei r fathers and grandfathers were slaves,i t

is p resumed that the cause is one of the other three .

The cap tives are generally made slaves by unjustwars

,for al l these people are pi rates who go an

nual ly by sea to pillage those who live in carelessease

,or to any village which may not be bound to

them by ties of blood or all i ance . At times whenthey see thei r own people

,they do not even keep

peace wi th them . I speak of the Visayans or P in tados

,who are more quarrelsome than the Lussones

or Moros . However,some villages have just wars

agains t others because the others have shown themsome act of treachery under guise of friendship ; for

See this order in the letter written to Legazpi by Felipe I I ,on November 16, 1568 , ante, p . 237 ; and the report given byGuido de Lavez aris, VOL . 111

, pp . 286-288 .



s ion for the ruination of the land because of the falserelations made there [in Nneva Espafia] . May ourLord p reserve the great and excellent pe rson of yourExcellency and prosper you for many years wi thever increasing station . Manil a

,the l ast of June

,

1574. Your Excellency’s most humble servant andchaplain kisses your hands .

FRAY MARTIN DE HERRADA

LETTER FROM THE ROYAL OFFIC IALSTO FELIPE I I

Sacred Cathol ic Majesty :We wrote your Majes ty a report of occu rrences inthese regions by the ships that left these islands inthe month of July of l as t year . Inasmuch as we haveheard f rom the viceroy and offi cials o f Mexico thatthe letters have been received

,as well as the other

things sent to your Majes ty,we shall repeat nothing

of that lette r in this except to say that the ship “SanJuan

,

” one of the three that set out l ast year,re

tu rned to po rt again,although we thought here at the

time of i ts return that i t was al ready in Nneva Spafia .

Consequently,i t was necessary to allow it to remain

,

and again careen and scrape it since there was timefo r i t. Therefore the deck was again enti rely re

planked and the keel releaded,and it is as good as i f

j ust from the shipyard . I t will sai l somewhat shortof rigging

,for we have not been able to get any

,try as

we would ; and al though we have written to Mexicoasking them to supply it thence

,we have not been

suppl ied because of what wil l be related below in thep resent lette r . However

,i t i s ready to sail at the first

opportuni ty with that defect remedied as well aspossible . Consequently

,we are writing this letter in

order to advise your Majesty of the other things thathave occurred hereabouts .


We are again sending in the ship S an Juan cer

tain cases of earthenware,boxes

,and gold j ewels

which were sent your Majes ty in the same ship lastyear ; and in addi tion , one crown , two chains , andtwo daggers for the prince Don Ffernando our

sovere ign (whom may God preserve for manyyears ) . At the news of his b i rth we thanked our

Lord hearti ly for having given your Majes ty anhei r

,as well as for the good news and the victory of

his most serene [Don Juan] of Austria, against theTurks

,which came together with the news of your

hei r . May our Lord p rese rve . your Majesty andgive you li fe to enjoy such victories for many yearsand other greate r ones for the exaltation of H i s holyCatholic faith .

A ship from Nueva Spar‘

ia arrived here on thes ixth of the p resent month

,which was despatched

by the viceroy and royal oflicials. One night beforethese islands were s ighted

,the other ship separated

[f rom it] , not because of bad weather, but becausethe flagship Struck its sail s while the almi rantapassed on ahead though somewhat senselessly . I t i sthought to be among these isl ands taking on f reshsupplies

,for the Ships sailed somewhat Short . Con

sequently,we are looking for i t daily

,and we have

sent a sea rching party for i t,in case that it needs

anything . I f i t arrives e re the departure of this Ship,

we shall inform your Majes ty of i t . We have al

ready said that we have informed your Majesty of

Of the four sons of Felipe I I and Anna of Austria, only thethird

,Felipe I I I

,lived beyond childhood .

This was the battle of Lepanto, which was fought O ctober7, 1571 . Cervantes, the author of Don Quixote, took part inthis battle, in which he was wounded .



When they have come,we Shal l also advise your

Majes ty of i t . I t will be a great benefit for us whol ive here to have that king as our friend .

The chief and ruler of the river of Mindanao hasalso wri tten a letter to us in which he says that hewishes our friendship and to become your Majesty’svassal . He has put his desi re into works

,for while

the Spaniards were at the point of Cabit barteringfor cinnamon ( for i t i s obtained in quantity there inthat same island called (B indanao) that king camepersonally with five ships laden with food and otherthings for the Spaniards . The Spaniards had al

ready left when he arrived,and

,upon discovering

that,the king dete rmined to send some Moros of this

i sland of Lugon with a lette r, in which he offeredhimself as a friend . They also sent us an oral message by those who came

,to the effect that the chief

would aid and protect us in all our necessi ties . Sincethese two chiefs have become our f riends this wholel and is very quiet . This wil l be of great se rvice toyour Majesty.

The Chinese come hither annually with thei r merchandise

,although they do not bring anything

valuable . Six ships came this year three here andthree to Bindoro . They have been told to bringgood and rare articles

,and they have promised to do

so next year . They were very well satisfied withthe good treatment that has always been and isshown them

,because of the profit that they make in

trade with us . I f they bring rare articles,we shall

serve your Majes ty with what Shall be brought . Thisa rchipelago of i sl ands i s l arge and the islands many .

This i sland of Lucon is the best and larges t of allbecause i t has a numerous population . I t is rich in

1 2230- 1 605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE I I 299

gold,and has mines . So long as the mines are un

worked,your Majesty cannot fai l to incur great

expense in these parts ; and since ships have to besent annually

,as is ordinarily done

,by granting per

miss ion for this to merchants,your Majesty could

send what people had to come here and the reenforcements ; and from the cargoes that they carriedto these parts

,you could impose such and such a per

cent ;whence you could meet the expenses [incurredhere] . Y ou could send only one large ship of fivehundred tons or more

,in which the cinnamon and

other spices and drugs which are being found couldbe carried

,while anothe r consignment could be

carried in each merchantman . This ship which isabout to s ai l now i s small and will not carry morethan eighty quintals o r so of cinnamon . A hugequantity of cinnamon is gathered here and will begathered for next year . We shal l continue yearlyto send to Mexico what can be carried there

,whence

advice will be given to your Majes ty of what will besent as wel l as ofwhat shall have been done in regardto that which has been sent during fo rme r years .We have written to Nueva Spana to the viceroy

and officials of your Maj es ty,notwi thstanding that no

treasures have been sent them since we have not hadthem hithe rto in so great quanti ty

,in order that they

might send us in your Majesty’s name,the necess i ties

that are needed daily in these regions . The officialsreply to us that they have no commiss ion from yourMajesty for i t . We beseech your Majesty to exerciseyour magnanimity and please have your officials ofMexico o rdered to supply us wi th the things forwhich we send to ask them for the service of yourMajesty and the sustenance of this camp . At the


least,we general ly need powder

,arquebuses

,and the

other ammuni tion that i s generally used,besides the

other things that must necessari ly be had,in consid

eration of the fact that your Majesty’s ships mustcome to these dis tricts . For the most abundant thingthat we have for this ship “San Juan” which is nowabout to depart

,i s the poor rigging that i t carries

,

fo r there is no other,although it is taken f rom three

ships which are here . The ship which arrived latelycarried nothing of consideration except that whichit needed for i tsel f . Therefore

,the re is great need

of rigging also . The memorandum which was sentto them the viceroy and the royal officials ofMexico] in the other ships is herewi th enclosed foryour Majes ty

,so that you may please have rigging

p rovided al though it arrive l ate . The viceroy andoffici als wri te us that they have given your Majestya report of i t in the advice ships which they despatched f rom Nueva Espana to your Majes ty.

We have heard that your Majesty sent us certaindecrees in the time of the adelantado [Miguel Lopezde Legazpi] which we have not as yet seen ; but thegovernors retain them without giving us any knowledge of them . We petition your Maj es ty that thedecrees and p rovisions be sent to us henceforth andenclosed in the letters that your Majesty may bepleased to write us

,so that your Maj esty’s orders

to us may be carried out with all dil igence ; and that

you will have the governors of these d i strictso rdered not to meddle in what conce rns the royaltreasury and estate

,in accordance with the conces

sion that your Maj esty has granted to the offici als o fMexico

,and that we be nei the r more nor less than

they,judges and officials of your Maj esty’s royal

es tate ; for so is i t advisable for your royal se rvice .



we have received as yet,and after so long a time

,

al though we were among the firs t to come for thediscovery of this land

,in order that we m ay enjoy

some repartim ientos as conquistadors , explorers , andcolonis ts — at least I the accountant

,Andres Cau

chela . For your Majesty’s treasury has not containedthe wherewithal from which we may be p aid oursalaries because of ass is ting wi th its receipts in theaffai rs of this camp a matter fo r the good of alland in aiding the carpenters and the other men whoare wage earners . Therefore

,we petition your

Majes ty to please remunerate us in this by exercis ingyour so magnanimous power as king and sovereign .

Inasmuch as the governor i s writing to your Majestyat length and is giving you advice Of all the eventsOf these districts

,we refer you to him in this regard .

When Governo r Miguel Lopez de Legasp i died,

Guido de Labacaris was treasurer of your Majesty’s

royal estate . He succeeded Legaspi and is now thegovernor Of these districts .Inasmuch as that Office [of treasurer] becamevacant

,and the factor Andres de M irandaola was

sent a p risoner to Nueva Spana,and hence only the

accountant was left to look after the royal estate,

the governor appointed me,Salvador de Aldave

,to

the office of treasurer unti l your Majesty should p rovide othe rwise . I petition your Majesty to pleaseconcur in this and confirm i t

,in consideration of the

fact that I have se rved your Majes ty well and fai thfully in these parts for more than seven years in thediscovery

,conquest

,and pacification of these is lands .

May our Lord p rese rve your royal Majes ty’s sacredCatholi c person with an increase of greate r kingdoms and seigniories as we your Majesty’s servants

1 2804 605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II 0 3

desi re . Manila,July I 7, Sacred Cathol ic

Majes ty,your Majesty’s fai thful servants who

humbly kiss your royal feet .ANDRES CABCH ELASALVADOR DE ALDAVE

ENCOM IENDAS ASS IGNED BY LEGAZPI

[The following document has been abstractedf rom a portion of the original document by PabloPastel ls

,SJ ,

and is given by him in his editionof Colin ’s Labor evang él ica (Barcelona , i

,

pp . 157, 158, note . In i t wil l be found many of thenames of the early conquistadors

,and abundance of

proof of the inexact knowledge of the country oh

tained by the Spaniards ]In the testimony given by the notary Fernando

R iquel in the ci ty Of Manila , June 2,1576, and

which was taken from the government records,ap

pears an attested relation of the encomiendas whichwere distributed among the original Spanish con

quistadors of Fil ip inas . From this documentespecially noteworthy from the viewpoints Of histo ry

,geography

,and politics

,i t appears that the

islands at the time of Sande ’s arrival,had been

divided into encomiendas in the following manner .In Cebu

,Legazpi assigned to his Majesty the port

and the village as far as Canipata (J anuary 16,

In the rest of the island be apportioned (J anuary 25, 157 1 ) Indians to Jeronimo de Mon

zon ; to Cristobal Sanchez ; and to Francisco Carreno . In Panay

,he assigned to his Majesty

(January 16,1571 ) the rive r and settlement of Panay

from the coast to Catitlan . On October 3 1 , he appor



Arui,and the natives of Barugo

,Uyungan

,Cuyuran,

Naorguan, Bangot, Tibao, Lonio, Gabayan , Lalac,and Tabangan

,with thei r tinguues and hills to Ro

drigo de Vargas ; the Indians Of Tibaguan and Ba

guinguin, with thei r tingues and hills to Es tebanRodriguez ; and the Indians of the river of Karo andthose of the villages Of Calataca

,Pasanhan

,Cabuga,

Alenguen, Samble and Sunam buri, with thei r tingues and hills

,to Francisco Duran . On Ap ril 5,

1572, the natives of Karo and the Othe rs whom Francisco Duran had held to Luis Pérez . On April I5,the Indians of Dulungan, Antique, Bunital , andAs luman to D iego X imenez . On June 1

,the

Indians of the vill ages of Oton with i ts tingues andhill s to Miguel de Loarca . In C ibabao and Pai ta

,

on J anuary 25, I571 , Legazpi assigned thefirs t Indians to Bartolomé C indil a ; to Juan deAguera ; to D iego de Quintanil la ; to

D iego Godinez ; to Damian Gonzalez ;to Antonio Ginovés ; and the same number each to

Juan M endez,Francisco de Torres

,Andrea de

Luca,de la Xari

,and Juan Pérez ; on the river

of Panae of the said islands to Augustin Duerto. Onabove two i sl ands in o rde r to avoid disputes amongFebruary 14, Legazpi uni ted the encomiendas Of thethe encomenderos

,giving the Indians of L im anca

,

Vayan,and Samal to Augustin Duerto and Barto

lomé Andrea ; those of Pai ta to Juan Griego ; those ofCaguayan to Juan Mendez ; those of Buri to Felipede l a Xara ; those of Tunaoyiran to Juan Pérez ;those of Faranas to Andrés de Luca ; those Of Calviga to Juan Gutierrez ; and those Of Bondé to

Miguel Godinez and Antonio G inovés.

In the island Of Mindanao,the chief river

1 2804 605] ENCOM IENDAS ASSIGNED 307

Vindanao,the point of Cauit

,the port of Calde ra,

the vi ll age of Zamboanga and al l the vill ages andcoast where C innamon is grown

,were assigned by the

adelantado to his Majes ty on J anuary 16,1571 . On

J anuary 25, he ass igned to Juan Griego the nativesOf the vi ll ages of Cagayan

,Gonpot, and Tago

with thei r tingfies and hills ; to PedroB rizeno de Oseguera

,regido r of the town of Santi

simo Nombre de Jesus,the Indians of Dap i tan

,S i

Gayap,Siripolo (D ipolog ) and Guindayan ( I l aya ) ,

wi th thei r tingues and hills ; to Pedro Navarro andGarci S ie rras Chacon

,the rivers and vill ages of

Surigao and Parasao,with thei r tingues and hills ;

and to D iego de Porras,the vill ages of Layaguan,

Luculan,and Silam aylegue with their tingues and

hills . The same adelantado ass igned,on J anuary 25,

157 1 , to Luis de Santa Cruz the first two thousandIndians to be reduced ; to D iego Lopez Povedano,a l ike number ; and the same to Mateo Sanchez ,Domingo de Zuazo

,Benito de la Cerda

,Francisco

Rodriguez,Sim én Garcia

,Andrés de Vi ll alobos

,

and Pedro I sardo ; to Alonso Osorio,Martin

Lopez,Bartolomé Madrigal

,Juan Gutiérrez

,Cris

tObal N I’

Ifiez Parej a,Miguel Galvan

,Gaspar Ruiz

,

and Martin de Campos . He did not ass ign the

above any definite vill ages,but the tribute was to be

divided p ro rata in proportion to the number conceded to each one . However

,in orde r to avoid dis

putes,on September 6 of that s ame year

,Legazpi

ass igned to Francisco Rodriguez and Luis de SantaCruz the rivers Of Tanac

,D avi

,and Monalongon,

with thei r tingues and hills ; to Francisco Tel lez ,Domingo Zuazo

,Beni to de la Cerda

,Martin

Lopez,Simon Garcia

,and Martin de Campos

,the

308 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS : [v01. 34

river and villages of 110 and M ajam io, with thei rtingues ; to Andrés de Vi l l alobos , D iego LopezPovedano

,Mateo Sanchez

,and Pedro I sardo

,the

river and vil lages Of Inabangan and Adel inte, withthei r tingues ; to Juan Gutiérrez Cortés , the rive r ofBago ; to Gaspar Ruiz , that of Tigaguan, and to

Cristobal Nunez Parej a,that of Caracol . In the

isl and Of Lei te,Legazpi ass igned

,on J anuary 25,

1571 , the two thousand Indians first reduced to JuanMartin ; to Juan Vexarano

,Lazaro B ruz o

,

Alonso de Henao,Francisco de Sep I

’

I lveda,and

Pedro SCdCfiO '

1 500 to Juan de Truj illo,Juan Fer

nandez de Leon,Lorenzo de Vil lafafia

,Gaspar de

los Reyes,and Martin de Agui rre . September 5,

157 1 , he assigned Indians to Francisco deQui ros . On the sixth

,he assigned to the abovesaid

the villages and environs of Maracaya, Omoe, Calbacan

,and the rive rs of Barugo

,Palos

,Vi to

,Mayay,

Vincay, Inunganga, Zuundaya, Cabali an , Minaya,and de los M arti res of the martyrs] , and thevillages of Sugut

,Canam ocan

,and I longos .

In the isl and Of Luzon,J anua ry 16

,157 1 , he as

s igned to his Majesty the settlements of Manil a,the

port Of Cavite,and the seacoast settlements lying

between them . July 28,he conceded to Goiti

Indi ans of the lake and river of Bom bén ;November14, to Juan Gonzalez de Pedraza , the villages ofBondo

,Butanguian, Tonacatan, Marabatau

,Pu

rusgu, Manil au,M ahauay , Naos

,Cam aurén

,

Tarique, M acabaras,Bigo

,and Nuslan ; to Fer

nando Riquel , the Indians of the p rincipal b ranchof the river M acabur

,and i ts c reeks ; to Andres de

Ibarra,from the poin t of the bay of Manila

,to the

terminus of Bonbon ; to Juan de la I sla, the Indians


3 I 0 TH E PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

of the bay,and 7 on the coast Opposi te the entrance

to I balén,called Busaygan. In the islands of Min

doro,Luban

,and E l in

,on J anuary 16

,Legazpi as

s igned to his Maj esty the port and vil lage of Vindoro . Ap ril 15, 1572, he assigned to Fel ipe Salcedothe rest of the island ofVindoro

,and those of Luban

and E l in . Apri l 10,1571 , the island of I m aras

,to

Juan Ramos ; February 12,to Andrés Lopez Pove

dano and to Andrés de Vi l lalobos,the isl ands of

Masbat,Capul

,and Macagua ; April 1 1 , 1571 , the

i sland of Maripipi to Agustin Duerto ; J anuary 25,I 571 , the island ofCam iguinin to Pedro de Figueroa ;November 2

,those Of Tablas and Cubuyan, and the

creeks of Mahalud,of the isl and of P anae

,to Alva ro

de Angulo ; June 28, 157 1 , the islands of Bohol andBantayan to Rodrigo de Frias ; Octobe r 3 1 , of thesame yea r, the islands ofMal induque and BantOn toPedro de Mena ;April 24, that of Donblén to Gonzalo Riquel ; September 12, 1572, that of Cagal lanesor Negros to Benito de la Cerda

,Domingo de Zuazo

,

Francisco Tel lez,Martin Lopez

,Simon Garci a

,

and Martin de Campos . For brevi ty we omit the en

com iendas ass igned by Lavez aris and Docto r Sande,which are also named in this document. This document shows 143 encomenderos whose names areexpressed in i t.

DOCUMENTS OF 1580-1605

Lette r to the viceroy of Nueva Espana , Martin Eu

riquez . M Iguel Loarca ;June I 5, 1580 .

Letter to Gregory X I I I . Pablo de J esus,

14 Kalends of July, 1580 .

Bishop Salazar’s Council regarding slaves . [No

tarial document s igned by Bishop Domingo de

Salazar,O .P . ;Octobe r 17,

Erection of Manila cathedral . Bishop Domingo deSalazar

,O .P . ;December 21 , 158 1 .

Lette r to Felipe I I . Antonio Sedeno,S .J . ; June 17,

1583 .

Letter to Fel ipe I I . B ishop Domingo de SalazarO .P . ;June 18, 1583 .

Relation Of the Phil ip inas I s lands . [Uns igned andundated ;

Lette r to Felipe I I . Juan Bautis ta Roman ; July 2,1588.

Lette r to Fel ipe I I . Gomez Pe rez Dasm arifias ;

June 21,1591 .

Royal decree regarding hospi tals fo r natives . Fel ipeI I ; J anuary 17, 1593 .

Augustinian affai rs . Thomas Marquez,

andthe nuncio of Spain ; 1599.

Letter to Felipe I I I f rom the eccles iastical cab ildo .

Juan de Bivero,and others ;July 3 , 1602.

Le tte r to Felipe I I I . Bernardino Maldonado ; June

SOURCES : These documents are al l obtained from MSS. inthe Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, except the second and

eleventh , which are obtained from MSS. in the archives of theVatican , Rome, and the seventh which is Obtained from a pamphletin the B ritish Museum .

TRANSLATIONS : The second , fourth , and eleventh are by Rev .

T . C . Middleton , the remainder are by James AlexanderRobertson .



as a man who has seen it all and understands a part .I peti tion your Excellency most humbly to pardonmy extreme boldness . I t is a fact that nei ther hisMajesty in E spana nor your Excellency in that landare informed truly of what is advisable for the

p rosecution of these conquests and the increase of

his royal c rown . Consequently,just the reverse to

what is necessa ry here is enacted,and thus the money

is wasted,and all the men who are sent are exhausted .

I have recognized this during the p resent year morestrongly than in fo rmer years . I would will ingly bemore specific

,but I am sharply warned by experi

ence . Thus the letters which I wrote to your Excellency l ast year which were carried by father FrayJeronimo Marin

,

3 8 the latter wrote me were eithe rlost o r stolen from him . Next year

,i f i t p lease God

to have Captain Pedro Caraballo make the journey,

I shall dare to write your Excellency at greaterlength . I beg your Excellency to make use Of me asa se rvant and to shield me with your p rotection .

That is what sustains all of us who are here ; and Ineed i t more today than any one else . For

,s ince I

had the shipyards for two years in my vil lageswithout receiving any salary

,and without anything

needed for the construction of the ships being furnished

,or help being sent to those who were working

there,and s ince I was continually written by D r .

Sande and his Majesty’s Officials that the royal treas

See VOL . VI , p . 1 16, note 28 ; also Loarca’

s Relation, VOL . v,

PD 34-187.

3 8 See VOL . VI , p . 88 , note 22.

3 9 The preceding document says that Legazpi assigned the Villages of O ton (where the shipyard was established ) to Miguel deLoarca , June 1 , 1572.

