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•. . ... · :(::» I THE MALAYS OF THE CEYLON RIFLE REGIMENT B.A. HUSSAINMIYA

The Malays of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment (1800-1873)

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•. .· . セ@ ...

HIャサゥセnHエ@ ·:(::» I セセtiwiiセn@

THE MALAYS OF THE CEYLON

セ セ@ RIFLE REGIMENT

B.A. HUSSAINMIYA

TBE MALAYS OF THE CEYLON RIFLE REGIMENT

B.A. HUSSAINtv1IYA

PENERBIT UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA BANGI e1990

First Printing I Cetakan Pertama, I 990 Copyright I Hakcipta U niversiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, I 990

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,

including photocopy, recording, or a'V' information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the Penerbit.

Hakcipta terpelihara. Tiada bahagian daripada terbitan ini boleh diterbitkan semula, disimpan untuk pengeluaran atau ditukar-

kan ke dalam sebarang bentuk a tau dengan sebarang alat juga pun, sama ada dengan cara elektronik, gambar serta rakaman dan セ・「。ァ。ゥョケ。@

tanpa kebenaran bertulis daripada Penerbit terlebih dahulu.

Published in Malaysia by I Diterbitkan di Malaysia oleh PENERBIT UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA

43600 UKM Bangi, Selangor D.E., MALAYSIA

Printed in Malaysia by I Dicetak di Malaysia oleh AMPANG PRESS SDN. BHD.

I4-16, Lorong Kolam Air Lama Satu, 68ooo Am pang J aya, Selangor D.E., MALAYSIA

Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia Data-Mengkatalog-dalam-Penerbitanl Cataloguing-in-Publication-Data

Hussainmiya, B.A. (Bachamiya Abdul) Orang Rejimen: the Malays of the Ceylon rifle regiment I B.A. Hussainmiya.

Bibliography: p. I 79 1. Malays (Asian people) - Sri Lanka. 2. Minorities - Sri Lanka. 3· Sri Lanka - History. I. Title. 305·399205493

ISBN 967-942-I 77-5 ISBN 967-942-I65-I (pbk.)

Preface ... 7. Abbreviations ... 9 Maps ... 11

Chapter I Introduction ... 15

Contents

Chapter 2 Early Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka .. .ji Chapter 3 Origins of the Malay Community, 1640-I796 ... 38 Chapter 4 Governor North and the Malays, 1798-I 805 .. ·57 Chapter 5 Formation of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, I 805-1827 ... 78 Chapter 6 The Regiment Until its Disbandment, 1827-I873 ... 88 Chapter 7 Life in the Regiment: Economic and Social Aspects ... II 1

Chapter 8 Literary Activities in the Regiment ... 134 Retrospect ... 152

Appendices ... 157 Bibliography ... 177

Preface

In this island of ours, where so many different communities live side by side, the presence of the Malays ofCeylon has, always been taken for granted. Due perhaps, to their innate modesty and unobtrusiveness of the community as a whole, no one has ever asked who the Malays are, or where they have come from, and at what period in the island's history ... (Edward Reimers

1924, 155)·

More than half a century has elapsed since Reimers, a renowned archivist made the remarks about the paucity of research on the Malay community in Sri Lanka. Notwithstanding some minor amateur attemps to unravel their history, little progress was made by way of serious scholarly research. A contrast can be seen here in the case of the South African Malays, on whom are written countless number of academic treatises, books, monography, theses and research articles. Whereas in 1970, when Ian Goonetilake compiled a first comprehensive Bibliography on Cry/on, only 9 articles could be listed under the rubric ofCeylon Malays. Only recently, in 1987, were some of my research papers collected and published in the form of an occasional paper (No. 2) by the Institute of Malay Language, Literature and Culture (IBKKM) of the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. The Sri Lankan Malays, then, had been singularly unfortunate for not having been the subject of at least one book-length study so far.

Being conscious of this lacunae, several colleagues of mine, especially in Malaysia, urged me to publish my doctoral dissertation on the Malays of The Ceylon Rifle Regimen, popularly known as Orang Rejimen, submitted to the University ofPeradeniya, Sri Lanka is late 1984. This book is slight-ly revised version of it, although I would have preferred to wait longer to present a more readable account of this interesting minority community.

The roots of this book, in fact, had to be traced as far back as the period 1974 to 1978 when I was granted a Monash graduate scholarship to do post-graduate research under late Prof. Cyril Skiimer, Chairman of the IndonesianfMalay Studies of the Monash University, Australia. Prof. Skinner imbibed me with his inalienable interest in colonial military history. I have benefitted immensely from his ideas and guidance, and I wish to record my lasting gratitude to him.

I wish to thank many individuals and institutions for the help I received during my research and publication of this book. My special gratitude is due to the staff of Sri Lanka National Archives, University of Peradeniya

8 Preface

library Monash University Library, and The Public Record Office (London), and all those including late Messrs. Mas Guice Weerabangsa, late Tuan Kamaludin Cuncheer, Gnei Pushpa Sariffodin, Durham Saldin and others who were generous in supplying me with Malay manuscripts and papers.

Several friends have gone through the drafts of some or several parts of this book to offer suggestions for improvement. Prof. K. W. Goonewardena, Dr. B.E. Bastiampillai, A.J.M. Zaneer, Dr. T.J. Barron, Dr. Ian Smith, Prof. Ronald Provencher, Dr. Shaharil Talib, and Dr. Muhammad Kamlin. I pay tribute to all of them, while I take responsibility for all errors.

The publication of this book would not have been possible without the active interest evinced by the Universiti Kebangsaan Publishers themselves. My special thanks to Hasrom bin Haron, Dr. Wan Hashim Wan Teh and Prof. Ismail Hussein for taking a personal interest in the release of this book. I also thank IBKKM of the Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia for having granted me a visiting lecturership in 1985-87, to continue with several research projects on the Sri Lankan Malays, including the publication of this book.

I am grateful to my uncle S. Basheer Halaldeen for his help in reading the proof, besides acting as my liason with the community. To my wife Zahra, I owe much, for shielding me from both emotional and domestic stress during the progress of my research in the midst ofher own professional commitments as a banker.

B.A. HUSSAINMIYA Department of History, Universiti Brunei Darussallam. August, 1989

AL

AMS

BEFEO

BKI

CEMRO

CLR

CO

CRR

CS

DPC

GO

JMBRAS

JRASCB

JRASGB

JSBRAS

JSEAS MILY

MS

SLNA

UCR

WO ws

Abbreviations

Alamat Langkapuri Assistant Military Secretary Bulletin de l' Ecole Francaise d' Extreme Orient Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde Ceylon Malay Research Organization Ceylon Literary Review Colonial Office Ceylon Rifle Regiment Chief Secretary Dutch Political Council General Orders (Ceylon) Journal of the Malayan Branch of Royal Asiatic Society Journal of the the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Singapore Branch Journal of South East Asian History Military Military Secretary Sri Lanka National Archives University of Ceylon Review War Office (London) Wajah Selong

Note on Spellings

The author has chosen to spell the names of Sri Lankan Malays in an 'Anglicised' way, as found in contemporary documents e.g. 'Baba Yunus Saldin' is spelt 'Baba Ounus Saldin', and 'Wirabangsa' is spelt 'Weerabangsa', prompted by their own usage. He seeks consolation from Powell's ( 1973 preface) dilemma that there were nine ways of spelling 'Pilima Talauva', the name of a Sinhalese chief mentioned in his book!

N

f 0 160 320 480 km

B

0 ternatNセhaliiaheira@セ@ 4.

セZ@ セ@SULA -=' • セセBGH[Lc^N@ 0

CERA/I

buruvセ@AIIBON .

BUTUNG banoaNセn・エイ。@Run Bonda

gARU

セQGQOiibar@

MAP I South East Asia (Showing areas of origins of Sri Lankan Malays)

IV , ... Nセ@I

,., L " \..j \ MULLAITIVU

\ )'-

1 V'\.

24

セ@-N-

I 0

Miles KEY

24

\ \. ... -->,..,. J ,.,.. ....... \

(VAVUNIYA ) I \ ,.,,"' )

---- District Boundary Above 500 Persons (ApproKimately)

r--·"\ 1 \ J ,_,. '

セ@ ---i \ q / I ( ANURADHAPURA セtrincomalee@I I \ \ ,,..... '---, ""{ ....

.._,_ I \/I .,_,, 11 I I .., ..., )

puttalセ@ ',, )POLONNARUWA \ I \ ,''-, )

I \ I I !".. / \ .. .-/ I t BATTICALO

/ ' I \ I 1 { - - I'

t KURUNEGALA \ .., _ _,., \ "-..-1 ',

I .. \ MATALE "' Mセ@I ' • I ' ,,., ' \ l -' .... ., l '--,_ \ ;'"", - .... ,, \ I ,, I /'-"-1 1 /I I Lセv@ I ' I I l ----... / ' ::·KANDY I "I ,... \AMPARAI

_.,.., '(" ', ,.., } ,L,. t

GA ..... HA .. \ I GセMB@ ,/ I ':'.... ',KEGALLE I / I ( I ·. ' ,, ; ' . ,, \ ...

!•• { 1 "' I ' \ ' •.:: ( 1 1 (NUWARA / BADULLA I \ ,,,.. ... - ... _ \ I' \ '• ' l I r., • セ@ ' ......... ,f::UYA-" I

•!x.•• , ' ' I'V , I colomboセセNセセ@ _. I "---,) \ /" I

·:· /" '"'\ '------\ ( MONERAGALA 1

\ l I I

\ RATNAPURA ... ,,, ) I kalutarセ|@ / '.( ,...\

\ I I ' セ@ \ .... -, , .... -"' -.... (' ,. ... , ... -, ' ..,,. , __ ...

'"" '-1

,. ... _1 ', \ lHAMBANTOTA ,, ,- ... __ ,v I I

< HNセ@)1ATARA}

( I l '

MAP 2 Sri Lanka. Distribution of Malay population, 1981

0 25 20 75 km

• Kurunegolo

eKondy

8 Bodullo

MAP 3 The detachments of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, 1827-1873

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Background : The Island and Its People

Lying in the middle of the Indian ocean, Sri Lanka (formerly known as Ceylon) is strategically located on the seafaring highways of Asia. It is a small island shaped like a mango, and is roughly the size of Greece and about one half the size of the Malay Peninsula. The island covers a total area of 65,61 o km (or 25,332 square miles). It stretches 435 km from south to north at its longest and 225 km at its widest from east to west. Located at the extreme southern tip of Indian subcontinent, separated from it by the Palk Straits which is 53 km wide, the island is within latitudes 6" to w"N.

Being in close proximity to the Equator, the island has high temperature, between So" to 82" F in the plains. The effects of this temperature are neutralised to a certain extent by oceanic winds which blow across the island at its greatest width being only 225 km. The temperature in the mountain ranges in the Nuwara Eliya region at an altitude of62oo feet above sea level is less harsh. On an average the temperature in this zone falls 10" for every 300 feet of elevation.

The natural relief of the island is not very complicated. A relief map of Sri Lanka would normally have the divisions of upcountry and low country, the former occupying about one fifth of the country's space. The remainder of the island is comparatively flat land, narrower on the west, east and south but expanding vastly towards the north.

Compared to other countries in the same temperature zones, the average rainfall in Sri Lanka is heavy, but due to the high temperature of the atmosphere much ofit is rapidly evaporated. The south west monsoon blows steadily from about May to August, breaking at the central highlands and creating the wet zone. The average rainfall in the dry zone of the north west and south west is below 40 inches, while an average rainfall of as much as 200 inches may be experienced on the slopes of the hill country.

The island is crisscrossed by a network ofmotorable roads and railways built mostly during the British period of colonial rule. The major towns are Colombo (the business capital and metropolis), Galle (in the south), Kandy (the hill town and repository of the sacred tooth relic of the Buddha), and Jaffna (the fourth largest city and the metropolis of the indigenous Tamils),

J6 Introduction

Batticaloa, and Trincomalee which is reputed to have the finest natural harbour in the east.

Sri Lanka can boast of a long recorded history going back about two thousand five hundred years. The Mahawamsa, a chronicle of Sri Lanka composed in Pali, the sacred language of the Theravada Buddhists narrates the history of the island from the arrival of Vijaya some time in the sixth or fifth century B.C. Vijaya is said to be the legendary father of the Sinhala people, who form the majority ethnic group in the island. The Vijaya legend actually symbolises the arrival of the first lndo-Aryan colonists from northern India (De Silva 1981, 3). According to recorded history the Sinhala Aryans embraced Buddhism during the reign of Devanampiya Tissa, (250-210 B.C.) a contemporary of the great Mauryan Emperor, Asoka. Since then the country has been largely identified with this religion, which is professed by more than 70 percent of the island's population.

During the period of the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa Kingdoms, which lasted from the first century until about the middle of the thirteenth, the Sinhalese perfected their skill in irrigation engineering and laid the foundation for a remarkable hydraulic civilization through a system of water management, the chief feature of which was the construction of tanks as storage reservoirs. In fact, the tanks and dagobas (shrines containing relics of the Buddha) have become the twin symbols of the ancient grandeur of Sri Lanka. In the post thirteenth-century period, the Sinhala civilization lost much of its greatness mainly because of internecine warfare and foreign intrusion.

A second important ethnic group of Sri Lanka are the Tamils, the majority of whom are Hindus by religion and descendants of Dravidian settlers who came from the South Indian region. There is controversy as to when they first arrived in the island. Probably the indigenous Tamil population of Sri Lanka, as against the recent Indian immigrants or 'Plantation Tamils' as they are popularly called, who were brought by the British in the 19th century, are as ancient as the country's majority Sinhala population.

Muslims constitute the third largest ethnic group of Sri Lanka. Known as 'Moors', an appelation given by the Portuguese who first encountered them in 1506, these Muslims claim descendancy from the Arab and west-Asian settlers, who reached Asia for trade purposes even before the birth of Islam in Arabia in the seventh century A.D. The numbers of (Muslim) Moors were later augmented by the local converts and immigrant Muslims from South India, who adopted Tamil as their home and religious language. Nearly 7·5 percent of the Muslim population in the island include also the sub-groups of Memons, Borahs and the Malays.

Besides the major ethnic groups, the Sri Lankan ethnic mosaic includes a number of other smaller communities which form less than one percent of the total population. These are of indigenous and foreign descent,

Introduction

including those of European, Indian, Southeast Asian, Chinese and African origin. Both history and archaeology corroborate the existence of foreign communities in the ancient and medieval royal cities of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa. However it is the colonial period (I 506-Ig48) to which many of the present day microscopic minority communities owe their origins. Needs of the colonial administration, trade links and cultural influences resulted in the arrival in Sri Lanka of such categories of people as soldiers and administrators, merchants, artisans and priests. Colonial developments also sponsored or stimulated migration to Sri Lanka of certain ethnic groups, chief among whom are Burghers, Indian (or Plantation) Tamils, Colombo Chetties, Malayalees, the Borahs, the Parsees, the (Hindu) Gujeratis, the Sindhis, the Chinese, the Kaffirs and the Malays.

The Malay Community

Of these cultural minority communities who have made Sri Lanka their home, the case of the Malays is very remarkable and deserves serious study. Unlike other marginal population groups, the Malays are still identified as a distinct statistical category in official government documents. The other minorities are usually lumped together as 'others' and rarely identified by their ethnic nomenclature. Where 'others' have become a less distinct numerical group due to assimilation and intermarriage with the rest of the population, the Malays have managed to retain their separate ethnic religious identity despite many odds over a period of more than three hundred years, since their ancestors first set foot on the island.

Currently, Malay is a term commonly used in South-east Asia to denote the people living in the Malaysian Peninsula and those in the adjoining areas in the archipelago who claim a common Malay ancestry. Malaysian law also requires a Malay to be a Muslim by religion.• However, judging by their ancestry, the so-called Sri Lanka 'Malays' have a greater claim to being called 'Indonesians' or 'Javanese' than 'Malay' or 'Malaysian'. Nonetheless, the immigrants from the east have been recognised by their fellow citizens as Malays throughout the past. In Sri Lanka this term was commonly applied to those Muslim settlers who originated from the eastern Archipelago as well as the Malay Peninsula.

The local people know them as ]a Minussu (people fromJ ava in Sinhala) and Java manusar (in Tamil), names indicative of their one time origin from the island of Java. The (Muslim) Moors, their co-religionists, most of whom are relatively more familiar with the Malays, refer to them also as Malai karar (Malay people). The Malays are of course conscious of both ancestries when they refer to themselves as Orang Jawa2 (People of Java) and Orang Melayu (The Malay People).

Despite the recognition thus accorded to the Malays as a group, there exists no simple racial criterion by which an outsider may identifY a Malay

r8 Introduction

by any conspicuous physical characteristics. The Sri Lanka Malays are by religion followers of Islam, and because of this fact, they have closely intermingled with the dominant Islamic group, mainly the Moors through intermarriage and cultural exchange. 3 This has resulted in the loss of typical 'Malay' features among the offspring of such marriages, making it difficult to recognize a Malay from a Tamil speaking Moor (or for that matter any other Sri Lankan) a fact which had been noticed as early as the beginning of the 19th century by Percival, a British Military Officer, who remarked that:

Although they (Malays) intermarry with the Moors and other castes (sic) particularly in

Ceylon and by this means acquire a much darker colour than is natural to a Malay; still their

characteristic features are so strikingly predominant. (Percival 18o5, 115).

However, at present even such characteristic features of a Malay have become a thing of. the past (although physical anthropologists may not always agree to the type-casting of physiological features of a given race). One might as well quote Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, 4 a former Malaysian Prime Minister who made the following observations on the contemporary Sri Lanka Malays.

This is also the case with Ceylon. The only difference is that their features have changed. They

look more like Indians (the Kelings) than Malays and their language is strongly influenced by

the Indian dialect. What's more they have lost touch with adat and custom, but still they call

themselves Malays ...

But these (Malay) soldiers who went there without their womenfolk married into the family

of the Indian Muslims. These Muslims were known as the Moors and after generations of

intermarriages, it is hard to pick one from the other, Malays or the Moors, except when they

themselves announce their racial identity ... (Rahman 1g83, 195).

The Contemporary Local Malay Culture

In the culture of the Malay community too, there exist no visible signs which can be characterised as distinctively 'Malay'. Malay customs and traditions (as practised in the Malay Peninsula) are almost entirely absent i? the practical life of the local Malay people. 5 Instead ッセ・@ finds that the 、ッュュ。セエ@customs and traditions of the local Moor-Mushms have pervaded the1r cultural practices. 6 In their form of dress and food they follow the pattern set by their countrymen, especially the Moors. For example, Malay women invariably wear the Sari instead of the traditional Malay Baju Kurung and the men wear European style coat, while the ordinary Malay has adopted the sarong and shirt. Similarly, the food habits of the Malays are more akin to those of any other Sri Lankan family, which invariable means rice and curry for the main meal. However, it is also true that the Malays are conscious of their traditional food preparations such as nasi goreng (fried rice),

Introduction

satay, and Malay kuilt (cakes and puddings), but they are prepared only on very rare occasions, and that too only among the well-to-do and fashionable Malay families. Likewise, in their wedding ceremonies there is occasional evidence of following Malay customs such as bersanding7 (the sitting together of the groom and the bride) etc. by some conscientious Malay families, but these are again rare exceptions to the rule. Some Malay families, who are particularly conscious of their Malay-Indonesian heritage, take pride in having retained versions of Malayflndonesian surnames such as Weerabangsa, Nalawangsa, Singa Laxana, Bongso, Tumarto, BangsaJaya, Cuttilan, Cuncheer, etc., but a good number of Malays also bear the usual Muslim names (common to the Moors) which make it difficult to distinguish them from the personal names adopted by their fellow Muslim-Moors. 8

Thus the moving away from traditional 'Malay' cultural patterns has been so marked that relying on any obvious cultural indicator to identify the local Malays may become misleading and irrelevant. Therefore, within the Sri Lanka context, one has to refrain from any attempt to define a Malay on the basis of any racial, legal or social criteria. 9 In this context, the need to settle the question of Malay identity should rest largely on the basis of what we may call a 'self-social' identification. It means that a Malay in Sri Lanka is one who considers himself or herself a Malay and functions as a member of and identifies with the Malay society.

