„The Odyssey continues“ -

Culture and history of 19th - 20th century Greece

Alfred Raddatz

Hannoversche Str. 135

37077 Göttingen

Germany

alfred.raddatz@stud.uni-goettingen.de

Date: 22.06.2011

"[...] Think of me, sweet! when alone.

Though I fly to Istambol,

Athens holds my heart and soul:

Can I cease to love thee? No!

Ζωή μου, σᾶς ἀγαπῶ.”

George Lord Byron, Maid of Athens, Ere We Part (1810)

Prologue – Personal relation to Greek culture as a post-modern European

In the eyes of most Westerners1 the history of Greece is very often the history of the ancient Greek

tribes, the famous city-states and the birth of democracy. The civilisation emerging from the Aegean

Sea to spread within the eastern part of the Mediterranean and into Asia Minor is famous for the

impression it had on European culture and Western ideology. Although this essay is dealing with the

modern history of Greece in the 19th and 20th century, some minimal references to the ancient

history of this region are necessary because the awareness of historicity within the Greek state and

in the European cultural sphere has always been important for the formation of historical identity.

As a German coming from a working-class family, I am not very familiar with the classical history

and I only had an image of ancient Greek culture formed by some well-known mythological tales

and the exploitation of visual and literary archetypical topics in popular culture; but with this less-

biased point of view I got aware that reading and writing about the history of Greece means to read

and write about a nation, an idea and a perspective of (European) historiography at the same time.

In the more recent publications on the theory of history the influence of British Cultural Studies,

with their emphasis on deconstruction and the awareness of a need for self-reflective research, has

led to the clear notion that history is never (and rarely can be) objective display of certain events,

but serves a specific purpose and implies a limited focus. When writing history one has to be aware

of this limits and limitations and waste some thought on the aim and philosophical basis of the

observation (Southgate 2006:8).

Especially Greece seems often like a canvas for political, cultural and social topics. Throughout

modern history in Europe it has been called forth as "the cradle of Western culture", "the inventor of

democracy" and has served as the ideal landscape to construct the counterimage to the urbanizing

societies in the West. And especially this Western powers can be seen as one of the major forces in

the process of generating the modern Greek state. Their own advantages in the decline of the

Ottoman Empire and the classical idea of Hellenism can be seen as driving forces behind the

1 The term is not very well fixed, but I use it in the common notion being aware of the difficult connotation of the

'Occident' and 'Orient' Edward Said (1978) described very famously.

1

intervention. On the philosophical level there was clearly the influence of the enlightenment and the

French revolution that had a deep impact on the political atmosphere around and during the war of

independence.

Since the discourse of historians in their field of expertise is often very technical and/or

philosophical in nature to the extent of being almost incomprehensible for an average person

interested in historical events. Therefore the reference to such sources is done only in some cases to

provide a certain insight on single periods of time. Not covering the history continuously, my focus

will be on the events prior to and after great political events. The revolution, the World Wars and the

junta are turning points in modern Greek culture and are therefore well suited for examination.

Chapter One – The foundations of modern Greece

To not directly start off with a rather political point of view, one of the common definitions is the

geographical approach to 'Greece', which could be to place the centre of this area in the

southernmost part of the Balkan peninsular and its islands with the western and southern borders

being determined by the sea and the northern and eastern being the question of territorial claims and

wars. The concluding cultural approach would then be to look for the differences in the history of

the people of this area, making them distinct from the Islamic Turkish and Albanian people and

Slavic nations such as Macedonia (known as the Former Yugoslav Republic Of Macedonia in

Greece) and Bulgaria. Within this field the main focus is on the Greek language, Orthodox

Christianity and a common tradition2.