1 2804 605] LOARCA TO ENRIQUEZ 3 I 5

ury was enti rely emp ty,and that I should advance

money from my household : consequently,as I at

tended to my Obl igations in his Maj esty’s se rvice,I

Spent all my substance and have exhausted all myrepartimiento . Therefore have I become poor andhave now so l i ttle rel ief f rom any reward unless yourExcel lency concedes i t f rom there by ordering it tobe given me . May our Lord p rese rve your Excellency

’

s person for many long and happy years wi ththe health and inc reas ing p rosperity that you rExcel lency merits and that your Excellency’s servants desi re . The city of Manill a

,June 15, 1580 .

Most excellent s i r,your Excel lency’s humble serv

ant kisses the very excellent hands Of yourExcellency .

MIGUEL DE LUARCA

LETTER FROM PABLO DE JESUS TOGREGORY x111

Account of the journey to the P hilippine I slands ofB rother P aul de J esus of the cong rega tion of the

disca lced [F ranciscans] .

To the most blessed father Gregory X I I I,Chief

pontiff,the humble congregation of discalced breth

ren res ident in the Phil ippine I slands offer homage .S ince in the midst of such weighty

,such burden

some labors and sorrows the while everywhere themigh ty forces o f so many and such various heres iesa re rais ing up storms against the Church

,and th reat

ening i t as i t were with sword and flame,nay

,even

utter des truction,there is no doubt that with the same

chari ty wherewith,as the true father of all

,thou

dos t embrace al l,thou dep lorest this most grievous

loss of souls ; nor can that benigni ty and clemency ofthy spi ri t

,which is f rom on high

,bear without

grieving,nor grieve without ceasing

,for this most

di reful plague that is dai ly sp reading apace in thes ight of all men

,with the havoc of towns

,C i ties

,

provinces,even kingdoms that at one time were the

flourishing abodes of Cathol ic fai th and piety.

Therefore,most blessed Father

,i t has seemed worth

our while,as well as ou r duty

,as thy mos t loyal

children,to strengthen thy Blessedness as i t were with

fresh pleasure and fresh joy,through the recountal


3 I 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

rice,and other eatables

,which they barte red for

i ron,which they value more than gold . Some of our

companions through pity for those islanders wishedto remain with them

,in order to bring them to the

l ight of the faith . But we did not think i t wise toleave them alone and without arms among such amulti tude of barbari ans . Sail ing thence we soonreached the Phil ipp ine I sl ands

,where we found the

fathers of the Augustinian order,who

,fai rly worn

out with thei r unspeakable hardships,toi ls

,dangers

,

and sufferings for the last twelve years,gave us the

heartiest Of welcomes . In the beginning theyseemed to be wi thout any hOpe that we ever couldbring those Indians to the l ight of the Christianfai th ; al l thei r l abors , they said, had been fruitless ,thei r efforts in vain

,thei r toil for the benefit o f those

people without result . For twelve years they hademployed every endeavor

,nor left anything undone

whereby they might induce them to forswea r theiri dol s and embrace the true Catholic religion

,but al l

to no purpose . Wherefore,they had i t in mind to

prepare for baptism only those whose tender andyouthful age gave p romise of success . But happilyby divine bounty

,before long

,afte r hope had given

out,afte r we had been s tationed in different parts of

the islands,so great a multi tude of men

,women

,and

Chi ldren flocked to us for instruction and baptism,

that we were unable to cope with thei r numbers amatte r that was the more wonderful s ince this wildand savage race of men had never displayed thesl ightes t trace of rel igion

,and had nei ther places of

worship,nor sacrifices . Ve ry many of them p rae

ticed C i rcumcision and many other similar vanitiesfrom thei r relationships with the Mahometans of

1 280 ~ 1 6°51PABL0 DE J ESUS TO GREGORY XI I I

Burneo,an island three hundred leagues distant .

Thus they would not eat swine-meat,nor that Of ani

mals that had been strangled,besides other such prae

tices . Some of them,who practiced ci rcumcis ion

,

traced i ts origin not to the Mahometans,with whom

they had no acquaintance,but to thei r own very re

mote ancesto rs . Some of them worshiped a certainbi rd

,othe rs the c rocodi le ; for holding the same fancy

regarding the transmigration of souls as was held byPythagoras in his pal ingenes is

,they believed that

,

afte r certain cycles Of years,the souls of thei r fore

fathers were tu rned into crocodi les . To thei r parents and children after death

,they erected statues

rudely hewn of wood,in the bel ief that the souls Of

the deceased found lodging in such images . Theyceleb rated Bacchanal ian feasts with drinking-boutsand barbarous outcries

,with Offerings Of food and

garments made to the idols themselves,f rom which

they sought health and riches . They worshiped themoon , with sacrificial Offerings to i t in many placesat the time Of the new moon . Priapus 4‘ afte r a semilar fashion of the Romans they revered as the guardian of thei r fields . Among these Indians werep riests known as ca tolonas

,who were held in such

respect that,i f they prophesied of a person i ll o f any

disease that he would die of that disease,forthwith

the poo r patient refusing all food would soon end hisl i fe through sta rvation . Among them are no real

P riapus , the son of D ionysus and Aphrodite , was the god of

fruitfulness of the field and of the herd . Horticulture, v inegrowing, goat and sheep-herding, bee—keeping, and even fishingwere under his protection . H is statues ( generally cut out of

wood , stained with vermilion ) with a club and sickle and a

phallic symbol of the creative and fructi fying power of naturewere usually placed in gardens. See Seyffert

’

s D ictionary ofC lassical Antiquities, p. 515.


rulers and no form of adminis trative government .Whoever among them is mighties t in s trength andriches

,whether by force or s trategy

,reduces al l

others to bondage to himsel f . As among them therei s constant recourse to bloodshed

,robbery

,and

plundering,so nothing is ever settled by agreement

or l aw . With regard to marriage the same customdoes not hold everywhere . For some

,the far greater

majori ty,even recognize no real marriage bonds

,as

for the most trivial reasons they divorce thei r wives,

take up with othe r women,some of them

,the

Chieftains especi ally,whom they style m aguinoos,

having two wives at one time . We have been tol dthat among some Indian tribes the laws Of marriagea re held in much higher regard . For after the marriage ri te has been perfo rmed, prayers a re offered tothe gods to endow the spouses wi th frui tfulness

,no r

ever let them be sunde red save by death ; otherwise,should they be parted

,they are cursed and the wrath

of the gods called down upon them . Should anyperson be guil ty of securing a divorce

,the culp ri t

i s punished,the wife with the loss of her dowry

,the

husband wi th the payment of gold . Whoever v iolated these ancestral ri tes and customs forfei ted therespect Of the people . ‘By nature these barbari ansare sharp-witted beyond bel ief

,and gifted with such

tenaci ty of memory that whatever they once havebeen taught

,fo r they are wonderfully quick in

learning,they rarely i f ever fo rget. Therefore

,they

easily yield to truth,and when shown what is wrong

,

quickly detest i t,treating the b rethren who go among

them preaching with courtesy and kindness . Nay,not infrequently

,they themselves seek out a brother

,

to whom as they hearken wi th readiness they let him



a place inhabi ted by Portuguese,and dis tant from

Quanton on the mainland twenty leagues away,where two of our pries ts to the great delight of thepatriarch and the Portuguese found a home in themonaste ry which they buil t . 42 Therein the fathershoped that with the defeat of the demon ’s sway avas t field would be Opened to the p reaching of thegospel . The kingdom of China is immense

,being

even a thousand leagues in extent,with such a multi

tude of inhabi tants that the whole kingdom seemsone mighty city. The Chinese are fai r of color

,with

small eyes,much given to traflicking, sharp -witted ,

and masters at trade,though in matters that concern

the safety Of soul exceedingly dull and senseless .Though fond Of letters they yet are as babes inscience

,with naught of artistic pol ish . Among

them he is held as the greatest scholar who is thequickest to read and wri te

,and from such as these

are chosen governors,judges

,viceroys

,whom the

people revere as gods . Above all other nations theyare given to so rcery

,supers ti tion

,and idol-worship .

The sky they style the father of the gods,while to

the moon to whom they pay thei r vows,they offer a

sheep,pig

,goat

,and bull . To such men as they

judge are superio r to others in b ravery and p robi tyof l i fe they rear statues . They have too thei r ownmonks and hermi ts

,who l iving in out-of-the-way

places feed on herbs and frui ts of trees under thebel ief that afte r death they will be summoned by themoon to a residence in the sky. Among them reignsa great concern for the Observance of equi ty

,along

with great skill in the management of the s tate . In

4“See account of the Franciscan expedition to China byGonz alez de Mendoz a in VOL . VI , pp 125—134.

41280-1 605] PABLO DE JESUS TO GREGORY x111 3 23

thei r women so high is thei r regard for modesty,even

in the largest and weal thiest ci ties,that barely one

ever was seen by Ours . The men are most unchaste,utter sl aves to sodomy

,and so vain as to think them

selves the wisest Of men .

Inasmuch,most blessed Father

,as we were in

doubt what course to follow with regard to men,who

having set asi de thei r first wife had married another,

f rom whom no separation seemed feasib le - a

stumbling-block too of no l i ttle importance in theway of thei r conversion

,we read the letters o f the

predecesso r Of thy Holiness,Pius the Fi fth of happy

memory,which we have taken care shall accompany

this letter to thy Blessedness :Inasmuch as we foresaw that many of these

[heathen] , i f bound to retu rn to thei r firs t wives,

would refuse baptism,after reading those letters we

allowed them,after baptism

,to l ive wi th the wives

they then were mated with,al though thei r fo rmer

wives were sti l l l iving,whom they had divorced too

for the most trivi al of reasons . We were bl amedby some who held that the privilege of Pope P iusthe Fi fth of happy memory was to be understood asapplying to those who no longer remembered whichof thei r wives had been married first . But this doesnot seem reasonable i f the ground alleged in thisp rivilege be well considered ;moreove r, p rior to thisprivi lege is another granted by Paul the Thi rd of

blessed memory,wherein this very case of one ’s sep

aration from his first wi fe is recognized,Should he

fai l to know which of them really was firs t. But thesecond privilege

,i t seems

,ought to have a broade r

application than the former . Tell us now,most

blessed Father,we humbly implore thee

,what we are

324 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol -34

to do — what course to take as to the past,what pro

V is ion for the future — whether in the case of wiveswho have been set as ide for the flim siest of reasons

,

nay,for none save sheer lust of passion

,the [second]

marriages are to be recognized when made in pursuance of common custom and as i t were by force Ofl aw . For thus we shall be rel ieved of the chief p artof our burden not only here

,but in the kingdom of

China . Let thy Blessedness also give instructions tothe end that we be not hindered in any way by theSpaniards when traveling to heathen countries

,no

matter where they be,but on the contrary that we be

ai ded in every manner with due help and favor . Letthy Blessedness also impart from the treasu res ofholy Church a share of indulgences to this new plantation and to us, the most unworthy servants of thyBlessedness

,especially that

,whenever mass be sa id at

any al tar in the Phil ipp ines and at any in the kingdom of China

,through the mercy Of God a soul be

f reed from the pains of purgatory. God grant,most

blessed Pontiff,especially through thy prayers and

aid,that the intestine storms and havoc of heresy be

quelled,the pride of the Turks laid low

,that with

al l peoples brought to the l ight Of Cathol ic fai th inthis thy age

,with thee reigning as pontiff

,be ful

fil led to thy supreme praise that p rediction of our

Savior “There shal l be one fold and one shepherd” [John x, Manila 14 Kalends of July,1580 .

The most obedient son of thy Hol iness ,BROTHER PABLO DE JESUS

,

and all our congregation .



Fray Francisco M anrrique, p rior of the monaste ryof St . Augustine in Manila

,Fray D iego de Mux

ica,prior Of the said convent of Tondo

,Father

Alonso Sanchez,

of the Society of J esus,Fray Cris

tobal de Salvatierraf9

of the Order of St . Dominicand the bishop ’s associ ate

,Fray Puan de Plasencia

,

50

of the Order of St . Francis,and Fray Alonso de

Castro 51 and Fray Juan Pimentel,of the Order of S t .

He entered the Society of Jesus in 1558 or 1559 , and studied at

Padua, while at Rome he had charge of the German college.There he was assigned to the Japanese missions. He was sentto Nueva Espana in 1572, after his campaign in Florida in 1568 .

After going to the Philippines, it is said that he planned the firstreal fortifications of Manila. He endeavored to introduce silkraising into the islands, and planted many mulberry trees for thatpurpose ; although his efforts failed . He also introduced manyplants into the islands . H is death occurred , according to Sommervogel , September 2,

1595, after having served his order as rectorOf lVI anila and vice-provincial . Colin ( p . 197) gives his officialpermission for Sanchez ’s journey to Spain in 1586. See Colin ’sLabor evange

’

l ica, pp . 3 35-342, and Sommervogel ’s B ibl iothéque.

See VOL . XXIII,p . 226, note 79.

See VOL . XXII I,p . 224, note 76.

See VOL . VI I , p . 137, note 9 . He was born at Mondejar in1547, and entered the Jesuit novitiate at Alcala, June 18 , 1565.

He went to Mexico in 1579, going thence immediately to the

Philippines. He was twice in China. On his memorable journeyto Spain in 1586, he also went to Rome. He died at Alcala, May

27, 1593 . See Colin ’s Labor evang e’

l ica, pp . 167-3 17 ( a portion

of which consists of documents by Sanchez ) , and SommerVogel ’s B ibliotheque.

49 C ristébal de Salvatierra was a native of Salvatierra in Extrem adura, and professed in the Dominican convent at Salamanca , August 27, 1571 . He accompanied B ishop Salazar to thePhilippines. He became provisor, and was inexorable in his denunciations of all immorality ; but notwithstanding his duties inthat Office had time to minister to the natives. He died early in1595, deeply regretted . See R esena biog .

, i , pp . 50-52.

5° See VOL . VI I , p . 185, note 21 .

Alonso de Castro was born in Mejialburgis, and took theAugustinian habit at Salamanca in 1559. He went to the Phil

1 280 -1 605] COUNCIL REGARDING SLAVES 327

Augustine,summoned and assembled in the said

monastery. He informed them that the very i llustrions Don Goncalo Ronquillo de Pefialosa, his M ajesty

’s governor of these said islands had communi

cated with his Lordship in regard to the decree con

cerm ng the slaves certain methods that he thoughtadvisable in order that his Majesty’s instructions inregard to the matter might be carried out with moremildness and less severi ty and hardship to the community. Thei r Lordships having exchanged op inions regarding the matte r

,the bishop declared that

he thought the matter one of so great seriousness asi t touched so deeply on the l i fe and conscience that itought not to be determined without refe rring i t to thep relates of the orders and the learned and weightypersons of the orders . For his Majesty had sent himto that l and and was supporting them there for suchnecessi ties and cases . After his Lo rdship had info rmed all the abovesaid fathers of the above matter,he said that he had assembled them in order to l aythe following matte rs befo re them .

Fi rst : Whether the hardship that i t i s thought

ipp ines in 1577, where he became proficient in the Tagalog and

Visayan languages. In 1578 he labored in Calumpit ; in 158 1 in

Tigbauan ; in Tondo in 1583 , and in O tOn in 1587. H e waselected prior Of Manila in 1589, and presided at the provincialchapter of 1593 as senior definitor. Felipe I I proposed him as

bishop of Nueva Caceres but he died ( 1597) before he couldassume the Oflice. He wrote three volumes of certain “moral happenings” that occurred during his stay in the Visayas. See Perez

’

s

Cata’

logo, p. 18 .

Juan P imentel was born at Alba de Tormes, and professedat the Valladolid convent. He reached the Phil ippines

,by way

of Mexico, with a mission of twenty religious in 158 1 . Havingaccompanied Father Andrés Aguirre to Spain on an importantmission in 1582, he died at the Burgos convent in 1586. SeePerez ’s Cata'log o, p. 22.


will follow on the part of those who hold slaves orany other reason that the former can Offe r in thei rbehal f will be a sufficient reason so that the governormay in conscience neglect to publi sh and execute thesaid decree .

Second : Whether,after the publication and or

der to execute [the decree] , he can in conscience neglect the prosecution of its terms and execution because Of the peti tion that may be presented to his

Majesty in behal f of the masters Of the slaves .Third : Whether

,afte r the said decree has been

ordered executed,the governor can in good con

science ass ign any l imi t within which the maste rsshall release the slaves and the latter be recognizedas f ree ; o r whether the masters be obl iged to declarethem free immediately . Inasmuch as the matte r isso serious the bishop reques ted and charged them tocommend it to God

,and to consider and confer

,and

then under charge of thei r consciences to declarethei r op inion with al l freedom and truth . Afte r theyhad examined and conferred upon the matte r amongthemselves

,they resolved as follows .

In reply to the first point they declared that hisMaj esty’s decree is no new law or order

,but a dec

laration of the justice that the matter of the Indianshas of i tsel f

,and a reply and resolution of the peti

tions and reports that have been made from here . I tis the confirmation of anothe r decree given for thesame purpose by the emperor Carlos Fifth of blessedmemory in the former year one thousand five hundred and thi rty . He ordered therein that from the

time of i ts date and thenceforth al l the Indians yetdiscovered or to be discovered should not be allowedto become sl aves however they might be acqui red

,



custom of al l the other Y ndias,in al l o f which noth

ing contra ry has ever been allowed or any slave perm itted . Hence

,i t is Clear that the present peti tion is

only a means to postpone and prolong the injustice .

The judge on whom this matter devolves cannot in

good conscience neglect to execute the decree and tofu rther the l iberty of the Indians

,in sp ite o f any pe

ti tion or effort to the contrary.

In reply to the thi rd point,they declared that the

f reedom of the Indians could not be deferred as i twas a matter o f natural and divine right and Clea rjustice

,jus t as he who has anything belonging to an

other is obliged instantly to resto re i t,as soon as he

knows i t,and the judge who tries the case is bound to

order the res toration . However,they thought that i f

the Indians were declared free immediately andwere set at l iberty

,the governor could order them

not to leave thei r masters for a brief time,because of

the trouble that they would suffer i f thei r sl aves leftthem suddenly. When they were asked how long hisLordship could detain them in the power of thei rmasters without endangering his conscience

,they

said that that depended on the judgment of good andp rudent sense . They all thought that his Lordshipmight extend the time for them for the space of

twenty or thi rty days . Whoever dared to detainthem for a longer period would be committing m or

tal s in and be obl iged to make resti tution .

The bishop having examined the opinions of theabovesaid fathe rs

,declared that after he had left his

Lordship he had also considered the matter verydeeply and had conferred upon i t with grave andvery erudi te persons of conscience . The above Opinions and the final resolution of the fathers seemed to

1 2250-1 605] COUNCIL REGARDING SLAVES 3 3 1

him to be qui te in harmony with the law of God,and

with natural,divine

,and human law

,and to be estab

l ished on enti re truth and justice . As such he ap

p roved and confirmed those opinions and said thathi s opin ion was the same as thei rs . In the name ofthe Father

,Son

,and Holy ‘Ghost

,amen . H i s Lord

ship s igned the same and ordered i t sealed with hisseal . The others above named

,who gave thei r opin

ions in the form herein contained,nem ine discre

pante, also signed i t . Given in the convent ofTondo ,October seventeen

,of the above-mentioned year .

This opinion was given to the governor with the s ignatures of all the rel igious herein contained . In testim ony thereof , I aflixed my signature to i t .

FRAY DOM INGO,bishop Of the Fil ip inas.

ERECTION OF THE MANILACATHEDRAL

Brother Domingo de Salazar,by the grace of God

and of the Apos tolic See bishop of the Phil ippines,

to all the inhabi tants thereof,of ei ther sex

,fai thful

Of Chris t,health in H im

,who is heal th indeed .

The providence of our Almighty God is such as i talways has been and will be for all time

,that as ages

rol l by He rese rves the doing of certain wonders,

whereby those things which happened to early generations are more readily bel ieved by thei r poste ri ty

,

while thei r descendants are led through the noveltyOf those wonders to a knowledge of H im . Thuswonderful formerly was i t that God led the Childrenof I s rael

,whom He had brought forth from Egypt

,

on dry land across the Red Sea . While afte r thedeath of those who had been eyewi tnesses of thismarvel i t was bel ieved by thei r children

,j us t as i t

was bel ieved that God had the river bed of the Jordan made dry in order that He might lead them intothe Land of Promise . But not to delay in recall ingthe marvels that as we read took place in the days ofour early fathers

,let us pass to those that are nearer

our times . Accordingly,with the fulfilment of our

redemption,our Redeemer being seated at the right

See the bull for the erection of the Manila cathedral inVOL . IV,

pp . 1 19-124.


3 34 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 3 4

concern than that of bodily sense,should without

mi racles,with no display of signs

,but only through

the p reaching of the word of God,have been con

verted to fai th in Chris t and bowed thei r necks to theChris ti an religion

,when in thei r convers ion of the

Romans,haughty as these were through thei r con

quests,or the

"

Greeks filled with thei r p ri de of lette rs,

the apostl es gave many signs,and before thei r very

eyes wrought so many and such stupendous mi racles,

that for men,through the employment of sense alone

,

not to be converted,would have been far stranger

than thei r conversion afte r seeing so many marvels.

But I am aware that many of Ours will assert thatthe heathen of our time were won over to Christ andH i s teachings not through persuas ion but compelledthereto by the power of arms . But this very factwhich concerns this question very closely

,displays

the more marvelous power of our God and thegreater influence of H i s most holy faith

,namely

,that

human beings ensl aved through force of arms,men

dragged into most pi ti able bondage by savage enem i es and stripped of thei r wives

,thei r offsp ring

,and

substance,should yearn to profess fai th in that God

and embrace H is l aw from whose followers theyhave received so many and such woful wrongs

,and

who by thei r p ractice belie the faith they have taught.And what is s till further amazing is the fact of thei rconvers ion to this fai th by ministers

,who nei ther

healed thei r s ick as Peter,nor raised thei r dead as

did the apostles,nor spake with tongues

,but who

without mi racles of any kind,without any signs

whateve r,save the preaching of the word of God,

led them to embrace the fai th . Nay,what is even

more wonderful,they were converted by ministers

1 2804 605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 3 35

who,though many of them were of unsull ied l ife,

and deeply skilled in letters , yet ( there i s the fact,which

,however

,we wish not to record as censu re

of any speci al individual but fo r the glory of Godand as s ignal p roof of the power of faith ) , some ofthem were men utte r strangers to lea rning

,and

(what is more shameful ) with but l i ttle res traint onthei r lusts and vices . SO great

,however

,was the in

fluence and power of faith whereby,through the

medium of such minis ters,who portrayed i ts vi rtue

by thei r preaching,so many thousands of barbarians

were b rought to the bosom Of holy Mother Church,

thei r number too still dai ly increasing more andmore

,that we may recognize that the grandeur of

the work is of God .