The Language of the Malays

This 'self social' identification as Malays, and of alignment with a Malay social system is reinforced by the continued use in the Sri Lanka Malay households of a kind of colloquial 'Malay' language. The Malay spoken in Sri Lanka is an offshoot of a 'Bazaar Malay' dialect introduced to the island along with the early Malay settlers (Hussainmiya 1986, 20). The local Malays take great pride in the fact that they speak their own language which they call 'Malay' (Bahasa Melayu), although it is widely divergent from the standard language currently spoken in either Malaysia or Indonesia. this variety of Sri Lankan 'Malay' language is widely spoken in Malay homes.1 0

To a very great extent, it is on the basis of this Malay creole, not to mention the Malays' emotional link with the countries of their origin in the East, that the Malay people of Sri Lanka continue to treat themselves as members of an exclusive community and inheritors of a common Malay heritage. In this respect they have much more claim to continuous affinity with their counterparts in the Malay world, unlike the 'Malays' in South Africa.

A Comparison with the South African Malays

It may be useful at this juncture to compare the present status of these two groups of people as Malays in order to illustrate the degree of their respective

20 Introduction

self-identities. The Cape Malays are an ethnologically mixed people found mainly in the Cape Peninsula in South Africa. Their identity is based mainly on their following the religion of Islam. Of the 36o,ooo Muslim population in South Africa, who are categorised as coloured or Asian, the Cape Malays form a sub-group whose number today stands at nearly I82,ooo (Du Plessis, I972). Originally the Cape Malays are said to have belonged to the

Javanese .and Balinese section of the 'Malay' race. While the Sri Lankan Malays continue to take pride in, and emphasise

their Malay heritage, the Malays in South Africa are for various reasons now said to be in the process of shedding their Malay identity. They hailed from almost the same areas in the then Dutch East Indies and were introduced to these distant lands for almost the same reasons by the Dutch colonial authorities. Despite this commonality, a major difference exists between these two in the degree of continuing their special identity as Malays.

The Malays of Sri Lanka still speak their own language, however remote their variety of language may be from the standard Malay spoken in the Malay world. By contrast, Malays of South Africa, have ceased to speak their own language for more than a century in the past (Mayson I 86 I, r 3). The language of the latter is Ajrikaans> which is common to the other Muslim immigrants settled in South Africa. So much so that they are more often referred to by their religious identity i.e. as 'Muslims' or 'Mohammedans'. Furthermore, it appears that their rate of mixture with the other local race seems much more complete so that it is more natural to treat them as members of the Muslim group. As Du Plessis, mentions:

At the Cape they become much diluted with other races, among them the indigenous people

of South Mrica and also Arabs, Indians, Chinese and Whites. (Du Plessis 1972, 145).

But for this linguistic factor, it is almost certain that the fate which befell the Cape Malay community would have extended to the small community of Malays in Sri Lanka and led to the decline of their self-identity.

Contemporary Malay Society

There exists no proper study or a survey of socio-economic conditions of the present day Malay Community. The latest census figure indicates 43,378 (or 0.3%) as the total Malay population in Sri Lanka.11 A large majority of them are urban-dwellers as may be seen from the following table;

Cities with a population above rooo persons

District No. of Persons

Colombo Gampaha Hambantota Kandy

20,04I 8,o77 4,380 2,648

Introduction

Badulla Kurunegala Nuwara Eliya

I,300 I,20I I, I I 3

2I

The Malays, a majority of whom are known to be living at a subsistence level, cannot be classed as a rich community. In fact, according to the latest census report ( rgSI) the highest percentage of unemployment among the Sri Lankans was recbrded among the members of this community. It stood at 29 percent, while that of the Sinhalese, the majority population, was I 5· I percent. The percentage of the unemployed Sri Lankan Tamils was only 9· I 3 percent. 1 2

Among the working population, only a negligible proportion ofMalays are employed as professionals in the field of medicine, engineering, law and higher administrative service etc. Most of the Malays do jobs of a low grade in government and private institutions as clerks, watchmen, office boys and drivers. Some make a living from petty trading as street-hawkers or small shop-keepers in the city.

Further, today there are no noteworthy Malay businessmen and therefore no surprise if one cannot find wealthy people among them. In this respect, the Malays find themselves on the lowest rung of the economic ladder as opposed to other Muslim groups in the island, such as the Tamil-speaking Moors and the traditional business communities of 'Borahs' and 'Memons'.

The Malay community is particularly characterised by its poverty and squalor. A walk around Slave Island (Now called Kompanne Vidiya, derived from Malay Kampung) and Wekande suburbs, the largely Malay dominated slum areas in Colombo, would suffice to demonstrate this fact. At a symposium held at the Moors Islamic Cultural Home on I st November, I967, the late Mr. Muradjayah, President of the Ceylon Malay Research Organisation, highlighted the plight of the Sri Lanka Malays.

I do not know how many of you here come from Slave Island which is the stronghold ofMalays.

I live there and I am only too keenly aware of the pathetic conditions in which .the Malays

of Slave Island live. It is pathetic to see how every night, all the furniture in the house is piled

away into a corner to find sleeping accommodation for 4,5,6 or more people in a tiny room,

in which the father, mother, the children and even the grand parents sleep closely huddled

together.

It is also pathetic to see how they queue up to avail of the indequate sanitary facilities

provided from the early hours of the morning. It is not surprising therefore that more and more

people in these congested areas are succumbing to the dreaded tuberculosis. The incidence

ofT.B. is the highest in Slave Island. (Jayah 197oA, 72).

Lately, there is a tendency among Malays living in the densely populated urban areas, particularly the Slave Island area mentioned above to move out into new localities outside the city . Thus the Malay population is

-------------------------------------

22 Introduction

ウエ・セ、ゥNャケ@ increasing in the Gampaha district adjoining the Colombo district. Thxs Is caused by the rising land values in the city of Colombo. In the meantime, Slave Island is developing into a vast commercial area. The Malays are either evicted from their tenement houses or they sell their houses to buy less expensive land in the areas such as Wattala Hunupitiya and Mahara areas lying just outside Colombo. In Hunupitiya, a whole new Malay settlement called Akbar Town has come into being. (This settlement has been named after the late Mas Thajun Akbar, a Malay). In fact, during the last decade, Gampaha has become the district with the second largest Malay population, a position held until I 97 I by the Kandy district since the early days of British rule.

Survey of Literature on the Malay Community

セョエゥャャ。エ・L@ セゥエエャ・@ has been written on the Malay community, so that there d1d not exist any secondary source material which is of much use to イ・セ・セイ」ィ・イウN@ As late as I 970, I an Goonetilleke, in his comprehensive Bzblzography rif Ceylon (Vol. I) could list only nine articles on the subject of Malays. Of these, four articles appeared in one volume, in the Jubilees Book rifthe Colombo Malay Cricket Club published in I924. These articles, which are not based on research of any considerable value, hardly exceed four or five pages in length. The references to the Malay community in the general works on Sri Lankan history - are also limited to a few sentences.

_セャケ@ セ、ュオョ、@ Reimers has written something ofvalue referring to the participatiOn ofEast Indian troops in the early stages of the Dutch onslaught on .the fortress held by the Portugese in Sri Lanka's coastal regions. His article, though regretrably brief, was at least based on archival sources with which he was familiar. (Reimers, I924)

Other articles, written mostly by Ceylon Malays themselves, generally エセョ、@ to unduly emphasise the glorious periods of the Malay race in medieval エゥセ・ウL@ such as the Sri Vijayan Malay Empire, and the famous Javanese kセョァ、ッュ@ ofMataram.t 3 The idea of these writers seems to be to tie up the Sn Lankan Malay history with that of the famous medieval Malay kゥョァ、ッセウN@ The キイゥエ・セN@ merely repeated some facts from well known history books, Without any cntical approach to the history of their own community. . One H.M. s。ゥセ@ wrote a brief article on Ceylon Malays which appeared m the J.M.B.R.A.S. m I926 but lacks historical accuracy. Some interesting facts about the Malays are mentioned in a few short notes written by the late セイN@ mオセ。、@ Jayah, which appeared also in his mimeographed news bulletm pubhshe.d u.nder the auspices of エィセ@ (now defunct) Ceylon Malay Research Orgamsation (CEMRO). These d1d not specify the sources. Also the late mセN@ T.M.G. Samat, j.ournalist wrote a series of articles on Ceylon Malays which appeared occasionally in local and Malaysian newspapers. 14

Introduction 23

The Aims and Purpose

The purpose of this book is to present a history of the Sri Lankan Malay community by focussing attention on the military profession with which they were identified from the time they set foot on the island during the Dutch period. With the dawn of British rule in the maritime provinces of Sri Lanka in I 796, the position of the Malays became further crystallised into a permanent military 'class' serving the inerests of the new colonial master as well as 'policing' the island. Malays were much in demand as soldiers in the native military regiments raised by the British for service, especially in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment which until its disbandment in I873, formed the backbone of the British military establishment in the island. The role and the dominance of the 'regiment' Malays are prominent themes in the history and activities of the community. Writing about the Indian army, Philip Mason ( I974, I 1) remarked that "it is set against the history ofBritish India because purely military aspects do not make sense in isolation." This book attempts to do the reverse-the history and culture of the Sri Lankan Malays in the nineteenth century are unintelligible unless they are set against their military background as members of colonial forces. Not surprisingly, therefore, a renowned Malay leader of Sri Lanka the late Dr. M. Pervis Drahman, was able to make the following remark even without doing much detailed research on the historical past of his community.

If they (the Ceylon Malays) would but remember that their history is in greater part a narration

of military exploits and past glories of the Malay Regiment. ( Ceylon Dairy News, 5thj an, 1959).

A historical analysis based on their past connection with colonial regiments particularly under British rule is then the major thrust of the present study. The Regiment which was variously known as the Malay Corps, His MaJesty's Malay Regiment, the First Regiment, and finally the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, was the centre ofMalay life in Sri Lanka for nearly three quarters of the nineteenth century, an important period in the evolution of the community. Since the Malay community was almost synonymous with the native regiment under the British, the professional soldiers were the most important and leading group in the community. This book seeks to illustrate how the Malay soldier group came into existence and became an indispensable unit in the native regiment raised by the British.

Curiously enough, the British colonial government in Malaya was reluctant to grant professional soldier status to the Malays in their own country of birth until very late. It was not the policy of the British to arm the people of Malaya or to train them in military services (Dol Ramli 1965, 200). The colonial government in Malaya offered various excuses for not drafting the Malays into its regular army. As the Malayan newspaper Straits Times put it as late as I933, there had been fears by some people that the Malay with his leisurely temperament and lack of military tradition other

Introduction

than that of guerilla warfare would rebel against the discipline of the parade grounds and the barrack room. (Dol Ramli. op. cit, 20 I).

. It would appear that the British colonial administrators in Malaya had セiエィ・セ@ ヲッイァッエエセョ@ or deliberately suppressed the fact that their counterparts m Sn セ。ョォ。L@ iセーイ・ウウセ、@ by the performance of the Malays as soldiers there, セ・イ・@ hberal With their praise and admiration of them. On the one hand It ・。セ@ be 。イァオセ、@ that the colonial government did not always favour エィセ@creation ッセョ。エQv・@ ウッャ、ゥ・セ@ groups in their own countries of birth. Thus they brought S1khs from India to Malaya to serve in their army. Similarly they ーセ・セ・イイ・、@ Malays and Indian sepoys to Sinhalese or Tamils to serve in their m1htary establishments in Sri Lanka. In any case, as this book will show, the セ。ャ。ケウ@ b:came the favourites of the British to man their military ・ウエ。「ィウィセ・ョエ@ m セセ・@ island. They acknowledged right from the beginning those special quahtles ofMalays-their bravery, discipline and loyalty much valued as assets of those taking up military service. Perhaps the status of m。ャ。セセ@ who were once under British rule in Sri Lanka is very much like the prevadmg status of the Nepalese 'Gurkhas', the legendary soldiers much ウセオァィエ@ after even today as military personnel in countries like Britain, Smgapore, Brunei Darussalam and Hongkong. This book is in a sense a study of the 'Gurkhas' ofSri Lanka and of the legendary qualities with which the セ。ャ。ケウ@ were once attributed as the best native soldiers of the British colomal government.

My interest in Malay soldiery was initially roused between the years I974 - I978 when I ュセ、・@ a research study of the Malay literature of Sri Lanka unde.r th? auspices セヲ@ the Indonesian and Malay Department of Monash uョエカセイウゥエケL@ aオウエセ。ィ。N@ During a field trip to Sri Lanka in I

974, I

happened to discover, quite by accident, a fairly large number of hitherto セョォョッキョ@ セ。ャ。W@ ュセョオウ」イゥーエウL@ published pamphlets and newspapers written m the .Jawz scnpt (1.e. Malay written in the Arabic script). The study of these hterary and religious materials revealed that the Sri Lankan Malays, セッョエイ。イケ@ to セィセ@ popular belief that they did not have any form of written ィセ・イ。エオイ・L@ d1d m .fact shared a common classical Malay literary tradition With the Malay ャセエ・イ。エオイ・@ of the centres of the Malay World in the

19th-

century ュ・エセッーッィエ。ョ@ colonial cities of Singapore, Penang and Batavia . . Another mteresting fact that emerged from the study of this indigenous

Sn Lankan Malay literature was that it reached its zenith during the second half of. エィセ@ I 9th 」・ョセオイケL@ when the Ceylon Rifle Regiment was still active and エィQセ@ ィエ・イセエオイセ@ d1sapp:ared by the very early part of twentieth century.

. An mvest1gat10n of th1s phenomenon relating to the rise and fall of the Sn セ。ョォセョ@ セ。ャ。ケ@ literature led me to believe that it had a direct relatiOnship セQエィ@ the fun.ctioning of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, and that when the イ・ァセュ・ョエ@ was disbanded in I873, the literature of the Sri Lankan Malays, too, foll?wed suit. The written literature of the Malays hac{ been nurtured by the mterest evinced by the soldiers, and once the 'system' that

Introduction 25

sponsored the soldiers reached its end, the literature, an inherent part of the· traditional cultural life of the I 9th-century Malays, also came to an end.

This study then is an attempt to sort out this 'system', which was the Ceylon Rifle Regiment ( CRR hereafter). A study of this Regiment, therefore, became imperative in order to understand the most important phase of the history of the Malays of Sri Lanka. Although the original Malay Regiment was the creation of the Dutch Government, the British institutionalised this military wing in a much more elaborate manner than the Dutch.

Despite the central position occupied by the CRR in this study, no attempt is made to present a detailed military history of a colonial regiment. The CRR provides only a framework which is necessary for tracing the salient characteristics of the historical 'growth of this community. Perhaps a definitive history of a military regiment would require a different sort of approach. For instance, details concerning the structure, organisation, financial management and terms of service, methods of recruitment and training, system of discipline, tactics and strategy, etc. need elaboration. In fact, a study along these lines of investigation on a colonial military regiment in Sri Lanka has been long overdue. There is scope for a historian to make a study of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment from a military point of view which would be of value to those interested in British imperial and military history.

This book discusses such details regarding terms and methods of recruitment, pay and emoluments and conditions of service of the soldiers of the CRR only with a view to analysing the effects of such matters on the living conditions of the Malay soldiery. As a matter of fact, Amiya Barat, an Indian military historian, adopts a somewhat similar approach to an equally distinguished British colonial regiment in India, namely, "The Bengal Native Infantry." Barat's ( I962) concern was to explicate the causes that led to the outbreak of the Indian Sepoy mutiny of I857· This investigation prompted her to delve into the conditions of service in the Bengal Native Infantry. Similarly, this study can be said to be an explication of the effects of the regimental service on the social and cultural evolution of the Malay community in Sri Lanka.

Sources

A variety of primary source material ranging from the records of the colonial government to indigenous documents has been utilised in the writing of this book. Much of this material was found in the National Archives ofSri Lanka among its impressive collection of records pertaining to the history of the colonial period. I spent a brief period in London in I975 consulting documents which were not available in Sri Lanka.

Regarding the Dutch colonial records (listed in Lot I of the Sri Lanka Archives) a most useful source from my point of view has been the Dutch

Introduction

Political Council Minutes, together with the annexes to these minutes, copies of which were forwarded to Batavia during the period of the Dutch. It is true that references to Malays in these volumes are scanty and infrequent because interest in such minor groups by the Dutch officials can be described at best as only marginal. As might well be expected, these council minutes were more concerned with matters of immediate relevance to the Dutch company e.g. trade, profits and their relationship with their arch-rival, the Kandyan Monarch. However, these minutes are quite helpful for studying the early arrival of eastern groups from the present Indonesian islands. Some volumes of annexes give full lists of names of people brought from the Eastern Archipelago. Also, relating to the arrival and activities in Sri Lanka of the princely exiles from Indonesia, these volumes yield interesting information.

The archival documents relating to the British colonial regiments constitute the most important source of information. The official policy of the British government towards its military establishment has to be studied through the despatch volumes containing the correspondence of the British Governors in Ceylon to the Secretaries of State in London and vice versa, the value of which is only too weU known. These volumes are to be found in the S.L.N.A. Lots 4 and 5 series (corresponding to the famous C.O. 54 and 55 series in the London Public Records Office).

As for the period of Governor North's rule from I 798 to I 8os, during which a valid foundation was laid for the creation of a Malay Regiment, there exists another vital set of documents in the form of the Governor's military diaries (S.L.N.A. Lot 7 series) written before and after North's ill fated invasion of the Kandyan Kingdom in x8og.

Supplemented by his despatches, these military diaries provide an insight into the workings of the mind of a British imperialist officer bent on realising colonial ambitions, by coaxing, forcing, cajoling and even by pushing hard a whole community to commit itself to soldiery.

The detailed military matters dealing with conditions of service, pay and emoluments, and economic and social standing of the Malay soldiery etc, are well documented in the correspondence of the Military Secretary to the Colonial Secretary and vice versa. These are found in the S.L.N.A. Lot 6 and 7 series. This correspondence, particularly that part of it sent from the Assistant Military Secretary to the Colonial Secretary, 15 carries enclosures of separate reports and memoranda submitted by various commanding officers of the CRR which are more or less first hand impressions of the British military officers about their native subordinates. The most important of such memoranda have also found their way as special enclosures into the annex volumes of the Governor's despatches.

Certain types of regimental records pertaining to the service of soldiers, in the form of monthly pay returns, pensions returns, embarkation and disembarkation returns, and discharge registers were available among War Office documents in London. On the other hand, letters concerning native

Introducti011

grievances, especially those sent by the widows of soldiers pleading for pensions, as far as I know are available only in Sri Lanka.

As regards the published official sources, special mention must be made of (Ceylon) General Orders, issued to clarifY procedural matters and military regulations in the various regiments serving in Sri Lanka. In fact, a certain collection of sources referring to the CRR, material for an unpublished volume of Cannons Histories bearing the title of a History of the Services of His Majesty's 1st Ceylon Rifle Regiment (Riflemen), now in the possession of the Ministry of Defence (Central) library in London, gives copious references from these General Orders.16 The S.L.N.A. Library has only the published volume ofGeneral Orders belonging to the years between 1805 to 1862. For the subsequent period, I had to depend on quoted references of such orders given in the above manuscript volume.

The Military Commission that was appointed by Governor Robinson in x865 to report on the condition of the military establishment in Ceylon published its findings in one single volume, which is a mine of information regarding not only the British attitude towards the CRR in its closing years; but also the living conditions and even the psychological makeup of the Malay soldiery. The detailed minutes of evidence and statements given by regimental officers before this Commission and particularly by H.L. Cowen, I 7 the regimental surgeon, are full of insight and understanding of the peculiar nature of the Malay soldiers and their commitment to their occupation.

H.L. Cowen also wrote a very interesting account of the CRR which was published in Colbum's United Service Magazine and Naval and Military Journal in 1 86o. His article displays an intimate knowledge: of the conditions of the native soldiery based on his first-hand impressions and experience as a long-standing regimental surgeon. It is a matter of great regret that such extensive background information in the form of published contemporary accounts and memoirs which are available for a historian of the Indian native regiments 18 are not available for a study of British colonial regiments in Sri Lanka. Nonetheless, it is to the credit of Cowen that his article on the CRR sufficiently compensates for the lack of such contemporary accounts with regard to Ceylon regiments.

The Malay Sources

Despite the importance of the colonial documentary sources for a study of this kind, one must bear in mind that these sources tend to reinforce certain stereotype images of native soliders as loyal, brawny watch-dogs of colonial government interests in the island. Malay soldiers, in particular, have been thought of as merely a set offaithful servants of the British 'Raj' and their community is characterised by a sporting and of a happy go lucky life style.

Introduction

As descendants of soldiers, the Malays were hardly associated with any substantial accomplishments in the fields of culture and literature.