Modern Greek history may be told from various points in time onwards. One example being the

year 1453 when Constantinople was taken by the Ottoman forces and the early modern era or so-

called 'Renaissance' began often marked by the invention of the printing press by Johannes

Gutenberg and the discovery of the Americas by Christopher Columbus among other events. With

the Greek development being directed by their Ottoman rulers, the “printing revolution” (Eisenstein

2005) as an indicator of modernity did reach Greece in the year 1627 together with other ideas of

the changing European society such as Protestantism and Enlightenment (Kreutz 2005:19). But

history is most often related to questions of nation, politics and ethnicity – thus making the most

important 'modern' event for the Greek people the revolution against the forces of the Ottoman

Empire, seen by many as the beginning of the modern state of Greece.

The ceasing power in the Ottoman Empire ('sick man at the Bosporus') and the influence of the

2 In the person of Alexander the Great, this tradition is currently again claimed by Macedonia in form of a statue

being erected in Skopje (see Associated Press 2011)

2

French revolution are the most important exterior factors to fuel the Greek movement of

independence in the late 18th century. It was the revolutionary writer Rigas Velestinlis (Ρήγας

Βελεστινλής) who brought the ideas of the French revolution (and in parts also American

revolution) to Greece and up until now he is seen as the first important figure in the beginning

revolutionary thoughts of the Greeks. He followed a political career with positions in

Constantinople and Bucharest and made extensive visits to central Europe after the events in France

1789 caught his interest in serving as a blueprint for the idea of a new Byzantine empire. He was

captured by Austian police forces with a lot of anti-monachical propaganda material and handed

over to the Ottoman officials facing his execution 1798 in Belgrade (Clogg 1969:90).

Important for the culture of what he not described as 'Greeks' but rather 'Romioi' or 'Roumeli' are

his writings and songs envisioning the united uprising against the feudal Ottoman government. His

poem Thourios is still today well known and was set to music in the 20th century being made

popular by Cretan musician Nikos Xylouris (Νίκος Ξυλούρη) who was one of the famous cultural

figures in the communist party of Greece.

The sense of being a nation developed together with the nationalistic processes of the rest of

Europe, though it is quite special due to the foreign rule and the political power structure of the

Balkans in relation to central Europe and Russia. The foundations of the Greek struggle for

independence are summed up as following:

“In brief, modern Greek nationalism emerged in the 18th century and was affected by western ideas, but its

actual roots lay in protonationalist phenomena noticed in the 13th century Byzantium. Under Ottoman rule

these feelings were only partly preserved through the institutions of the millet system. The folk of the

Ecumenical Patriarchate was the Rum-i-millet, with a population which, in addition to the Greek-speakers,

included large numbers of Slav-Vlach and other non Greek speaking Orthodox subjects of the Sultan. In the

18th century a Greek-speaking mercantile elite started to split from the political and religious leadership of the

Constantinople Patriarchate and to develop secular Hellenic nationalist attitudes.” (Gounaris 1995:409)

The nation state and national culture (inspired by ideas of Voltaire and Herder) were for the people

in the Ottoman Empire seen as indispensable prerequisites for entry into the Western-initiated

modernity. In the diaspora, as a minority under a foreign authority, this was hardly possible. On the

one hand because of the tendency towards assimilation with increased conservatism (as often

observed for example in Jewish diaspora) and on the other hand because the necessary educational

institutions were not widespread to provide a broad base for the mental development of a national

idea. In his thesis on the European politics and different ethnic and nationalistic movements of the

18th - 20th century in the Eastern Mediterranean, Michael Kreutz points out that “it is all too easily

forgotten that the Greek identity [...] in the period of Ottoman rule was largely in the hands of upper

class and clergy”. (Kreutz 2005:43 , my translation)

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Chapter Two – The Modern state in the making

The most important cultural artefact of this period was the map of what should become the Greek

state. Invented by Rigas Velestinlis 1791 in Bucharest the first map of the 'Great Idea' (Μεγάλη

Ιδέα), was then printed in 1796 and distributed among Greek expatriates in Vienna and later in the

Greek-speaking areas of the Ottoman Empire. On this map, most of the countries of the Balkan

peninsula, Crete, Rhodes, Thessaloniki, Cyprus, the Aegean Islands, Thrace and Constantinople

were considered areas to be included in the Greek republic. In this times he also wrote poetry such

as the Ode to Byron and strengthened the national idea by publishing a portrait of Alexander the

Great. (Dimaras 1972:168)

The outcome of the revolution (starting 1821) and the war of independence (ended 1829) with due

support from England, France and Russia led not to the democratic republic, Greeks had hoped for.