Thus,as one may see

,this plain p reaching of the

word Of God won over for Chris t and H is church anew world

,as i t is styled

,mightier than the Old . For

that so great and marvelous work,the benigni ty of

our God,whose p rovidence in human affai rs is never

wanting,received our most glorious rulers Of the

Spains,the Cathol ic Sove reigns

,at the b idding of

the holy Cathol ic Church,so that what He foresaw

should be lacking to preachers,might be supplied

by those most powerful and most Christi an kings athing which was mani festly p roved by the resul t .For with such eagerness

,such zeal for the sp read of

the fai th and the Christi an religion did the sove teigns themselves welcome the task and minis try thusentrus ted to them by the Roman Church

,that bei

grudging no expense,undaunted by toil s o r dangers

,

moved neither by losses nor hardships,they at no

time set any bounds to thei r Venture . Nay,with no

concern for these o r other l ike drawbacks,they labor


fo r this sole end that by the inhabitants of the newworld the Lord Chris t might be acknowledged

,wel

comed,and adored . Hence at the bidding and ex

pense of our kings have so many preachers Of themendicant orders and secular cle rgy been enl isted toscour this new world and lead barbarous men to theworship of the true God . Hence so many Spanishwarriors [have been enl isted] to guard these p reachers f rom receiving harm from the barbaric cruelty ofinfidels. Hence

,in fine

,so many metropoli tan

,so

many minor cathedral Churches,have been e rected

,

and sees established,whereby the hierarchical order

as maintained by the Roman Church,might be up

held,and the budding colonies planted in the garden

of the Church bring forth fruit of thei r conversion .

Moreover,in order that nothing might be lacking to

our most Chris ti an king Phil ip,in his endeavor to

set further forward the bounds of the RomanChurch

,as he knew had been the practice Of his fore

fathers,f rom whom he had inheri ted zeal fo r the

fai th and the Chris ti an religion,as well as kingdoms

without bound,under his auspices were discovered

the i sles of the west called the Phil ippines after hisname

,which besides being innumerable

,abound in

worshipers without number,to whom at the behest

of the Cathol ic king,and not without great loss to

his treasury,and many hardships and dangers to his

soldie rs,the truth of the Gospel has been announced

,

and hearkened to by no petty number,which daily

even grows greater,so that one may see fulfil led the

prophecy of Isai as,wherein he says : “The islands

saw it,and feared

,the ends Of the earth were aston

ishod,they drew near

,and came and again : “Thy

sons shal l come from afar Then shal t thou see,


3 38 T—HE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

of Magellan,then through the region of Chile and

the kingdoms of Peru,how many thousands of

leagues would you not have to cover,and Of how

many races of men would you not have to s tudy diverse customs

,besides languages beyond count ?

Moreover should you embrace the countries , which ,hitherto the property of the kings of LusitaniaPortugal] , now by right of success ion have fallen tothe crown of Castile ( to our invincible monarchPhil ip ) you would s tyle king Phil ip maste r of theworld rather than by any other ti tle . For if

,afte r his

victo ry over D arius and certain other kings of As i a,

Alexander of Macedon Cl aimed to be maste r of theworld ; i f the Romans who however planted not thei rbanners on the farthest shores of Europe

,or Af rica

,

nor could subdue the whole of As i a,albei t they too

styled themselves conquerors and maste rs of theworld : by how much stronger right may not thekings of Spain be enti tled

,as in fact they are

,the

masters of the world,when under thei r rule and

sway have fallen kingdoms without number,of

boundless extent,whose very names were unknown

to Alexander or to Roman ear . Lest however ourwords bear us farther away from our purpose

,retu rn

we thi ther .Accordingly

,to the end that

,as was befitting the

grandeur of his zeal,he might act in full correspond

ence with so excellent and divine a Charge the conversion of peoples — which through his forefa thershe had received from God and Church

,our most

Christi an and truly pious and Cathol ic king Phil ip,

in order that thence the l ight of the Gospel mightspread to foreign lands

,choose therefo re of all the

1 2230 - 1 605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 3 39

Phil ipp ine I sl ands,Luzon

,which bes ides being

nearer to the mos t mighty kingdom of the “Sim

rum,

” commonly sty led China, i s neare r also to theJ apanese

,the Moluccas

,Burneo

,and the J avas

,

greater and lesser,besides other well-known islands .

Wherefore,the aforesaid Cathol ic sove reign Ob

fained f rom our most holy maste r Gregory Thi rteenth the erection in the ci ty of Manila, which issi tuated midway in the most app roachable part ofthat island

,Of a cathedral church [dedicated] to the

immaculate conception of the vi rgin,to which under

one Cathol ic p relate holding communion wi th holyRoman Church

,all the other Phil ipp ine I sl ands

should be subj ect by diocesan law,and be governed

therefrom ; who, moreover, in the said cathedralchurch was to es tabl ish

,erect

,and create p rebends

,

digni ties,canonries

,as well as other church Offices

,

and in the lesser churches,benefices

,bes ides all other

things that appertain to the divine worship o f Godto this end that in these countries as elsewhereunder Obedience to the holy Roman Church theo rder of the hierarchy ( as said ) should be establ ished and maintained . In furtherance of th is designour said most holy maste r at the ins tance of the mostChristi an king Phil ip

,Chose and named me ( a use

less se rvant and one Of the lowl ies t in the Order ofPreachers ) , as is more fully displayed in the lettersof our s ame most holy maste r

,which with due rever

ence and loyalty we received at Madrid from theofficial of the king — the same having been writtenafte r Roman style on parchment with the apostol icseal in lead pendent therefrom on s ilken cords of redand yellow color [whereof all were] whole , enti re ,


uninjured,not in any way giving rise to suspicion

,

but wholly faultless and without flaw . Whereofhere follows a l i teral copy.

Gregory Bishop,servant of the servants of God .

In remembrance of the affai r forever .Trusting in the guardianship of H im

,whose are

the hinges of the earth,e tc .

Accordingly,we

,Brother Domingo de Salaza r

,

the aforesaid bishop and commissary,as appears

from the aforesaid apostol ic letters,desi rous as a true

and obedient son to carry out fully with dil igence

( as we are bound ) the apostol ic commands entrustedto us

,do accept reverently the said commission

,and

th rough the same apostol ic authori ty wherewith inthis regard we are empowered

,do

,through tenor of

these presents,e rect

,create

,and establ ish as cathedral

church,the church of the city of Manila

,s i tuated on

the aforesaid island of Luzon,formerly honored

under the name of [blessedP] Peter Apostle , to thehonor of Almighty God and our Lord Jesus Christ

,

as well as of H i s most blessed Mother Mary,under

the ti tle Of whose conception the cathedral waserected by the said our most holy maste r . Moreover

,

while decreeing and declaring the church thuserected

,created

,and established

,we establ ish and

create i ts digni ties,prebends

,canonries

,along with

the por tiones55 and other Offices and Charges that are

needed by the same church for divine worship,in

the following mannerThe dean

,who in the Church ranks first after the

bishop,has as his duty the provis ion of whatsoever

The terms portiones and dim idim portiones ( fartheron ) correspond to the

“raciones” and“medios raciones” of Spanish

church language . T . C . MIDDLETON , O .S.A.


342 TH E PHILIPPINE“

ISLANDS [Vol . 34

else i s needed for church celeb rations,besi des giving

account whenever so ordered by chapte r of the

Church revenues . Then ten canonries and p rebends,

which besi des decreeing thei r utte r separation f romthe above dignities

,we ordain shall never be held

along with any digni ty . Moreover,to the said

canon ries and prebends no one may be p resented whohas not also been promoted to the holy order ofp riesthood . Each canon bes ides shall celeb ratemass daily

,except on feasts of double rite

,when the

p relate,or i f he be hindered

,some one of the dig

nitaries shal l celebrate .Moreover

,as decreed by the holy Council Of

Trent,we ordain that

,whenever feas ible

,all dignities

and a moiety at least of the canonries in our cathedral church shall be conferred only on masters o r

Feasts in the Catholic Church are divided acording to theirrank into doubles, semi-doubles , simples, etc. It was the customtill late in the middle ages to recite the Office of the feria in spiteof any feast which might occur on it. Hence on greater solemnities

,clerics were obliged to recite a double Oflice — One of the

feria, another of the feast. These double offices were few in

number ; even the Oflice for the feas t of the Apostles was not

double. On lesser feasts the oflice was simple i.e.

,the feast was

merely com memorated and in a third class of feasts the Office ofthe feria and feast were welded into one. These last oflices werecalled semi-doubles. Later on the ferial gave way more and moreto the festal Oflices, and before the end of the thirteenth centurythe classification is used in a new sense. The word “double” isapplied , not to the two oflices recited in one day , but to the singleoffice of a feast on which the antiphons were doubled re

peated fully at the beginning and end of a psalm . On semidoubles , hal f of the antiphon was repeated before, the wholeafter the psalm : in other words it was half doubled . The Officefor simple feasts differed little from that of the feria. In modernOffice-books the doubles are further subdivided into doubles of thefirst class , Of the second class, and greater and ordinary. Theobject of this division is to determine which of the two feasts mustg ive way to the other, should both fall on the same day. SeeAddis and Arnold ’s Cathol ic D ictiona ry , p . 344.

11280 - 1 605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 343

doctors,or at least on l icentiates in theology or canon

l aw.

Bes ides we establish six whole portiones and asmany half ones . Whoever is up for p resentation forthe said whole portiones

,must have deacon ’s holy

o rders,which he is to exercise daily at the al ta r,

apart f rom his having to chant the Pass ions 57

Holy Week] . While he who i s to be presented forthe hal f portiones

,besides being in subdeacon’ s holy

[o rders] must chant the Epistles at m ass , and the

Prophecies,Lamentations

,and Lessons in choi r.

Again we wish and decree that in chapte r these

portionarii, providing they be in holy o rders , and nototherwise

,be enti tled to vote with the dignitaries

and canons in sp i ri tual affai rs as well as temporal,

but not at elections or other cases reserved by law to

dignitaries and canons exclusively.

We also wi sh and ordain that to the said digni ties,

canonries,and whole portiones as well as halves

,or

to any other benefice Of our whole diocese,no one be

p resented who by reason of any order,privilege

,or

oflice i s exempt from our jurisdiction . And shouldany one thus exempt happen to be presented or in

stal led,such presentation or installation is to be held

as null and void in law .

And,whereas the naming of rectors to whom is

to be entrusted the care of souls i s of no sl ight m o

ment,nay

,one rather that bespeaks even greater and

more watchful care on our part,hence do we ordain

that whatever recto rs we or our successors choose inour cathedral

,as well as in all parish churches of this

our see, whether now erected , or to be erected here

A reference to the history of the passion of Jesus Christ asread in the four gospels. - T . C . M IDDLETON , O .S.A.


after,jus t so many according to our judgment shall

have been needed for service . Thei r business is toceleb rate mass according to ri tual and rightly ; toconfess the fai thful entrusted to thei r care and ad

ministe r to them carefully and sol ici tous,by the other

sacraments ; bes ides they are to fulfil and carry outal l other duties as such rectors are wont and boundto do . Whereof al l and singula r are to be appointedby us

,or our successors for the time being

,and to be

removable at will .Then six acolytes

,who by our orders

,are daily by

turns to exercise thei r office of acolyte in the ministryat the alta r.Besides these also s ix chaplains whereof

,at both

night and day offices as well as at mass solemnities,

one shall be personally present at the faldstool inchoi r

,and moreover

,unless rightly hindered by

il lness o r impediment,shall celebrate monthly

twenty masses .The election or p rovis ion of the said acolytes and

Chaplains we decree shall belong to us and our suc

cessors together with our Chapte r . We wish , moreover

,that the said chaplains

,who are to be elected

for the time being,belong not to the bishop ’s retinue

,

nor to that Of any of the said capitul ars , even merelyat the time of thei r appointment .The duty however of sacristan is to do those thingsthat appertain to the treasurer’s duty

,in the latte r’s

presence however and by his commission ; but in hisabsence by di rection Of the Chapter .The duty of organist is to play on feas t days and atother times at the di rection of the Chapte r .The duty Of the beadle is to lead in p rocess ions,and go ahead Of the prelate , p riest, deacon , sub


346 TH E PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

ties,ten canonries

,and s ix whole and six hal f por

tiones,have been declared and newly establ ished and

c reated for the se rvice of our cathedral church to

the end that they need no establi shment and creationhereafte r

,but are now as then created and estab

l ished. And thus do we mean it to be .Moreover

,we wish and declare that inasmuch as

the said frui ts and revenues do not suflice for thesupport of so many minis ters as have been establ ished by us in the p resent erection

,we

,or our succes

sors,may suppress as many of the dignities

,canon

ries,and whole o r hal f po rtiones as the necess i ty of

the times may seem to requi re,until such fruits as

derived from royal grant o r donation,or from the

payment of ti thes,prove sufficient for the proper and

decent support of the minis ters so named anddeputed for church service

,to the end that ecclesi as

tical dignity be not debased through a multi tude ofservers having but a meager stipend . However atwhatsoever time or in whatsoever manner i t mayseem proper in our opinion

,we

,or our successors

,

may make suitable provis ion therefor,s ince thus

have we been empowered . But after the said number of digni ties

,canonries

,and whole and hal f por

tiones has been filled by our nomination and election

,or that of our successo rs

,by the same authori ty

,

we reserve the nomination and presentation to allthe said p rebends whenever in the future any fal lvacant

,to the Cathol ic Majesty of our sovereigns

,as

provided by law and apostol ic authori ty.

And inasmuch as,according to the apostle

,whoso

serves the altar is entitled to support from the altar,

58

A reference to I Corinthians, ix , I 3 .— T . C . M IDDLETON ,

O .S.A.

12804 605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 347

[we ordain] that to all and singular the dignities,persons

,and canons

,p rebendaries

,and whole and

half portionarii, Chaplains , petty cle rics or acolytes ,and other Oflices with thei r oflicials, [shal l be apportioned] according to the enumeration above setforth

,al l and s ingular the fruits

,revenues and in

comes deriving from royal donation as well as f romright of ti thes

,o r otherwise in any manner whatso

ever appertain ing to them,ei the r now or in the

futu re,as now is p rovided by written order [a t l icet

ordine litera r io] to the dean , archdeacon , chante r,schoolmaster

,treasure r

,and canons

,as well as to the

[whole] and half portiones , and all others abovenoted and named

,in the following manner

To the dean,namely

,one hundred and fifty l ibras

[l i terally pounds”

] pesos de Tepuz [que] , as comm only styled in these countries, whereof each isworth eight silver reals Of Castil ian money.

To the archdeacon,one hundred and thi rty ; to

each of the digni ties,as many ; to each of the canons,

one hundred ; to each of the portionarii, seventy ; tothe halves

,thi rty-five ; to each of the chaplains

,

twenty ; to each acolyte , twelve ; to the organis t, s ixteen ; to the notary, as many ; to the beadle , as many ;to the econome

,however

,fifty ; to the dogcatcher,

veri ly twelve l ib ras of gold of the above value.

Thus do we now and henceforth,in accordance as

said with the wri tten order,apply and ass ign the

f ruits,revenues

,and perquisi tes as soon as the in

c rease thereof shal l warrant .And inasmuch as said we wish the benefice to be

fo r duty fulfilled,we strictly order and command

,in

V i rtue of holy Obedience,that the sai d stipends be

daily distributions [to be] ass igned [and] distrib


uted daily among those taking part in both eachnight and day hour on account of thei r fulfilmentof the said duties . Accordingly

,no one f rom dean

to acolyte inclus ively,who has been absent f rom any

[reci tation of] hour in Choi r, shall receive the

stipend or distribution for that hour ; and any Officialwho has fai led to exercise or fulfil hi s duty

,shall

s imila rly be mulcted each time in so much Of hissala ry as would correspond to the distributions withheld from absentees

,the same to be divided among

those who are present .We wish also

,and under the same authori ty or

dain,that al l and s ingular the dignities

,canons

,and

portionarii Of our said cathedral church be held tores idence and service for nine continuous or interrupted months . Otherwise

,we or our successors for

the time being,o r sede oacante

,

“ the Chapter,shal l

be bound,the del inquent first having been summoned

and heard ( should he not have or allege a just andreasonable cause ) , to p ronounce the said dignity

[persona tum ] , canonry, or portio,vacant

,regard

being had,should he be a cap itular

,to the Council

of Trent ; and, moreover, to p rovide a fit incumbentfor that canonry

,or that dignity

,fo r p resentation to

his Catholic Majesty or his successors in the Spanishkingdoms only . A just cause herein fo r absence wedefine to be il lness

,p rovided

,however

,the il l bene

ficiary stay in the city, or the suburbs of the ci ty ; orshould he have incurred illness

,outsi de the city

,

when retu rning or p reparing to return thi ther ; provided

,however

,he can Show by legal p roofs that he

was absent with leave of the bishop or of the chapte r,

and for the sake o r advantage of the Church .

i.e.,

“The see being vacant.



be more easily found,whenever the sac raments are

to be confe rred and other church duties attended to,

the same rectors shal l daily be present at the chiefmass and evening hours only in Choi r ; and until suchtime as the fruits shall have increased [a s tipend]f rom the said four parts shall be given to the acolytes

,organist

,and beadle ; while should anything

remain over i t i s to go to the Chapte r table .In each of the parish Churches of the said ci ty as

well as of our whole diocese,we apply as benefices

to be erected and created in each of the sai d Churchesthe said four parts of the said seven . We declare

,

moreover,that in similar manner the eighth part of

the said four parts applied for benefices,i s to be

given to the sacris tan of each parish church of our

said ci ty and diocese .

Moreover we wish and ordain that,our cathedral

church being excep ted in all the parish churches o four said C i ty and diocese

,as soon as they can conven

iently be erected , as many simple benefices becreated and establ ished as [may be warranted]by the amount of the revenues of the said fou rparts thus applied to these benefices. A sui tableand decent support

,however

,i s to be ass igned to the

clerics to whom benefices should be g1ven. According ly, the number of the said benefices has not beendetermined

,but as soon as the fruits increase in these

churches,le t the number of ministers also increase .

And whenever,fo r any reason

,i t happens that the

said simple benefices of service,which for the time

being,as said

,may be created in the said churches

,

fall vacant,we wish p rovision to be made

,and there

fo re decree,that

,after [due] competition and exam

ination,the said benefices are to be conferred only

1 2804 605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 35I

on the children,the patrimoni al descendants

,of the

settlers who come thither from Spain to the saidp rovince

,o r who hereafte r may come thi ther for the

sake of becoming res idents . This shall be done unti lsuch time in the future

,when we

,or our successors ,

shall have seen and recognized that the Chris ti an i tyand capacity of the Indians is such that the saidbenefices may be confe rred on them . Then theyshall and must be confe rred on the Indian nativesalso in accordance with the aforesaid form . Moreover

,we wish and by apostol ic authori ty decree

and declare that,after the said benefices in the

parish churches of this city as wel l as in the

churches of our whole diocese have once beenerected and c reated by us or ou r successors for thefirst time

,the collation Of the same benefices on the

patrimonial children,according to thei r number or

capaci ty,or on others in default of patrim onials

,is

to be made by presentation to the said Catholicsovereigns or thei r Vicegerents and not otherwise ,as p rovided by law and apostol ic authori ty.

But since p rincipally and chiefly the care of soulsof the said city [and] of our whole diocese i s incumbent on us and our future successors

,as being those

who,acco rding to the apostol ic saying

,are to

rende r an account thereof on the day of Judgment,

by our aforesaid authori ty and teno r we wish and

ordain that in our cathedral church,and in all the

parish churches of the said C i ty and of our diocese,

we,and the p relates for the time being

,commend

and enjoin the care of souls,according to our f ree

choice,on any benefici ary or benefici aries of the

churches themselves,or on anyone else even a non

beneficia ry for the time being,and under such fo rm


as shall seem to us best to ensu re the care of the saidsouls ; moreover, recognizing that we , and all oursuccessors

,shall be at the D ivine Judgment

,we ex

hort and requi re them in this commission of soulsto have no respect Of persons

,but to regard solely

the advantage and safety of the souls entrusted to

them by God . And to the end that whoso undertakes the aforesaid care of souls

,receive also some

temporal gain,to each one of them we ass ign all the

firs t f rui ts of that parish,whereof he has undertaken

the care Of souls,a portion

,however

,as above desig

nated to be given to the sacris tan .

Moreove r,we wish and ordain that the appoint

ment and removal Of the sacristans of all thechurches o f our diocese be always at the will anddiscretion of ourselves and our successo rs for thetime being

,together with the readjustment of thei r

salary,whenever the said eighth part

,which as pro

vided should be paid them,amounts to a large sum

,

in which case whateve r amount shall have beenwithdrawn from the said eighth part by us o r oursuccessors is to be set as ide for the maintenance fundof the church i tsel f

,or some increase of divine wor

ship,and for no other use .