Fortunately we are in a better position now to know the neglected aspects of the Malay soldiery, because of the discovery of hitherto unknown indigenous Malay language material which surfaced a decade ago during a search made to find the records kept py the community .I 9

The Malay sources discovered in Sri Lanka include two vernacular newspapers (Atamat Langkapuri and Wqjah Setong) printed pamphlets, poetry books, handwritten manuscripts on literary and religious subjects, personal memoirs and private letters. These materials have not been properly catalogued yet. Some of the local Malay manuscripts and texts have been deposited in the National Archives of Sri Lanka20 and the National Library of Malaysia but some are in private collections.

Most of these Malay manuscripts contain versions of Malay classics popular throughout the Malay world during the nineteenth century. 2 I

They deal with both literary and religious themes. Most of the manuscripts come with rather elaborate colophons, i.e. details of ownership, the names of the copyists, place and date of copying which are usually given at the end of the text. With the help of such information, it is possible to ascertain the extent of literary involvement of the various individuals during the period under study, particularly those who had served in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment. Furthermore, it is with the help of such information revealed in the colophons that the vigorous literary movement in the soldier-community, especially in the regimental cantonments of Colombo and Kandy, has been brought to light.

A more direct source of information that has helped us to study some salient features of the internal aspects of the life of the community during this period is the Alamat Langkapuri (At hereafter) the fortnightly Malay newspaper which appeared from mid I 86g to the end of I 870. The value of this newspaper for our study stems from the fact that it was published while the Ceylon Rifle Regiment was still in service. It appeared at a time when the CRR had reached its final stage, just before plans were afoot to disband it. The At reflects the social dynamics of the community of the time, which was a most trying period for the Malay soldiers who tried to assert and maintain their traditional hold on their community by virtue of their predominant status enjoyed from the early days of their settlement in the island.

The At gives a fair picture of the life inside Kampung Kertel, (the present Slave island area), the mainstay of the Malay Regiment people. It is evident that the bulk of its readers were persons connected with the regiment. The picture that emerges from the At especially with regard to life in Kampung Kertel, points to the issues of religion, law, custom and morality as salient. Three principal groups figure prominently in Kertel, and in the Kandyan regimental enclave of Kampung Pensen. These are soldiers in service or

Introduction

Orang Rejimen as they are often referred to in Malay sources; the pensioners, Orang Pensen; and the ヲイセ・ュ・ョ@ ッセ@ civilians, ?rang Priman in Malay. Their interaction and confltcts dommated the Issues of Alamat Langkapuri, and the principal means by which these were expressed were the numerious letters written by readers in the most popular column, 'Letters· to the Editor'. ·

, The other newspaper, under the title 'Wajah Selong' published by the same Ounus Saldin, is less important for this study since this newspaper appeared in a much later period I895 to r8gg. However, the 'Wajah Selong' depended on the support of ex-soldiers ウエゥャャャゥカゥョセ@ in the ャセエ・イ@ iァエセ@ century, and in this way can throw light on a changmg era m the hfe of the community subsequent to the disbandment of the Regiment.

Personal interviews with some elderly and knowledgeable Malays were conducted in order to find out the living styles and reactions of the preceding generation of men whom they were familiar with. sッセ・@ of those ゥョエ・イカゥ・キ・セ@revealed some vague but useful recollections of thmgs learnt from their predecessors who once had served in the Regiment.

Notes xf The Federal (Malaysian) Constitution defines a Malay in article x6o (2) as'follows: "A Malay is a person who professes the Muslim religion, habitually speak the Malay language, conforms to Malay (adat) custom and is a Malaysian citizen."

2J By comparison, the term Jawi or Jawa used both by the Cambodians and Arabs shows it as a ァセョ・イゥ」@ term meant to refer to Muslims of South East Asia. ,

3/ There may be also rare instances of Malays marrying into other religious groups セィッ@change their religious adherence and yet prefer to remain as members of the Malay commuruty.

4/ Tunku Abdul Rahman, an ex Malaysian Prime Minister had many friends to count among the Sri Lankan Malays. In fact, during his early trips to London while he was a law student, he used to be hosted by some prominent local Malays like the late Dr. M.P. Drahman and Mr Zahiere Lye. As a Prime Minister of Malaysia, he also visited head quarters of the All-Ceylon Malay Association, a premier Malay social service organisation in Colombo.

51 Such Malay customs and traditions are explained in detail in AI Hady, Sheikh Alwi Bin

(1962).

6f Marina Azeez, 'Social and Ceremonial Customs' in An Ethnological Survey of the Muslims of Sri Lanka Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo x!}86, pp. 231-243· It should, however, be observed' here that the so called 'Moorish' customs derived from South India.

71 Usually royal thrones in the public part of bersanding, a highly decorated bridal couch for the inspection of family and close friends.

8/ These are names of persons deriving mostly from words of Sanskrit origin. See for example ( 1970 CEMRO, the now defunct Ceylon Malay Research Organisation gave names of its otHce bearers Mfs. M. Murad Jayah, M.A. Sourjah, T.A. Dole, N.B. Saman, M.S.M. Akbar, T.H. Ismail, K. Girsy, T.G. Hamit, B.M.D. Bangsajayah, M.N. Weerabangsa CEMRO 5 (4) 1970, OctfNovfDec. p. xo.

30 Introduction

91 For purpose of census and statistics in Sri Lanka the racial identity of · d' 'd 1 · determined primarily by hislher father's race. ' an m lVI ua IS

101 tィゥセ@ is エセオ・@ セッウエャケ@ in Malay households in which English is rarely used. English-educated Malay ehtes m Sn Lanka, on the other hand, tend to be less conversant in spoken Malay.

I I I Census if Population and Housing Preliminary Release No I Col bo nil p , · , om , t!fVI, • 3· 121 The actual break down of unemployment figures was given by w A As p· · D' of Census and Statistics in SUN (Sri Lanka) I4th Sep. Ig8I p.I. .... lens, •rector

131 See for instance, Dane セオィッッ、Gウ@ article "Malayan Race and Malays ofCe Ion in Jubilee Book if the Colombo Malay Cncket Club (1924), 168·!72. y

141 See bibliography for titles of some ofT.M.G. Samat's writings

I 51. Documents in this series are listed under Military Secretary's correspondence for the penod between I 8os, to 18311 but thereafter listed as Assistant Military Secretary' correspondence. s

161 I セュ@ ァイ。エセヲオャ@ to the セゥ「イ。イゥセョ@ of the Ministry of Defence (Central) Library in London for havmg proVIded me w1th a miCrofilm copy of this volume.

171 Henry Lionel Cowen, I8I7·I886, Asst. Staff Surgeon 1842 Staff Surgeon (!2nd 1 CRR 1856, Surgeon Major CRR, 1862 to Staff Surgeon 1868. Re;ired in 1a77

with h c ass) rank of Surgeon General. onorary

181 Among other works, there are some notable autobiographical accounts of a Sepoy soldier e.g. See.taram, From Sepoy to Subadar (tr. by Norgate) London 1873 and Trevelyan G 0 'Th Completion Wallah, London 1864, and his Cawnpore, London I886 (new ed). ' · ' e

191. tセ・@ news of this discovery was first reported in Monash Reporter Magazine ofth M h Umvers1ty, Australia "Significant Asian manuscripts found by mッョセィ@ graduate stud:nt セセセウ@41, 3rd July 1975, p. 1. • o.

201 These are preserved as Lot No. 115-115 in S.L.N.A. under the Hussainmiya collections.

2 I I I owe a great debt of gratitude to both AI Marhum (the late) Mrs Gh · w b f T · 1 · a1se eera angsa 0 nncoma ee セョ、@ tオ。セ@ Kamaldeen Pakon Cuncheer of Kandy for having bequeathed to me a part of the1r collection of Malay texts and manuscripts.

CHAPTER 2

Early Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka

Any enquiry into the origins and history of the present day Malays of Sri Lanka has to begin with the establishment of the Dutch rule in the island in the middle of the I 7th century, as the documentary and other evidence available for such a study date only from that period. This does not mean however, that the Malay people had not been in contact with Sri Lanka before the advent of the Europeans. In fact, the island's relations with the Malays of the Malay-Indonesian archipelago date from ancient times. Their role in Sri Lanka's political history during the medieval period has given rise to controversy, following the researches of the late Professor Paranavitana (1g66) on the relations between Sri Lanka and Malaysia. It calls for a probe and review, albeit briefly into the nature of these early Malay contacts to determine whether the present day Malay community has any direct connections with the arrival and settlement of the Malays which took place before the coming of the Dutch to the island.

Due to the alleged lndo-centricism which dominated the writings of some pioneer local historians, Sri Lanka's early history was seen essentially as a continuation of India's heritage and consequently her relations and inter-actions with the Malay-Indonesian archipelago and other South East Asian countries were hardly mentioned. 1 The tendency to over-emphasise the Indian influence can be said to have been deep rooted in the country's historical traditions, the chief sources of which are Mahawamsa and Culawamsa the past chronicles of Sri Lanka. Having been written by Buddhist monks, these chronicles concerned themselves with the island's political and cultural relations with the home of Buddhism, i.e. India.

As a result, one cannot depend too much on the local literary sources to determine the extent ofMalay contacts with Sri Lanka in the early period. However, there have been many suggestions by the scholars on the basis of archeological findings in South East Asia and other evidence that Sri Lanka and Malay-Indonesian Archipelago had maintained remarkable trade, religious and cultural relations in ancient times. 2

The most important factor which brought Sri Lanka closer to the Malay people was her geographical position as an island lying in the centre of the Indian Ocean commanding the entrance to the Bay ofBengal from the west. If one sailed directly east wards from the eastern coast of Sri Lanka, the first land that one would meet after passing the Andamans would be the Malay

32 Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka

Peninsula. Conversely, those who sailed westward from the Malay Peninsula or the western coast of Sumatra would touch land on the eastern or southern coast of Sri Lanka.

The great antiquity of the ocean-voyaging by the Malay race is not an unfamiliar assumption among scholars. 3 . Their navigational maturity, known to have been attained in the early Christian era had taken them as far as Africa, セセ、@ made them the dominant race in the island of Madagascar. In all probability, they would have touched Sri Lanka which would lie on their route to the west.

oセ・@ might wonder if such maritime contacts by the early Malay sailors gave nse to the port settlement ofHambantota in the southern littoral of Sri Lanka. Although it is difficult to date the origin of this town, it must still be granted that. the word Hambantota is セャ・。イャケ@ a derivation of the Malay word for boat, t.e. sampan (a word of Chmese origin). It may be that the セ。ャ。ケ@ sampans had frequented this place in ancient and medieval times. (In Smhala language エセ・@ phoneme sa and ha can be interchanged). The present day Malay populatiOn ofHambantota is offairly recent origin when Lord North decided to settle them in I8oo to develop the' salterns of Mahagampattu region (see chapter 4).

セエ@ セウNゥョエ・イ・ウエゥョァ@ to note that Dr. N.D. Wijesekera ( I949, 45) suggests the possibihty of Mongoloid elements in Sri Lanka's population which he considers to have originated from the Indonesian islands. However he also exercises caution "in classifYing a population into racial units whi:h is still ッョセ@ of the most delicate and difficult problems." Furthermore, it should be pomted out that the modern researchers in physical anthropology do not favour セィゥウ@ typological ョッセゥッョ@ of race (Kennedy I975, 79). Besides, as emphasised by Kennedy m the case of Peninsula India claims of a セッョァッャゥ。ョ@ element have been based upon the ュゥウゥョエ・イーイ・エセエゥッョ@ of a few Isolated physical characteristics.

Leaving aside this racial element, there may be some cultural elements which can be indicative of a Malay-Indonesian influence in Sri Lanka dating from ancient times. Not the least important of these elements is the presence of out-rigger canoes in Sri Lanka. The Sinhalese word "oruwa" meanin? 「セ。エ@ or ?utrigger seems to have been derived from the Malay-Polynesian Oru-u . Tennent observes that the out-rigger canoes and double canoes used by the Ceylonese are never used on Arabian side of India but are peculiar to the Malayan race in almost every country to which they have migrated (Tennent I 86o, 321). The other cultural elements which are suggested by Wijesekera as evidence of Indonesian influences in Sri Lanka are the masks, the mode of wearing the lower garment in the southern (Sri Lanka) and the crocodile cult. 4 Intensive research may be needed in these fields to セイッカ・@ anything substantial regarding the nature of the early Malay-Indonesian contacts with Sri Lanka. As it is one finds it difficult to postulate

Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka 33

any theory of Malay settlements in Sri Lanka in early times with only the aid of this slender evidence.

The arrival of the Malays in Sri Lanka on which most of the literary sources agree took place in the middle of the thirteenth century with the invasion ofChandrabhanu, the Buddhist King ofNakhon Si Tammarat in the Isthmus ofKra ofMalay Peninsula. He landed during the eleventh year ofParakramabahu II (A.D. I236-127o). About this incident the Culavamsa states:

When the eleventh year of the reign of this king Parakramabahu II had arrived, a king of the

Javakas known by the name ofChandrabhanu landed with a terrible Javaka army under the

treacherous pretext that they also were followers of the Buddha. All these wicked Javaka soldiers

who invaded every landing-place and who with their poisoned arrows, like (sic) to terrible

snakes, without ceasing harassed the people whomever they caught sight of, laid waste, raging

in their fury, all Lanka. (Culawamsa LXXXIII, 36-51)

It is now well established that the term Javaka as used in this chronicle actually refers to the Malays of the Peninsula. 5 Chandrabhanu's first invasion did not succeed and he tried a second time to attack the Sinhalese kingdom with the help of the soldiers brought over from South India. 6 The result of this second invasion also ended in disaster as the Malay king lost his life in the battle.

In between these two invasions, the Malay king appears to have gained a foothold in the northern part of Sri Lanka and became the ruler of the Jaffna Kingdom. The Javaka King of Sri Lanka who is mentioned in the inscriptions of the South Indian Pandyan King,Jatavarman Vira Pandyan (A.D. I235·I275) has been identified as Chandrabhanu (Sirisena I977, I4)· In the Kudumryamalai Prasasti, dated in Vira l>andya's eleventh regnal year, reference can also be found to the son of the Malay King (Tamil: Cavakan maindan) who had been disobedient for some time, made his submission to Vira Pandya, received rewards, and was restored to the Kingdom of Sri Lanka. (Nilakanta Sastri I 949, I 6 I -62).

The Malays' association with the northern-most part of Sri Lanka in Jaffna appear to be further confirmed by some toponomical evidence from that region, Cavakacheri (Javakaceri-]avaka settlement) and Cavakotte (Javaka Fort) are two of such names still in use and were mentioned in the ratpana Vaipava Malai, the chronicle ofjaffna, which contain a reminder of this JavafMalay element. 6 Besides, Prof. Paranavitana ( 1966, I94) refers to the Sinhalese works known as Kadaimpotas composed in recent centuries which give the territorial divisions in the three kingdoms of the island including Javagama (Java country) as a part of Pihiti rata. Javagama has been identified as Jaffna.

It is now generally agreed that the rule and role of the Malays in Sri Lanka's mediaeval history is confined only to this brief episode of Chandrabhanu's invasion. But this was not the case with Prof.

34 Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka

Paranavitana. His researches on the relations between Sri Lanka and セ。ャ。ケウゥ。@ ウィッセ・、@ far deeper involvement of the Malays in the political htstory of the Island than what was known earlier. Thus in his Ceylon and Malaysia he states:

"According to Ceylon History as at present accepted the invasion of the island by

Chandrabhanu ofThambralinga were not related to any event which took place before or after

them, and it was only in this period that the Malay people influenced the course of the political

history of Ceylon. But, if a certain detail with regard to Chandrabhanu's attack on Ceylon,

given in the Rajaveli is properly understood ..... it would appear that Chandrabhanu's attempt

to secure the sovereignty of Ceylon for himself was the result of a long historical process and

that the people from Malaysia had played a very important part in the history of this island. •

The crux of this theory is that not only Chandrabhanu but also the Kalinga dynasty which ruled Sri Lanka from the capital of

1

Polonnaruwa for about fifty years from 1184-1235 had originated from Malaysia.o To prove his point he marshalled all evidence possible from the chronicles and literary sources and also much more elusive information from the so called inter linear writings in the inscriptions.1 0 This is no occasion to discuss his conclusions on the Malay involvement in Sri Lanka's past. However, it must be ウセゥ、@ that he earned a lot of scholarly criticism for his Malaysian theories. Havmg made a detailed study of these criticisms, the writer also believes that there is no sound basis for Professor Paranavitana's ideas I I and the conclusion made in this chapter is not going to be improved in セョケ@ manner by a fresh undertaking of criticism of Paranavitana's theory.

Having discussed briefly the few possibilities of the early Malay contacts with the island, it now remains to be seen if any connection exists between the Malays (who came during and after the Dutch rule) and those who came here during the earlier centuries. The answer turns out to be negative after several considerations. 1 2

First of セャャL@ it セウ@ not easy to determine in what numbers the Malay people had settled m Sn Lanka before the advent of the Europeans. For example, the number settled here might not have been sufficient to allow them to remain as a distinct racial element, and would therefore have been soon absorbed into the local population ofSinhalese as well as Tamils. The local literary sources and chronicles or other evidence belonging to the early period do not refer to a community of Malays as part of the population of Sri セ。ョォ。N@ Nevertheless, there had been much argument among scholars, agam spurred by Paranavitana's researches as to whether the term Mala/as, to be found in some Sinhala literary sources, actually refers to the Malay people.13

Secondly: the majority of the Malays who came and settled in Ceylon after the arnval of the Dutch were Muslims. As a result, especially with イ・ァセイ、@ to the present day Malays, their identity is primarily determined by the1r adherence to the religion oflslam. It is certain that the Malay settlers

Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka 35

who came in the early period did not know Islam, as Islam is known to have begun spreading only since the fourteenth century in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago. Thus, the earlier settlers might have been absorbed easily within the other ethnic/religious groups in the island. Therefore, as Muslims, members of the contemporary Malay community will trace their origin only from those Malays who arrived since the Dutch rule began in Ceylon.

It must also be mentioned here that in the few local Malay writings extant now, no reference has been made to any Malay ancestors of the earlier period. 14 The local Malay writers of the last century always maintained that the first Malays arrived during the period of the Dutch rule.

There has also been a suggestion that it was not the Dutch who introduced Malays for the first time to the island but that the Portuguese had already done so when they ruled the coastal parts of the island from 1505

to 1656. One H.M. Said, who wrote a brief article on the Ceylon Malays in JSBRAS made this suggestion as early as 1926 (Said 1926, 266-268).

The problems that bothered Said was "why should they be called 'Malays' when they are in reality Javanese?" and he goes on to say that:

Meeting Ceylon Malays there one cannot help noticing that some of them have the features

of Javanese while others look like Malays and their personal names incline to both Javanese

and Malays. These give an impression that there were some pure Malays residing in Ceylon

either before or later than Javanese referred to. It is more likely to be prior to the banishment

of the Javanese. Otherwise they would not be called 'Malays'.

He then argues that those Malays were brought to the island by the Portuguese. The attempt to extend the origins of the Malays in Sri Lanka from the Portuguese period on the basis of this question of nomenclature is unacceptable, and an explanation has been given elsewhere as to why they came to be called Malays. To strengthen his thesis further, Said quotes from a few passages of John Crawford's "History oflndian Archipelago" which is also the basis ofSirisena's beliefwhen he concludes that the Malays were brought by the Portuguese from Malacca (Sirisena 1971, 42).

Crawford says that when the former Sultan of Malacca attempted to attack Portuguese-controlled Malacca in the year 1523, Alfonso de Soysa arrived in time to relieve the city and after destroying many vessels and killing six thousand persons at that place (Malacca), "takes prisoners in such numbers as afford to every Portuguese six salves" (Crawford 1920, 494).

Said takes the word 'six slaves' and finds its connection with a place called Slave Island in Colombo where Malays have resided for many generations. He says that de Soysa might have brought these so called slaves to Sri Lanka and placed them at a spot which was afterwards called Slave Island.

The fraility of this argument is quite obvious. First of all, Crawford was writing at a much later date, and he did not mention what happened to these slaves in the end. Secondly, there is no other evidence to show that these

-------. ... --------------"-""-Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka

slaves were brought to Ceylon and kept in the place which came to be known as 'Slave Island'. As will be seen later, 'Slave Island' was created during the Dutch period, and its name derived from the fact that the Dutch confined the Company's slaves in this area. Apparently it was Said's ignorance about the origins of the Malay settlement in this area which led him to find a connection between the Malays of Slave Island, and the slaves mentioned in Crawford's book. Thus it is difficult to accept on such a flimsy ground that the Malays were brought to Sri Lanka by the Portuguese long before the Dutch did.