The new formed National Assembly agreed to the plans to place a monarch in the leading position –

something the monarchistic powers of Europe saw as the most stabelizing policy for the troubled

political situation after the French revolution. The king chosen by the Greek officials was Otto I.

(his full name being Otto Friedrich Ludwig). He was born on 1 June 1815 in Salzburg, as the

second son of King Ludwig I of Bavaria. He was proposed as a Greek King by the major European

powers and the Greek National Assembly confirmed him in that status on August 8, 1832. At the

age of eighteen he ascended the throne on 6 February 1833 and until his matuirity in 1835 a regency

council, consisting of Bavarian officials, led the government in his name. With its Bavarian

ministers, his Roman Catholic faith and the postponement of a constitution, Otto was increasingly

unpopular with the Greeks. Politically he was more or less just a puppet of the great European

powers and especially France and England had massive influence on the course of Greek

government through him. The newly developed Greek state was not yet fully capable of any self-

designed policy and the Greek ministry was a powerless gathering of higher administration officials

without any real influence (Gaitanides 1955:22). The new government took a centralized course and

used the bureaucracy, an administrative form previously unknown to the Greeks in this form. The

people had to pay high taxes but the development lacked the building of new schools and

improvement of the dilapidated ports. Unacceptable in the eyes of the Greek population was also

the interference with the organization of eccesiastical business. In defiance of the canonical laws the

Bavarian government separated the Greek Church from the Constantinople Patriarchate

administrations and subjected the church to the state and its jurisdiction. The abolition of

monasteries and bishoprics strengthened the discontent of the people but despite all the

shortcomings and irregularities brought by the Bavarian government, also called Bavarokratia, the

4

first steps toward modernization have been made. Especially in the agricultural sector considerable

progress could be acived with the help of mechanization, veterinary surveillance, cattle- and plant-

breeding and other new techniques. Landscape development during that period was characterized

by the draining of swamps and construction of roads, which came along with the first approachs of

industrialization in the form of small workshops.

In this period of prosperity parallel to the 'Bellé Epoque' the first Olympic Games of modern times

were held 1896 in Athens and besides the restauration of the Panathinaiko Stadium the Greek

culture of that days made a lasting contribution in form of the Olympic Anthem which is still part of

the event up until this times. Contempoary reactions have been described very positive:

“The composition of Mr Samara created an immense sensation, and was applauded as it deserved. [...] Frenetic

applause resounded from every part of the Stadion at the conclusion of this hymn, its repetition was

unanimously demanded, the King himself expressed his warm approval by applauding vigorously, and after it

having been played a second time renewed cheers greeted the composer.” (Lambros 1896:60)

Increasing the national dept to build modern urban infrastructure, the government made significant

improvements in the higer educational sector with the oldest university of the eastern mediterranean

being established 1837 in Athens. The selfdescription of the institution depitcs the importance as

following: “As it was the first university in the newly established modern Greek state, as well as in

the Balkans and the Eastern Meditarranean region, its socio-historically significant role has been

decisive for the production of particular knowledge and culture in the country.“ (University of

Athens 2011)

Together with this, the National Library and the Polytechnion (which should be of some importance

at the start of yet another uprising later on) were established and the magnificent task of rebuilding

of Athens in the classical style was begun. The city was declared capital in 1834 and saw the

improvement with some important buildings, such as the small temple of Nike which was restored

and the construction of castle with its famous 'Syntagma' square now forming the heart of modern

Athens. The inevitable national bankruptcy, was considered to be Otto's great political failure and

might be one of the factors leading to an uprising against the king that forced him to withdraw his

Bavarian troops from Greece and soon after also appoint Greek ministers instead of the Bavarian

ones. He accepted the constitution of March 16, 1844 as a result of this cataclysmic events and was

finally overthrown in 1862 and forced to return to Bavaria where he died on five years later aged 52

in Bamberg. (Gaitanides 1955:25ff) Based on this foundations, the visions of a Greek state would

be a driving force behind the nationalistic movements in the events to come and in combination

with the strong influence of central European powers, the southern Balkans would become the

theatre for the modern Greek state to act out its political drama.