L ikewise the three remaining parts Of the saidseven are to be divided into two equal parts

,

whereof we freely assign one,namely

,one-half of

the said three parts , to the church maintenance fundof each of the above towns towns in the diocese where Churches may be establi shed] ; the re

maining part,howeve r

,namely

,the other half of

the said three parts , we assign to the hosp itals ofeach town

,f rom which hal f or part so appl ied the

said hospitals are to pay a tenth to the p rincipal



safe ty and health Of the said sovereigns respec

tively . On the first Monday Of each month thesame mass shall be celebrated solemnly for all thesouls dwelling in purgatory. On other days

,how

ever,the said first mass may be celebrated accord

ing to the wish and intention of any one wishingto endow i t

,and the said b ishops and chapte r may

receive for the celebration of the same mass anyendowment offered them by any person whatsoever .The second mass

,however

,celebrated at the hour

of tie rce,according to the fashion Of the Roman

Church,i s to be of the feast of the feri a that

Feria is a name given to all the days of the week exceptSunday and Saturday in the ecclesias tical calendar. I t seemsstrange that the title of feria or feast should be given to days thatare not feasts, or at least are not considered as such , so far as theyare called feriae . The explanation given in the breviary, thatclerics are to be free from worldly cares and keep a perpetualfeast to God, scarcely suflices, and perhaps is not intended , toaccount for the actual origin of the name . The true explanationis probably this. The Jews were accustomed to name the daysof the week from the Sabbath , and thus such expressions as the

first day from the Sabbath ,”or, in other words the first day of

the week are found in the gospels . The early Christians reckoned the days in Easter week in the same fashion : only as al l the

days in that week were holy days, they called Easter Monday,not the first day after Easter Sunday, but the second feria or

feast-day ; and as every Sunday is a lesser Easter, the practice prevailed of calling each Monday “feria secunda, each Tuesday“feria tertia,

”

etc. Feria: are divided into greater and lesser. Thelatter give place to any feast-day within an octave or vigil , without even being commemorated . The former are the week-daysof Advent and Lent, the Ember-days , and Monday ( not Tuesday )in Rogation W eek. If a simple feast falls on such a feria, theferial Office and mass are said , the feast being only commemorated ,and i f a double, semi-double, or day within an octave coincideswith the feria , the festal office is, indeed , said , but the feria is comm em orated. The privilege granted by apostol ic indult of reciting a votive office on certain days of the week or month cannotbe made use of on these greater feriaa. Some of the greaterferia are privileged ( the days of Holy, Easter, and WhitsonW eeks, and Ash W ednesday ) . These days exclude any feast of

1 2804 605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL

whoever celebrates the chief mass bes ides the usualshare [distr ibutionem ] ass igned, or to be ass igned

,

to all taking part in that mass,gains a threefold

stipend more than by celeb rating at any other hour ;the deacon also is to receive a double s tipend ; andthe subdeacon a s ingle . And whoever shall not

have been present at the chief mass,is not to gain the

ter tia and sexta62 of that day

,unless he have been

away for reasonable and just cause,and with leave

of the dean,or whoever p res ided in choi r at the

time ; and herein we charge the conscience both of

him who seeks leave [to be away] and Of him whogrants i t . And whoso l ikewise has been p resent atmatins and lauds shall gain a s tipend threefoldgreate r than at any other hour of the day

,besides

the s tipend fo r p rime,even though he were not

p resent at i t . We wish also,and by the aforesai d

authori ty decree that whoever was absent [f romchoi r] at the first vespers , or p rocess ion , or the chiefmass of any feast of firs t class

,or was absent f rom

the matins of Christmas or E aste r,shall lose the

whole stipend of that day,even though he were

p resent at the other hours . Moreover,we ordain

that chapter be held twice a week,namely

,on the

thi rd feria and the sixth ; that on the thi rd feria current business matte rs be treated therein ; while on

the s ixth feria nothing else be treated of than the

however high a rank, and cause it to be transferred to another day .

This must be understood of the celebration in choir, for the Oh

ligation Oi resting from servile work and hearing mass on hol idays usually remains , even ii the holiday falls on a greater feria.

See Addis and Arnold ’s Cathol ic D ictionary ,pp . 346, 347.

Terms signifying the stipends falling to those bound to choiroffice who were present at the recitation of T ierce and Sext .T . C . M IDDLETON , O .S.A.


correction and emendation of faul ts [m orum ] , andof whatever appertains to the due celeb ration ofdivine worship and the safeguarding of the decorum of clerics in and through all things both inChurch and outside . On all other days chapter isforbidden

,unless a case of emergency should war

rant it. But hereby we wish not that the jurisdiction of ourselves or our successors relative to thecorrection and punishment Of the said canons and ofother persons of our cathedral church should in anyway be hampered . On the contrary

,in accordance

with the chapter rules of the decree of the Counci lof Trent

,we reserve all ju risdiction

,correction

,and

punishment whatsoever of the said persons to ou rselves and our successors .L ikewise

,by the same authority

,we resolve and

ordain that,in o rder that any cleric of our said

church and diocese having first tonsure enjoy [his]p rivilege

,he must carry the cle rical tonsure of

the size of one s ilver real [rega lis] of the usualmoney of Spain ; his hai r at the back of the headshall he wear cl ipped with scisso rs [scisirra] only fortwo fingers ’ breadth below the ears ; he shall go decently appareled , namely, with a cloak, or m antil la

,

Among some of the monastic orders and friars, the tonsureleaves only a circle of hai r round the head ; the tonsure of the secular clerks on the other hand , is small . The first tonsure is madeby the bishop in a form prescribed by the Pontifical , and the person receiving it is thereby admitted to the state and privilege of acleric. The bishop m ay confer it at any place or time. Mitredabbots m ay give it to their own subjects ; cardinal priests to the

Clergy of their titles ; and it m ay also be conferred by other priestswith special privileges . There have been at various times different forms and degrees of the tonsure . I t was only gradually thatthe right to tonsure was l imited to bishops, abbots, etc . T i ll thetenth century it was given by simple priests , or even by laymen toone another. See Addis and Arnold ’s Catholic D ictionary , p . 798.



outs ide must always fol low the custom and use ofthe Roman Church .

Moreover all the households,inhabi tants

,settle rs

,

and res idents,ins ide the aforesaid ci ty as well as in

the suburbs thereof,at the present time or hereafter

inhabi tants or dwellers therein,we depute and as

sign as parishioners Oi our same cathedral church,

which we have erected forever in honor of the mostblessed V i rgin

,until such time as a divis ion of par

ishes may conveniently be made by us or our suc

cessors ; and to i t by parish l aw all the aforesaidshall pay thei r ti thes and first f ruits and make thei rofferings

,and from the recto r or rectors of the same

church they shal l all of them receive all the sacraments .While

,moreover

,to the same recto r or rectors

,

we grant and bestow the power Of confe rring theaforesaid sac raments to thei r said parishioners

,to

the parishioners themselves,we likewise give leave

to receive the same sacraments f rom the said rectors .And whereas change of ci rcumstances cal ls for newarrangements

,by the said apos tol ic authori ty we re

se rve for ourselves and our successors,for the time

being,the fullest

,f ree

,and absolute power and au

thority, in all the afo resaid [arrangements] , andrelative to the same

,to commend

,correct

,change

,

res trict,and enlarge and in the future even to estab

lish and ordain othe rwise . Let our successors however employ wisely this f ree and absolute power

,and

be always mindful of the warning Of the Apostlethat power has been given to p rel ates by God foredification and not for ruin . In order that in anychanges they may essay in the aforesaid

,they move

not rashly and without wisdom,nor through mere

11280- 1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 59

sel f will,nor through hatred or partiali ty

,but to the

honor Of God alone and Church and the Spread andadvantage Of the commonwealth

,let them first sift

the matte r thoroughly with the advice Of skilled andGodfearing counselors , that they pass not thebounds set by our fathers : Pass not

,

” sai th thewise man

,

“beyond the ancient bounds which thyfathers have set .” 65

For s in l ieth not in one ’s pass ing beyond thebounds

,but in the motive [causa] for one

’s thus passing beyond

,that i t be done

,namely

,not through ca

price but through necess i ty. Accordingly,s ince in

the p resent e rection all matters have been establ ishedand ordained by us

,who therein have not followed

our own fancy but the views Of the Fathers,hence

the things which we have decreed and ordained areto be held and kept and worshiped as so many oraclesof the Fathers

,nor

,therefore

,to be changed or al

tered without great advantage and necess i ty . Invi rtue then of our letters

,and by the apostol ic au

thority granted to us the rein , which in this regardwe are employing in the best way , manner, and formin our power

,we erect

,establ ish

,create

,do

,dispose

,

and ordain all and singula r the above together withall and singular the things needed and opportunethereto

,notwithstanding all things whatsoever to

the contrary,those things especi ally which in his

apostol ic letters our said most holy master wishednot to confl ict with what therein was inserted .

Wherefore,to all and singular

,who are present or

will be of no matte r what state,rank

,orde r

,pre

eminence,or condi tion they be

,we hereby intimate

,

ins inuate,and convey and bring to thei r knowledge

,

65 P roverbs xxn, 28 — T . C . M IDDLETON, O .S.A.


all and singular,those things . Moreover we wish

and through these p resents by the aforesaId authori ty we command all and singular the above

,in vi rtue

of holy obedience that they Obse rve and cause to beobserved

,al l and singular

,the things as by us es tab

l ished . In fai th and testimony whereof,of al l and

s ingular the foregoing,we have ordered and had

these present letters or present publ ic instrument,

with our common seal attached,drawn up

,and

written and publ ished by the nota ry public as below .

Given at Manila,in the I sl and of Luzon

,the twenty

first of the month of December,in the year of our

Lord one thousand five hundred and eighty-one.

BROTHER DOM INGO,bishop of the Phil ippines .

By order of my most reverend master '

SALVATOR ARGONE,

apos tol ic notary and secretary .



Majesty of i t,as he ought

,in his lette r

,and more at

length in a report which he is sending with this andthe other despatches .66

In order that we might know your Majesty’s will,

and thereby that of God ; and since those Of us whoare here are in duty bound

,since we l ive in lands so

remote from the shade Of thei r king,to give you ad

vice of what we think will fulfil that obligation : Ithought ( s ince i t was necessary to write ) , that Iwould tel l your Majesty the reason fo r the manytroubles and evils that have come upon this country

,

and the wrongs that a re worth correction . YourMajesty will be informed Of them in detail in manyother ways

,and they relate not only to the wrongs

agains t the native Indians of the country and agains tthe Chinese

,which are of so great importance

,but

against the Spaniards themselves and that which ismost to the wrong of your Majesty and your royalcrown . Al though the branch whence this f rui t

[of troubles] is gathered, i s other, yet the root whichis reported is the governors who come to these i slands

,and the insatiable greed which they bring

hithe r or which,at thei r arrival

,is impressed sufli

ciently on them . Consequently,not only to God

(which is more easy fo r them ) , but even to men ( andof which men may judge and advise your Majesty) ,do they b reak through the veil of thei r shame inorder to do things that neither I nor anyone el se whohas any shame would dare to break in order to re

l ate them — and nearly eve rything,or everything

in this matter of injuries,has every kind of mediator

See Col in ’s Labor evang e’

l ica , pp . 170-192 for an account of

Sanchez ’s trips to China and Macao. H is second trip to Macaooccurred near the end of this same year I 583 .

1 280 -1605] SEDENO TO FELIPE II 363

mixed up in i t . For i f al ready God has des i red togive your Majesty occas ion to make an innovationin the matte r of the gove rnor

,i t must now be in

novated,even i f in regard to former governors,

nei ther in person nor in fact i s there anything to s ay .

But that which in the future we dare report with allhumil i ty (only because of the compassion which thedestruction of this land of your Majesty causes us ) isthat i f i t be poss ible he who shall be governor donot come from E spana . For s ince he is suddenlychanged and dispossessed of his possessions and p roperty that he had there , and spends all his substanceon account of the so long journey and p reparationfor i t

,and even arrives deeply in deb t

,and with many

followers and people who are desti tute and rely onhis p rotection ; and also perhaps has to p rovide andto satisfy thei r past expenses and even present hunger

,to p rovide houses for them

,and to give them

the oflices which he has p romised this,and what is

necess ary to reimburse him for his expenses,and ai

terward to fatten him to the proportion that his hunger demands and that the pasturage invites ( thatpasture here being very sufficient to swell the b reas ts

,

al though it be at the cost of the poor and beyonddoubt that of your Majes ty

,for whom the governor

with his artifices and those Of his intimate f riendsis des troying the land ) I declare that fo r only theabovesaid for each new governor who comes fromEspana

,we need a new and a very rich and abun

dant land such as this was formerly . Now we beholdi t almost destroyed and it does not need much to

completely destroy it, [which will happen] i f only

another governor comes who will exe rcise the cunning abovementioned ; especially . if he should have


the support of a wife and children,and some rela

tives and friends and cl ients for whom to provide inp roportion to thei r imagination and thei r desi res .In accordance with the above

,your Majesty ( for

the said causes ) ought to order now that he whoshould become governo r should not come from Es

patia,because of the se rvice of God

,which is the

only thing that moves us here,because of compas

s ion for this country,whose so great remoteness is

a reason for your Majesty to have that compassion,

as you do not see how it is given ove r, and because ofyour royal crown to which you are under Obl igations . For it is conside red and judged that the rewill be persons here who can se rve your Majes tysatis factori ly in this Oflice. Of those here your Majesty should not appoint any one indiscriminately forthe present

,until this l and regains i ts s trength and

vigor . Nor less should there be here so great a burden oi wife

,Children

,relatives

,f riends

,and other

people,to whom the governor is under obl igations

,

and for whom almost by necess i ty he must fulfil thatobl igation at the cost of your Majesty and of thi syour land . Al though we are aware that we are veryaudacious and bold toward so great a Majesty as topoint out to you a person

,yet pl aced between two

things so weighty on the one part as the abovesaid,and on the other the reverence due your Majesty

,we

are bold in p reference toward your Majesty,which

is not so serious a matter according to our opinion,

as would be boldness toward God and to that whichwe ( some persons Of us who have discussed the t e

form Of this l and ) judge that we are obl iged by truerespect for H im ( I mean of God ) and compass ionfor this l and and your Majesty’s se rvice . The above



was a place where we could serve God and yourMajesty. Now

,inasmuch as we have to send our

determination concerning the matter to our generalas he is awai ting it

,we find ourselves in confusion

,

for we had to wri te that we cannot stay here,or else

to tell him in what way we can stay and to ask for

more men . We have not been able to find any otherway except to do our duty. Will your Majestyorder that the Society occupy i tsel f as in the otherparts [of the Indias] where they are es tabl ished, inrearing and instructing the children of this city andof these isl ands

,and in teaching grammar to those

who should be [fitted] for i t . Let those who arenow about to be able to do something take some lectures in philosophy

,or theology

,or at least cases of

conscience,so that the Society may have something

to do,and the community be aided . For now not only

the children,but also many adul ts and those or

dained by some of the orders a re misguided . Boththey and many others whom God influences and wil linfluence to change thei r estate and become pries tsor rel igious have no rel ief or do one or the otherthing

,or else go to E spana . Many seculars and re

l igious have not been completely reformed in thei rs tudies

,or do nothing or do i t wrongly . They are

filled with doubts and have no one who can settlethose doubts for them . They will not be able totake any Indians into the Society unless there is ahouse in Manila to se rve as the mother of all theminis ters who should go to the Indians ; for, according to thei r custom

,they do not fulfil thei r duty by

having absolute and exclus ive houses however fewthey be one or two or three but although they beamong Indians

,those houses must be subordinate

11280— 1605] SEDEN’

O To FELIPE 11 367

to the large house so that the order may be preserved .

I f this house and seminary be thus establ ished forthe said teaching

,your Majes ty will save much of

the trouble and expense of sending ministe rs f romso great a dis tance as five thousand leguas

,who after

thei r arrival do not accustom themselves to the landor to the difficulty of the language . Some of them re

turn and few of them really settle . fi But those hereare al ready accustomed to the cl imate and are skil ledin the customs and language . Consequently

,in the

time that i t takes one to come from E sp ana,one is

turned out here,and one of those al ready natural

iz ed and with two years of grammar is worth morethan a preache r who comes from Espana and at sogreat an expense . For the l i ttle with which yourMajesty can establ ish this seminary o r fount of ministers he re

,i t appears that i t would be sufficient to

apply some l i ttle trifle f rom your Majes ty’s treasury ;and wi th that the Society will have a new obl igationhere and everywhere to serve your Majesty

,in ad

dition to the many that i t has al ready. May Godpreserve your Majesty

’s heal th and li fe,and prolong

i t fo r as many years as we see to be necessary here forH i s great honor and glory . Manila

,June 17, 1583 .

Your Majes ty’s unworthy se rvant in the Lord .

ANTONIO SEDENO

LETTER FROM DOM INGO DE SALAZARTO FELIPE I I

Royal Cnsarean MajestyIn this lette r ( the fourth of those which I am writing to your Majesty ) , I intend to discuss a matte r noless important than those which I have discussed inthe others . This matte r is that when I came to thisl and

,the p rovincial of the Society Of Jesus who re

s ides in the City of Mexico sent here at your Majesty

’

s orders four rel igious of his o rder . They consis ted of Father Antonio Sedeno

,who came as recto r

and occupies that pos i tion at p resent,and Father

Alonso Sanchez,whom I have mentioned in the let

ter which I wrote in regard to Chinese affai rs,and

two other religious who were not p riests,one of

whom died at sea,and the other of whom is s ti l l

al ive . Those fathers came to this l and to examineand consider the opportunity that may exist here forthe Society to settle and send rel igious here . Thati s in accordance with the p ractice of that order before they settle defini tely. Inasmuch as they have asyet had no time to write to thei r general how theland impresses them

,for Father Alonso Sanchez was

absent on the expedi tion to China l ast year ; and desi ring now to write thei r impressions of i t they bothcame to speak to me and said that they had con

sidered the manner in which they could come to this



the i r general and p rovincial of Nueba E spana tosend others to keep them company

,so that they may

enter upon the exercises of thei r o rder and inaugurate a college

,where they may have persons to teach

the children of the inhabi tants of this ci ty and thoseof the hamlets of these isl ands

,as well as the mesti

z os and the sons of the chief Indians . They shouldalso have persons to teach grammar and matte rs ofconscience which are so necessary in this land . Thiscollege cannot be es tabl ished at present unless yourMajesty be pleased to o rder that

,unti l such time as

there be in these isl ands,a founder of the said

college,according to the custom of these fathers

,i t

be attended to f rom the royal estate ; or, i f your Majesty prefer

,that a fund be created from some vil

l ages that are assigned to the royal crown for thatpurpose

,for what period your Majesty may order .

By that means the rel igious who are to work in theteaching as abovesaid can be supported . Al thoughthis appears to be a great expense even fo r yourMajes ty

,yet conside r the extreme necess i ty of this so

that this l and may be maintained and advance,and

that i f those tributes are not employed in thi s manner

,they will be given to soldiers who as is under

stood will not use them,as well as the fathers will

,

especially s ince we do not peti tion that this bepermanent but that i t be only for a l imited time oruntil there may be a founder [of a col lege] here . I

6 8 This founder was Captain Esteban Rodriguez de F igueroa,a native of the Spanish African possessions, a Portuguese by birth ,who had accompanied Legaz pi to the Philippines. By his will( 1596) he gave two thousand pesos to the Jesuit college of Ma

nila, and signified that al l his property was to be given to the col

lege of San José (whose foundation was decreed ) in cas e of thedeath of his daughters. See Montero y Vidal ’s H ist. de F ilipinas ,i,pp . 109, 1 10 .

I 280 - 1 605] SALAZAR To FELIPE II 37 1

trust in the divine Goodness that many days will not

pass befo re some one will be invited to become afounder and wil l have the good fo rtune to be ad

m itted as such .

There is another more urgent reason that makesme dare to peti tion your Majesty to concede thisfavor to the fathers

,or rathe r

,to me and to this c ity

and these isl ands,namely

,that although this seems

to be an expense and drain to the royal es tate,i t

re ally i s not so,but a saving of the expenses and

drain . For you r Majes ty cannot neglect to annuallysend ministers

,eithe r seculars o r rel igious

,or some of

both,for the discharge of your royal conscience

,in

orde r that they may work at the conversion andmaintenance of these natives . Since the way is solong the expense is necessari ly ve ry heavy ; and i t is ap ity that afte r a f ri ar has been brought here at sogreat trouble and expense

,on his arriving here

,he

finds that the land is not to his taste nor the Indianswhat he expected

,and consequently he desi res to re

turn immediately. Furthe r,i f one Oppose this

,i t

means the useless detention Of one who will attainhis end . Experience has shown us that this does nothappen from one man or fo r only one time . Pursuing the argument those who come from that countryaccustom themselves to the l and very slowly

,and

many years elapse before they know languages bywhich they may profit the natives

,and some do not

even begin to study them,while many leave the land

afte r they have learned them . Therefore i f this college be establ ished

,you r Majesty will save great

expense,s ince ministers will be reared therein ( and

they wil l really be rea red there ) who can p rofit thenatives much

,your Majesty will not be obliged to


send so many religious from E spana as you would’

have to i f none were reared here ; and consequentlythe expense will not be so heavy . In addition

,the

inconveniences found in those who come fromEspana wil l not be met in those reared here

,for a

ministe r of our own can be turned out here in thetime that it would take one to come here . Thosewho are reared here are accustomed to the mannersand customs he re ; and the col lege will graduatemaste rs thoroughly instructed for necessary workamong the Indi ans . I f thi s college is establ ished

,

the sol dier whom God touches will resolve to become a secular upon seeing a place where he can

s tudy,and I shall have pe rsons to appoint f rom thei r

number to the church se rvice and to the vil l ages o fthe Indians . Those V i l l ages are innumerable andhave no person to tell them that the re is a God . I

know that there are many who neglect to changethei r status to become p riests] because they seethe poor disposi tion at the p resent

,and some of them

are so excellent inte rp rete rs that they would provevery useful . This college would also be p rofitablefor the rel igious who are here

,for the graduates

from it would be ready to be received into the orders . Those who are received at p resent remain asignorant as when they ente r

,inasmuch as they have

no arrangements for s tudy . That causes me no

s l ight scruple when they p resent themselves beforeme for ordination

,while the inconveniences ensuing

from men so ignorant having charge of the adm inistration of so many Indians as at p resent

,are not few .