Even though one may tend, on the basis of the evidence cited by Said and others, to reject the idea that the Malays were introduced to Sri Lanka by the Portuguese, the possibility of the arrival of the Malays prior to the establishment of the Dutch rule should not be ruled out altogether. For, the Portuguese were in control of both the Port of Malacca and the coastal regions of Sri Lanka at about the same period in history. Thus through this connection people of Malay origin from the areas surrounding Malacca might have reached the Portuguese controlled areas in the island. Just as the Dutch government did in the subsequent period, so the Portuguese too might have employed Malays in their service on foreign soil. For instance the Malays could have frequented the coastal towns of Sri Lanka as sailors. Further the Portuguese needed such manpower エセ@ garrison their newly conquered fortresses and in addition they might have employed their m。セ。」」。ョ@ Malay subjects in various trades and occupations in the island. However, it must be granted that such conjectures cannot be supported with any positive evidence.

In the light of the above discussion, therefore, it is safe to conclude that the nucleus of the present day Malay community (and the Malays about whom this study is concerned) has to be found only among the Mal ay settlers who came during and after the establishment of the Dutch rule in Sri Lanka in the middle of the 17th century.

Notes

1/ A classical example of this can be seen in G.C. Mendis's Earfy History of Ceylon, Colombo (1938) where one finds the division of North Indian and South Indian period of Sri Lanka's history prior to the advent of the Europeans.

2/ Pierre Dupont ( 1959) was one of the first scholars to suggest, after examining the Buddha images from Westemj ava and one from Celebes, that what was once grouped under Amaravati School could have been actually traced to the influence of Sinhalese sculptural traditions.

3/ See Waiters (1970, 154). In his forward to Sirisena (1978) Basham states "That this was the case is virtually certain from the fact that prehistoric relations between Indonesia and Madagascar are proved without question, by linguistic and other evidence. Such relations must have been made by sea, and it would be impossible for sailing ships of the type used by the early Indonesians to find their way to Madagascar without stopping in Sri Lanka or South India."

Malay Contacts with Sri Lanka J7

41 Wijesekera op. cit, pp. 45-46, However, he has not given any details of these cultural

elements.

1 Javaka, as used in the Sinhalese chronicles is to be taken as an ethnic term for Malay, セョ、ッョ・ウゥ。ョ@ which is similar to the modem Cambodian 'Java' and applies to the Malays of the Peninsula as well as to the islands of Indonesia. Even in Sri Lanka the Moors used to refer to the Malays of both the Peninsula and the Indonesian islands by the common term 'Java Manusar'.

6/ For details of this invasion see Sirisena ( 1971 ). In the published version ofSirisena ( 1978), discussion on political contacts was omitted.

71 Place names with thisjavaka element both with their Sinhalese equivalent of Ja.can also be found in other parts of Sri Lanka. For example a small town called Ja-ela meanmg Java canal is situated in the South Western Coast. But it is difficult to determined when and how this name came into use.

8/ Paranavitana ( 1!}66, 81.) He emphasised that.

"Not only the Kalinga Dynasty, but even the kings of the Kotte Kingdom who ruled during 14th & 15th century in Western Sri Lanka had Malay origins." Ibid.

91 For a study of the Kalinga dynasty see Sirima Wickremasinghe 'The Kalinga Period ofCeylon History' unpublished thesis (M .A. University of Ceylon 1956).

HJ/ Paranavitana claims that extracts from a number of 」ィイセョゥ」ャセ@ which ウセッオャ、N@ pro;e extremely important to students of Sri Lanka and south east aウセ。ョ@ セQウエ_イケ@ are msc.n.bed m between the lines of several inscriptions including that of the slab mscnpuon of Vesagmya and the slab inscription No. 1 ofMahinda IV at the Abhayagiri monastery which has already been published. R.A.L.H. Gunawardena (1967); pp QMセV@ conclusively prove.s tha.t there .is. no scientific base for Professor's reading of these manuscnpts, and above all the mterhnear wnungs claimed by him do not exist at all.

11/ See especially R.A.L.H. Gunawardena (1967) for an apt and learned cirticism of the Paranavitana theory.

12/ It is however important to note that some members of the Malay 」ッュセオョゥエケ@ co?tinue take pride in tracing their beginnings from the Malay kings who ruled Sn Lanka m the mediaeval times. In a way they prefer to contribute to Paranavitana's theory rather uncritically. For instance read the following text taken from a mimeographed pamphlet authored by a Malay, Mr. M.C. Mantara (1970), "The sゥョィセ・ウ・@ セオウエ@ c.onsider the Malays as their Royal cousins, as many of the kings who ruled Ceylon m ancient Umes were ofMalay and Indonesian origins."!

13/ For a detailed discussion of the problem posed by the term Malalas see Sirisena (1971, 14·20).

14/ Especially, Baba Ounus Saldin in his Syair Faid a/ Abad (lithographed booklet) traces the origins of the Sri Lankan Malays only from the period of the Dutch rule. These local Malay writings are not fully catalogued yet. The work mentioned is available in the private collection of Malay manuscripts owned by the writer.

CHAPTER 3

Origins of the Malay Community 1640- 17g6

The earliest known settlements of 'Malays' in Sri Lanka took place around the middle of the I 7th century, following the foundation of Dutch rule in the maritime areas of the island in 1640. Having expelled the Portuguese, the first European power to have gained a foothold in the country, the Dutch took over their possessions and ruled until they themselves were in turn replaced by the British in 1796. 1 It was during these one and half centuries that the 'Malays' from all over the Malay and Indonesian areas were brought into the island by the Dutch.

The Malays who were brought to the island by the Dutch government can be divided into two broad categories. The first group consisted of Indonesian political exiles (usually referred to as 'Staatsbannelingen' in the Dutch documents), as well as other deportees banished here by the Batavian government. The other group consisted of all other classes of'Malays' who came here to serve the Dutch in various fields, especially in their military establishment.

Princely Exiles

It had been the practice of the Dutch to banish from the Netherlands East Indies rebellious rulers and princes as well as other recalcitrant chiefs and dignitaries if they posed a threat to their authority in the East. Outside the archipelago, Sri Lanka and The Cape of Good Hope were the principal centres of banishment. Sri Lanka, however, seems to have been preferred by the Dutch authorities due to its proximity to the Indonesian archipelago. 2 This meant of course that the cost of transporting the exiles could be kept down, and also that they could be speedily returned to their homeland should the Batavian government so desire. Being appreciably further away, the Cape of Good Hope seemed more satisfactory for the more dangerous of those deportees. Indeed, when some of the Indonesian political exiles sent to Sri Lanka caused security problems, they were despatched to the Cape.3

Some of the earliest political exiles came from the Moluccas and other lesser Sunda islands where Dutch influence in the East had first taken root. 4

As a result of their involvement in the war of succession which began in the late 17th century, severaljavanese princes were exiled to Ceylon. The first

Origins of the Malay Communiry 39

h · 1 ded Pangeran Adipati Amangkurat Ill, known in Javanese bate me u . . b . h d . "S nan Mas" who along with his family and retmue was ams e htstory as u . h d . .

. 8 5 In 1722/23 another group of Javanese pnnces who a nsen m m 170 · · d d t

b 11• n against the reigning Susuhnan m Mataram were capture an sen re e 10 • 6 (C r d · 'I among them the sons of the rebel Surapat1. raw.or 1920, mto ex1 e, · k b

). In 1728 Arya Mangkunegara, a brother of the ォュセL@ Pa u. オキ。セセ@ was t:!ished to the island to be joined in 1723 by d。ョオセ。j。L@ a chief m1mster. A decade later his successor Natakusuma followed h1m. . .

Besides these Javanese nobles, many other eastern kings, セョョ」・ウ@ セョ、@

· tocrats were also sent as exiles to Ceylon. Some idea of the wtde-rangmg ansvenance of these princely exiles can be obtained from a Dutch document pro f h . . I) dated I 788.7 (The spelling of names is that o t e ongma .

I. Selliya, widow of the Temengong Sawangalie Sosoronogora. 2. Raja Bagoes Abdoella, Prince of Bantam.

3· 4·

Raja Oesman, King of Gowa. Pangerang Menan Ratoe Maharaja Moeda, the Crown Prince of Tidor.

5· Dinajoe Slaje, widow of Pangerang Boeminata (of Java).

6. Temengong Sosora Widjojo (ofjava). 7· Raden Ariappen Panoelar, Prince of Madura. 8. Raden Pantje Soerinata (A brother-in-law of the above). 9· Temengong Soetanagara, Son of the rst Regent of

10. I!.

12.

15. r6.

I 7· I8.

Palembang. Raden Pantje Wiera Diningrad Oava). Pater Alam (Sultan ofTidor). Prince Major Batjan Sadoe Alam, Prince of Batjan. Poegoe Kitjil Naimoedin, 2nd Prince of Batjan. Carol Boni, King of Kupang. Pangerang Soerija die Koesoema (of Java). Panglima Raja Johansa, King of Padang. Pangerang Adipati Mangkoerat (of Java). Widow of the Regent Ranka Marta Widjojo (of Java).

Most of the above had members of their families living with them in the · 1 d They had either accompanied the main exiles or had joined them IS an . 'I' h d b b later. A number of the younger members of their fam11es a een orn in the island. It appears that there must have been at least 200 members of this eastern nobility resident here in the later part o.r the iセエィ@ 」・ョエセイケLN@

a significant number, taking into account that the whole Malay popul:tton in Sri Lanka at the time did not amount to much more than 2,ooo. .

Very little is known about the life led by the exiles. Most of them hved in the four main coastal towns under the jurisdiction of the Dutch, namely

Origins of the M a lay Communiry

Colombo, Galle, Trincomalee, and Jaffna. In Colombo, that part of Hulftsdorf, where they used to live, is still known among the Malays as Kampung Pangeran,6 where the Dutch Dissava of Colombo had his residence. In the other towns, for obvious security reasons, their residences were normally inside the Dutch Forts. The more important exiles had armed sentries guarding their homes, 98 e.g. Sunan Mas, was provided by the Dutch government with a bodyguard of an ensign, a sergeant, and 24 soldiers for his residence in Galle. • o

There were also other security measures taken by the Dutch concerning t?ese political prisoners. The Dutch political Council in Ceylon stipulated (m accordance with a decision taken on I5th November I747) that all Javanese princes, when going out of their residences, must be followed by soldiers. 1 1 This decision seems to have been taken as a sequei to the escape of one Surapati (probably a son of the renowned Balinese rebel of this name who came to the island in I 722/23) from Trincomalee into the enemy king's territory in the Kandyan hills. 1 2 Furthermore, the exiles were debarred from corresponding freely with their colleagues. In I727, the Dutch authorities discovered an illicit correspondence between Sunan Mas's sons then resident inJaffna, and the newly arrived exile, Sura di Laga, ヲイッュj。カセ@who was kept in confinement in Trincomalee. 1 s

Such restrictions by the Dutch government in Sri Lanka could not have been intended to place a total restraint on the exiles from associating or getting closer to each other. A policy of that kind would have required extra vigilance, especially in the case of those who were allowed to live in a particular locality. The overall impression one gets, especially towards the end of this period, is that the exiles interacted closely with each other. Marriages had been contracted among them while in the island. For instance Batara Gowa Amas Madina 11, the former king of Gowa (in Macassar). who was exiled here in I 767, married one Habiba, a 'Malay' lady of noble b1rth, and their daughter Sitti Hawang was given in marriage to the Javanese prince Pangeran Adipati Mangkurat.14 It is also almost certain that social events within the exiled community such as these as well as births and deaths requiring group participation must have brought its members into close contact with one another on various occasions. fオイセィ・イュッイ・L@ .some exiles were in the paid employment of the company, havmg been grven command of eastern soldiers serving in the island • 5 and thereby enjoyed more freedom to move about within the community. The status of a political prisoner seems to have been imposed only on the main exile of each family. For instance when Pangeran Purbaya was permitted to be セ」」ッュー。ョゥ・、@ by his bride, the Dutch authorities made a point of declanng that she was not to be treated as a political prisoner.16 Thus unlike the principal political prisoners, the other members of their families must have been at liberty to associate with one other.

Origins of the Malay Communiry

The Dutch had little to fear from the exiles; their experience showed that the once feared national rebels from Indonesia, when sent into exile, soon became subdued and weak. In fact, the Batavian government received from time to time pathetic letters from some of the exiles, in which they even expressed their willingness 'to wet the feet of the Dutch Governor General with tears,' imploring him to use his right of pardon and to allow them to return to their homeland.• 7 Batara Gowa Amas Madina 11 sent as many letters as possible to his brother Madiuddin, his successor to the throne of Gowa, to mediate for his release with the Dutch authorities in Batavia. Sultan Madiuddin's many attempts to gain the release of his brother never succeeded, and he ultimately relinquished his throne in despair.18 The unfortunate King ofGowa was left to die in Ceylon in I 795 after thirty years of life in exile. 1 9

The life in banishment became excessively burdensome due to the poor living conditions to which these aristocratic political prisoners were subjected while in the island. For their subsistence, the Dutch Government had provided monthly allowances of cash in rix dollars and some provisions, which included rice, pepper and dried fish. The amount allotted to each exile was determined according to his rank, importance and the size of the family. 20 Some were granted lands to maintain themselves.

The numerous and incessant complaints received by the Dutch authorities from the exiles regarding the meagreness of their allowances demonstrate that they were undergoing immense difficulties in coping with their basic daily needs and that they were often in distress, from the paltry income received from the government. Most exiles had to support large families living with them in the island and had to pay for a number of servants they engaged. Unable to support themselves with this income, some are known to have had recourse at times to other desperate means to raise funds for their survival. Thus in I 724 it was reported that several ladies of the exiled Javanese noble families had sold their personal belongings and jewellery to some local people in order to maintain their families. 2 1 When the exiled king of Gowa died in the island in I 795, his wife Habiba had to borrow extensively to meet his funeral expenses. 2 2 The state of destitution to which these exiles had been reduced could be seen further from the fact that when the British government took over the Dutch possessions in Sri Lanka, the payments to them came to be administered under the Department of Orphans and Charitable Funds. 2 3

Despite all the hardship they had to face the political exiles in Sri Lanka were relatively better off at least in one respect. Unlike their counterparts who ended up in the Cape of Good Hope, here they did not have to live in total isolation. They had the good fortune of being able to fraternise with the community of"Moors",24 which had been in existence in Sri Lanka for well over eight hundred years or more by then. Although the details of the nature of the contact between these two peoples cannot be documented, it

Origins of the Malay Communiry

is almost certain that the presence of such a strong Muslim community in the island made the life of the Indonesian Muslim political prisoners easier, especially by facilitating their religious and cultural pursuits.

A brief historical background of the 'Moors' would be in order,25

because it will become apparent in this study that their presence in Sri Lanka was not only beneficial to the exiles, but also to the Malay community in general, particularly in reinforcing their religious identity.

Malay-Moor Relations

The Moors of Sri Lanka were the descendants of Arab settlers whose numbers were later augmented by local converts and immigrant Muslims from South India. 26 It is reasonable to suppose that from the 8th century onwards the Muslim Arabs came in increasing numbers and settled down in Ceylon without entirely losing touch with the areas of their origin. Ceylon, being an important entrepot, exercised a special fascination for these seafaring Arabs. Settlement was encouraged by the tolerant and friendly attitude of the rulers and people of the island.

Arab activities in the East diminished considerably following the sacking of Baghdad in I258 A.D. However, Muslim influence from the sub-continent of India, where the Muslim traders had firmly established themselves along the Western coast and where they still possessed a virtual monopoly in external trade, continued to increase in Ceylon. From about the Igth century the Indian Muslim element, especially from the South Indian coast of Kayal Pattinam and the adjacent Tamil speaking areas, dominated the composition of the local Moor community. This is perhaps one of the main reasons why the Tamillanguage was adopted as the mother tongue of the Sri Lankan Moors.

The Muslims of Sri Lanka were badly affected by the advent of the Portuguese in I506. The latter imposed all sorts of impediments in the way of the local Muslim population, not only in their pursuit of trade but also in their religious activities. One result of this persecution was the spread of Muslim settlements into the hinterland of the island. The Dutch colonial policy was also hostile to the Muslims and deprived them further of their share in the coastal trade. 2 7 Deprived of their traditional occupation, many of them were forced to take to agriculture, leading to concentrations of Muslim peasantry in areas like Batticaloa in the eastern part of Ceylon.

At the time the Indonesian exiles and other eastern Muslims were brought to the island during the middle of the I 7th century, there were still large Muslim settlements in the coastal areas. The local Iy.luslims were followers of the Shafi School to which the Indonesian exiles also belonged. There was, therefore, every possibility that a close relationship would develop between these two groups of people.

Origins of the Malay Communiry 43

According to Ricklefs, 2 8 there is evidence to identify the existence in Sri Lanka of a sophisticated Javanese colony of aristocratic exiles at this period. 2 9 He points out that the exiles, when they returned to Java, had enhanced prestige, particularly in (Islamic) religious affairs. Thus Radin Adipati Natakusuma who was banished to cセケセッョ@ in I_743: when he returned to Java in I 7 58, was made chief of the rehg10us officmls m the court of Jogyakarta. 3 0 Likewise, one wゥイ。ォオウオセセ@ who was セッイョ@ in Sri Lanka to a Javanese exile became the ャ・。、・セ@ of a rehg10us grou;

1

m ?8I .and was also appointed as an adviser to the Pnnce ofjogyakarta. It IS dtfficult not to assume that such religious leadership by the exiles in their own country was at least partly due to their competence in Islamic theology acquired during their time in Sri Lanka. Indeed, there is evidence that at one time the Indonesian exiles had become spiritual pupils to two Islamic teachers in I 8th century Sri Lanka whose names are given in Babad GiJanti as Sayyid Musa Ngidrus, and Ibrahim Asmara. 32 This Javanese chronicle also gives an account of the description given by the wife ofPangeran Natakusuma of the husband's religious experiences in Ceylon. She told King Pakubuwana Ill that the exiles became students of the above named teachers "whose magical powers achieved wonderous things"33 fセイ@ example,, at t.he great セ・」ゥエセエゥッョウ@of the Quran each Friday, Javanese frmts and dehcactes were ュ。ァセ」。Nャャケ@transported to Sri Lanka.' She also related how the merchants and shtp-captains from such places as Surat, the Bengal coast, and s・ャ。ョNァセイL@ had visited these teachers. Despite the legendary nature of these tales, tt Is clear that such religious meetings did take place in the local Muslim community. It appears that these meetings were ッヲエ・セ@ held secretly for fear ッヲーイ_ウ・」オエゥセョ@by the Dutch government in Ceylon whtch had banned such pubhc Islamic religious ceremonies in the maritime territories, forbidding "Yogis" and "heathen mendicants" from leading such gatherings. 34

In view of such close contact between these two groups of Muslims in the island Ricklefs may seem to be right in questioning whether the Dutch, who were' constantly worried about the anti-European potential of Islam, were wise to have selected Sri Lanka as a place of exile for these Indonesian political prisoners. 3 5 Indeed, the local Dutch authorities ウ・・セ@ .to have been concerned about this fact. The Moors were suspected of asststmg some top Javanese prisoners to carry out secret.correspondence 。セッセァ@ エセ・ュウ・ャカ・ウN@ 36

Moreover, the island was situated duectly on the mam pdgnmage route from Indonesia to Mecca, as well as on the well-established trade route favoured by the Muslim traders who came to Sri Lanka for business. aセ@ a matter of fact, however, given the peaceful nature of the local Mushm population, the Dutch had little to fear about any ーッウNウゥ「ャセ@ military threat or sabotage to their authority arising from the combmatiOn of these two sections of Muslims living in the island.

44 Origins of the Maloy Communi!J

Convict Settlers Apart from the princely exiles, a host of others from all ranks oflife including lesser Gmセャ。ケG@ chiefs, petty officials and commoners, had been 、セーッイエ・、@ by the bN。エセカQ。ョ@ government to Sri Lanka. 3 7 Most of them had been convicted on cnmmal charges and their treatment and status in the island seem to have been determined by the severity of the crimes committed by them at home. Those convicted of violent crimes were usually kept in chains and had to do hard-labour during the period of their punishment, 3D A section of the deportees, not kept in chains, but committed to prison cells performed hard-labour in the service of the company. Others were 。ャャッキセ、@ to remain free and earn エィセゥイ@ living by performing services to the company or by engaging themselves m some form of handicraft.39 Sometimes, these 'criminal' 、・ーッイセ・・ウN@ were recruited to serve in the native army. 4o

.It 1s difficult to assess the number of such 'criminals', but throughout the penod of the Dutch rule in Sri Lanka there was a steady inflow of this class of deportees セイッュ@ the Eastern islands. In I75I alone there were I 3I of these convicts servmg the Company in Sri Lanka, 41 not to mention the others who served. in the military and those who were set free and remained in the island.