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Chapter Three – The World Wars and the broken modernity3

“The very ruins of the great Past appeal to them, or seem to appeal to them, never to forget that what has been

may yet be again. […] the Greeks feel, that what they did accomplish in the seven years' war, in spite of the

indifference or scorn of the European world, justifies the belief that the end was not reached when Greece

consented to lay down the sword and accept, at the hands of the great powers, a fragment of the heritage she

expected; relinquishing to her great enemy Crete, Rhodes, Samos, Chios, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Epirus

(Albania), the most fertile and most populous portion of her territory. To bid her forever give up her claim to

these fair regions, peopled with 'her own people,' she holds to be piece of diplomatic selfishness incompatible

with the claims of a distinct nationality, if not civilisation itself.” (Tuckerman 1872:124)

One decade after the deposition of Otto I. and the subsequent election of George I., the American

statesman and historian Charles K. Tuckerman wrote about the western European perspective of the

'Great Idea' and the unsatisfying situation for the Greek people he could observe there. The political

vision changed in some ways with the wars about to embark in the 20th century, even though not in

the way most Greeks had hoped.

As two of the most striking political events in modern history the World Wars and their surrounding

timespan are without a doubt the historical events that changed the global situation in a persistent

way. Often they are portrayed with the focus on their military, national and social consequences, but

they might as well be told from the angle of their function as a cultural catalyser even though I

agree with the notion of them being the “great seminal catastrophe of this century" (Kennan

1981:12).

The period preceding the first world war (and also the timespan between the world wars) is very

interesting due to the socio-cultural basis it sets for the conflict to come and the rules and

mechanisms employed in it. I am not a historian and have not been able to do an extended research

on techniques of employing new perspectives on well-known eras, but the thought of framing the

event, rather than telling yet another point of view, might be useful to give the reader the possibility

to form a deeper understanding of the process of history rather than thinking of it as a number of

important incidents. The first mechanicalised war4 in terms of the quantity of used mechanical

equipment and means of industrialisation is generally set in the years 1914 until 1918 picturing the

events from the assassination of Franz Ferdinand of Austria until the so-called 'Armistice Day' in

3 'Broken modernity' is my interpretation of the national schism that started in the Venizelos era and continued with

the civil war and the suppressive government of the regime of the colonels.

4 The battles fought after the invention of gunpowder could also be seen as "mechenical" but the scale to which

technology and mass production/mass murder are used is much higher in the first world war.

6

the Winter of 1918 in a central European perspective.

For Greece and the Balkans in that time, this war is nevertheless important but one should be more

aware of the preceding battles and the aftermath of the global conflict. The 'frame of the event' can

be seen in the Balkan Wars of 1912-13 and the Greek-Turkish War of 1922 of which the so-called

'Asia Minor Catastrophe' is the most important socio-cultural outcome. A massive rearrangement of

the society had already begun, when political plans were carried to transform the agricultural

country from “a land of shepherds and landless peasants into one of landed peasants who also

owned a sizeable portion of their stock.” (Koliopoulos 2002: 188) This actions provided the basis

for a structured program for modernisation of production which was founded on an agricultural

working class and the construction of an industrial sector.

The national schism is seen as one of the reasons why the campaign of the Greek army in Anatolia

began to loose power and the final victory of the Turkish army resulted in the uprooting and

insecure migration of over a million people (Papacosma 2007:170) The importance of the Asia

Minor Catastrophe in which the entire population of Orthodox-Christians living in the Turkish

territory had to migrate across the Aegean into the Greek state can be seen in the impact it had on

Greek culture, examples being the urban music scene and the cinema.