The above reasons and my obl igation to p rocure andcons ider the wel fare of this land have given me theboldness to peti tion your Majes ty to please have the



wherever i t goes,where those who take the habi t of

thei r order are reared so that each one may go thenceto work in the salvation of souls ei the r of Spani a rdsor Indians

,according to the order of thei r superiors

,

those fathers say that i f they do not have such a college they cannot persevere in this land

,for the above

is thei r manner of p reservation and the source of

thei r p rofit to thei r neighbors .Confident in your Majes ty’s kindness

,I have pre

vai led upon those fathers not to write thei r generalof thei r intention of departing

,but on the contrary

to write him to send others to l ive with them . I haveassured them that when your Majesty sees the necessity of thei r coming here

,your Majesty will be

pleased to have this concess ion that we beg bestowedupon us

,or some othe r which wil l be better for all

of us . In the meanwhile I shall endeavor to supportand to aid them here in eve rything

,for they also aid

me and all this community considerably,by which

your Majesty is not sl ighty served .

Inasmuch as fathers of the Society will come tothis l and i f your Majes ty grant us this favo r

,and

many will take thei r habi t here ( and I hope rel igions of my order as well who have not come here asyet ) , i t will be necessary fo r your Majesty to issue aroyal decree o rdering those religious who have moreIndians in Charge than they can convenientlyins truct to allow the rel igious who shall come late ror the seculars who shall come from that country orthose who shall be here to ente r upon the instructionof those Indians whom the former are unable to ins truct

,in o rder that I may not have quarrels and

stri fe with the rel igious who are here now . Thedecis ion of this matter should be for the bishop and

1 280 - 1 605] SALAZAR TO FELIPE 11 375

not for the rel igious,for by embracing a large terri

to ry and by p reventing others f rom entering thei rdistricts

,they have taken in this enti re b ishopric

,so

that they are trying to occupy with one fri ar thespace that four or five could not suitably fil l . Whenever I endeavor to rel ieve this s i tuation the friarscomplain that I am preventing them from exerci singthei r p rerogatives

,and they prefe r to allow souls to

perish rathe r than to allow othe r fri ars to ente r tohelp them . I f your Majesty do not correct this

,we

must necessarily be at s tri fe,for I cannot

,on my con

sc ience,avoid aiding those souls whom I see to be

perishing . May our Lord prese rve you r Majesty’sroyal Cathol ic person for many years for the goodof H is holy Church

,and the conservation of so many

and so great kingdoms as our Lord has placed underyou r Majes ty’s p rotection . Manila

,June 18

,1583 .

Royal Caesarean Majesty,your least servant and

chaplain kisses your Majesty’s royal hands .FRAY DOM INGO

,bishop of the Fil ipinas .

[E ndorsed r“Have a decree issued ordering the

p resident and the bishop to discuss together how thecontents of this lette r may be best complied with andwith what income . In the meanwhile let them settleand dete rmine how the adequate ins truction that theSociety peti tions may be best

RELATION OF THE PH ILI P INASISLANDS

The isl ands of the West,which are commonly

called Phil ip inas, are so numerous that no numbercan be ass igned to them

,and most of them are inhab

ited . They begin almost at Maluco and run in ageneral north and south di rection to the isl and ofLuzon

,which is the northernmost and the nearest

to China and Japon . This isl and of Luzon,the one

where we are settled,i s the principal one of the

isl ands,and the richest and largest . I t is about fou r

hundred leguas in ci rcumference . I t was fo rmerlyci rcumnavigated by Captain Juan de Sal z edo andthen afte r the year 80 by Captain Don Juan de Arzeat the order of Governor Francisco de Sande . I textends northwest and southeast . This island hasmany different peoples and l anguages qui te dis tinctone f rom the other . The p rincipal ones

,however

,

are the Tagalogs,whom the Spaniards commonly

call Moros,though without any right or reason

,fo r

they are not nor have ever been Moros . Others arethe Pampangos

,Zambales

,Y locos

,and Camarines .

The remaining peoples can be reduced to theabove 69 This island has four large wealthy provinces where the Spaniards are colonized at p resent .

See the excellent H istory of the population of the Phil ippine I slands, by D r . David P . Barrows, in Census of Philippine



feasts and dances in honor Of those heads . As a s ignof mourning they ate no Cleaned rice for a wholeyear

,but only herbs and vegetables .

Thei r houses were fil led with wooden and stoneidols (which they called Taotao and L ichac ) fo rthey had no temples . They said that the soul entered in to one of those idol s at the death of any ofthei r parents or children . Consequently

,they rever

enced them and asked them for l i fe,health

,and

riches . Those idols were called ani tos . When theywere sick they cast lots to ascertain which ani to hadcaused them the s ickness

,and thereupon made great

sacrifices and feasts for that anito . Thei r feasts always ended in drunken revels

,for they were much

given to the vice of drinking,and i t has happened

that they will drink constantly for two o r three days .However

,they have one characte ristic

,namely

,that

al though they are drunk,they do not enti rely lose

thei r senses,and I have never seen any of them fall

down because he was drunk . We bel ieve the reasonto be because the wine

,although powerful at the

beginning,soon loses i ts strength . They worshiped

idols which were called Alp riapo, Lacapati, andMeilupa, but God has , in H i s goodness , enl ightenedthem with the grace of H is divine gospel

,and they

worship the l iving God in spi ri t . Al l these peoplehave abandoned all thei r supersti tions and alonep rofess the holy Cathol ic faith . To the glory of theLord

,most of them are Christians

,and for those who

are not i t i s for no other lack than that Of ministers,

which is one of the greatest p ities and mise ries that7 1 Cf. Loarca

’

s account of the beliefs of the Visayas I slands ,VOL . V

,pp . 121- 141 , 163 , 165; of the Tagalogs , pp . 171

-175;

Plasencia’

s account of the worship of the Tagalogs, VOL . VI I , pp .185-196.

11280- 1605] RELATION OF PH ILIPINAS 379

has ever been seen . Al l this people give tribute ingold

,s i lve r

,and other things

,both to the king our

sovereign and to others [who are] private persons ,by whom they are se ized and betrayed and com

pel led to perfo rm services,both in the raids and

wars which are made,and in other se rvices

,and do

not receive instruction . Those people observe thatfully and decl are i t . There are many excel lentchurches

,and the people are eager to serve them .

The boys are very clever and bright,and very easily

learn how to write,read

,s ing

,play

,and dance .

They are taught all those things so that the churchmay be bette r served and so that they may be inci tedto become good Christians upon seeing how to se rveGod . I have always l ived in this p rovince

,where I

have baptized many with my own hand — more,I

bel ieve,counting l ittle and big

,than one thousand .

I trust,God help ing

,f rom what I have learned Of

them,that many of them are saved . The boys

especi ally will become excellent Christi ans ; for theyhave l ively understanding and take ve ry earnestly tothe things of our holy fai th and become such thatour Spaniards are aston ished at i t . I have confessedmany

,both men and women

,and I have been aston

ished to see with what contri tion they confess,and

how well they know how to accuse themselvesmuch bette r than many Spaniards . There are veryfew in this p rovince who are not Christi ans althoughthey have not heard the p reaching for more than tenyears

,for before that time there was enough to do in

paci fying the land . They hold the holy water ingreat devotion and always keep i t in thei r houses .They take it to thei r fields and whateve r thei r necessity , they immediately go to the church for water .


They even bathe thei r swell ings with holy water,

and always take i t on entering and leaving thechurch so that i t is necessary to replenish the fountstwo or three times a week .

I t i s a temperate land and not so hot as is thoughtthere [in E spana] ; especially for eight months ofthe year when no cold o r heat is fel t . The city ofManil a is located near the sea

,whose waves beat

against the houses,on the shore of a ve ry la rge and

full river . That rive r flows f rom a lake locatedabout s ix leguas from the city. That lake is of f reshwate r

,is thi rty leguas in ci rcumference

,and its

marge and [surrounding] mountains are denselypopul ated . There are twelve convents wi th thei rchurches which are very large and well buil t ofwood in the vicini ty of that l ake . E ight of them areof discalced friars ( and two of those convents a renow buil t of stone ) , and the other four belong to theAugustinian fathers . There are also many otherchurches in the villages which are the Vi s i tas of thecapi tal s where the convents are located . That l akeis divided among ten encomenderos 7 3 and they l ivevery well

,for i t is a rich land and abounds in all

kinds of food,especial ly game and fish

,more than

one would bel ieve possible,and also buffaloes

,deer

,

and [wild] swine . The C i ty of Manila is well supplied from there .

That is Franciscans , who first went to the islands in 1577.

Salazar in his relation (VOL . VI I , p . says also that there weretwelve religious houses in the province of La Laguna ten Franciscan, one Augustinian , and one secular. This would indicate thatSalazar ’s relation is the later, for the tendency would be for the

Franciscans to increase .Loarca (VOL . v, pp . 87, 88 ) mentions the nam es of the ten

encomiendas about the lake of Bay . Salazar ( at supra ) allowsbut eight encomenderos to this district .



P rov ince of Y locos

The second part of the isl and of Luzon is the p rovince of Y locos

,which is located more northerly than

Manila . That p rovince contains a Spanish settlement called V i l l a Fernandina

,which was founded

by Captain Juan de Sal z edo by order of GovernorGuido de Labaz ares. I t is seventy leguas from Manila and l ies in eighteen degrees of lati tude . Thatp rovince is densely populated and contains largersettlements than the other p rovinces . The peopleare however more barbarous

,and they are not so

well Cl ad or so l ight complexioned as the Others .They are husbandmen and possess very large fields .Consequently

,i t is a land abounding in rice and cot

ton .

74 There is also considerable gol d,for the chie f

mines of these isl ands are si tuated in the mountainsof that p rovince . Those people enjoy i t for theyhave more communication with the miners thananyone else . The Spaniards have endeavored oftento colonize the mines in order to work them ; but i thas as yet been imposs ible

,al though Governo r Gon

calo Ronquillo was very hot afte r i t,and i t cost

The production of cotton in the Philippines has been almostentirely confined to the island of Luzon , and was form erly muchmore important than now . I locos (Norte and Sur ) produced in1902, per cent of the cotton grown in the archipelago ( thecotton area in the two provinces constituting per cent of allthe cotton area of the island ) . The cotton area of I locos Nortefor that year was hectares, and the crop , kilogram s ; and the cotton land of I locos Sur , 645 hectares, and thecrop , kilograms. The greatest rice-producing province inthe Phil ippines is Pangasinan , which produced hectoliters in 1902, while I locos Norte is fifth in order withhectoliters, and I locos Sur eighth with hectoliters. The

archipelago does not raise enough rice to meet domestic wants , asit is more profitable to raise other crops, especially abaca. See

Census of P hilipp ine I s lands , iv , pp . 209 , 218, 219 .

11280- 1 605] RELATION OF PH ILIPINAS 38 3

him many men as the l and is ve ry rude and food isscarce . That p rovince of Y lOcos is a very unheal thful l and and consequently poorly populated bySpaniards . I t contains many churches and Christi ans

,and all the people are not wholly Chris ti an

because of the l ack of ministers . They desi re andbeg to be made Chris ti ans . They are a very simple

,

domestic,and peaceful people

,large of body and

very strong. They are a most cleanly race,espe

cial ly the women in thei r houses , which they keepve ry neat and clean . They have a p ractice of goingthree or four times a day to bathe in the river .”

P rovince of Cagayan

About thi rty leguas farther on f rom that V ill aFe rnandina and past the cape called Boxeador andin a lati tude of nineteen degrees l ies the p rovinceand river of Cagayan . I t i s a very large provinceand very densely populated and exceedingly wellsuppl ied with rice

,cotton

,

7 6 very large fowls,deer

,

buffaloes,and a great quanti ty of wax . The shore of

that river which is called Tajo is very l arge. Abouttwo leguas f rom the sea is settled the ci ty of [Nueva]Segovia . I t was colonized by Captain Juan Pablode Carrion by order of Governor Don Goncalo Ronquillo . That rive r is about eighty leguas distant

Cf. Loarca’

s account of the province of I locos, VOL . V,p . 103 ,

and Salazar ’s, VOL . VI I , p . 3 7.

76 The cotton area of Cagayan did not reach 100 hectares in1902, and the rice crop for that year was only hectoliters.In 1902 Cagayan was the third province in the production of corn

hectoliters ) and sweet potatoes kilograms ) .

The total area of that province is hectares, of whichhectares or per cent is agricultural . Of this

hectares or per cent are cultivated and hectares uncultivated . See Census of Philippine I slands, iv.


f rom China,less rather than more . Inasmuch as i t

is so near,and also because i t contains so many peo

ple and is so rich and well supplied with food,the

effort has been made often to completely subdue i tand settle i t

,but that effort has not as yet been suc

cessful . I bel ieve the cause i s the few Spaniardsand the few rel igious that can enter i t at one time .That land is very fitting fo r commerce with Chinaas that country is so near

,and has excellent rive rs

for galleys and ships . One can cross to China in oneand one-half days

,and the mainl and of China is

often reached at night . In the month of March of

the year 82,Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion went to

colonize that province,and since then many more

people than before l ive there 7 7 When he reachedthat place he found a fleet of J apanese pi rates whodesi red to settle there and had taken possess ion of theriver . Passing through thei r mids t wi thout receiving any harm

,he went up higher on the rive r and

with the greatest haste made a sort of fort f rom anOld galley that he had

,in which he mounted his

artil le ry as well as poss ible . The Japanese generalwrote him a letter

,in which he said that he knew

well that they were robbers l ike himsel f,but that he

was there firs t,and had come at his king ’s command ;

consequently,i f Carrion wished him to go away

Montero y Vidal (H ist . de F il ipinas , i , p . 84) says of thisincident : “A Japanese pirate, called Tayfusa or Taiz ufa, havingmade himself master of Cagayan , was committing many depredations among its natives . Ronquillo sent Juan P ablo Carri6n to

oppose him, who succeeded , although not without difliculty , indriving him from the province. Then Carri6n pacified the wholeterritory after defeating the native chiefs. He founded the cityof Nueva Segovia in Lal-lo. He was accompanied in that expedition by the Dominican father F ray Cristébal de Salvatierra and

the Augustinian F rancisco Rodriguez.”


1 2804 605] RELATION OF PH ILIPINAS 385

and leave him the river he was to give him a largesum of gold . The captain repl ied to him that hecame only to protect the natives and to take from theJ apanese the gold that they had seized from themand drive them out of the country . When the J apanese found that nothing would be given them

,more

than six hundred men came one morning at dawn toattack the fort

, armed with excel lent muskets andweapons . Our men numbered about eighty but theywere defended by thei r small fort of old stakes . Agreat number of the J apanese were killed while notmore than one of our men was kil led

,and i t is even

sai d that he was ki lled by accident by those whowere insi de the fort . When the J apanese saw howevilly the day was going fo r them and tasted of theskil l of the Spani ards

,they dete rmined to retreat

,

and leave not only the fort,but also our men and te

turn to thei r country . I was told by Father Francisco Cabral

,

7 8of the Society of J esus

,who was then

p rovincial in J apon,that he had talked with them

and that they were afraid of the Spaniards,and said

that such people [as the Spaniards] had never beenseen . They were astonished above all else at therapidi ty and Skil l with which the Spaniards discharged thei r weapons . Surely they had good reason to be afraid

,for I believe that the re i s now no

better soldie ry than that of the Phil ipinas, especially

Francisco Cabral was born at Covilham Portugal , in 1528,and entered his novitiate in the Society of Jesus at Goa in 1554.

He professed philosophy and theology, and later became master ofnovices , and rector of the colleges of Goa, Racaim, and Cochim .

Later he went to Japan , where he was vice-provincial for someyears. Going thence to China, he returned later to the Indies,where he was visitor , provincial , and an official in the professedhouse at Goa, where he died April 16, 1609 . Many of his lettershave been published . See Sommervogel ’s B ibliothéque.

3 86 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS (Vol . 34

the arquebusiers . The people of the p rovince of

Cagayam resemble those of Y locos. They are veryvile, and poorly dressed, but are fine husbandmen .

Christi ani ty has not entered there to any extent,but

there a re some fathers there . They have begun tobuild churches although the land is not enti relyquiet. I t will be pacified soon

,our Lord will ing

,as

in the other parts,especially i f there are p riests to

send .

P rovince of Cam ar ines

The other cape of this isl and of Luzon lying to thesoutheast is called Buza y Gan .

79 I t l ies in a l ati tudeof thi rteen and one-thi rd degrees . There is a po rtthere which is at times made by the ships from Mexico. Twenty leguas from the cape of Buza y Ganinland is the village of [Nueva] Caceres . Thatvil lage was colonized by Captain Don Juan de Arzeat the orde r of Governor Francisco Sande .That p rovince is called Camarines and is ve ryl a rge and densely populated . I t contains manysmall p rovinces in i ts confines . The people are wellfeatured and are excellent husbandmen

,and there

fore they have considerable rice . There are manygold mines in that p rovince and many excellent goldsmiths afte r thei r fashion Those men roamthroughout the isl and in orde r to gain thei r l iving.

The author probably includes in the term Camarines themodern provinces of Ambos Camarines, Al bay, and Sorsogén,

and possibly Tayabas . In 1902 Ambos Camarines was fourth inthe production of abaca, the provinces of Leyte , Albay, and Sorsogén,

preceding it. I ts total area is hectares, of whichhectares or per cent are agricultural . O f this

hectares or per cent are cultivated . Cf. the above accountwith that of Loarca, VOL . v, pp . 93 -10 1 . See Census of Philippine I slands, iv.



dors to be killed . However,i t was the Lord ’s will

that one of them should escape as by a mi racle,for

he made a vow when he beheld himsel f in thatp redicament to become a Christian i f the Lordwould save him . The Lord saved him and heafterward performed his vow and is now an excellent Chris tian

,and has produced much frui t among

his fellow-natives,as I am a good witness . When the

governo r learned of the insult that the king of

Burnei had shown him,he resolved to gain by force

what they refused to give him will ingly . The kingof Burneo sailed out into the sea with a great numberof galleys and gall iots and a considerable quanti tyof good artille ry. But when our artille ry was discharged

,and the Borneans saw that it had so long a

range,while thei r own had no effect

,they began to

turn and flee . The small ships went in pursui t ofthem and captured thei r galleys which they hadabandoned and a quanti ty of thei r arti lle ry

,al though

much of the latter was also thrown into the water .The governor followed up his victory

,and entered

the ci ty where he pillaged a great part of i ts wealth .

Almost al l the people fled to the mountains . Thatci ty was very l arge and rich

,and was buil t on a very

broad and deep rive r,and had the appearance of

another Veneci a .

8 1 The buildings were of wood,

but the houses were excellently constructed,many of

them being constructed with stone work and gilded,

especially the king’s palaces which were of huges ize . That city contained a very sumptuous mosque ,a very l arge and interesting building quite coveredwi th hal f-rel ief and gilded . When the gove rnor

See Pigafetta’

s description of the city of Brunei , ante, VOL .

XXXI II , p . 221 see also VOL . IV, p . 160 ff.

1 2804 605] RELATION OF PH ILIPINAS 389

returned to Manila he ordered that mosque to beburned . That king of Burnay is a Moro from Mecaand is the ruler of the seaports and rivers of thatisl and where he has settlements of Moros . The natives of the isl and however are heathen as are all theothe r peoples of the Phil ipinas. The governor senta message to the king in order to get him to makepeace with him

,but i t was impossible to find him

for he refused to put in an appearance . More thanfive hundred Indians came to make peace

,among

them an uncle of the king who acted as h is masterof-camp . At that juncture i t was the Lord’s willthat all the men of our camp commenced to fall sickso that there was almost no man in the camp whocould perfo rm sentinel duty

,and many died . I t was

thought to be caused by an herb which the nativesput into the food or which they had thrown into thewater . The governor was

,therefore

,fo rced to

abandon the settlement and return to Manila . TheMoro king returned to his ci ty and rebuil t hismosque and fort . H e has many galleys and a quanti ty of artil le ry at p resent, but i t will be of no avail i fthe Spaniards return thithe r . I t is reported that hehad his uncle killed as well as the other leaders whomade peace . Burney is a way-s tation of great importance

,fo r it is on the way from Malaca to Meluco

,

and Manil a,while i t i s an excellent harbo r fo r the

fleets which sail to Malaca destined for Patan,S ian

,

and other kingdoms . From Manila toward thesouth l ies Maluco at a distance of three hundredleguas

,and in the midst of the way l ie the isl ands

called Phil ip inas. The latter a re densely populated,

well supplied with food,and rich in gold . Among

them are Mindanao,Sebu

,Panay

,and others which

390 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 3 4

I do not name although they are l arge . Al l theabove-named isl ands are inhabited by Pintados

,

whom we call Viz ayos. They exhibi t but few differences among themselves . They are a robust andenergetic race

,and more incl ined to war and p illage

than to work . They are not traders as are those ofManila nor so weal thy

,fo r they are satisfied i f they

have a bi t of rice and wine . The isl and of Zebu isone of these islands . I t is the province where theSpaniards were s tationed

,and where they establ ished

the oldes t colony on the seashore on one of the finestharbors in the world . I t was colonized by Adel antado Miguel Lope z de Legazpi

,and was called the

ci ty of Nombre de Jesus ; for, when our men wentthit her

,they found a very beautiful child Jesus

there,which had been there s ince they had killed the

famous Magall anes . The Indians reverenced thatimage highly and commended themselves to i t inthei r necessi ties . E specially at times of droughtthey took it and bathed i t in the sea

,whereupon the

Lord gave them rain in plenty. I t is now kept in theconvent of the Augustinian fathers of that city .

That was the firs t church in these isl ands . The Lordworks many miracles at present by means of that image . The Spaniards were l iving ln that is land whena vast Portuguese fleet composed of galleys and gall eons came to take them to Indi a . I ts captain was acertain Goncalo Pere i ra M arrom aquez , and notwithstanding that our men were so few 8 2 and had nofort

,they managed so discreetly and the Lord (who

knew the great benefit that must follow from thei rpermanence ) , aided them so well that the Portu

guese reti red in confusion seemingly with thei r

L iterally : Notwithstanding that our men were four cats.


LETTER FROM JUAN BAUTI STA ROMANTO FELIPE I I

S i re :

For the last eleven years that I have been servingyour Majesty in these regions of the Indias

,I have

continual ly written what has occurred to me re

garding your royal service and the benefit and increase of the treasury ; and although nothing of

notoriously great convenience has been enacted,I

shal l not neglect to inform your Majesty of thethings that occur to me at p resent in order that I mayfulfil my obl igation and discharge my conscienceso that your Majes ty may enact what measures aremost advisable .