It IS almost 」N・イエ。ゥセ@ that エセ・@ deported 'convicts' formed part of the early Malay ーッーセャ。エQッョ@ m the 1sland. In I 782, for example, the Dutch ァッカ・イョセ・ョエ@ Issued a decree that those deportees who had been taken into the serv1ce of the Company must remain in Ceylon.42 Further in the same year it was decided that all deportees except the branded cri:ninals could be enlisted into the native army.43 Thus, a good part of these convicts was now able to mix freely with their fellow Easterners in the island. Those who were set free had also the opportunity to raise families here and settle down permanently. In this sense, the 'Malay' community of Sri Lanka can be said to owe its origins partly to these 'Malay' convict settlers a fact which has been ッカセイャッッォ・、@ in some accounts of the origins of the island's Malay commumty whose ancestry has always been attributed to either the 'Malay Princes' or the 'soldiers'H

Soldiers Numerically the largest group in the early Malay population was however the soldiers who made up the bulk of the Dutch garrison in セィ・@ island エィイッセァィッオエ@ the period. The Batavian government despatched to the island contmgents of troops annually, apart from the reinforcements sent in times of emergencies and wars! s

From as early as the middle of the I 7th century when the Dutch began 。エエ。」ォセ@ upon the Portuguese fortifications on the island, the 'Malay' troops セイ・@ sa1d to セ。カ・@ been present in the Dutch army. These troops took part m the storm.mg of Galle by Admiral Caster in I 640, and during the seige of Colombo m 1655/56, the Malays played an important role in the storming

Origins of the Malay Communi!J 45

of the Fort (Reimers I924, I57)· In I657, a force ofMalays under their own Captain Raja Talella accompanied Rycklof van Goens in the Dutch expedition against the Portuguese stations on the Malabar Coast and subsequently took part in the capture ofMannar andJaffna in I658. Malay soldiers are frequently mentioned in accounts of the Dutch expeditions against Kandy.

Many Eastern national groups were represented among these 'Malay' soldiers. We find references to Amboinese, Bandanese, 46 Balinese, Bugis, Javanese, Madurese, Sumanepers and Malays. During the early attacks upon the Portuguese, Amboinese and Javanese soldiers had been used by the Dutch authorities. According to Christopher Schweitzer, a German employee of the V.O.C. who visited the island in I68o, Amboinese soldiers were included in the Dutch garrison at the fort of Sitawaka (Raven-Hart I959• 69). In I 737 three companies ofBalinese troops were despatched from Batavia to Ceylon at the request of the then Governor Van Imhoffto prepare for war agaipst the Kandyans. Malays and Buginese were sent to reinforce native troops in Ceylon in I 76 I, 4 7 and in I 788, Madurese and Sumanepers were sent to garrison Mullaitivu on the Eastern Coast. 48 Thus it can be seen that almost all the major ethnic groups from the region of the Eastern Archipelago were represented among the soldiers whom we have chosen to refer to by the general term 'Malays', an appellation which will be discussed in greater detail later.

Little is known about the life and other activities of these soldiers apart from Christopher Schweitzer's description of a group of Amboinese soldiers who were stationed at the Dutch camp of Sitawaka49 in I68o. His description deserves to be quoted in full, as it throws light on several important aspects of the early 'Malay' soldiery in the island.

168o, gth February .... We went to relieve the company that Wa3 at Sittawack ... It is situated

upon a rocky ground; near to this over the river, stood heretofore the King ofSittawack's palace,

ruined since by the Portuguese. The Fort is about four hundred paces in circuit ... Here is also

continually kept a company of Amboinese in the Dutch service. Their lieutenant Wa3 called

Alons, and was of Royal blood. By day they lie out of fort, in a whole street together, their

wives with them: But at night they are as obliged to be in the fort a3 any of us. They are very

nimble and active at leaping and fencing. They never have but little beards, and behind in

their necks they have a growth like a wen. Their pay is, for a lieutenant 24 rix dollars a month,

an ensign 16, a Cornet 8, and a Private soldier 5 all paid in money. The Cingulayans (i.e.

Sinhalese) are mightily afraid of the Amboinese, far more than of the Europeans; for they are

in part of the true cannibal sort. They wear musquets and short swords. Besides their own

language, they generally speak Malaysh, Cingulaish, Portuguese, and Dutch. They love dice

and card playing excessively, and Sundays they spend in cock-fighting, so that many become

poor by gaming. When they have lost all their money they make from thin rotting (rattan)

all sorts of lovely baskets, and such. When their monthly pay comes into their hands again,

each pays first his debts, and what is left they put to the venture by dice or cards, and so continue

Origins rif the Malay Communiry

till one of them has all the money to himself. Also it is much if the wife be not stripped of her

ornaments of gold, silver and silks. The wives, which in part are AmboJ'ne•• · . セLュ@ part Smgulayans, and Malabarians may say nothing against this, but when the man games aw th · I' I ay

eJr Jtt e ーイッセイエケセ@ they must nourish him and his children as well a.' they can through the month and awa1t h1s better fortune at gaming (Raven-Hart, 1959, 7o).

fイセュ@ the above description of the Amboinese soldiers, one may gather many Important facts about their life at that time. (In fact, it may also be taken as a general account applicable in the case of the other Malay soldiers as キセャャL@ wh? セ・イ・@ serving with the Dutch army during this period).

fゥイsエャセL@ It. IS noted that the Lieutenant of the Amboinese was of Royal blood. It IS difficult to trace the identity of this person who was called Alon, but. エセ・@ dオエセィ@ had employed some political exiles of the Malay Royal ヲセュQィ・ウ@ セウ@ umt leaders of the Malay army in the island. By 1764, Pangeran sQセァ。ウ。ョ・L@ who 「・セッョァ・、@ to the family of exiled Sun an M as, the Javanese Kmg of セ。エ。イ。ュ@ ts stated to have been in charge of a regular army unit for some time. Temengong Sasara Negara, another Royal political exile (Raven-Hert I 964, 2 I) had been appointed as the Commander of エィセ@cッュー。セケ@ of the Free Javanese which was formed in r763.5o The military leadership by the Royal exiles seem to have ensured better discipline and loyalty on the part of their Malay soldiers.

s・」ッョ、セケL@ s」セキ・ゥエコ・イ@ relates that the wives of these soldiers lived toge.ther With their husbands in the vicinity of the Sitawaka garrison but outside the fort, where the latter had to return during the night like the rest of the eセイッセ・。ョ@ troops. It is not uncommon for soldiers in the garrisons to have thetr wtves along with them, but it is ofinterest to note that these wives of the Easterners used to follow their husbands even to the battle front. This セ。、@ 」イ・。エ・セ@ endless problems to the Dutch authorities who rarely succeeded m preventmg エィ・ウセ@ .women ヲイセュ@ accompanying their husbands when they left on エセ・ウ・@ ・クー・、QセQッョウN@ lnvanably during the Dutch Kandyan expeditions and 、オ_セァ@ the penod of inland rebellions, it was not uncommon to see all the fam1hes of the Malay soldiers becoming mobile, so much so that a Dutch Commander lamented in I 764 that "the trouble is that the Javanese have such a large train of women and gear, I have told them that they must leave セィ・ウ・@ behind, セイ@ pay coolies, but most of them act as coolies themselves ュウエ・。セ@ ofbeanng arms (Raven-Hart, 1964, 64).

tセQイ、ャケL@ regarding the fact that the Sinhalese were afraid more of the :'-mbomese than of the European troops. While it may not be totally correct It can be エN。ォセョ@ 。セ@ a reflection of the fighting disposition of these men and also as セョ@ md1cat10n of the frequent encounters between these men and the local Smhalese during times of rebellion and the Kandyan wars. The Eastern. troops were of course well acclimatized to the tropical conditions of the iウセ。ョ、@ as セィN・ケ@ came from countries with similar climatic and geographical conditiOns. It was relatively easy for these troops to move

of the Malay cッュュオョゥサIセ@ 47

KィイョエZ Q セエョ@ the jungles to meet the Sinhalese armies, and even to engage in ersonal combat with the enemy troops with their traditional mode of

tarfare, using kris knives and short-swords. 51 The Kandyans are known have generally employed a guerilla-type of warfare, which was more

to . c. h · uitable to the local terrain. Indeed this was one of the reasons 10r t e1r not セ・ゥョァ@ subdued by either the pッイエオァセ・ウ・@ or the. Dutch powers. The 、・セ。ゥャウ@f the tactics adopted by the Dutch m combatmg the Kandyans are httle セョッキョL@ but it is possible that the Malay troops were used in the forefront of the Dutch army during their attacks upon the Sinhalese troops ofKan.dy, because, with their familiarity with similar terrain, their penchant for close and single combat, and their skill in the ready use of their much feared kris knives and short swords, the Malay soldiers were more fitted to confront the styles of Sinhalese guerilla warfare.

Fourthly, the reference to the languages spoken by the Amboinese soldier deserves comment. Besides his native Amboinese he also spoke 'Malaysh' and 'Cinguislaish', besides Portuguese and Dutch. The 'Malaysh' referred to was already a simplified creole adapted by the various groups which originated in various parts of the Archipelago thus allowing them to assume a common Malay identity as will be explained later in this chapter. The simplified Malay creole which served as the lingua franca of the various Malay groups among the soldiers eventually assimilated syntactic and other features of the Sinhalese and Tamillanguages which the soldiers also spoke. That many of them also took Sinhalese and Tamil wives no doubt helped in this process of assimilation. All this would explain the features of the 'Malay' language which is spoken by the community today (Hussainmiya, Ig86, 106-153)•

Fifthly, it is mentioned that the Amboinese were very fond of gambling and as a result they were eternally in debt. This habit of gambling among the Eastern soldiers caused the Dutch authorities some problems. It was brought to the notice of the government that the soldiers used to borrow money from the respective captains of their companies and when they were unable to settle their debts deserted their ranks and disappeared into the Sinhalese countryside. 52 As a result, the Dutch government had to prohibit the practice of money-lending to the soldiers. 53 Schweitzer also relates in this regard that when soldiers had become poor by gaming they "had made all sorts lovely baskets from thin rotting." This is the earliest reference to the rattan-weaving which remained as another traditional occupation among the Sri Lankan Malays until recently. 54

Finally, Schweitzer's reference to the wives of the Amboinese soldiers is interesting, as it shows that the Eastern soldiers, when they embarked for Ceylon, brought their womenfolk along with them. It is not known in what proportion such women from the East-Indies came to the island during the Dutch period. Later the British authorities actively encouraged the foreign Malay recruits to bring along their families to settle down in Ceylon in order

Origins of the M a/ay Communi!J

to 「オゥャセ@ up a strong Malay colony so that a steady supply of recruits could be obtamed locally. Further investigation is necessary to ascertain whether the Dutch als? .had followed a similar policy. In any case, as the number ?f wom,en 。イセivュァ@ from the East Indies was limited, a good proportion of セ。ャ。ケ@ soldters. had to find their wives among the local women from the

Smhalese, セ。ュエャ@ or Moor communities. 55 It appears however that the Malay Mushms preferred to marry the local Moor women because ofth · c r . . e1r ommon re 1g10us ties. A number of such cases of inter-marriage between

the Malays and the Moors is reported in the 'Tombos'5& compiled by th Dutch.57 e

Slaves Apart fr.om the convict settlers, soldiers and political exiles, the early Malay populatiOn also ッキ・セ@ its origin, albeit in a small way, to slaves sent now and then by the Batavtan government. Most of them originated from th セッャセ」」。ウA@ the lesser Sunda islands etc., and were forced to serve for thei; セエヲ・Zエエセ・@ m the Dutch government establishments. Some rich private mdtvtduals also owned slaves from the Eastern islands.5o Furthermore, a number of. slaves served the Indonesian political exiles in Ceylon. There were ッ」」。ウエセセウ@ :-vhen ウャ。カセウ@ owned by the Dutch government gained their freedom by JOmmg the native army. In 1 763 a Malay Company was formed out of deportees and 31 slaves who earned their freedom. 59 Similarly, when Van de Graafmade secret preparations to invade the Kandyan kingdom in 178I, Nセ。ョセッ@ ウャ。セ・ウ@ were set free on condition that they would join the expedttlon. It IS almost certain that as free men they raised families lik the other .Easterners settled in the island, and merged into the early Mala e Commumty. Y

Free Malays As time went on there grew up a sizeable population of Free Malays or as エィセ@ Dutch preferred to call them, the Free Javanese, particularly after the mtd?le of the 18th century. These 'Free Javanese' were in part former soldters who upon their discharge had settled in the island and others who セョァ。ァ・、@ themselves in non-government occupations. The latter category ュ」ャセ、・、@ also many descendants of the political exiles. Although evidence relatmg to the ョッョセゥャゥエ。イケ@ occupations of the early Malays is hard to come by, there were certam fields, such as gardening, rattan weaving, etc. in which Malays are known to have specialised, as indicated in the early British イ・ーッイセN@

6 1 a」」ッイ、ゥセァ@ to b・イエッャ。」セゥL@ some Malays engaged in petty trade by

collectmg and selhng 。イ・」。セオエウ@ m the inland areas (Betrolacci 1817, 18). セイッ「。「ャケ@ the donor of land m Wekanda (in Colombo) to build a mosque m the year I 783, who was called Pandan Balie, a free :Javanese' would have been one of these small traders who had thus become aftluent enough to

Origins of the Malay Commwzi!J 49

make a gift of land to his community Oayah 1971, 8). At the lower level, a number of Malays were employed as domestic servants.

The civil status of the 'Free Javanese' under the Dutch rule in the island was the same as that of the Moors and the Chetties who, as. members of foreign communities, were compelled to perform Uliyam services for the government. 62 However, the political exiles and the Malay soldiers were exempted from such service, 63 the former because of their Royal dignity and the latter because of their position as servants of the Company. Since the number of the Free Javanese was small at the beginning, there was no special organization to form them into a guild to extract this Uliyam service, and a Moor chieftain was appointed to look after their affairs. However in 1769, as their number increased, the Free Javanese were organized into a separate unit and this time a Royal Javanese exile, Sosoro Wijoyo was appointed as their Captain. 64

Early Malay Population It is only towards the and of the Dutch Rule that an approximate figure concerning the number ofMalays resident in the island could be gathered. Perhaps one useful way of calculating their population during the period is to take into account the number of Malay soldiers who were present in the island since they formed the bulk of the community.

The total number of soldiers of course varied according to the military needs of the Dutch authorities. Thus in 1 764, in anticipation of war with the Kandyan king they had to build up their military reserve by recruiting men by all possible means. The number of Eastern soldiers shot up from about Boo to 2,500 in that year. Presumably this was their highest total ever to be reached in the Dutch Army serving in the island. 6 5 It appears that under normal conditions, the total number of Malays in the Dutch army fluctuated around Boo, this number being divided into ten companies. 66 As mentioned earlier, new batches of recruits were sent annually from Batavia to replace discharged soldiers. All these discharged soldiers did not stay behind in the island after their period of service. Some were sent back to Batavia, but the basis on which these returnees were selected is not clear. 67

It must have been difficult for them to leave the island after having lived here for so long and especially after having built up family ties in the local community, for later, when the British made their return optional, relatively few of them chose to go.

A more definite figure for the number of Malay soldiers in the Dutch service is available, however for the years 1795/1 796, when the British began their attacks upon the Dutch-fortifications in Sri Lanka. According to the figures given by Colonel Stuart, the British Commander who led the main attacks, there were probably around 1400 Malays serving with the Dutch army. Colonel Stuart gave the numbers of the Dutch troops who

so Origins of the Malay Communiry

surrendered to the British in Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Colombo. Thus in Trincomalee there were 373 Malays (284 in Fort Frederick, and 89in Fort Ostenburg) who surrendered to the British and in Colombo there were two battalions ofMalays consisting of88o men. 68 In Batticaloa, Colonel Stuart was informed that there had been 133 Malays, butmostofthemhad escaped to inland areas on the eve of the British arrival at that Fort. 6 9 All these Malay soldiers did not belong to the regular army. Anticipating the British attacks, the Dutch had mobilised a number of civilians to their army units in the important coastal towns of Colombo, Galle and Trincomalee etc. The Malays seemed to have been their major source, and in fact, in 1 785 the Dutch had decided to disband the regiment of Free Moors, and in their place recruited the local Malay civilians. 7 0 Thus from the figures given by the English Colonel, it is possible to estimate approximately the total number of the Malay population at the tail end of the Dutch period.

Thus, going by the number of Malays given in Stuart's despatch, i.e. I 400, we may, on the safe assumption, that at least half of them had their families with them, arrive at an approximate figure of 2200. If we add to this the 200 or more members of the exiled royal families we may arrive at a figure of 2400 as the approximate number of Malays in Sri Lanka at the end of the 18th century.

We may now consider the stage at which a real Sri Lankan Malay community emerged from the ethnic mosaic of this heterogenous group of Easterners, and what factors contributed in the formation of such a community within the Dutch period. By the time the British had arrived in the island in I 795, the Malays appeared to have attained a certain degree of cohesion, so that the English administrators, with very few exceptions ゥ、・ョエゥヲゥ・セ@ and referred to them only as 'Malays.' Some British officials had even come to regard the locally-born 'Malays' as a group much superior to the new immigrants who had been recruited to the regiment from the Eastern Islands. 7 t

In the first place, officially, as far as the Dutch were concerned a common recognition was accorded to the early 'Malays' on the basis of the fact that all of them came from the East, hence the term 'Oosterlingen' which is frequently used in the Dutch documents to refer to them collectively. A modern Dutch author defines this term 'as referring to those people who originally came from the coastal regions of the Eastern sea (De Hullu 1914, 342). It appears that i.n the Sri Lankan context, the Dutch usage of the term 'Oosterlingen' has been applied to any person from the Malay Indonesian archipelago including the Javanese.

Next to 'Oosterlingen', another collective term used in the Dutch sources, particularly after the middle of the 18th century, to refer to these Eastern communities, was 'Javaans' Uavanese). Originally, it seems to have been applied only to the ethnic Javanese who were only one of the different groups of easterners which included Amboinese and Bandanese and others.

Origins of the Malay Communiry 51

D s this mean that the Javanese population had outnumbered the other E oetern element by this time? This shift of emphasis from the 'Oosterlingen' セj。カ。。ョウG@ can be taken as a significant pointer to the direction in which

セセ・@ early Malay community had developed during the Dutch period. One ets the impression that the rest of the eastern groups had been absorbed セ@ the ethnic Javanese community at the close of the 18th century. But who .:Cre these 'Javanese'? Why then did the British keep on referring to these people as 'Malays' when they first came 。」イッウセ@ them in I 795?. .

The diverse national groups of eastern soldters such as the Ambomese, Bugis, Javanese and others. who came to ?o ュゥャゥエセイケ@ service in. the island, were in the main former restdents ofBatavta and dtd not come dtrectly from the different geographic regions of the Archipelago as their names suggest (De Haan 1922, 474). Since the founding of the Dutch fort city ofBatavia in 1619, a number of such nationalities are known to have settled in the outskirts of Batavia. De Haan shows in his Oud Batavia that there were separate 'kampungs' for each of these nationalities with its o:-vn social s.et-up, organization and places of worship. Each was headed by 1ts own chteftam (De Haan 1922, 472-484). These settlements had taken place without much interference from the Dutch government in Batavia. However, when it came to the question of finding men for their native army, the inhabitants of Batavia proved to be an ideal recruiting source for the Dutch. It is known that when mass recruitment of soldiers did take place during the protracted Dutch wars in central Java in 1750, on the Malabar coast in 1717, and in Sri Lanka in 1763, these outer Kampungs of Batavia became almost depopulated (De Haan 1922, 472-484).

It seems likely that the majority of the early Malays brought here to serve in the native army really had Batavia as their point of origin. If this theory is accepted, it is also to be conceded that from the very beginning of their arrival in the island they had a common group identity among themselves as a result of assimilation known to have already taken place among the various ethnic nationalities from the archipelago which had settled in Batavia.

One of the main factors which assisted the residents of Batavia to gain a distinct group identity was the simplified Malay language, a so called 'Batavian Malay' which they adopted as their main medium of communication. Vlekke rightly points out that:

Gradually this heterogeneous population developed into a new Indonesian National group,

distinct from the Sundanese of the West, and the Javanese of the East.Java and with a simplified

Malay language the lingua franca of the Archipelago as their native tongue." (Vlekke 1945,

174)

So it is these 'Neo-Indonesians' who can be said to have formed the nucleus of the original Malay population in Sri Lanka. Their group identity must

52 Origins of the Malay Communiry

have received an added boost once they came to live among alien people and in strange surroundings.