A large number of professional Greek musicians from Smyrna and Constantinople went to the

larger cities such as Thessaloniki, Piraeus and Athens to continue working in coffee-houses and

taverns or to enter the recording industry which was beginning to evolve. With the social problems

and marginalisation the refugees had to suffer from, a blend of sophisticated popular music of in the

Ottoman tradition and a more free-spirited, obscure low class entertainment could develope. This

hybrid form is today known as 'rebetiko and fits into the cultural pattern of the West5, watching

styles like jazz, tango and vaudeville emerge. (Holst-Warhaft 2002:28)

The arrival of the cinema as a popular mass medium is also to be seen in the first decades of the 20 th

century with a domestic film industry being developed in the late 1920s. Due to the imaginative

power it contributed to the formation of a modern critical socio-political awareness and shaped the

culture of the urban centres with the new means of medial expression of facts and fiction. The

political and cultural importance was not just one of entertainment and 'opium for the masses' but it

is assumed that intellectual tendencies among the masses might benefit from it and that the

“production of Greek films [...] promised to change the character of modernity for Greece’s

denizens.” (Hess 2011:66)

The migration caused by the 'Asia Minor Catastrophe' resulting in the destruction of the material

5 The upperclass cultural change in the so-called 'Roaring Twenties in the United States, France and Germany had

been answered in the lower classes with various transgressive forms of art.

7

culture of the Greek communities of Asia Minor (importantly the Pontic Greeks) and their forced

relocation in Greece transformed the demographic and cultural situation of Greece. The diaspora

was no more an important part in foreign policy and only little changes in the size of the state would

be achieved in the wars to come.

Chapter Four – The restless state on its way from monarchy to democracy going

through dictatorship

Immediately after the German occupation that ended in 1944, the fightings between the military

branch of the Greek communist party (supported by communist states of the Balkans and Russia)

and the national army (supported by the Allies) broke out on a large scale, starting the Greek civil

war. Along with the indepencence war of 1821, this event was one of the first I was confronted with

when coming to Greece. In the opinion of the taxi driver who took me from the airport to the bus

station on the day of my arrival, the “war of brothers” was worse than the war before; a perspective

he may have overemphasized to play down the cruelty of the German troops, but nevertheless it

gave me a feeling on how much Greece had to suffer in the 20th century.

Until the end of 1949 communists fought against conservatives and royalists until the plans of

Allied forces (foremost the United States' anti-Soviet Truman Doctrine) once again led Greek

politics into a Western way, incorporating Greece as the only remaining non-Communist state of the

Balkans 1952 into the NATO. The influence of the American administration in the 1950s was strong

and their plans against communist influence prevented a natural balance between right- and left-

wing parties. (Clogg 1986:167)

Although Greece was working on its modernisation and a strengthend economy, the unstable

situation of the country grew steadily. During the 'Cold War' the United States and Western Europe

constructed a notion of the 'Soviet East' to which most of the Balkans belonged and 'Southern

Europe' including the non-socialist Mediterranean counties from Turkey to Spain. A picture of their

difficult socio-economic situation of most of them was combined with a claim for modernisation

(Haynes 2004:35). With the young and inexperienced King Constantine II and a left-wing

government unwilling to improve the relationship with the court, the unstable constitutional

monarchy slipped into a crisis in which the anti-Communstist military government known as the

'Junta' or dictatorship of the colonels could come into power. This period began with the coup of

April 1967 and the military gervernment lead by George Papadopoulos would reign the country

with the pressures of martial law until 1974. (Papadimitriou 2002:408ff)

8

During the Junta the rigorous anti-Communsist policy forced a lot of liberal or left-orientated

Greeks into exile and the politically far-right nationalist ideology of the Junta tried to fight left

politics, forming a regime that promoted Greekness by means of exclusion. A famous example is

the identification with the revolution of 1821 promoted with propaganda songs like the hymn of the

21st April Μέσα στ' Απρίλη τη γιορτή which set the date of the coup on one level with the year in the

19th century when the struggle for indepencence began. (Zelepos 2011:44)