Your Majesty will have heard from NuevaEspana of the depredations that the Engl ish pi rateshave committed

,and that two extremely small

ships — one of one hundred and fifty tonel adas,and

the other of one hundred,and carrying seventy men

in both ships — captured your Majesty’s ship “SantaAna” 8 3 of s ix hundred tons ’ burden

,on the coast of

Nueva E spafia . I t contained two thousand th reehundred marcos of gold belonging to private pe rsons and one million [ducados

’

] worth of merchandise with which i t was laden . Then they burned the

See the account of Candish’

s expedition in VOL . XV, pp .29 1

-299 .

1 280 - 1 605] ROMAN To FELIPE 11 393

vessel . Inasmuch as your Maj es ty will have as

defini te information as that known here,I shall only

relate what happened to the English later accordingto what has been learned from them themselves andwhat we have seen . After they had bu rned the ship

,

they sailed toward these islands,but the smal ler

vessel went adrift in the open sea . The other arrivedin J anuary of this year at the isl and of Capul

,the

first island of these Fil ip inas,which forms a strait

with this l arge island of Luzon . The captainbought some food from the Indians at Capul

,for

which he paid them very l iberally and did them no

damage . He hanged a Spaniard whom he hadb rought from the ship “Santa Ana

,one Alonso de

Valladol id,because he found on him a lette r in

which he advised the president of the royal Audienci a of all that had happened . The Indian whowas to carry the lette r and who was the servant ofthe said Spaniard

,escaped by swimming and con

cealed himsel f so securely in the i sl and that theEnglish were unable to find him . They told theIndians of the island that they were hosti le to theSpaniards

,and that they had left thei r country for

the sole purpose of harming us . They said that theywould return with a fleet within three years

,in order

to colonize these isl ands and drive us out of them ;and that they did not care for any tribute f rom theIndians

,but only for thei r friendship and trade .

After a s tay of eleven days they set sai l and went toanother isl and called P anae

,more dis tant f rom this

settlement of Manil a,and toward the south . There

is a smal l ci ty in that island cal led Arevalo of whichCaptain Don Juan Ronquillo is alcalde-mayor . Al arge ship was being built nearby at the expense of


the royal treasury . The Englishmen arrived betweenthe hamlet and the shipyard where the ship wasbuilding on the seventh of February

,where he cap

tured by means of his ship ’s boat a sailo r who wascoasting along in a boat quite inapprehens ive of anysuch danger . All the information that could be des i red was learned from that sailo r . Next day theEnglishman landed the sailo r with a lette r for one

Manuel Lorenco, who had the construction of theship in charge . The lette r contained some threatsand arguments of little moment and was s ignedTomas Candis of Trim b ley, as your Majesty wil l seeby the original in the papers sent by the p resi dent.At that time that sai lor learned of the disas ter to the“Santa Ana

,

” f rom one of the Portuguese who hadbeen captured and from certain Flemish sailo rswhom he knew. I t was also learned immediatelyfrom the Indian who had escaped in Capul . Bothof them declared the captain to be a youth of

twenty-two or twenty-three,and that the ship con

tained scarcely forty Englishmen . Afte r havingdone that the English set sail and laid thei r coursetoward the isl and of Vindenao

,the l ast one of these

Fil ip inas lying toward Maluco . They will neces

sarily be forced to winter in some desert i sland nearMaluco ( as Francisco D raque did ) unti l the monthof December

,fo r they can not make use of the

brisas of this year for the voyage to,and the doub

ling of,the cape of Buena H esperanz a, as i t is

al ready very late . And especially s ince i t wouldtake all the res t of February and March to sail to theJ avas

,where one disembogues from this archipel ago

into the open sea,for that dis tance is more than four

hundred leguas,and one can sai l only by day because



with great dil igence as i f all Ingalaterra were coming to attack us . A few days late r I was sick in mybed

,and grieving over this so mani fest e rro r

,I had

the bishop and the recto r of the Society of Jesus,

who are weighty individuals and ve ry skilled andzealous in the service of God and of your Majes ty

,

asked to come to my house . I asked them to treatwith the governor since he had not exercised dil igence in pursuing the Englishman at that time

,to

at least assemble the fleet at the i sland of Cubu

(which is near Bindanao) , s ince i t is a foregone conclusion that the pi rate will have to winter in thisarchipelago ; and , s ince he would be assured soonthat no other Engl ish ships were coming

,to send the

fleet from that isl and to pursue the enemy. Al

though the fleet should sai l with west and no rthwestwinds

,which prevail during August and September

and are favorable fo r our navigation and contraryto that of the Engl ishman

,they could sail in pur

suit of him and it would be easy to find him,for the

Indians of the islands would immediately reporthim wherever we went

,as the vessel was a foreign

one and the men of a race never before seen . Wecould especially take so many light-oared vesselsthat they could search for the English ship anywhere . I t would not be difficult to capture i t witha s ingle galley

,and the capture would be much

eas ier with twelve o r thi rteen f ragatas that could beassembled . I al so asked him that even i f he did notwish to take that upon himsel f

,to at least send word

to Juan de Si lva, governor of Malaca, and the chie fcaptain of the sea

,Don Paulo de Lima

,who came

from Goa with twenty oared vessels and ships o fhigh freeboard and five hundred soldie rs to make

1 5280 - 1 605] ROMAN TO FELIPE II 397

war on the king of Joor — one reason being so thatthey might go or send men along the coasts of theJ avas to look for that pi rate

,as that would be a very

easy thing ; and anothe r so that the ship whichshould leave Malaca to sail to Portugal might bewarned ; and another so that the governor of Malacamight advise the viceroy of India . The latter coulddespatch the ships o r a portion of them early andthey could await that enemy at the isl and of S antaElena

,and at least they would be on the lookout dur

ing all thei r voyage,for the route is necessa rily the

same until near the vicinity of the Azores I slands .Al l those warnings a re so evident that i f your Majesty o rders p ilots to be assembled

,no matter how

l i ttle they know,they will agree in thei r account of

this voyage . But the governor and his captains helda council

,and i t was voted in wri ting ( and all were

in accord ) that not a single one of the above precautions ought to be taken . The one who is least toblame i s the governor

,for s ince i t is a matter that is

foreign to his p rofession and the manner in which hehas l ived until his old age

,he took counsel with those

who unders tand it or at least ought to understand i t.The latte r ( some of them in orde r not to go upon thisexpedition and the others because they had no further news ) , gave that Op inion to the governor nem inediscrepante. Finally

,the Engl ishman will retu rn

scotf ree to his country on this account,while i f there

were any energy displayed here ( I do not mean thep recautions abovesaid

,but a ship well equipped ) ,

a ship might be sent in pursuit of him as far as England

,for he is sail ing so carelessly that i t would be

easy to overtake and capture him .

Al though the remedy that your Majes ty orders to


be taken in order to punish the audacity of thoseEnglishmen by making war on Ingalaterra is thebest and surest remedy

,yet for any event I proposed

what seems the most convenient and the easies tmethod of driving the English from this sea of thesouth . Al l the men who have sailed through the seaof Magallanes in o rder to return [home] by way ofthe cape of Buena Esperanza (namely, Magallaneshimsel f

,Francisco D raque

,and this p i rate ) sail by

way of the island of Vindenao,as far as the J avas

where they disembogue from this archipelago intothe ocean sea . There are many straits and channelsbetween islands along this route (which must necessarily be taken ) , some of which are not one-hal f milewide . I f they should be in those dis tricts f rom thefirst of February to the end of June ( the season forthe b risas

,by which the pi rates must navigate ) , two

f ragatas of high freeboard with thei r lanchas andwel l equipped with arti l le ry and carrying two hundred men

,would infall ibly be suflicient to prevent

the enemy from passing ; and would allow them no

method by which they could pass through the straitof Magallanes to these p arts . For i f the shipsshould coast along P i ru and Nueva H espafia, andthis passage were taken

,and the ships attempted to

return by the same path,i t would be very difficult

for them,and the viceroy of P i ru would have time

to pursue them . The cost of such fragatas andl anchas in these islands would be six thousand pesosde Tipusque

s" all finished and ready for sail ing .

P esos de Tipusque : Pedro Gut1errez de Santa C lara says ( i ,p . 171 ) in his H istoria de las g uer ras civiles del P er il — calledal so Quinquenar ios (Madrid 1904 ; published for the firsttime from the original and it was al l gold de minas , tenpesos of which are worth sixteen and one-half pesos and four



cost of the ships of this l ine . Al l of the ships belongto your Majesty

,although they could belong to pri

vate persons . In the former year of eighty-five,Captain Es teban Rodriguez de Figueroa b rought anew ship of three hundred toneladas to the port ofthis ci ty , in order to freight i t for Nneva Espana ;but instead of encouraging and aiding him in i t

,he

was denied all p rotection,so much so that in order

that the ship might not rot in the port,he was

obl iged to sell i t for a ce rtain exploring expeditionwhich was made at you r Majesty’s expense by orderof the archbishop of Mexico . Consequently

,all

those who intended to build ships were discouraged .

The reason for this is that s ince the governors emgage in trade and traflic

,they do not want any ships

belonging to p rivate persons where heavy freightshave to be paid . I t i s known what goods a re exported and whose they are i f they do not belong toyour Majesty

,and that his merchandise goes under

false p retense and that he does not pay so heavyfreight duties . Consequently

,in order that the gov

ernors may gain one real,i t must cost your Majesty

one hundred . Two of your Majesty’s ship s arebeing despatched this year

,one of six hundred tone

ladas and the other of four hundred,at an expense

of more than fifty thousand pesos . I t i s unnecessaryto despatch more than one ship

,for one ship of one

hundred toneladas is suflicient to b ring the am m uni

tion and soldiers to be sent from Mexico . Howeverin order that those two might be laden with merchandise they are sent, and this is one of the incon

gruities above mentioned . I f the merchants of

Mexico and of these isl ands wish commerce theyshould build ships

,and not all carry on thei r business

1 2804 605] ROMAN TO FELIPE II 40 1

to the so great harm and loss of the royal treasury .

Finally these i slands have never been or are of further use than to enrich the governor

,and to enable

him to gain two hundred thousand ducados,while

your Majes ty loses ten times as much . Things willconstantly get worse in this di rection

,unless your

Maj esty o rde rs the matter corrected . I am servingyour Majesty as factor and treasure r

,but I have no

part in anything,for the governor manages things

to sui t himsel f . I have always advised your Majestyof these and other . incongruities

,but no relief has

ever been given to anything that I have mentionedtouching your royal service

,and my letters cannot

have had the credit that my fai thfulness meri ts .However

,I shal l at least have perfo rmed my duty

as your Majesty’s servant and vassal,and to my con

science .

A stone fort is being buil t in this C ity of Manil aat the governor’s o rder and at the cost of the royaltreasury and of certain imposts on the Indians andSpaniards . Al l that i s spent in thi s i s time andmoney lost

,for as your Majesty will see by i ts model

,

i t i s a rounded pile of s tones in the old style,having

seven arms on top,covered with til ing . I f i t were

to be beaten down from above,those inside would

perish wi th the stones and ti les which would fall onthem . A modern fortress with three ramparts couldbe built with the amount that i t is costing

,and not a

defense so useless that any Englishman or Frenchman who might bes iege i t would take it the first daythat he bombarded i t. For as I say above

,the same

ruin that strikes the upper works must be the deathblow of i ts defenders . Besides that there are sometowers with stone houses which are buil t nearby.


The fort has no moat or platform,while the a rti l

lery cannot be easily handled,for there a re only

some round loopholes through which the pieces p rotrude . Consequently

,all parts of the fort cannot

be commanded or even one curtain aided from an

other . I t i s a shame to us that we are building sucha fort . Will your Majesty please order the matte rexamined and corrected ? May our Lord prese rveyour Majesty many years with the increase of kingdoms and seigniories that we your subj ects and vassal s des i re . Manil a

,in the Fil ip inas

,July 2

,1588.

JUAN BAPTISTA ROMAN



cheerful and well paid,for they received one aid in

Mexico and another one here a few days ago . I

trust that this matter wil l be thoroughly perfected,

notwithstanding the not sl ight obstructions and op

posi tion to the new soldiers in the sl ight aid and Vi lepersuas ions of those who were here before . Thelatter asked them why they ti red themselves out inthis work

,and said that it was unnecess ary

,and

worth nothing except to make them fall s ick anddie . I t is because they have so honorable thoughts

,

that although they see that the pay is drawn now

from the king and so punctually,yet with the new

system that has been o rdered,not a single one of

them has ever wished to concur in i t,although they

are perishing of hunger,and besides have nothing to

do except to suffe r themselves to come to submit inorde r to receive pay. For they are good for nothingelse than to do bad turns to the others

,and notwith

s tanding that,they publ ish more se rvices than those

of the duke of Alva ;8 5 and togethe r with that they

act in so unbridled a manner to the others in theguardhouse that i t became advisable to punish themsl ightly for some offenses that could not be passedby especially in these beginnings . Those punishments consisted of tying the hands behind the backand suspending the soldie r

,imprisonment

,exi le

,and

other things . The matte r even went so far that one

Fernando Alvarez de Tol edo, Duke of Alva, the “hangmanof the Netherlands” ( 1508-82 or 83 ) was special ly trained by hisgrandfather for war and politics. He served under both CharlesV and Felipe I I ; and will always be remembered by his crueltyand atrocities in the Netherlands. Motley’s estimate of him isinteresting : Such an amount of stealth and ferocity, of patientVindictiveness, and universal blood thirstiness has never been foundin a savage beast of the forest, and but rarely in a human being.See New I nternational Encyclopedia.

11280-1 605] LETTER FROM DASMARINAS 405

day a certain soldie r gave the l ie to his co rporal ofthe guard and raised his hand against his al ferez andresisted him . Any of those actions merited death ,and he was accordingly executed

,in o rder that the

soldiers might understand that I was in earnest andthat the matter had gone farther than was desi rable .That had a very salutary effect

,and acted as a check

to all,for f rom that time

,there has been no disturb

ance but all has been quiet and good discipl ine prevails .There are very few soldiers he re

,for I only

brought 270, and about 40 of those have died al

ready . Before they reach here,those who are sent

die and desert on the way . In fact the soldie rs o fNueva Espana are not su itable

,and consequently

,i t

will be advisable fo r those who come here to be sentfrom Espafia.

The pay also that is given here to captains,Offi

cers,and soldie rs is very l i ttle toward theI r main

tenance. Therefore I petition your Grace to favorthis

,so that they may increase in service to his

Majes ty, and so that I may have more leeway in re

warding them and encouraging them to [exert themselves] in his service .

There was no ammunition here nor a house for i t,

or any magazines or money to get ammunition or

other very important things . There were no barracks for the soldiers

,who were quartered on the

houses of the ci tizens,to the great discomfort of the

l atte r . That also gave opportuni ty to the soldie rsthemselves to l ive loosely and sensually . Conse

quently,I have buil t a barracks that will accom m o

date 400 , and they will be readily access ible forguard duty and for anything that arises .


I have surrounded the ci ty with a suitable s tonewall

,that s tretches f rom the point of a fort which i s

being buil t to another which was buil t in a very imp roper manner

,and will only se rve now for show .

This wall is about one thousand brazas long and hasa foundation below ground of about one and one

hal f estados . I t is about 16 feet broad, [at ground

level] while above ground level i t tapers in anotherone and one-half estados from the 16 feet

,to twelve

feet . From the 12 feet thickness i t tapers to aboutone vara of slope i f one measures f rom the level ofthe ground . Then begins the right curtain

,and i t

has a width of 8 feet — a space sufficient to drag a

p iece of arti l le ry along it . At the very leas t i t willserve for a good entrenchment on any occas ion . Atp resent al l the seacoast s ide is in some state of security and sui tab i l ity . I trust

,God help ing

,that in one

year’s time,i t will have so much securi ty that it wil l

be seen that i t will not be as heretofore ; for one

would bel ieve that we have been here only as guests ,and have been awaiting no more than the arrival o fthe hour of departu re

,and to leave it as i t was . 8 6

The following royal decree taken from a MS. book of decreesentitled “

Cedulas reales dirigidas a el tas Yslas F ilipinas , Copiadasfielm ente de las originales O authenticas que fe guardan en el

archivo de la real Audiencia de Manila” ( a copy of the seventeenth or eighteenth century ) and kindly loaned by Mr. E. E.

Ayer of Chicago, is interesting.“The King. Leonardo Fur

riano, my engineer. Inasmuch as it is desirable for my service thatyou go to the Phil ipinas Islands with Gomez Perez Dasm arifias ,knight of the O rder of Santiago, whom I have appointed as mygovernor and captain-general of them

,so that forts m ay be

built according to your advice and design , which , in accordancewith the contents of the instructions of the said Gomez Perez areto be built in the said islands : I order you to go with him , and

that you embark very speedily in order not to tarry an instantfor the sake of our cause . For that purpose , Don Luis de la Cueva,m y governor and captain—general of those islands of Canaria shall


40 8 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

support for them,except the power and faculty that

his Majesty gives in this,so that i t might be had

here ; fo r since his Majesty entrusts other things tome

,he might well entrust this

,being assured that I

shall not spend one real imp roperly for his Maj esty,

nor more than what I may deem advisable .When I arrived here I found a p rovince called

Zambales which was in strong revolt,and many

thefts and murders had been committed there . I

endeavored to attract the people to make peace bygood means ; but having found that none of themavailed

,I determined to send two captains there

,one

by sea and the other by land . I ordered them to

build two p residios in the districts most sui table foraiding the people f rom

,and for making them obe

dient to his Maj esty . One of the p res idios is cal ledTarla

,and the other Las Arenas . The Zambals see

ing that the p residios were so located that they re

strained thei r steps and thoughts,and that active

measures were being taken,by those means more

than two thousand five hundred men have beenreduced and have settled near the p residios 8 8 Bymeans of that reduction

,another province called

Pampanga has been assured .

8 9 All this ci ty is supplied with food from the latte r p rovince

,which was

greatly harassed and troubled by the Zambals .Besi des the abovesaid the Zambals are slowly being

The opinions of the religious given January 19 and 20 ,1592

upon the question of waging war on the Zambals ( see VOL . VI II ,

pp . 199 prove this assertion of Dasm arifias‘

to have beenmade too soon .

The province of Pampanga is still an abundant source of

supplies. Of its total area of hectares, or 47per cent is agricultural , and of that hectares ( or percent ) are cultivated . I t is the second sugar producing provincein the archipelago, producing kilograms in 1902.

11280 - 1 605] LETTER FROM DASMARINAS 409

reduced fifty by fifty,and that work wil l continue

until they all come in .

I also found another p rovince called Cagayanwhich had been in revol t f rom his M aj es ty’s se rviceafte r they had rendered homage for some years . Isent a captain and 80 soldie rs there

,and afte r the

same methods employed toward the Zambals hadbeen used

,and afte r having seen that the latter re

fused to render Obedience,i t was necessary to open

war . By that means all the inhabi tants of that p rovince were reduced in the space of s ix months

,and

came to pay the tribute to his Majesty — they andothers who had never been discovered unti l then .

I t is said that the re are many people s til l to discover .Good methods will be used toward them so that theymay come into the service of his M aj es ty. The las tnamed province has a port located near the cape ofBoj ador and that of El Engano . One may ente r thatharbor without pass ing amid these isl ands

,and the

exi t f rom it is so good that one has only to taketo the open sea on leaving it . I t is so near China thatone can reach that country in three days and retu rnin another three . I bel ieve that we could annuallydespatch a ship hence with merchandise for Espafia,and i t would be very advisable to have a good Spanish settlement in that port . I p ropose that matter toyour Grace

,petitioning you to please order such a

settlement to be made if i t seem suitable,s ince it is

good for the future to have a settlement so near toChina .The above i s al l that occurs to me at p resent o fwhich to inform your Grace . In the one year andten days now s ince I came to these isl ands

,I can say

that in most Of that time,I have been busy settl ing


opposi tions and innovations of the b ishop and thedoubts and inventions Of him and his f ri ars who donothing except to obstruct and embarrass everythingthat is done here . Al though wheneve r the b ishopcame to me with new causes fo r anger he left mewell satisfied and content

,that condi tion did not l as t

longe r,on account of his age and inconstancy

,than

the arrival of any other person who influenced himto whatever side he would . Consequently

,he has

proved only a constant Oppos ition to my oflice,and I

have been unable to do my duty with any sort of l ibe t ty as the royal jurisdiction has no weight here .

For besides that this i s so l i ttle and new,i t was all

se ized by the many justices appointed by the bishop,

who had an infinite number of fiscals and alguacilsal l over

,and a vicar and p rotector at every step .

They were appointing alguacils,building prisons

,

and setting up stocks,arres ting and l ashing Indians

,

and were very domineering and meddlesome in al lthings . The bishop

,although I have opposed his

j ou rney as much as poss ible,is going there .

90 However

,he says obstinately that i t cannot be avoided '

and his heart is full of venom and he i s desi rous ofdoing harm . But s ince he cannot in truth say anything that can touch me one jot and prove disserviceto my king

,his imaginings give me no concern for I

know how he usually succeeds in them . The shipshave now arrived

,and with them D iego Ronquil lo

,

who gave me your lette r . I am well satisfied with i t,

and will rep ly to i t in another lette r. May our Lord,etc . M anila

,June 21

,1591 .

GoMEz PEREZ DASMARINAS

Morga makes a statement somewhat at variance with this( see VOL. XV, p.