The formative period for the locally-rooted society can be said to have begun when the immigrants settled in Ceylon, formed alliances with indigenous women (in addition to the 'eastern' womenfolk brought to the island) and reared children who were taught to identify themselves as 'Malays'. Marriage among these descendants of mixed blood, ofimmigrants led eventually to the development of a fairly coherent group, and the culture of the resultant society was stabilized well before the end of the Dutch rule in the island. Once this stabilization of a local Malay culture and society was achieved, it became possible for the other eastern nationalities, like the Madurese and Sumanapers, who joined the community later around 1782, to merge into the community of"Ceylon Malays" without much difficulty.

The difference between the terms 'Javanese' and 'Malays' as used by the Dutch and the British respectively to refer to this community can be explained here. The former indicated, primarily, the geographical identity of the early Malays. Batavia, from where many of them had originated, was situated in the island of Java and hence they were commonly called by the generic term 'Javanese'. On the other hand, it may be the case that the actual ethnic Javanese might have been the dominant group among the original eastern population, and therefore the whole community came to be known after this leading group. This line of argument is further borne out by the fact that in 1764 the Free Javanese Company was named thus, precisely because of the conspicuously large number of the Javanese residents in the island. At the same time, the Dutch officials had included other minor groups of easterners in this Company. Thus, for instance, when two soldiers by the names of Dicko (or Bicko?) and Abdullah applied for discharge from the company in I 763 they are specifically referred to as Malay soldiers. 7 2 But labelling this community as 'Javanese', in the way the Dutch did was not altogether appropriate. For, particularly after 1740 a number of Madurese and Sumanapers also joined this community . The term 'Javanese', if used with an ethnic connotation, would thus have become more and more unsuitable as newcomers belonging to other races from the East came to be included in this community in fairly larger numbers.

The term 'Malays', introduced by the British, was an all-embracing one, which emphasised the linguistic unity of these people rather than their ethnic or racial origins. What the British saw in the island at the tail-end of the 18th century was a fairly stabilized and distinctly identifiable group of people, whose ethnic differences had greatly disappeared and who had developed a self-identity as members of a Malay-speaking community. This term obviously had its merits, because labelling this community on the basis of its language reflected the real nature of the local Malays as they had evolved as a distinct population group through the adoption of a common lingua franca, i.e. Malay. On the other hand, this term became more

Origins of the Malay Communiry 53

meaningful later, particularly when the ethnic m。ャ。ケセ@ from the. Malay Peninsula settled here during the 19th century and were mtegrated mto the already well-established community of 'Malays' in Sri Lanka.

In addition to the language factor, the religion oflslam too provided a basis for group identity among the Malays of the island. In Dutch times, not all the easterners who came to Sri Lanka were the followers of Islam. It is particularly difficult to establish the religious background of the Amboinese, Balinese, and even Javanese, because among the first group there were a considerable number of Christians, while most of the Balinese belonged to the Hindu or Buddhist religions. Some Javanese had embraced Christianity in 1 66o and received benefits from the Dutch government. 7 3

Nevertheless, it is quite clear that a large majority of the early Malays were followers of Islam, and in the process of the evolution of the Sri Lankan Malay Community all the non-Muslim easterners dropped out. Thus, at last the term 'Malays' besides its linguistic connotation came to mean only the Muslim 'Malays'.

It is quite clear that in maintaining their religious identity and fervour, the Malays received encouragement and support from the well-rooted Muslim 'Moor' community. It may even be argued that, if not for this factor the Malays ofSri Lanka would have quickly lost their sense ofidentity and h'ave been absorbed into the other local communities. In fact, it was this fate which overtook the community of Cape Malays, who were in their origin similar to the Ceylon Malays. Islamic practices and values had declined to such an extent among the Cape Malays that a Turkish authority in 1877 reports that they know nothing more concerning Islam than the necessity of the practice of circumcision (Du Plessis & Luckhoff 1953, 19). No similar decline has taken place among the Sri Lankan Malays and this fact must surely be due to the reinforcing effect created by the presence of that other Muslim group in the Island, namely the 'Moors' of Ceylon.

Notes

1f For a general history of the island see Arasaratnam (1g64) & K.M. de Silva (1981).

2/ It may as well be pointed out here that the Indonesian word for 「。ョゥウィセ・ョエ@ is "disailankan" (to be sent to Ceylon), which indicates perhaps the frequency with wh1ch the Indonesian people were sent into exile to Ceylon in these days.

3/ Some cases are mentioned in Dagh Register, dated 5th and 6th October 1681.

4/ Dagh Register, 30th August 1682 and 25th November.

5/ See De Graaf(1949), pp. 238-1141 for these events injavanese History.

6/ S.L.N.A., 1/11oo, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 8th March 1788.

7/ See Chapter 4·

B/ Father S.G. Perera (1939), p. 36-38.

54 Origins rif the Malay Communi9J

9/ S.L.N.A. I/6g, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 14th November·I733·

IO/ "Lives of the Dutch Governors-General of Netherlands India J. Maatzuiker", CLR, 1(:u), December, p. 166.

II/ S.L.N.A., 1/102, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 15th November 1747·

12/ S.L.N.A., I/95. Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, sth November 1748.

13/ S.L.N.A., 1/61, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 13thjune 1727. According to this document some Moorish traders were found to have helped the exiled prisoners to exchange correspondence, and their community was severely reprimanded for keeping such close contacts with the foreign prisoners.

1.4/ Patunru ( 1g6g) p. 86. But a contemporary document states that it was one Sitti Habiba's sister who was marrie<j to Pangeran Adipati Mangkurat, and the other sister was married to Sadur Alam, Prince of Bacan, another important exile living in the island at that time. S.L.N.A., 7/2o, North's Mily, diary, 19th December 18o3.

15/ Panageran Singasari ofjava was one such exile who commanded a unit of native Malay troops serving the Dutch in 1767. Raven-Hai:t (Ed.) (1964), p. 44·

16/ S.L.N.A., I/137, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 7th December 1761.

17/ See Dagh Register, 24th November 1682.

18/ Patunru (196g), p. 85.

19/ De Graaf ( 1949), p. 241.

20/ The details ofthe allowances paid to the exiles can be seen from S.L.N.A., 1 f2oo, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 8th March 1788.

ill/ S.L.N.A., 1/58, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 2oth September 1724.

22/ S.L.N.A., 7/ilo, North's Mily. Diary, 19th December 1803.

23/ De Silva, Colvin R., (1953), p. 241.

24/ GセッッイG@ is the generic term by which it was customary at one time in Europe to describe a Mushm .fr?m Nキィセエセカ・イ@ country he came. The epithet was borrowed by the Portuguese who bestowed It md1scnmmately upon the Arabs and their descendants, whom in the 16th century they found established as traders in almost every part of the Asian and African coast.

25/ For a comprehensive study, see Shukri (ed.) 1g86.

26/ See Azeez (1g6o), pp. 26-28.

27/ See Goonewardane (1959), pp. 82-89.

RセO@ See Rickle& ( 1974) for information on the political activities of the exiles in the Javanese Kmgdom.

29/ Rickle&, personal communication, (met in London S.O.A.S.) 1oth November 1976.

30/ Rickle& op. tit., p. 104.

31/ Ricklefs, personal communication, 10th November, 1976.

32/ Ricklefs, op. tit., p. 103.

33/ Ibid.

34/ "· · · dat geen Sjogys ofte heydense lantlopers op Ceylon in Comp' land en gedoogt word en nogh oock dat de Mooren enige publyque Mahomataense godsdienst nomen to pleegen 。セ@'t selve op hogen paens verboden is.". Memoirs qf Rycklqff van Goens Junior, p. 25.

Origins of the Malay Communiry 55

35/ Rickle& (1974), p. 103.

36/ S.L.N.A., 1/61 Minutes of the D.P.C. Colombo 13thjune 1727.

371 A number of such cases are mentioned in Realia, Eerste Deel, (1881), pp. 236, 258, 259

and 260.

38/ These insluded not only criminals but even men such as Said Muhammed, an Islamic preacher who originated from Arabia but demiciled in Batavia in 1 78os was banished and committed in to chains the island for his suspected anti-Dutch activities in Batavia and Bantam. See Dejonge (1884), Vol. 12, p. 128.

39/ Dagh Register, 30th August 1682.

40/ Realia, Vol. 1, p. 87, (5thjuly 1782). In anticipation of war with the Kandyans the Dutch made plans to strengthen their military in 1763. An extra Malay company was formed in that year by including about 120 deportees. S.L.N.A., 1/4864, Minutes of the Secret War Committee, 9th September 1 763.

41/ Memoirs qf Van Go/lenese, p. 92.

42/ Realia, Vol. I, P· a,, 19th March I78i!.

431 Ibid., p. 92, sth July I 782.

44/ jayah (1970), p. 74 attributes their origins to the exiled Princes, while De Silva K.M. (Ed.) (1973), p. 300 refers only to the East Indian Troops.

45/ Such reinforcements ofEastern troops were received in the island in 1737, 1761 and 1782.

46/ Peiris (1920), p. 190 states that during the Dutch attack on the Fort of Colombo in 1656, the Bandanese did good work in their pursuit. With their sharp swords, at one blow they struck off the heads of their adversaries (the Portuguese).

47/ S.L.N.A., 1/490, Annex to Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 22ndjanuary 1761.

48/ S.L.N.A., I/1793, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 18thjanuary 1788.

49/ Memoirs qf Rycklqfvan Goens, p. 13 mentions "that the post highest in elevation belonging to Colombo is the excellent stone redoubt at Sitawaka, ten hours journey from Colombo. (An hours journey is equal to about 3·5 miles).

so/ S.L.N.A., I/4864, Minutes of the Secret War Cominittee, 9th September 1763.

51/ See Schrieke (1975), Vol. 2, pp. 122·127 for a discussion on the Javanese methods of warfare and the arms used.

52/ One Rahman, a Malay Captain is said to have extorted 6 schillings for a debt of 3 Rix 、ッャャ。セ@ or so% per annum. S.L.N.A., 1/4865, Minutes of the Secret war committee, 1 Ith August 1 g64.

53/ The Dutch authorities prohibited loans of more than half a rupee to the Malay soldiers. Ibid.

54/ See Christie David ( 1 958), p. 7, Says "The original cane workers here were Malays and the trade was plied at Slave Island ... "The itinerant Malay rattan-weaver who roamed セィ・@country's streets in search of potential customers is now a thing of the past.

55/ Schweitzer does not mention the religious background of the Amboinese, and it may be that they were not followers of Islam, which would explain partly why only Sinhalese and Malabari (Tamil) wives are mentioned in this case. Or it may be that the 'Moorish' women too were included in the racial term of 'malabaris'.

56/ Tombo (Sinhalese Thombuwa) is a system of land and personnel registration perfected by the Portuguese which they borrowed from the Sinhalese. The Dutch improved this system in the 1 76os by recording details of persons, and properties in their districts of adininistration.

Origins of the Malay Communiry

57/ S.L.N.A., 1/3758, Head Tombo, p. 63-71.

sB/ Reference to Christoffel de Saram, alias Atapattu Mudaliyar who owned two eastern slaves, namely Troena de Wangsa and Amber is given in S.L.N.A., 1/4:740, Criminal files on individuals.

59/ S.L.N.A., 1/4864, Minutes of the Secret War Committee, gth September 1763. Also in 1786, Eastern slaves were freed to be formed into a Company of Militia. S.L.N.A., 1/193, The D.P.C. 26th April 1786.

6of S.L.N.A., 1/591, Annex to the Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 21st October 1781.

61/ For example Robert Percival a British military officer speaks highly ofMalay gardeners, (Percival 1805, 174).

611/ UliJiam (Tamil) was originally the compulsory manual labour which the foreign communitties such as Moors and Chetties performed in the Kandyan Kingdom. The Dutch too followed this system but the British abolished it in 18o8.

63/ S.L.N.A., 1/68, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 3oth September 1743. However the descendants of exiles had to perform UliJiam like the others.

64/ S.L.N.A., 1/2556, Appointment of local Chieftains, 13th August 176g.

65/ The total Numberin the Dutch army, as on 15th May, 1764consisted of3,909 Europeans 11,458 Easterners and 1,242 Sipahis. (Raven-Hart 1964:, p. 56).

66/ Before the above increase took place, there were 10 Companies ofMalays totalling 791 men. (Ibid., p. 21).

67/ S.L.N .A., 1/736, Annexes to the Minutes of the "Militaire department", 15th April 1794.

68/ W.O., 1/362, Stuart to Dandas, 3oth August 1795, and enclosures for the garrison, capitulation etc.

6gf W.O., 1/362, Stuart to Dandas, 10th October 1795 and enclosures.

70/ S.L.N.A., 1/179, Minutes of the D.P.C., Colombo, 24thjune 1785.

71/ For eg. Colonel I Fletcher, who served the Malay Regiment in Ceylon for more than 110 years wrote about "the Ceylon Malays" in 1831 as follows:

"The Free Malays of the island are a superior race of people, possessing more intelligence. ... The Ceylon Malay is generally of honest and respectable parentage inheriting a pride of family reputation etc."

S.L.N.A., 6/1308, A.M.S. to C.S., 5th October 1831.

72/ S.L.N.A., 1/1555· 11th October 1763.

73/ Reimers (1924, 158) He quotes from a Dutch document dated 8th September 166o. "Where the Javanese soldiers, 118 in number, have now for some time past suffered to be instructed in the Christian doctrine have made public profession thereof, accepted Holy Baptism, and have solemnly married according to Christian rite ... "

CHAPTER 4

Governor North and the Malays I7g8-x8os

No sooner the British had established their control over the maritime provinces of Sri Lanka in 1796 than the fate of the Malay community was sealed - to be a permanent source of providing military manpower and to serve the interest of the new colonial master by policing the island.

There were a number of reasons for the British policy of treating the Malays as an exclusively soldier class, not the least of which was the gatlantry and bravery exhibited by the Malay troops in Dutch service in fighting against the English invaders in I 795/96. Most accounts of the invasion stress the fact that it was only from the Malay troops that the British received any opposition (Percival I8o5, I8o; Cleghorn papers I927, 278; La Thombe I888, 374-375).

The Malays had attacked the British three times. The first attack was made on Trincomalee on the night of 24th August, I 795· Under their own Captains, Jaya Bangsa and Jurang Pati, the Malays having stripped themselves naked, successfully infiltrated a British camp, spiked the British guns, and killed several artillery men (Percival I 8o5, 65; Nyples I goB, 5 I).

They attacked a second time at Barberyn, a coastal hamlet situated about 26 miles south of Colombo, when the frigate L'Heroine carrying a detachment of British troops was anchored near that place. Scarcely had the British soldiers landed, when the Malays, waiting in ambush, opened fire and charged them, pursuing them into the sea, capturing a boat with several guns and sabres (La Thombe I888, 375). In this skirmish several soldiers including a British lieutenant were killed, while the casualties on the Malay side were one sergeant and two privates killed and a few wounded.

The final attack on the British troops took place near Mutuwal, just outside the fort of Colombo, when a party of about 300 Malays, commanded by Colonel Raymond, attempted to ambush the British troops camped there. However this time heavy casualties were inflicted upon the Malay troops, as the British were well aware of the impending attack. Sir Hugh Cleghorn, who later became the first chief secretary of the British government in the island, and an inmate of the Mutuwal camp at the time, described the Malays as "daring men armed with their krisses and adder-tongued daggers advanced to the bound hedges within two yards of the front line." (Cleghorn papers I927, 280)

Governor North

The role played by the Malays when presenting the events surrounding the ineffective resistance by the Dutch garrison during the British siege is worthy of notice. One may argue that the Malays were merely a group of mercenaries who simply had to fight for their masters when the occasion demanded. One cannot deny the fact, however, that the brunt of the Dutch offensive fell on the shoulders of the Malay troops.

The belligerency of the Malays towards the invading British was partly caused by anxiety about their future in the case of a British victory. Percival says that the Dutch had spread stories about the British depicting the former as a. nation of cruel and inhuman tyrants who carried out destruction and opposition wherever they went (Percival I 8os, I 8 I). Cleghorn noted that after the British capture ofTrincomalee, a story spread among the Malays in Colombo and other places that all of their clan who were serving there had been massacred by the British. Naturally, this infuriated them. He further remarks that "nothing could exceed their pleasure and surprise upon seeing one of their princes" from Trincomalee who volunteered to go with the British troops to Colombo when they besieged it (Cleghorn papers I927, 280).

Thus with their daring attacks upon the Britishers, the Malays had created a permanent impression as brave and intrepid soldiers. This impression reinforced a proposal, which had been under consideration for some time in British military circles in Madras, to enlist Malays in their army (Dodwell I922, go).

The surrender of Colombo in February I 796 marked the end of one and half centuries of Dutch rule. There now remained the question of the large number of Malay soldiers who had been taken as prisoners-of-war, along with the other Dutch troops. In the terms of the capitulation of Colombo concluded on 27 February, I 796, the future of the Malay troops was raised. The Dutch stipulated that "the Malays that do not choose to remain here shall be transported in English ships with their women and children to the island of Java.1 But the victorious British answered that

The Malay troops shall be sent from hence with their wives and children to Tuticorin and from

thence by easy marches to Madras. They shall be subsisted while they remain prisoners and

if not taken into British service and shall at a convenient time be sent to the island of Java at

the expense of the British government. 2

That the British had already made up their mind to retain the services of these Malay troops is clear. It is important to note that the British were keen to transfer all the Malay prisoners-of-war along with their families as soon as possible to Madras.

What the British actually needed was an interval of time in which the Malay troops ofSri Lanka could either be taken into the ranks of the Madras army or be brought back for service in the newly-acquired colony. In I 796, there was uncertainty as to whether maritime Sri Lanka would be returned

Governor North 59

to the Dutch after a peace treaty; in which event, the British would be better off if the Malays could be held in Madras and enlisted in the,ir own military establishment.

In fact, the British authorities in Madras were at this time proposing to send an expedition to the Dutch East Indies in a bid to enlist Malays in their army, because it was becoming increasingly difficult to find suitable men from among the South Indians. This suggestion originally came from Sir Josiah Child in 1 786 when the East India Company was under his strong influence (Dodwell I922, I3)· Accordingly, the York Fort in Sumatra was asked to send Malay recruits to Madras, but nothing appears to have happened. The idea gained favour again in I 795, with the Commander in Chief in India himself showing some interest in recruiting Malays to maintain English military strength on the Coast. But there was said to be much apprehension among the lesser officers as to whether it was possible "to keep up the recruitment of these people in point of numbers" (Dodwell op. dt., Ig).

It was in the same year, I795• that the British succeeded in capturing the strategic fort of Trincomalee where nearly goo Malays were taken prisoners and removed to Madras. Their presence in Madras encouraged the officials there to explore ways of attracting other Malays from Sri Lanka. Most of these Malays were with the Dutch garrison in Colombo, having been recalled from smaller stations like Galle and Matara on the eve of the British attack on Colombo. A plan was conceived in Madras to persuade them to defect to the British side. For this purpose Raden Porowa (Purba?) Dakshina, a young 'Javanese' political exile who had been taken captive during the Trincomalee campaign and who was brought to Madras, was summoned to a conference with Lord Hobart, the Governor of Madras, Sir Alfred Clarck, Commander of the Madras Army and Colonel De Meuron. He was called to assist the British in the capture of Colombo and to persuade the Malays there to accept British service. 3

It is evident, therefore, that even before the fall of Colombo, the British had made up their mind regarding the future of the Malays of Sri Lanka. The Dutch were quite naive in expecting the British not to persuade the Malays to join either His Majesty's Serviee or the East India Company and in thinking that the British, in the terms of the surrender of Colombo, would have agreed to bear the cost of transporting the Malays to Java. For the British, of course, it was a windfall to be able to enlist these warrior Malays enmasse in such a relatively effortless manner.

The need for their services, however, arose quite soon in Sri Lanka. The British occupation-forces were not sufficient to maintain internal security in the Island. At the same time, it was not possible to draw on the resources of the Madras Army, as the authorities were finding it difficult to keep their own establishment at its existing level. The only alternative in those circumstances was to employ the Malays who had been taken to Madras.