The most famous example of the 'cultural loss' which I see in the movement of artists and

intellectuals during the military dictatorship6 is perhaps Mikis Theodorakis. The composer and

active member of the Greek political scene from his involvement in the Civil war up until his

participation in the post-Junta democracy as minister of the state and his ongoing activism in liberal

to left-orientated politics. Being imprisoned and exiled the first time in 1947 he and his work got

famous from Paris, the place of his higher compositional education and musical activity, all over

Europe. He returned to Greece as a composer of respectable fame but with the coming into power of

the military government he was again imprisoned taking once more residence in Paris while his

songs were banned from public performance. (Karagorgis 2001:354)

I do not want to hide my favour for left politics and even if the far-left is not able to form a balanced

political situation, their ideology is far more humane than that of the right orientated parties. As a

movement of resistance against authoritarian military rule, the communist perspective seemed to

attract people and the historians Koliopoulos and Veremis assume that “the army Junta gave Greek

Communists a new lease of life. Persecution turned them once again into martyrs of freedom.”

(Koliopoulos 2002:124)

The communist party of Greece (Κοµµουνιστικό Κόµµα Ελλάδας short: KKE) has a long and

troubled history but its importance for the socio-cultural development of Greece is to be seen in the

number of artists who shared a communist point of view and have been or still are active in the

KKE. Famous examples are Mikis Theodorakis, Jannis Ritsos, Manos Loïzos and Nikos Xylouris.

The famous lyra player also performed in the uprising against the junta on the 17. October 1973 in

the Polytechnion of Athens and used the old Cretan folk song Πότε θα κάνει Ξαστεριά, which had

been composed in the era of the revolution against the Ottomans, in this politically difficult time.

(Zelepos 2011:31)

Even though the political statements of the conservative statesman and Nobel lauderat George

Seferis are quite rare, the cruel political situation with which the country has to struggle forced him

to take a stand and expressing his opinion in a statement against the Junta was aired on March 28,

6 The idea is adapted from the period of German dictatorship during the Second World War, in which arts and

academic culture sufferd a fluctuation of creative minds due to the facist political course.

9

1969 by the Greek section of the BBC World Service and in the poem Out of stupidity working with

strong images against the political circumstances: “Greece; fire! Of Greeks; fire! Christians; fire!

Three dead words. Why did you kill them?” (qtd. in Keeley 1997:412)

At the burial ceremony of George Seferis 1971 in the Proto Nekrotafeio, Athens' most

important cemetery, the poem Άρνηση (Denial) in the musical adaptation of Mikis Theodorakis was

performed as a public demonstration of the people's resentment and instead of cloing with a rather

dark quote by Byron as initially intended I shall give the honour to another song that originated

from the adaptation of Seferis by Theodorakis and sets the tone for the end of the Junta three years

after the funeral:

Λίγο ακόµα

θα ιδούµε τις αµυγδαλιές ν' ανθίζουν

τα µάρµαρα να λάµπουν στον ήλιο

τη θάλασσα να κυµατίζει

λίγο ακόµα,

να σηκωθούµε λίγο ψηλότερα.

One of the political reactions to the Junta was the intense awareness of the people towards such a

cruel dictatorship and the role of the military in Greek politics from 1974 on is arbitrary. (Glenny

1999:622) Exactly one month after I should arrive in Greece to be confronted with this broken and

heavy load of antiquity, the famous playwright Iakovos Kambanellis died at a respectable age

leaving his native country the legacy of political awareness constructed by means of storytelling, or

theater to be more precise. His play Το µεγάλο µας τσίρκο (Our grand circus) was staged during the

final days of the Junta and showed another way of writing history with means of imagination, wit

and open-mindedness. (Van Steen 2007:327) This play is just a small but important example of the

different light, the arts might shed on history and I hope culture will always be creative enough to

form a political balance and provide insight and prospect for historical events past and present.

Taken this thought into the 21st century regarding the present crisis, I hope the rich Greek culture

can form a future that strengthens the politics and enables the people to live in a well working

society.

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