ROYAL DECREE REGARDING THE HOSP ITALS FOR THE NATIVE S

The King . Reverend Father in Christ,bishop of

the Phil ip inas, and member of my Council : I amwriting to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas

,my governor

and captain-general of those isl ands,to immediately

take possess ion of the hospital of the Indians of thatci ty o f Manila and of the hosp itals that may be inthe other Vi llages of those islands

,fo r me and in my

name,as patron

,which I am both by right and by

apostol ic bull of all the hospitals that may be instituted and founded in the Indi as ; and to take the

See the bull of Gregory X I I I , dated February 6, 1578 , inVOL . IV,

pp . 1 19-124, where the patronage of the Spanish monarch

in ecclesiastical matters is conceded . Libro i , tit. 6, of Recopila

czon de L eyes de I ndias treats of the royal patronage. Law i, pro

m ulgated by Felipe I I , at San Lorenzo, June 1 , 1574, and Madrid ,February 21 , 1575; and by Felipe IV, June 15, 1654, is as

follows“Inasmuch as the right of ecclesiastical patronage belongs to us

throughout the state of the Indias , both because we discovered andacquired that new world , built and endowed there the churchesand monasteries at our own cost , and that of the Catholic sov

ereigns our ancestors, and because it was conceded to us by bulls ofthe supreme pontiffs of their own accord , for their conservationand for that Of the justice which we have there : we order and

command that this right of patronage of the Indias, singly, and

in sol idum ,be reserved forever to us and to our royal crown ,

and it cannot be deprived of it in Whole or in part ; and by anygrace , reward , privilege , or any other disposition that we or thekings our successors m ay make or concede , it shall not be adjudgedthat we concede the right of patronage to any person, church , or

11280 -1 605] DECREE REGARDING HOSPITALS 41 3

res idencia of al l those who shall have had Charge ofthe incomes

,alms

,and other things touching the said

hospitals . I have desi red to advise you of this inorder that you may not prevent i t, s ince you willknow i t to be my orders

,and also

,so that i f you wish

monastery, or that we are prejudiced in the said our right of

patronage. Further, no person or persons, ecclesiastical or secular

community, church , or monastery, can make use of the right ofpatronage by any custom ,

rule,or any other title , unless it be the

person who exercises it in our name, and with our authority and

power. No person , secular or ecclesiastical , order or convent,religious order or community of any estate , condition , rank, and

preeminence, j udicially or extrajudicially, shall dare , for any causeor occasion , to meddle at all with anything touching the said ourroyal patronage , or to damage us in our exercise of it, or appointto church, benefice, or ecclesiastical office, or receive such to whichappointments are made throughout the state of the Indias, without our presentation , or that of the person to whom we entrustthe same by law or letters-patent . W hoever shall do the contrary,if he be a secular person, shall incur the loss of the rewards thatwe shall have given him throughout the state of the Indias, shall bedeclared incapable of gaining and holding others, and shall beexiled from all our kingdoms perpetually. If he be an ecclesiastical person , he shall be considered and regarded as exiled fromour kingdoms, and shall be unable to possess or hold any benefice

or ecclesiastical office in the said our kingdoms . Both Classesshall incur the other penalties established by the laws of thesekingdoms. Our viceroys

,and royal audiencias and justices shal l

proceed with al l rigor against those who fail in the Observance andinviolability of our right of patronage . They shall proceed byvirtue of their office or at the petition of our fiscals, or of any otherparty who pleads it , and shall observe the necessary precautionsin the execution thereof .Law xliv ( dated San Lorenzo, August 28, treats of the

hospitals and is as follows :“We order the steward or superintendent of the funds of thechurches and hospitals of the Indians to be appointed according tothe ordinance of the royal patronage

,without any innovation.

Thus shall it be executed by the viceroys and presidents, and

the others who are concerned with the exercise of the patronage.See also laws xvi and xvii of this same libro and titulo whichtreat directly of the Philippines , and which are given in VOL . XVI ,

p . 169 , note 220 . Law xviii ( dated San Lorenzo, O ctober 5,1606) also treating of the Philippines, is as follows

4 I 4 TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V01. 34

to be p resent at the taking of the said accounts,you

may do so . I am writing to this effect to the saidgovernor . Madrid

,J anuary seventeen

,one thou

sand five hundred and ninety-three .I THE KING

By order of the king our sovereign :JUAN VAZQUEz

Signed by the [members of the] Counci l .“In order that the bishops of the churches of Nueva Caceres ,

Nueva Segovia, and that of Nombre de Jesus of the F i lipinasI slands m ay have persons to aid them in the pontifical ceremoniesand in order that they m ay have the requisite propriety of form intheir churches, and the divine worship have more veneration , inView of the fact that there are no tithes by which any prebendariescan be maintained in them,

our governor of those islands shal lappoint in each one of the said churches two secular priests ofgood morals and example who shall assist and aid the bishop inthe pontifical ceremonies and in everything touching the divineworship . He shall assign to them some moderate sum from our

royal treasury for their maintenance, so that they might therebyserve the churches for the present and until there is more facultyfor endowing them with prebendaries and supplying whatever elseis necessary.”



that were sent by royal command to those regions topreach the gospel

,which arose through the negl i

gence or malice of thei r leaders,as well as f rom the

hindrances on the part of the p rovinci als of Castileto p revent such as they deemed useful and necessaryto thei r own province from going thi ther . Wherefore

,he was appointed procurator-general in order

to act at your curia,as well as at the Spanish

,for the

transaction of weighty affai rs concerning the orderin the said regions

,s ince his superiors in Spain in

contravention of the wish and decree of the mostreverend p rior-general as well as of the generalchapter

,had usurped the ti tle of Vicar-general of the

aforesaid Indies,and thereby were guilty of disobe

dience. Inasmuch as they barred him from exercis

ing his said office Of procurato r-general,besides

taking from him all his papers and reports bearingon the above affai rs

,which he was carrying with

him ; moreover, in Vi rtue of holy obedience andunder other penalties they enjoined him from applying to the Roman curia or to the general of the saidorder in the interes t Of the aforesaid countries ; andlastly besides depriving him of his fo rmer conventship located him instead at San Felipe of Madrid :he now prays your Hol iness humbly while makingdue p rovision in the p remises also to charge themost reverend nuncio of those countries to see thathe be reestabl ished in the exerci se of his said office

,

that al l his papers be restored,and himself enabled

in accordance with the tenor and wish of his province to take with him al l the b rethren of the saidorde r [in Spain] who wish to go with him for the

The Augustinian convent of San F elipe el Real of Madridwas founded in 1545 or 1547.

— T . C . M IDDLETON , O .S.A.

1 2230 - 1 605] AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS 4 17

purpose of converting the peoples of those countriesand p reaching to them the word of God . Moreoveryour Hol iness i s implo red to restrain unde r gravepenalties and censures all who may hinder him inthe exerci se of his duty

,as well as strive in any way

to dissuade the b rethren who may wish to devotethemselves to the said ministry

,for which they shall

have been adjudged worthy,from going thither ;

moreover,to enjoin them the p rovinc ials of

Casti le] under the same censures from using thei rvicargeneralship in opposi tion to the will and decree of the most reverend p rio r-gene ral

,or from

attempting to contravene his mandates . Finally heseeks to be free in the exercise of his said oflice of

p rocurato r-general,

according to the decree andcommand of the prior-general of the order . Wherefore he always will p ray God for your health

,which

may God,etc .

[Addressed Our most blessed pope .

[E ndorsed Case of B rothe r Thomas Marquez,

procurator-general of the p rovince of the Philippines of the Order of S t. Augustine in the name ofthe said

[E ndorsed“Received

,October 13 , I 599 ; sent to

our

[E ndorsed z To the Cardinal San Severino

[word il leg ible] to be ac ted upon in the new congre

M em or ia l of Tom és M drquez

Most I l lustrIOus S I r :Following are the reasons advanced by brotherMaster Thomas M arquez

,procurator-general of the

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

province of the most holy Name of J esus,of the

Order Of St . Augustine of the Phil ippine I sl ands,

in the inte rest and name of the said p rovince,where

fore he seeks to be released from the authori ty andjurisdiction of the provinci als of Castile (who un

der the claim of being Vicars-general seek to governi t ) , and be subject only to the mos t reverend general ,as the true sole head and fathe r of the whole order

,

the same as do the other p rovinces of the WestIndies .The first reason is the avoidance of great con ins ion and chaos which we have because Of a plural i tyof rulers ; inasmuch as being subject to two rulers ,namely

,the most reverend father general

,our true

and worthy superior,as wel l as to the provincial of

Castile,who styles h imself Vicar-general

,we thus

would receive diverse orders from the two whenceconfusion would arise . For as we would be in doubtwhich one to obey

,our province would therefore be

in grave peril .1st .

95 Because the provinces of the Indies withthei r numerous rel igious men Of lea rning and vi rtue

,

who through thei r disc retion and wisdom are experts in the government Of those countries

,are

troubled with the orders,mandates

,and censures of

the p rovincials of Casti le,who to the grave injury

and disgrace of the said p rovinces,being concerned

only about thei r own inte rests and not those of thecommunity

,aim to govern them

,now by issuing

contrary ordinances that are hurtful to the commongood

,and again by thei r unjust mandates that are at

variance with our constitutions and l aws . For

95The numbering of the various parts of this section is veryconfused , but we follow it throughout .



to day,and being suborned with money and gifts

which the p rocurators give unwill ingly to them (butwhich they receive will ingly ) in order that theymay be permitted to carry on the things charged tothem and be given associates

,they the p rovin

cials and priors] as abovesaid not content with the

above charges , and imagining that the procuratorsare carrying with them large amounts o f moneywhich they are greedy to get into thei r own hands

,

worry and harry them by annull ing thei r powers ofprocuratorship

,by forcing them to reveal all the ir

affai rs,which thereupon they are inhib ited from

using,and by forbidding them under censures f rom

applying to the Roman curia or to the most reverendgeneral . Moreover

,they are assigned by the pro

vincials for res idence certain set convents,wherein

,

as happened to me,they have to lodge

,al though I

showed them an order from the most reverend general forb idding the provincial of Casti le frommaking any change in this regard

,such being the

order and sentence of gene ral chapter,confirmed by

his Holiness Clement the E ighth . But that was ofno avail

,fo r

,as appears from the letters and patent

of the provinci al of Castile,which I have handed

over to the reverend father,Brother John Baptis t Of

P iombino,

97 procurator—general [of the o rder] , andwhich are now in his keeping

,I have been fo rced to

flee hither .Third reason . That authori ty of vicar-general

John Baptist Bernori of P iombino, Italy, belonged to theprovince of the Augustinians of Siena. He was scripture professorat the Roman Sapienz a . See Lanteri , Erem us (Rome , 1874-75) ii ,p . 23 3 .

— T . C . MIDDLETON , O .S.A.

1 2230- 1 605] AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS 421

which they arrogate to themselves,serves them only

for despoil ing all the Indies,and transferring the

funds of the convents of the Indies to Spain ; for bythat authori ty they send brethren to seek alms inthose convents under the title of alms-seeker

,sup

porting thei r greed [cuditias] and sowing ( so thatthe convents might give readi ly and they receive )news to the effect that they are about to send vis i torsto them and that they are al ready appointed . Underthat ti tle they obtained twelve thousand gold escudos f rom the province of Peru for the Salamancahouse .

Lastly. This authority over those provinces i scoveted by them in o rder that thereby thei r ownprovince may be rel ieved of restless characte rs . For

whenever the procurators of those countries reachSpain in thei r search fo r ministe rs of the gospel toaid them in thei r minis try

,they are given the scou r

ings of the p rovince — unruly and il l-discipl inedb rethren — instead of upright and lea rned persons

,

such as have been p icked out fo r thei r need,who

,

moreover,are not allowed to go thi ther a p ractice

most hurtful to the preaching of the gospel,which

calls fo r learned and rel igious men .

For these and other reasons herein omi tted fo r thesake of brevi ty, the p rovince of the [Phil ippine]I slands

,whose p rocurator I am

,is grievously dis

tressed ; wherefore , in the hope of securing aremedy for such evils

,i t has been moved to send me

as its p rocurator,with power to act as such in Spain

and before this curi a,as an expert in matters appe t

taining to those countries for twenty years and up

wards . In cons ideration then of all these plaints,I


p ray your most il lustrious Lordship,in the name of

my p rovince,to deign to remedy these grievances

,

by enjoining the said p rovincials of Castile f romfurther use of thei r authori ty ; moreover, in accordance with the mandate of the most reverend fathe rgeneral

,to command them to restore to me all the

things they have taken away,bes ides what I mysel f

left in the convent at Madrid ; and again by enjoining them

,even under censures

,f rom in any manner

hindering the p rocurators of the said p rovince of thePhil ipp ines in thei r bus iness

,which they are to be

allowed to carry on freely,or f rom hindering the

brethren of any p rovince whateve r of Spain,who

may wish to go to the said islands in order to engagein the most holy work of p reaching the gospel ,whom they are bes ides

,under no matte r what p re

tense,neithe r to impede

,nor harass

,nor dissuade

from going thithe r . The execution whereof may beleft to the most i llustrious nuncio of Spain .

[Addressed z To the most i llustrious lord bybrothe r Ma ste r Thomas Marquez

,procurator-gen

eral of the O rder of St . Augustine of the p rovinceof the Phil ipp ines in the name of the said prov

[E ndorsed Received November 20,1599.

R epor t of the N uncio

When the West Indies were brought to the Cathol ic fai th and thereby made subject to the holyRoman Church

,his imperial Majesty Charles the

Fi fth being thei r maste r in temporals,the p rovince

of Castile of the Order of S t. Augustine sent thithe r



being larger and wealthie r than the province of

Castile,i s every bi t as observant and rel igious

,with

men of equal worth,who

,in short

,l ive the re in such

perfection and so uprightly . Therefore,i t

subjection to another province] would cause the

greatest distu rbance and trouble to those b rethrenwho serve the Lord God in the conversion of thosenew plants with so great s ince rity of heart.

3d . That the purpose wherefore the brethren of

the p rovince of Castile s trove to rule the provincesof the Indies was one of self inte rest rather than zeal

,

in that they carried off the weal th of the convents ofthe Indies to those of Castile

,and wheneve r in need

sent b rethren thither to get money under the p lea ofalms

,as in fact has happened .

4th. That,as p rovincials hold office only for

three years,they cannot become acquainted wi th or

get information relative to the persons o r affai rs ofthose countries . Wherefore

,thei r government of

them would be confused . For,as eve ry three years

the superior is changed,he could get info rmation of

those provinces only once [during his term of Office]whence i t would follow that he would have to ruleb l indly in all matters .

5th. That all the provinces of the Indies haveentered objections to being subject to the p rovinceof Casti le

,which on many occasions in i ts endeavor

to uphold its mastery ove r the said b rethren of theIndies has harassed them and put thei r p rovinces togreat expense in thei r efforts to f ree themselves fromthat yoke .

6th. That the p rovinces of the Indies have no

need of the brethren of Spain . N ay,they would

1 280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS 425

rather send to the Phil ipp ine I slands thei r own

brethren,such as would wish to go thither in order

to apply themselves with zeal in the preaching of thegospel .

7th. And final ly, in no way is i t right to have soextensive and important a part separated from thebody of the order . For

,with the increase of

leaders an increase of confusion ensues,which in

turn leads to the ruin and annihil ation of the comm onweal th

,and Of the authority of the father-gen

eral,f rom whom as from a common head all the

members depend,to the end that he be recognized

and revered,and the o rder governed well ; where

fore,it i s not right that the b rethren of the Indies ,

who,besides being so well discipl ined

,are learned

,

as well as obse rvant of thei r constitutions,should be

governed by a chief whom they themselves have notChosen . Moreover

,to withhold f rom them the

right of selecting thei r own general,to whom they

may apply in need,would be doing them a grave

wrong,in that thei r essential vows

,which they p ro

fess conformably to our consti tutions,would thus be

dis regarded .

8th . The provincials Of Casti le received expressmandate and command f rom the father maste r

,

Thaddeus of Perugia,

” general fo r the time being,

and from the most i l lus trious Cardinal of MontThaddeus Guidelli of Perugia, general of the Augustinians ,

born in Tuscany, filled many offices in the order : provincial of

Om brIa, In I 557 procurator-general for many years ; vicar generalof the order ; and finally general , having been elected in generalchapter at P erugia, May 14, 1570. He had been present at theCouncil of Trent . H is death occurred at Perugia in 1606, at

the age of ninety-five. See Lanteri,E rem us (Rome, 1874 i

,

p. 307 ; 11, p . 232.- T . C . M IDDLETON , O .S.A.

426 THE PH ILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

Claro when in Spain,not to busy themselves with the

government of the provinces of the Indies,by not

only giving up the office of vicar but also the use Ofthat ti tle .Lastly. In general chapter held in Rome in 92,a peti tion was p resented in the in terest of the province of Mexico and of other p rovinces . The reasons whereof having been considered

,the definitors

of the p rovince of Castile having been summoned,

and the reasons of each Side heard,a decree was

passed which, while enjoining the provincial ofCastile f rom any longer busying himsel f with the

said government,ordered him under pain of being

treated as a rebel,as well as unde r divers other

penalties and censures , to hold hi s peace for al l time- a sentence that was confirmed through the goodness of Pope Clement the E ighth . Of this

,notice

was sent to the provincial of Casti le and the p rocurato r-general of the province [of the Phil ipp ineI sl ands P] . From that day to this no change has beenm ade and [the decree] i s fai thfully observed atpresent .

[E ndorsed By the mos t i llustrious CardinalSanta Severina

[E ndorsed Reasons why the p rovinces andprovincials of the Indies be not subject to the provinces and p rovincial s of

[E ndorsed“Submitted by the reverend fathe r

p rior-general of the Order of Hermi t B rethren ofS t . Augustine

,November 7,

[This Col lection of three docum ents is addressed

on the ba ck of the outside wrapper :“To Cardinal S anta Severina

,to be acted upon


LETTER FROM THE ECCLES IASTICALCAB ILDO TO FELIPE I I I

Si reWe have wri tten your Majesty whenever occasion has offered by means of the ships that have leftthese i slands

,relating to you the necessi ty of this holy

church,as you are i ts true p rotector and defense .

Inasmuch as i t is farther f rom this bless ing,so much

greate r is the lonel iness and disconsol ation which i tsuffers

,especially in this the period of i ts widow

hood,

100 which has been so long because of our s ins .So long as we do not receive word that your Majes tyhas received our letters

,we shal l make use of our

permission to write you . We shall continue in thisletter to mention certain matters which we related informer ones . Perhaps this lette r will have a different fate and will merit a royal reception by yourMajesty.

The king our sovereign,your Majesty’s father

,

(may he be in heaven ) , having been informed of thesl ight service enjoyed by this church (which amountsto only four prebendaries

,to whom a stipend is paid

from your royal treasury ) , was pleased to despatch

The first archbishop of Manila, Ignacio de Santibar‘

iez ,

died August 14, 1598 , after having been in the islandsonly since May 28 , of the same year. H is successor Miguel deBenavides, O .P . , did not assume his seat until 1603 .

1 280- 1 605] CABILDO To FELIPE II I 429

a decree ordering the president and audi tors of theseisl ands to inform him of the facts regarding thismatte r so that he could enact the advisable measures .An investigation was made in accordance with thato rder

,and this cabildo published the need of this

church Of being bette r se rved than others,as i t i s sur

rounded by so many barbarous nations who are dailyreceiving the l ight of the gospel and enteringth rough its gates . We peti tion your Majesty

,as a

service to your Lord to please conside r this matte r,

and enact regarding it what most pleases you .

Report has also been given your Majesty that theroyal Audiencia i s trying to have the eccles iasticaljudge plead its aid in arresting Indians . Were thatto be done i t would be a great wrong to the miserablewretches

,for the aid is not given unless the secular

judge firs t examine the acts which are not fulm inated in regular form against the Indians . We however

,proceed briefly and summarily against the In

dians,conforming thereby with the royal decrees .

I f thei r aid had to be asked,i t would necess ari ly be

come a cause fo r receiving wi tnesses and issuing pe remptory orders

,and the expenses which now amount

to nothing would be heavy . The p roviso r is continual ly taking Indian women from the houses of theinhabitants and soldiers with whom they are l ivingin evil relations . I f account had to be given to thecivil judge for that

,delays would ensue and the

[guil ty] parties would hear of i t and would hidethemselves so that the sin could not be corrected .

The correction of s in is the end of the ecclesiasticaltribunal and i t has no other object . Consequently

,

s ince the aid [of the Audiencia] i s not asked for anymatte r concerning the Indians throughout the In

43° TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

dias,i t would not be advisable to cause any innova

tion in this region where the Indians are so poor thatbes ides a few chiefs no one possesses ten pesos ’ worthof p roperty . In consideration of the above arguments and others

,the fo rmer Audiencia issued acts

of revis ion and review,by which the eccles iastical

judge was permi tted to arres t the Indi ans wi thoutany aid until your Majesty was consul ted . We

humbly peti tion you to please order the course takenin thi s hi therto to be followed ; s ince in what concerns the Spani ards and other matters we conform so

closely to the l aws that we have neve r,so fa r as we

are concerned,had any encounters wi th your judges .

Some of the orders in this ci ty cl aim a concess ionfrom your Majesty for the founding of a unive rsi ty

,

the es tabl ishment of chai rs,and the granting of de

grees in thei r courses . The unfitness of that has alsobeen expressed to your Majesty by our letters

,and

i f for no other reason than the consideration that al lthe greater p art and the best of these islands haverel igious

,and that the latter are all from the outsi de

,

while the poor sons of this land who are incl ined totake the hab i t o f St . Pete r (who are in great numbernow by the grace of God

,and have nothing to which

they can aspi re while the bishop has nothing to givethem ) , will with the attraction of a chai r, and the sohonorable reward that will thereby be attained

,be

encouraged to work in thei r s tudies and there wil l always be educated men who will glori fy thi s holychurch . For so just considerations i t is wise for yourMajesty to advance i ts inte rests and favor i ts causes .We cons ide r this as one of the most important matters as we wrote more at length to your Majes ty last


432 TH E PHILIPP INE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

any other that concerns us without first hearing us,

and your Majesty being informed by disinte restedpersons .Opposi te this ci ty on the rive r si de is a small hamlet containing less than one hundred native houses

,

all poor folk . They with the permiss ion of the governor

,come during the solemn feast to adorn and

clean this poor church . That vi llage is ins tructedby the cura of the natives of this ci ty. The sai dfathers of the Society bought an estate in that vill age some years ago . L i ttle by l ittle they havebeen extending themselves in that village so thatthey now have the greate r part of the li ttle land thati t contains . They rent i t to heathen Chinese

,f rom

which results not only that the wretched Indians aredespoiled of thei r lands whether they are paid or notand that they have no place where they may pl antthei r rice fields except in the vicini ty of the Chinese .