6o Govemor North

Colonel Stuart, the temporary Commander in Chief of the island wrote to Madras asking for the services of the Malay troops, suggesting that they be divided into two detachments, one to garrison Trincomalee and the other, Colombo! It is not certain how and when the Madras Government arranged the return of the Malays to Sri Lanka. When Frederic North arrived in the island in October 1 798 as the first Governor of maritime Sri Lanka, there were five companies of Malays in East India Company's service, in addition to two companies in the revenue service. 5

Governor North's appointment in 1798 marked the end of the Madras based administration6 • Government control was thereafter divided between the Crown and the East India Company. From 1st January, 1802, dual control was also abolished and maritime Sri Lanka attained the status of a full-fledged Crown Colony as a result of the treaty of Amiens (De Silva, Colvin R. I953, Mills 1933). Much had been done within this short period to establish the Malay garrison on a firmer footing, largely on the personal initiative of Governor North.

Originally, the Governor-General in India had suggested that North should incorporate the Malay prisoners-of-war from Madras into the native military force in the Island. However, at first, North did not seem to have like this idea, as he believed that the Malay troops could at any time desert to the Dutch. Those troops were, besides, expensive to maintain, as they were allowed to draw the same marching allowances as European troops in accordance with the terms of the Capitulation of Colombo. 7 However, he soon changed his mind when he saw the benefits which would accrue to his government by employing the Malays as the main native military force. He would no longer need to depend so heavily on the Madras authorities for contingencies ofsepoys in times of need. ° Further, he knew that the number of Malays living in the island was sufficient, at least for the time being, to provide enough recruits while also serving as a nursery for future soldiers. He became convinced that the island-Malays were ideally-suited for military duties, and accordingly began preparations to transform them into a military community.

At first North had gained an impression that, following the departure of the Dutch, the Malays had become a sort of displaced community within the island. He classified the Malays into three groups, Princes, soldiers, and robbers, commenting "I by no means wish to assert that the third class exercises its profession to the exclusion of the other two". 9 He even went so far as to portray the Malays as being inclined to murder ,I 0

It appears that North was generalising on the atrocious behaviour of a few Malays in the early days of British rule, particularly the Malay bandits whose ranks may well have included ex-soldiers who had been terrorising Colombo and the countryside at the time North was appointed Governor. North's accusation that Malays were murderers was most probably, brought about by the sensational murder of the Chief Dutch resident of

Governor North 6r

Matara and his wife by a Malay servant. This event took place in Galle in late 1796, when Colonel Stuart had been temporarily in charge of the Government.11

The murder, apparently a 'revenge' killing caused a sensation among the European population in the island.12 It was probably these incidents that led the new Governor to make his generalisations on the behaviour of the Malays. On the other hand, some of the contemporary British administrators in the island who had opportunity to know the Malays at first hand, had a reasonably good opinion of them.

Thus the British Commandant of Kalutara wrote:

As far as I can learn there is little damage to be apprehended from the Malays in this district

who by inter marriages with the natives have become in some degree naturalized and are indeed

much quieter, and more industrious than either the Sinhalese or Moors.••

This observation was made in his letter to the Government in response to a proclamation of I 3th March, I 799, issued by North, which ordered all non military Malays, the aged and the infirm excepted, to appear before their prospective Commandants on or before 30 April of that year and register themselves in order to settle them and their families in areas allotted and assigned to them.14 They were required to carry passes when going out of their areas. Those found without passes, and or in possession of dangerous weapons were made liable to banishment from the island.

In issuing this proclamation Governor North informed the Collectors and Commandants that its object was 'to control and if possible reform, but not by any means to disgrace or to proscribe the Malays' .1 5 It appears, however, that the real intention behind this move was to take a head-count of the Malays who were not in military service, and to induce them to enlist in the army when they appeared before the Commandants, (Cordiner 1807, Vol. I, 144) in other words, the first step towards the setting up of a permanent Malay military corps. The next step was to raise its status as a respectable establishment. Major General MacDowall was assigned the task and the governor proposed that "the pay allowances and other arrangements shall as much as possible resemble those of the native Corps (Sepoys) in the service of the Hon'ble East India Company."16 According to North, when Malays had been employed by the Madras government they were paid such a small salary, compared to the sepoys, that some of them joined the ranks of robbers. Furthermore, when North took over the administration, there were only European officers to command all the Malay troops. He pointed out that this was not enough and insisted on an European officer as well as a non-commissioned officer to be appointed to each Malay company.

Most of these reforms had been carried out before the end of January I 8oo, and the total number of Malay troops now stood around 1 ,ooo.1 7 In

Governor North

accordance with a plan submitted by MacDowall, they were divided into 10 Companies by mid-18oo.18

The Governor was quite pleased with the progress made by the Malay troops under his authority, particularly in regard to discipline. This he ascribed to the exertions of the superior European officers of the Malay Corps. 1 9 Above all he was very proud of their performance on the battlefield during the Polygar wars. A party of Malays had been despatched from Sri Lanka under their Commandant Captain Whitlie in early 1800 to take part in . the British attacks against the Polygars of Panjalam Courchy and Shtvaganga in South India, their first action under the British. 2o North proudly wrote to the Secretary of State:

The English troops were so much pleased with their general behaviour that they treated them

as brothers, and divided with them their provisions water and such other extra

recommendations as are allowed to Europeans in Indian Campaigns ... From the country of

Pyche Rajah to that of Polygars of Panjalam Courchy, and Shivaganga, they have

distinguished themselves by their active and idefatigible intrepidity. At the storming of

Panjalam Courchy, after their gallant Commander Captain Whitlie had been dangerously

wounded, they ordered the breach with the Europeans and with them terminated the 「オウゥョセ@and were publicly thanked for their behaviour by Lieutenant Colonel Agnew as セョ@ as it キセ@over.21

Meanwhile the Home Government too appreciated the initiative taken by North in forming the Malay Corps and accordingly, admitted the Corps into the King's service on 23 April, 1801.22 The strength of the Malay Corps was now 1,200 with 22 European officers, including two warrant officers. 2 3

For the first time, Malay soldiers wore the scarlet and white uniform of a regular regiment of the infantry on the line. The Malay officers were thus among the very first Asians to hold commissions from the British Sovereign. On 31st May 1802 the presentation of Colours to the Malay Corps took place at the Galle Face esplanade in Colombo. On this occasion, North remarked that he had great satisfaction 'in presenting these Colours not to a new Levy, but to a regiment whose past service is an earnest of future glory'.24 ·

. Aside from the Malay Regiment, another Regiment comprising Smhalese was also formed for service in the island as part of the British native infantry forces. 2 セ@ In all respects it was to be modelled on the Malay Regiment. It came to be known as Colonel Ramsay's Regiment, in the same way that the Malay Regiment was called Colonel Champagne's Regiment (Turner 1919, 6o). But very soon the Sinhalese were found unsuitable for military duty and in turn were replaced by Sepoys from the coast. 2 6 In addition to these a Regiment of Caffres 2 7 was also formed during North's セ・イュ@ of office. All these non-Malay Regiments were disbanded by 1825, and m the newly formed Ceylon Rifle Regiment as will be discussed later, it was the Malays who formed the bulk of the numbers. The priority accorded to

Governor North

the Malays in military service during North's government, as well as the measures taken by him to strengthen the Malay colony in the island to ensure a nursery for future military recruitment, show clearly how the British administrators during the greater part of the tgth century continued to depend on this community for their requirement of native military personnel in Sri Lanka. During North's period two other important institutions were created as corollaries to the establishment of the Malay Regiment. They were the Malay invalid companies28 and the Boys' Regiment, both of which were to play an important role in Malay life in Sri Lanka for many years to come.

Two companies of old and unfit soldiers had been formed under Captain Drieberg in October 1799 according to the plan of Major General MacDowall. Governor North then used a number of these invalid Malay soldiers to start a colony in the Mahagampattu region in the Southern part of Sri Lanka. At first they were settled in Hambantota, which was later to become one of the leading Malay towns. Following this, two other settlements were also established in the hamlets ofKirinde and Palatupana, which are close to the former town. The main purpose of these settlements was the development of the salt pans found in this region. As North wrote in one of his despatches, even coolies could not be hired to work there.

But by far the most important salt pans of this island are those of Mahagampattu, of which

it has hitherto been impossible to take, advantage from the total want of population in their

vicinity ... the Malays are a far more industrious race than the Singhalese as they are good

gardeners and fishermen and they are courageous and not easily terrified with little dangers

and inconveniences. 2 9

The detachment of invalid Malays marched to Hambantota, on 7th of August 1802, under the command ofLieutenant O'Connell ofHis Majesty's 51st Regiment, and arrived on the 3oth.30 Pendergaast, the newly appointed Commandant of Hambantota, reported to the Governor that "they (the Malays) seem perfectly pleased with their temporary quarters which I have been fortunate enough to complete."31

At about the same time some of the Malay political prisoners were sent from Colombo, along with their families, to live in Hambantota, among the other ordinary Malay residents, 5 2 giving rise to questions concerning their status. A special privilege of drawing rice at a reduced rate of payment had been granted to the women and children of the invalid Malays. Since the political prisoners were not doing the same duties as the invalid Malays the Commandant refused to allow them the same privileges. The Governor agreed with his objections and ordered the exiles to perform the same duties as the others if they wanted this concession, in addition to the allowances they received from Colombo. The exiles agreed to this rather than face hardship, as basic provisions were not generally available at the time they began life in Hambantota. Despite their aristocratic status in their own

Governor North

country they still decided to work and live like the commoners. Even otherwise their lives would have been miserable had they not engaged in some sort of activity in such an isolated dry remote corner of the island.

The Malay Boys' company was another remarkable institution founded by North. It helped his successors a great deal by ensuring a steady flow of good quality soldiers into the Malay regiment. Besides, as will be seen later, the British officers always had a high regard for those boys; the latter eventually coming to occupy virtually all the higher ranks in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment.

The idea of Boys' companies as an integral part of the regular military regiments was not something new. The Madras Army, on which Sri Lanka's Malay Corps was originally modelled, had introduced Boys' companies in I 7S5 (Dodwell I 922, go). The Madras 'Muster Masters' were authorised to allow onto the muster rolls of each Sepoy company, two boys, the sons of Sepoys who had been killed or had died in service. Two years later, this scheme was extended to include 40 boys in each battalion, each one to receive a subsistence pay of ggjanams a month until they were fit to become privates. As these boys were paid during- their apparenticeship, the contemporary documents refer to them often as 'half-pay boys' - they were paid half the salary of a private.

The basis of selection to the Malay Boys' company during North's time was however, quite different, and does not seem to have been guided by any such principles of charity or sympathy. 3 3 On the other hand it was closely interwoven with the policy of the colonisation ofMalays adopted by North. At first the Malay boys were recruited indiscriminately, totalling as many as So had been approved by the Home Government by the time the Malay regiment had been taken into the British Crown's Service. North argued that such a restriction on numbers should not be imposed "on the recruitment of a military nation" such as the Malays, and especially in the case of these boys for "from the time that he is able to hold a firelock many a Malay boy, in good policy, be enlisted in the Malay Regiment."34 It is not known whether he actually increased the number of boys above the prescribed limit, but North granted the monthly pay enjoyed by the Regimental boys, also to the sons of Malay recruits from abroad who were physically fit, and between the ages of 10 and 14.35 Therefore, this measure, while designed to ensure that most of the Malay males would enter military service when they came of age, can also be seen as one of the inducements provided to encourage Malays with their families from the Peninsula and the Eastern islands to migrate to Sri Lanka.

Having thus laid the foundation for a permanent Malay Regiment, North next turned his attention to procuring sufficient men to serve in it, not only as immediate recruits, but also to maintain a reserve for all future needs. At the outset, as we have seen, every attempt was made to enlist Malays locally. This source was limited however, since the local Malay

Governor North

community at the time was too small to satisfy this need, and would not have been sufficient in the event of heavy casualties arising during wars or other emergencies. This' fact was clearly demonstrated during the Polygar war of

1Soo, when a section of the Malay Regiment from Sri Lanka fought for the British. The Governor himselflamented that during this period "they have suffered greatly by sickness as well as other chances of war and have lost some of their best native officers". 3 6

The only way of overcoming this handicap was by increasing the number of the Malays in the British controlled provinces in Sri Lanka, by encouraging migrants as many as possible from abroad. The Governor stated his intention to induce "the (Malay) recruits to come over to Ceylon with their families in the colonies which I am forming at Hambantota and Tangalle, 3 7 which I hope will in time produce a pure and constant supply of that hardy people to perpetuate the Corps".38

One of the easiest means, available to North, at the time, of achieving this aim was to transfer the Malay soldiers and their families from the Dutch-controlled territories in Asia which had temporarily passed into the hands of the British Government in the 1790s following the Anglo-French wars. One such territory was Cochin on the Mala bar coast oflndia. Largely due to the efforts of two Malays, Abdool Sahmit (Abdul Samad?) and Rambelan, who were despatched from the island to recruit Malays in Cochin, SI recruits, some with their families, arrived in late r So 1. 3 9 In return for their services the two received Commissions in the Malay Regiment, the former as Captain and the latter as Lieutenant. Some of these 'Cochin recruits' seem to have been in the employ of the Raja ofCochin.40

Mr. Olipant, the British Resident ofCochin raised objections to the British Administration in Ceylon regarding Rambelan's attempts to recruit Malays from the reserves of the Cochin Raja. 41 It is to be noted, however, that among those who were in the Dutch service in Cochin there appears to have been a considerable number ofMalays who were either born in Sri Lanka, or had served here previously with the Dutch army. 4 2

Another source from which North's Government attempted to recruit Malays was the Island of St. Helena. North received information that Malays had been creating disturbances there, and he wrote to the British Lieutenant Governor of St. Helena enquiring whether the latter would like to send the Malays to him.43 According to one author Malays were sent from St. Helena to serve in Sri Lanka, (Gosse 193S, 255) but contemporary British documents contradict this. The Governor denied that such disturbances had taken place in the territories under his jurisdiction and stated that the Indian Government had already removed the Maiays from his territories as early as 1797.44

North had greater success with his efforts to bring Malay settlers from the East. A recruiting agency was set up in the Prince of Wales Island (Penang) around rSoo.45 For the first time, Peninsular Malays came in

66 Governor .North.

comparatively large numbers to settle in Sri Lanka, many accompanied by their families. It is possible that some residents of Malacca were brought to the island during the Dutch period, and there is at least one contemporary Dutch source which testifies to the presence of Malaccan convicts in Sri Lanka. 46 But the Malay settlers who came to the island during the Dutch period, as we have seen, hailed mainly from the present Indonesia. During the British period, except for two batches of Malays who came from Java in I 8 I 3 and 18 I 6, to settle in Sri Lanka, all the other settlers, or more precisely the army recruits, came from the Malay Peninsula.47

Prospective Malay recruits were offered generous enlistment terms by the agency at Penang.48

I. The sum of Spanish dollars 2 1 pice 34 will be immediately paid to each man as a bounty on entering the service, and from that date he will receive the monthly pay of 3 dollars 74 pice, besides a reasonable allowance of opium.

2. That men so entering into this Corps will be permitted to take their wives and families with them free from all expense, and every man who may be rendered unfit for active service by wounds or age will be placed on the invalid establishment and thus be assured of a comfortable maintenance during the remainder of his life, and that such as may fall in battle will have their families placed under protection of the Government.

3· Every man taking his wife with him will be entitled to Spanish dollars 8 and pice 51 in addition to the bounty given to him and 43 pice per month for her (wife's) subsistance. Their son will also receive Spanish dollars 4 pice 25 each on accompanying their fathers and the same monthly pay as now given to the establishment of boys attached to this Corps.

4· Men of family or influence who may be disposed to enter this service and bring with them their dependants as followers will be received with every possible respect and attention to their religious prejudices and obtain commands in proportion to the number of followers they may bring with them.

We do not know exactly how many Malays came from the Peninsula to Sri Lanka during North's period. In early 1803, 82 recruits and 4 boys, some with their families, were sent from Penang by Lieutenant Rofsi49• He wrote subsequently that he had collected 9 more Malays and was proceeding to Malacca to obtain more. It is quite likely that many more than these would have come from Penang to settle in the island, following the setting up of the recruiting station. It was reported that the Sultan of Kedah had also sent men to be enlisted for service in Sri Lanka (Watson 1957, 86).

North's attempts to obtain Malay recruits from the Molluccas islands, however, achieved little success. 50 He was aiming at the Amboinese Corps which was said to have been raised by the Madras Government, after the Molluccas islands were occupied by the British in February 1796,

Governor .North

temporarily replacing the Dutch authority. 51 Before the impending peace treaty by which these Eastern islands were supposed to be taken over by the Dutch, North thought it wise to recruit as many as possible under the auspices of the Madras Government. But the first mission that was sent for this purpose under Lieutenant Drieberg in August 18oo was held up in Madras, as the ships bound for the Moluccas had already left before his arrival. 52 It is not known whether he eventually reached his destination.

A second mission was sent under Captain Ryan in 1802.53 Although Ryan and his party made an extensive tour of the East during this mission, he reported that neither the Amboinese nor the other Mollucan islanders were keen on serving abroad, even after compulsion. 54 In any case, he could not have succeeded in his mission as these islands were re-occupied by the Dutch on 6 March 1803. During his mission R yan also visited Tidor, where he says that he received the assistance from one 'Prince Ceylon', who was so called because he had been in exile in the island and later returned to his country. Notwithstanding such support, it was no easy task to induce these Easterners to volunteer for service abroad.

Prior to evaluating the impact of North's policy of attempting to transform the entire Malay community into an appendage of the colonial military establishment, some comments should be made on the role of the Malay troops who fought for the British during the 1st Kandyan war in 1803, after which the recruitment ofMalays nearly came to a halt. North, who had patronized them so much in the past, was, by the middle of 1803, frantically looking for some means of disbanding all Malay troops. He offered them to Olive, 55 the Governor of Madras and asked Admiral Rainier to accept them as marines. 56 The change in North's attitude occurred because of the large number of Malay soldiers in British service who had deserted during the British expedition to Kandy. Lamenting their behaviour, North wrote to Olive:

"Kandy was lost on 24th June, owing mainly to the desertion of Malays who formed the

principal strength of the garrison ...

Malays had always been loyal, so it is painful to believe that they had deserted ...

It is impossible to keep the rest of the Malays in our service as they might sooner or later join

their deserted brethren ... "

The disloyalty of the Malay troops during this war came in for harsh criticism. Thomas Maitland (1805·181 1), the successor to North, was prejudiced against them on this account, and was prepared to scrap the Malay Regiment altogether if alternatives could be found, while a later day historian condemns them as "entirely untrustworthy and dangerous (Fortescue 1923, Vol. V, 142)." What brought about this change in attitude?

68 Governor North

Malays from Sri Lanka had fought so well in the Polygar wars in 18oo that they had earned great praise for their valour from Governor North. They also proved themselves an invaluable asset to the British during the subsequent Kandyan war of I 8I 5, and in suppressing the Kandyan rebellion of I8I8. Only in the I803 war they had failed in their duty to stand by the British. This is no place to discuss the details of the British-Kandyan war of I 803, which are dealt with so well in the interesting and readable accounts of (Powell I974• Methley I9I8). The general view is that the loss ofKandy, and the final defeat of the British was the result of a combination offactors, such as the tactics of the Kandyans in drawing their enemy into the heart of their country before staging an attack, the havoc created by the monsoonal rains, the spread of jungle fever and the lack of decision and firmness on the part of certain British officers etc.

_Undoubtedly, the Malays must take some responsibility for having deserted to the Kandyans when they had been left to garrison Kandy, after its occupation by the British in February I803.58 But such desertions took place only towards the final stages of the Kandyan occupation when panic spread among the troops, weakened through sickness and starvation, and when the Kandyans were closing in for the kill. The new commanding officer Major Davie, who was in charge of these troops, had no previous experience of active military service, and the British officers of the Malay regiment themselves were quite ineffective (Powell I974• I3I). Had they shown themselves to be more in control of the situation, it would no doubt have made a big difference in restraining at least some of the native troops from crossing over to the enemy. Not all the Malays of the British garrison in Kandy went over to the Kandyans. Of the 700 Malays originally left behind in Kandy, there were still250 who remained loyal to the British, who began their final exit from Kandy on June 24th after Major Davie had surrendered to the enemy (Methley I9I9, I2o). Among those who were butchered by the Kandyans on the banks of the Mahaveli river at Watapuluwa were also a number of Malays who had refused to desert (Methley, op. cit., I21).