That is very harmful to the Indians fo r the Chineseare a Vicious race with evil customs . I t is also saidthat the above-mentioned father of the Socie ty intends to beg your Majesty for the concess ion of theins truction of that vil lage and another called S antMiguel which l ies on the other s ide outside the wallsof this city. The inhabitants of the latter place attend service in the house of the Society

,and they

might be satisfied with that,and leave the instruc

tion to the cura who i s a canon of this church . Thelatter has no othe r income than fifty thousandmaravedi s

,which your Majes ty grants him for his

curacy. We also peti tion your M aj es ty to concedeus the favor to deny this to those fathers

,and not to

allow us seculars to be despoiled for the rel igious .101 This was the estate at Quiapo. See VOL . X IV, pp . 327

-329 .

11280 - 1605] CABILDO To FELIPE I II 43 3

For they have too much while we have some men sopoor that they do not possess more than the alms ofone mass .As your Majesty will have heard

,the Orde r of St.

Augustine has charge of the instruction of the bestvi ll ages In these isl ands . Al though there are manyvill ages in the isl and without any convent

,where

they could spread and exercise thei r charity byp reaching to and teaching the people who have noknowledge of God

,without going to any great dis

tance from this c ity,they thought i t best to found a

convent in the port of Cavi te,two leguas f rom this

ci ty,where there has been a racionero of thi s church

for the l ast s ixteen years,as poor as the others . For

that purpose the Augustinians went to the sai d portone day accompanied by the governor

,Don Fran

ci sco Tello,who gave i t to them as thei rs to found a

convent without any permiss ion from the ordinary

( according to his right ) having preceded . He putthem in possession o f i t and they immediately establ ished a chapel

,and said mass . When we tried to

repai r the harm that had been done us by this,the

sai d Don Francisco Tello favored the Augustini ansby saying that his permiss ion alone was sufficient forthe deed

,and that ours was unnecessary . We had

the provincial of the sai d order notified of the actsin order that he might have the church torn down

,

but he answered us as had the governor,s aying that

i t had been establi shed by the latte r’s permission,and

no othe r was necessary. Al though the ecclesi asticalarm has sufficient authori ty of i tsel f to tear downthat church

,in o rder to avoid a scandal and the

wrath of the governor which was terrible,the aid o f

the royal Audiencia was asked . There in order to


j us ti fy our cause more thoroughly,the royal patron

age, which orders that such foundations be madewith the double permiss ions of the patron and the ordinary, was p resented, as was also a clause of a letterof the king our sovereign

,your Majes ty’s father who

is with God,wri tten to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas.

In that lette r o rder was given the governor not toallow a church to be establ ished in any other vill agewhere there was an establ ishment without the saidtwo l icenses

,and i t is your royal will that one Should

not be given without the othe r. However,as yet no

decision has been reached in regard to the matte r .This same conduct is true of all the affai rs that workin favo r of the church in thi s l and

,while those things

that work against i t a re rushed through as your Majesty will see . There i s a chapel an arquebus-shotfrom the walls of this ci ty

,called Naestra Senora de

Guia,where the natives outs ide the walls have al

ways been administe red . Archbishop Don Fray

a acio de Santivafies e rected i t into a parishchurch

,and placed a cura in charge of i t

,giving him

lately charge of the instruction of the said nativeswith canoni cal p rovis ion and collation . There wasa suit with your royal oflicials before your royalAudiencia

,as to whether he was to be paid a s tipend

or not. Acts of investigation and review were issuedby the Audiencia in which they were ordered to paythe stipend . The said beneficia ry having been inquiet and peaceful possess ion for four years

,the said

rel igious of St . Augustine,not s atisfied with the past

,

publ ished a royal decree which had been gained atthe petition of Fray Francisco de Ortega of thei rorder in the year ninety-fou r

,by mentioning a doubt

ful rel ation which he had made so that i f i t seemed



cease and peace and harmony will reign among all .I f the contrary be done

,many damages will ensue

,

for l icense is being so extended that even the Franciscam fri ars

,with all the humil i ty that they profess

,

also deny the jurisdiction to the ordinary,and have

buil t another church in the village of D i lao,outs ide

the walls of th is city,by thei r own authori ty and

without other l icense or permiss ion,in o rder to in

struct the J apanese . Al though the provisor enactedan act ordering them not to do it

,they have also

made a suit and have occas ioned no less scandal thanthe other fri ars . In order that your Majesty maysee how unrestrained some of the rel igious l ive here

,

in these Ships which arrived here f rom Nueva Espaffa this year

,cam e a Vis i to r fo r the Order of S t .

Augustine with authori ty from thei r superiors .They have refused to receive him but have on thecontrary treated him so that they obl iged him to t e

ti re to the convent of S t . Francis . He goes th roughthe vil lage with a friar of the latter order at his si de .

That has caused a great scandal in the communi tyamong Spani ards and Indians . I t is thought that hewill return without making the vis i t

,al though there

are so many excesses and disorders that demandedthat correction be not postponed

,that perhaps we

can not have it later by human agencies .I t is the custom here to give to all the monaste riesboth of this c ity and those outside i t wine and flourfrom your royal treasury in order to celeb rate [mass]each year . S ince this church is so poor as appears toyour M aj es ty

,we peti tion your Maj esty to order

that i t enjoy this alms and that sufli cient be given ofthese two articles for that purpp

se,s ince the con

1 2804 605] CABILDO To FELIPE II I 437

ventual masses which are celebrated in it are foryour Majesty to whom this church belongs .We have also advised your Majesty of two inno

vations in this church which no other church has .The first i s a bench for the wives of the auditors touse which fills a great part of the p rincipal chapel .The other is a very long bench with an inscrip tionin la rge lette rs fo r the officials of the Holy Oflice.

Both are very improper for a cathedral and metropol itan church . From the second i t has resul ted

,

moreover,that because a canon of this church had

the bench removed one day and shoved over to thewall

,fo r just reason

,the commissary who is a Do

m inican friar excommunicated him and had himplaced on the lis ts as excommunicated . Not con

tent wi th that he gave the tribunal Of Mexico whatinformation he wished

,from which i t has resul ted

that afte r the arrival of the ships from Nueva ES

pafia at these isl ands this year he arrested the canon ,and kept him in prison for seventeen days and fulm inated a cause agains t him which he sent to Mexico . I t is not known where he will stop ; and thesame may be said of an unbridled lette r which theinquis i tors wrote to thi s cabildo

,of which we com

plain more at length to your Majesty in your royalCouncil of the Holy Inquisi tion . In this lette r wepeti tion your Majes ty to please Correct th is matte r

,

and have these two benches removed . There arejust causes fo r i t as may be seen in a lette r wri ttenthe past year of s ix hundred and one.

Above all we petition your Maj esty to considerthat this church is so poor that we are unable fo r thatreason to send a pe rson to look after i ts causes as the


rel igious are doing . The latter a re sending personssui table for the matters that concern them

,and so

that they may not leave anything undone Wehumbly peti tion your Majesty for correction in thisand in all things . We petition our Lord God to

communicate to your Majesty grace and abi lity tose rve H im and aid you to govern the kingdomsrightly in which He has placed your Majesty. MayHe p reserve you for us many long and happy yearsas He is able

,and as we have need . Manila

,July 3 ,

1602. Your Maj esty’s chapl ains and vassals .DON JUAN DE BIVERO

,dean ofManila .

ARCHDEACON ARELLANOSANCTO DE CASTRO

,precentor of Mani la .

JUAN DE LA ZS

,canon .

D IEGO DE LEON,canon .

LICENTIATE GABRIEL SANZJUAN GALINDO DE MESARAM IREZ DE CARTAJ ENA

,canon .

PABLO RUIZ DE TALAVERABLAS VELA MELQU IOR

CRISANTO DE TAPIAYO


44° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol . 34

thei r quarters,al though we were stationed so far

distant from the ci ty and had in ou r keeping thea rms

,arti l le ry

,ammunition

,and powder which your

Majesty has in this kingdom for i ts defense . Ac

cordingly, I peti tioned that greate r care and vigi

l ance be exerc ised than formerly,because of the

great fear generally hel d of the enemies by whomwe are so closely surrounded and who are ins ide thebar [of the river] by night and by day. I insistedthat there should be a garrison of infantry sufficientfo r its ordinary defense

,and intimated to the govern

or for this purpose the orders and instructions givenhim by your Majesty for his policy and to GomezPerez Dasmarinas his p redecessor

,in which i t was

u rgently o rdered him . In accordance with that,

the governor appointed some soldiers under com

mand of an al ferez and sergeant,as your Majes ty

wi l l have seen by the testimonies which I have sentto the royal Counci l . Will your Majesty have themexamined

,s ince i t is very important to your royal

se rvice and to the welfare and securi ty of this kingdom that there should be no neglect in this redoubtand that i t be placed in no danger as formerly ; ashas been experienced by the good which resulted inhaving i t garri soned with soldie rs

,by what hap

pened in the fo rmer year of one thousand six hundred and three

,when the Sangleys who were l iving

here in this city rose in insu rrection . Had i t notbeen for the care that I exercised

,the Sangleys

would have entered the redoubt i f it had been foundwith the neglect of former years .A castellan

’s l ieutenant was also appointed . In

orde r that he might get his pay i t was necessa ry tobring a suit in the royal Audiencia because of the

1 2530 - 1605] MALDONADO TO FELIPE 111 44 I

opposi tion of your Majesty’s fiscal . I t was orderedthat his pay be given him

,although i t was very short

by three hundred pesos,because the governor had so

p rovided in accordance with the ins tructions of yourMajesty. In those instructions i t is ordered that thealferez do not receive his pay until your Majesty soorder and command

,as i t i s a new office ; al though

your Majesty has ordered and commanded that allthat which is advisable be put into execution . I t i s anecessary oflice

,and appeared to be so to the govern

or and captain-general when he made the appointm ent . Will your Majesty enact what i s most in accordance with your wil l in all things .There are not more than fifty soldiers in this re

doubt,and they are the offscouring of the com

panics of this camp . Some of them have been exiledfrom Nucha Espafia for c rime and are mestizosf rom that country. They are a vile lot of men

,al

though they ought to be the most honorable andtrustworthy men of these isl ands . Both in the aboveregard and in the number of men necessa ry for a

redoubt so large and which occupies so great anextent of Space with i ts three bastions

,we need two

hundred soldiers for its ordinary defense . The govcruor intends to station a hundred soldie rs [here]according to the answer he made me when I petitioned him for men . This number is to be understood together with those that I have at p resent. I tis a very small number of soldie rs for a place that hasthe enemy SO near and close to the wall Of this redoubt

,and on the other side of the river .

I t is al so necessary that the arti llerymen assignedto this redoubt l ive and reside inside the redoubt

,and

that they be in sufficient number and paid with the


soldiers of the redoubt . They ought not to be takento othe r places

,so that i t happens that there are no

arti lle rymen for the manipulation of the arti llery,

as happened during the insurrection of the Chinese.

At that time there were no more than three,and it

might have given rise to the greatest injury . Fifteenor twenty arti l le rymen are needed

,for each gun

needs one man fo r any occasion that may ari se.

Those assigned Should not be taken to other placesfor that would be the same as not having them .

They mus t be ins tructed in the art [of handlingarti l lery] and i f not the castellan Should be able tod i smiss them and engage others who may be suffi

cient,s ince i t is important for him and his reputation

to have competent arti l lerymen and not thoseassigned by the royal officials . Those soldiers aregenerally the latte rs ’ pages and those of thei r wives ;and the latte r have influence to get such places . In

regard to what concerns the soldiers,I had an order

from Governor Don Francisco Tello to dismiss thosewho were not competent and to get others who were .

Governor Don Pedro de Acuna does not want thatto be done

,and accordingly the redoubt has the men

above mentioned .

I have al ready advised your Majesty that DonFrancisco Tello took some Of the artill ery and thebest of i t fo r the expedition against the Dutchpi rate . I t was lost and went to the bottom in theencounter with him and not more than twenty piecesor so

,counting b ig and l ittle

,were left

,not more

than ten of which are se rviceable . Governor Don

See the accounts of Morga ’s fight with O liver van Noordt

in VOL . x1, pp . 140-186, and VOL . XV, pp . 205

-237, 300-306 (voyage oi van Noordt ) .



tion would last,I petitioned the governor to have

this redoubt p rovided with some food . Thegovernor referred me to the royal official j udgessaying that they would give them to me . Theyrepl ied to my petition that they had none and thatthere were no suppl ies in the royal magazines whichthey could give me . The governor sent to ask mefor those which I had

,and I gave them to the ser

geant,Alonso de Bargas

,who has Charge of the

supplies and royal magazines . By that aid were thesoldiers acting as a guard for the walls succored .

Not only did I aid them with food on the said occasion but also with a sum of money as appears by theattestations and testimonies which your Majesty canhave examined if i t be your pleasu re . By them willbe seen how this affai r s tood

,and the p recautions

which this c ity took in case that we had had a waras was expected . The governor will have wri ttenyour Majes ty in addi tion of the great fear in whichwe are constantly of the J apanese who were living inthis C i ty

,and who generally l ive here .

Immediately the following year,a number of

Chinese m echantm en came upon thei r ordinarytrading

,without knowing what had happened until

they reached th is bay. They exhibited great sorrowat the death of sons

,b rothers

,and relatives

,and the

loss of the property which they had left here . Thegovernor ordered them to be accommodated in thisci ty in the houses of the inhabitants , for thei ralcaiceri a had been burned . Many persons werevery angry when they saw so many Sang leys in theci ty and houses of the inhabi tants . There were morethan four thousand of them

,while the inhabitants

were so few that the number who could bear arms

1 2804 605] MALDONADO TO FELIPE I II 445

did not reach seven hundred . H ad it happened byaccident that any negro or Indian had set fire to anyhouse ( as has often happened ) in o rder to pill age,the greatest kind of evil would have resul ted . For

no C itizen would have dared to leave his wi fe andchildren in o rder to rejoin his company or theguardhouse and arsenal to which he belonged

,with

out first having secu red hi s house by kill ing theChinese . They ou thei r part being in so great number

,and being so fearful and apprehensive of us

,

and thinking that we wished to kill them,could not

have done otherwise than to cause a great insurrection

,and endangered the majori ty of the Spaniards ;

by which eve rything would be los t together with thetrade . Consequently

,our men would never be

assured .

The same thing has been done this year,al though

the number of Chinese was less than one thousand ;for the rest were lodged in the ParI an

,which is be

ing rebuil t.I have also thought best to advise your Majesty

of the many companies that have been enrolled andenlisted for the last two years from the natives ofthis country . They are put under regular cap tainsand have an alférez and other ofiicials and carrycompany banners like a regiment . They are inaddition to the Spanish infantry which your Majes tyhas here in your royal service

,in which we Ought

alone to trust . The latter have two masters-of-campand sargentos-mayor to whom so great obedience isrendered that i t is a cause for wonder . This is an occasion that demands that the faithful se rvants of yourMajesty

,and especial ly those of us who have such

obl igations as I,ought to report to you the mani fest

44° TH E PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V01. 34

danger to this kingdom because of this . Those companics have the best arms

,muskets

,and arquebuses

of this camp and in great quanti ty . A very cons ide rable quantity of arms are sent from J apon

,especi ally

catans ( a weapon resembling a broad cutl ass ) , anda great number of i ron p ikeheads. Those weaponsa re used in those companies

,for the Spaniards do not

use the catan ; and the native soldiers should be p rohibited f rom Carrying them . They go about withswords and gilded daggers at the bel t and wearmili tary badges . They pay one hundred pesos for amusket and do not refuse to buy them because of thep rice

,for such is thei r happiness and pleasure in this

and in being soldie rs . Al though this enrollment hasbeen made because of the expedi tion to Maluco

,i t

must p rove of greater injury than gain . We losegreat reputation i f we give them to unders tand thatwe need them for any occasion of war rather thanfor only rowers and servants . I t is

,after God

,the

reputation of the Spanish nation in these dis trictsthat has sustained and is susta ining us here . Thosepeople are now very skilful and are reared amongus

,especially those of Pampanga and the Vi cini ty of

this ci ty . They are a people of great boldness onlyneeding a leader whom they would recognize

,and

they are so many in number that it i s a matter thatm ust be feared considerably

,and one of which your

Majesty o rders us to be fearful and watchful .The soldiers of the garrison of this redoubt are i llp aid thei r wages . On that account they suffer manyand extreme necess i ties . Since they make no outs ideexpeditions as do the soldie rs of this camp

,and Since

they generally l ive here and have no other resourcethan thei r pay

,will your Majesty please have them



Now for twenty years I have se rved your Majestyin these i slands in the posts of infantry captain andcastellan of this city

,during which time I was contin

ual ly occupied in war matters ; especially coming as

master-of-camp and commander of three companieswhich I raised for the reenforcement of these i sl andsfor which purpose I went to Nueba Espafia by orde rof Governor jGom ez Perez . No pay or aid wasgiven me because I offe red to do it at my own cost

,

as appears f rom the paper and Offe r that I madealthough the others who come here with l ike dutiesreceive a pay of three thousand pesos . The treasurysaved s ix thousand pesos by that . I did that in orde rto accumulate services so that your Majesty mightreward me more highly.

The command of this redoubt was given me inacco rdance wi th one of your Majesty’s decrees inthe former year of ninety-five. I have had manyexpenses and costs in i t as your Majesty wil l see bythe testimonies and documents that I am sending .

Will your Majes ty please send me if my services dese rve it

,the ti tle and confirmation [of this post] ,

s ince that is fitting and I have it by decree , so that Imay bette r serve your Majesty both in what pertainsto this redoubt and in the cabildo of this ci ty

,where

the castel l an has a vote . Will you please order thep rivileges that are kept for those who se rve yourMajesty in Simila r posts kept for me

,and grant me

six halberdiers for my personal bodyguard from the

number of soldie rs assigned,without increasing thei r

p ay ; and who when occas ion Offers Shall se rve as

do the others,and whom it will be necessary that I

have .

Also in accordance with my expenses and costs,

1 1480-1605] MALDONADO To FELIPE I II 449

which will appea r there,will your Majes ty please

inc rease my salary and assign me another sum equalto the amount received by the master-of—camp . Forthis i s a post of equal cal iber and one of close r res idence and greater expense . I f there is no poss ibi l i tyfo r this wil l your Majesty please have the encomienda which was granted me by you r Majesty’sdecree (which amounts to an income of seven hundred pesos ) inc reased for me , and give i t precedenceove r all those who have been here less time than I ,Since I meri t as much as he who meri ts the most inofl‘ices and services .In the allotment of the cargo of the ships made

to the citizens of this ci ty,I peti tion your Majesty to

have me granted some leeway when I pay the royalduties

,for I am usually inju red in this particular by

the occas ions that arise ; and that I may have re

course to the royal Audiencia whenever I receiveinjury . May our Lord p reserve the royal Cathol icperson of your Majesty with the increase of greaterk ingdoms and seigniories as is necessary to Chris tianity . Manila

,June 24, 1604.

DON BERNARDINO MALDONADO

[E ndorsed : Letter f rom Don Bernardino Malidonado

,castell an of the redoubt of Manila

,giving

an account of the condition of that fo rtress . Manila

June 21 ,



7 . L etter from Rada .

— S imancas Secular ; Audiencia de Fil ip inas ; cartas y expedientes de rel i

g iosos y mis ioneros en Fil ipinas vis tos en el consejo ;anos de 1569 a 1616 ; est . 68, caj . 1 , leg. 37.

8 . R oya l com m unications to and regarding L e

gaz p i. Audiencia de Fil ipinas ; registros de oficio ypartes ; reales ordenes di rigidas a l as autoridades yparticulares del distri to de la Audiencia ; atios 1568{I 1605; es t. 105, caj . 2, leg . 1 1 .

9. L etter from H errera .

— S imancas — eclesias

tico ; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas

V is tos en el consejo ; anos 1570 it 1608 ; est . 68, caj . I,

leg . 42.

10. L etter from Or tega .

— S imancas — Fi l ipinas ;descubrimientos

,descripciones y poblaciones de las

Yslas Fil ip inas ; arios 1566 a 1586 ; est . 1,caj . 1

,leg .

2,doc. 24.

1 1 . Augustinian m em oranda .

— The same as No.

9.

12. L etter from R ada .— The same as No. 9.

13 . L etter from roya l ofiicia ls .

— The same asNo. 6.

14. L etter from L oarca . The same as No . 3 .

15. Sa laz ar’

s council regarding s laves .

— Thesame as No . 9.

16. E rection of M anila ca thedra l . — Simancas

Secular ; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de Manila Vi s tos en el consejo ; anos de 1579 it 1679 ; est. 68,caj . 1 , leg . 32.

17 . L etter from S edeno. The same as No. 9.

18 . L etter from Sa laz ar .

- The same as No. 16.

19. L etter from R om an . The same as No. 6.

20 . L etter from G . P . D asm arinas . Simancas

1 280- 1 605] BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA 453

secular ; cartas y expedientes del p residente y OidoreSde dicha Audiencia vis tos en el consejo ; afios 1583 it

1599 ; es t . 67, caj . 6, leg . 18 .

21 D ecree r egarding hospita ls .

-The same as

22. L etter from ecclesiastica l cabildo.

— S imancas ~ eclesiastico ; Audienci a de Fil ipinas ; cartas yexpedientes del cabildo eclesiastico de Fil ip inas vistos en el consejo ; anos 1586 a 1670 ; est . 68, caj . 1

,

leg . 35.

23 . L etter from M a ldonado .

— Simancas — secula r ; Audienci a de Fil ip inas ; cartas y expedientesdel p res idente y Oidores de dicha Audienci a Vis tos enel consejo ; anos de 1600 it 1612; est . 67, caj . 6, leg . 19.

The fol lowing are from the Archives of the Vatican

,Rome :

24. L etter from P ablo de J esus .

— P rincipi 32;P I 74

25. Augustinian affa irs . Arm . V,cap . 7, n

°

. 7.

The fol lowing is f rom Pastel ls’s edition of Colin ’s

Labor evang e’

lica,i,pp . 157, 158, note

26. E ncom iendas assigned by L ega z pi .

The fol lowing is obtained f rom an uns igned andundated printed pamphlet in the B ri tish Museum :

27. R ela tion of the P hilipinas I s lands .

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