The desertions by the 'British Malays' during their stay in Kandy were largely brought about by the 'Kandyan Malays'. On behalf of their King they offered security and protection for their clan trapped in Kandy. The Kandyan King offered high rewards to Captain Noordeen or (Nouradin) of the British Malay regiment to come over to his side (Cordiner I8o7, Vol. II, 204). These offers were made through the Commander of the Kandyan Malay army called Sanguylo (or Sangunglo), said to be a half-brother of Captain Noordeen. But Noordeen was a highly-principled man and a brave officer who immediately brought these overtures to the notice of his Commander and did all in his power to prevent desertions (Cordiner 1807, Vol. II, 204).

Governor North 6g

The Malay soldiers of the Kandyan King had proved themselves as a great source of strength to the Sinhalese during this war. It was they who led the Kandyan attack of 24th June on the King's palace where the British garrison was stationed, and forced Commander Davie to surrender to the Kandyans and evacuate that post (Methley I918, 119). However, the Kandyan Malay leader Sangunglo, was described as a 'fat and tall Malay prince' by Greeving, (who witnessed this attack) was killed during this attack by Major Davie (Greevings Diary 1919, 168). Who were these Kandyan Malays?.

In the early 19th century British sources they are variously described as the deserters from the Dutch army and runaway slaves who escaped into the Kandyan territories to avoid ill-treatment by the Dutch (Pridham, 1849, 152). At least one earlier instance is recorded where some Malay soldiers had deserted from the Dutch army during their war with Kandy in 176 I OセRN@The reason given was that they were unable to pay back loans taken from their officers. B

It is not unlikely that those same soldiers would have made their way to Kandy and readily found employment. It is also recorded that during

' the Dutch-Kandyan war of I765/66, Baron Van Eck, the Dutch Governor who commanded the army, left behind a large number ofMalay soldiers in Kandy and retreated to Colombo, in the same manner as the British did during their war with Kandy in 1803 (Powell I974, 37). Presumably, a good number of the Malay soldiers who were thus left behind had entered the Kandyan King's service at this time. Apart from the military men, some of the Malay convicts and exiles escaped to Kandy from time to time when faced with harsh treatment at the hands of the Dutch. In ·the last chapter we referred to one Surapati, a Javanese Royal exile, who slipped into Kandy in I 742, after which the Dutch Government tightened security upon other Javanese exiles. The origins of Sangunglo, the Kandyan Malay chief are however not clear. Contemporary British sources refer to him as a Malay Prince (Greevings Diary, 168), and Cordiner specifically refers to him as a brother of Captain Nouradeen of the British Malay Regiment (Cordiner 1807, 204). The latter was a son of Batara Gowa Amas Madina II, the deposed king of Goa, from Southern Celebes, who was exiled to Sri Lanka in I 767 by the Dutch Government. He had 5 sons and 3 daughters living in the island. Besides Noordeen, another of his sons called Cranine (Karaeng a title borne by Makassarese nobility) Sapinine was also in the British service. It seems likely that 'Captain Usop Goa' (Yusuf?) who is said to have died in South India during the Polygar-wars, was the eldest son of the exiled king ofGoa.60 It is quite possible that Sangunglo was also one of his sons, who escaped from Dutch custody and accepted employment under the Kandyan King.

Regardless of their status, almost all the male members of the Kandyan Malay community seem to have been absorbed into the army of the

Governor North

Kandyan king. Their importance grew when the Nayakkar kings of Kandy,S 1 especially the last king, Sri Wikrema Rajasinghe (I 798-r 81 5), looked for foreigners to serve as guards to protect him against the intrigues of the Sinhalese nobility. The chief of the Malays, who was given the title Muhandiram62 by the king, appears to have also acted as one of the personal bodyguards of the king. 63 The Kandyan King also employed Malay soldiers as palace guards (Jonville I948, I8).

These Malay soldiers were paid in cash, while their counterparts, the Malabaris (or the South Indian soldiers) received grants of land for their sustenance. Peiris says that this stipendiary class of soldiers (Sinhalese: Padikara Peruwa) to which the Malays belonged, was instituted during the reign of the Nayakkar King Kirthi Sri Rajasinghe (I747·I782).64 It then consisted of 4 companies of2I men each (Pieres I956, I03). His successor Rajadhi Rajasinghe (I 782-I 798) increased it to 7 companies, each having 32 men, and later increased to 50. The last King Sri Wikrema Rajasinghe raised its strength to 22 companies with 32 men each. The total number of Malays at this time would probably be between 200 and 300 or nearly half the .strength of the King's paid soldiers; the others being mostly Kaffir soldiers. 6 5

The Kandyan Malays normally resided in the Katukelle area which was one of the Southern Kadawata, or passes into the Kandyan city proper. The Malay quarters were situated about one mile from the King's Palace. During the Embassy of MacDowall to Kandy in I8oo, Jonville, the interpreter who accompanied this mission, says that they passed this area before reaching the King's palace. According to his description, the Malays were living in "little houses, very low, built of mud, each with a very narrow door and a window six inches square" (Jonville I948, I 7).

Jonville also gives an interesting account of the Kandyan Malay soldiers, whom he saw guarding the King's palace:

They are armed with guns of European make and ridiculously clad in the rags of the deserters

or prisoners, taken since time immemorial from the Hollanders troops. Some newly dressed

for the ceremony of the embassy had been clothed in red. They had also been given hats, some

with four points and some with three, and several with none at all, but all were adorned with

some fragments of imitation gold braid. The Colonel of the Corps was the most striking

spectacle. His uniform was a long coat of qfalfalalas, and long trouser the whole enriched with

imitation gold braid four inches wide. (Jonville 1948, 18)

When MacDowall's embassy visited Kandy, it is said that the Kandyans took the greatest precautions to prevent any meeting between their own Malay and Malabari troops and those in the British service. However Pridham mentions that several Malays in the King's service found an opportunity to meet their counterparts and expressed their sorrow at not being able to return to Colombo with their old companions (Pridham I849, I52). He further states:

Governor North

They would have returned to their former master and submitted to any. punishment ヲッセ@ their

desertion rather than live as they did in continual fear from the capnce of a ,despotic and

barbarous court.

It must be stressed that no other evidence exists to corroborate Pridham's story. It is only natural that because of the common ties, Malays of ッセーッウゥエ・@amps would have been eager to see each other and exchange greetmgs. It

セ@ difficult to accept that the Kandyan Malays expressed their frustration セカ・イ@ their status and situation in Kandy. There is no evidence to show t?at the Kandyan King ill-treated his Malay subjects, or エセ。エ@ any Malay soldier, until this time, crossed into British territory. Anyhow, It would be hazardous on his part to ill-treat or hold in fear these M.alay ウッャセゥ・イウ@ .and, at the same time, to expect protection from them, ー。イエエ」オャ。セャケ@ m. view of the grave situation that was developing in his kingdom at this penod as a result of the intrigues and plots of the Sinhalese noblemen.

After the 18o3 war, the attitude of the Kandyan Malays towards the King must have changed a great deal. Subsequently, their leader became an antagonist of the Kandyan monarch and sided with his opponents, 。セ@action which almost cost the King's life. What could have caused this change? Perhaps they too began to resent the change in the attitude of the King, Sri Wikrema Rajasinghe, who after the I 8og war began to adopt an unusually tough line towards his adversaries at court and ウオウー・」セ・、@ everyone of plotting against him. However, セィ・イ・@ ュ。セ@ be ウッセセ@ connectton between the Malays turning away from him and hts mahcious treatment of the

Noordeen brothers. On the day the British soldiers were massacred by the Kandyan エセッッーウL@

Noordeen and his brother Karaeng Sapinine were ordered to be earned to the King's presence (Cordiner, op. cit, 2 I 7) so that they might be induced to become the leaders of his Malay subjects and to fight for him. As they came into the royal presence, they declined to prostrate themselves in セィ・@customary manner, but ゥョウセ・。、@ saluted the King respectfully, excusmg themselves from performing the more formal abasement on the grounds of their royal status, their grandfather having been an independent ruler. Their temerity did not anger the King, who repeated his offer to the brothers to become 'princes' over the Malays residing in his kingdom. Both 「イセエィ・イウ@refused the offer, explaining that they had taken an oath to the セュァ@ of England and that acceptance of this offer '":ould be エイセ。」_・イケLN@ saymg that they would live and die in their master's ウ・イG_」セN@ T.he Kmg iュセョウッョ・、@ them and 3 weeks later, again requested them to JOlll him, but イセ」・ゥカ・、@ the same reply once more. Following this, the King became very 。セァイケ@ and ッイ、・イセ、@them to be executed. Their bodies were denied decent bunals and were said to have been thrown into the jungle to be devoured by wild beasts-an action that would have horrified and greatly offended his Malay-Muslim subjects

(Cordiner, op. cit, 2I8).

72 Governor .North

This type of malicious treatment meted out by Sri Wikrema Rajasinghe to the respected Malay leaders, albeit on the side of the enemy, naturally created animosity and consternation among these Malays. As a result, they prepared themselves to take their revenge when the opportunity arose.

On the British side, the Governor had become fully aware of the circumstances under which the Malay soldiers had defected to the enemy. Earlier, in the correspondence of Major Davie (written during the final stages of the battle) the blame for the defeat of the British was entirely put on エセ・@ Malays. Some Malays who had managed to escape from Kandy, convmced the Governor that their colleagues did not desert maliciously and wholesale, and that they still remained loyal to the British government. Meanwhile the Malay exiles living in Colombo had rushed to meet the Governor to express their regrets and indignation over the behaviour of their own people and assured their 'invariable attachment to the British government. 66 Eventually Governor North wrote as follows correcting his earlier opinion about t}.le Malays.

Under the oppression of so dreadful a misfortune it is satisfactory to me to state that the opinion

formed of a [ ........ } of defection in H.M's Malay Regiment is perfectly ungrounded. Many

individuals of that Corps had indeed deserted from Candy, but the great majority of them

including all officers of influence and respectability were staunch to the end. Those who, after

the English were separated from them, were forced into the Candyan service are certainly blameable. • 7

Above all the martyrdom of the Noordeen brothers must have further impressed North.68 He not only exonerated the Malays, but even took personal care to assist the women and children of the Malay soldiers who were either dead or missing after the war. In November I803 a special 'Malay Committee' was set up to look into the grievances of the Malay families and offer redress to them. 69 In addition, he arranged to pay arrears for the soldiers who returned from Kandy after their alleged desertion.

After I8o3, an urgent need arose to rebuild the Malay regiment which had been reduced to only about 6oo men, almost half of its full establishment. North therefore stepped up his efforts to find more recruits, despatching Lieutenant Rofsi to the East to carry out this mission. Thus, despite the brief and temporary disenchantment felt by North towards the Malays, he continued his efforts to strengthen the Malay regiment until his departure from the island in the latter part of I8os.

North's policy of consolidating the status of the Malays of Sri Lanka as a permanent military class had important consequences for the whole community. In this respect, North's administration went a step further than the previous Dutch rulers who first introduced them to the island. It is true that even in the Dutch period, a considerable number of Malays were

Governor .North 73

engaged in military service, although towards the close of the Dutch period the proportion of Malays in the non-military sector had recorded an increase. In fact, of the I,4oo soldiers enumerated in colonel Stuart's despatch, only about 900 were in permanent military service, and the others were 'civilians' recruited to serve in the militia units. This occurred when the Dutch, threatened by the Napoleonic wars, made preparations to defend their possessions in the East. In Ceylon too, the Dutch authorities took precautions to strengthen their garrisons. Thus many civilians, mostly from the Malay community, were mustered to defend the main Dutch fortresses in Colombo, Trincomalee and Galle. When the British succeeded in capturing these forts, these Malay militia men were taken as prisoners-of-war and sent to Madras.

What happened under North's government was that almost all those Malay prisoners-of-war were recruited as regular soldiers in the newly-formed Malay Regiment regardless of their past status, i.e. soldiers or civilians. In addition, his proclamation of I 3th March I 799, asking all the Malay inhabitants in the British provinces to appear before their respective Commandants of the districts, helped the government to recruit all the able-bodied men among them for military service. Furthermore, whenever the Governor came to know ofMalays who had still not enrolled, he instructed his officials to recruit them. 70 In addition to all these measures, as we have seen before, even young boys were recruited through the Boys' establishment. All this meant that the so-called Free Malay population, which increased in the island at the end of Dutch rule, was greatly reduced.

In working out the new ratio thus established between Malay soldiers and civilians, it seems likely that after North became Governor, more than 75% of the local working Malay population had accepted military service as a regular occupation. An important section of the civilian Malay population at this time was of course, the Malay political prisoners and their families living as exiles in the island. Accepting military duty on a permanent basis under the new Government provided security of employment and income for many civilians whose sources oflivelihood had been restricted during the Dutch period. Under North's scheme of recruitment, the new entrants to the army were paid bounty money, a relatively big sum at the time. 7 1

The formation of the Malay Regiment also had a lot to do with the cultural and ethnic survival of the Sri Lankan Malay community. The Regiment served in many ways as a principal medium through which the community could maintain contacts with the centres of Malay civilization in the East to be detailed later. It is suffice however to point out that North's policy of recruitment, gave a new lease of life to the tiny community by the induction of Malays from the Peninsula.

74 Governor North

Notes

1/ S.L.N.A., 7/2343, Terms of the Capitulation of Colombo 1796, Article No. 12.

2/ Ibid.

3/ S.L.N.A., 7/22, North's Mily. Diary, Raden Dakshina to MaJor General Wemyss, 26th June I 8os. The idea to make use ofDakshina seems to have originated from Hugh Cleghom (1927, p. 225). He also master minded the defection of the De Meuron Regiment to the British from the Dutch side on the eve of the British attack upon Colombo in 1796. See also Mendis (1971, 163).

4/ C.O., 55/I, Stuart to Hobart, 1st April1796.

5/ S.L.N.A., 55/I, North to the Court of Directors, 26th February 1799.

6/ Frederick North, who had been appointed by the British Crown, arrived on the island on 12th October 1798.

7/ North to Mornington, 22ndJanuary 1799: Extracts from the 'Wellesley Mss', CLR, Vol. II, 188, p. 245.

8/ This is better understood in the background of the tussle between the new Governor and the Madras Presidency at this time, for the Madras Government resented the loss of patronage which it suffered from the abolition of its control in the island. Sec Mills (1933), Chap. iv, for a brief account of this conflict.

9/ S.L.N.A., 5/1, North to Court of Directors, 26th January 1799·

10/ North to Mornington, 22ndJanuary 1799, CLR, Vol. II, 1888, p. 245·

11/ Colonel James Welsh, who was on the island at the time has left a vivid description of the incident. Welsh (1830, g6-4o) "Van Schooler, the Chief Dutch Administrator ofMatara before the arrival of the British, was known to be a cruel and unkind master. Among many acts of oppression attributed to him, he was accused of having ordered an aged Malay domestic to be tied and flogged to death. The servant decided to avenge his father's death. Van Schooler was murdered in his bedroom and his wife received fatal injuries at the hands of the avenger."

HI/ Colonel Welsh remarked that "the extinction of the Dutch power in Ceylon and perhaps a very erroneous notion of our criminal jurisdiction induced the Malays to consider this as a favourable opportunity for carrying into effect their summary application of the Lex Talionis." Ibid.

13/ S.L.N.A., 7/I, North's Mily. Diary, 8th April 1799.

14/ S.L.N.A., 7/HI2, Govt. Proclamation given at the Castle of Colombo, 13th March 1799.

15/ S.L.N.A., 7/I, North's Mily. diary, Instructions to Commandants and collectors, 14th March 1799. In fact a similar proclamation had been issued earlier by Colonel Stuart on 4th August 1 796 asking the European inhabitants of the British provinces to register themselves. C.O., 55/1, Proclamation by Major General Stuart, 4th August 1796.

16/ S.L.N.A., 5/1, North to Court of Directors, 26th February 1799·

17/ S.L.N.A., 5/I, North to Court of Directors, gothJanuary, 18oo.

18/ S.L.N.A., 7/16, North's Mily. Diary, MacDowell to North, 18th May, 18oo.

19/ S.L.N.A., 5/I North to Court of Directors, 3oth January 18oo.

20/ ColonelJames Welsh says that 150 Malays under Captain Whitlie, arrived at Panjalam Courchy on 21st May 18oo. Welsh 18go, Vol. I, p. 74·

Governor North 75

:Zl/ S.L.N.A., 5/1, North to Hobart, 15th December I80I.

/ H hart the Secretary of State for colonies wrote to North セ R@ Gセエィ。エG@ the establishment of the Malay Corps, and the rigorous yet lenie?t measures

do ted by your proclamation in reclaiming that body of men from barbansm, to good セイ、セイ@ and discipline meet with my decided approbation", S.L.N.A., 4/10, 13th March

ISO!.

I H. M · sty's Malay Corps was to consist of 10 Captains, 10 2nd Lieutenants, 50 23 IS aje r Ad' Sergeants, 50 Corporals, 110 dイオュュセイウL@ 996 Privates, So boys, 10 Pucka 1es, I JUtant, I

Surgeon, 1 Conacopoly, 1 Drum ュ。セッイN@And the European officer ranks consisted of:

1 Colonel Commandant, 1 Lieutenant Colonel,

1 Major, 3 Captains, 10 1st lieutenants, I Surgeon,

1 Asst. Surgeon, 1 Adjutant, 1 Quarter Master,

1 Sergeant Major, 1 Quarter Master General. . S.L.N.A., 7/18, North's Mily diary, North to General Lake, 6th September 1802.

24:/ Ceylon Government Gazette, 31st May 1802.

25/ Ceylon Government Gazette, 9th June 1802. CJTylden (1952).

26/ Even before the end of North's period of administration in 1805: it appears that the Sinhalese Regiment was decimated. Thus Cordiner 1807, PP· 92_193 wntes: .

"A Life of military discipline proved in the highest degree 1rks?me and オョ」ッョァセュ。ャ@ to their habits. They deserted in great numbers, and examples m tended to. temfy only stimulated those who remained to abandon their services. At length a ウオヲヲゥ」セ・ョエ@ number of recruits was obtained from the Coast ofCoromondel, and the cセイーウ@ ofSmhalese キセ@disbanded. In those regiments which are now called Ceylon Native Infantry, there IS

scarcely to be found a native of the island."

27/ Caffer: or Kaffir or Caffre. is (Arabic Kafir ·an infidel and unbeliever in iセャ。ュI@ applied

by the Arabs also to pagan Negroes, and later popularised by the Portuguese m that sense.

28/ S.L.N.A., 7/15, North's Mily. Diary, 11th October 1799·

29/ S.L.N., 5/2, North to Hobart, 24th November, 1802.

go/ Ceylon Government Gazelle, 11th November, 180?..

gi/ S.L.N.A., 7/I9, North's Mily. Diary, Pendergaast to Chief Secretary, 1st September

1802.

32/ In the contemporary records, S.L.N.A., 7/?.o, North's Mily. Diary 4th March 18og, セィ・ケ@are referred tod as the Malay prisoners-of-war of the Dutch government セィ、ッ@ イ・セ・Qセ・、@allowances from the British government. As there were no other Malays who fit this escnptlon who lived in Colombo, these Malay prisoners-of-war could be none other than the Malay

political exiles banished by the Dutch.

gg/ The British officials at home had gained an erroneous impression that the Boys 」ッュセ。ョケ@of the Malay Regiment was originally composed of orphans, :-"ho were forced to be ウオウエセュセ、@by the military officials of the island in this manner when their fathers had gone for service m the Coast (probably referring to the Malays who fought in the Po[ygarWars in 18oo). S.L.N:A., 4:/22, Enclosures in Glenely to Horton, No. 88, 18th s・ーエセュ「・イ@ QXセVN@ In fact North recrUited as many Malay boys as possible without regard to. their NウエセエオウL@ I.e. orphaned or not. See S.L.N.A., 7/I, North's Mily. Diary, North to Captam Whithe, 2oth May 1800.

34:/ S.L.N.A., 5/2, North to Hobart, 10th September 1802.

351 S.L.N.A., 7/21, North's Mily. Diary, North to Rofsi, 28th January 18os.

g6/ S.L.N.A., 5/1, North to Hobart, 15th December I80I.

J6 Governor North

37/ Tangalle is situated in the southern coast of Sri Lanka about 26 miles north of Hambantota.

38/ S.L.N.A., 5/I, North to Hobart, 1oth September 1802.

39/ S.L.N.A., 7/18, North's Mily. Diary, MacDowall to North, 10th February 1802.

40/ They were, originally in the employ of the Dutch Government, but had later defected to the Cochin Raja. Even in Sri Lanka, a considerable number of Malays from the Dutch service had gone over to the army of the local Kandyan King.

41/ S.L.N.A., 7/t6, North's Mily. Diary, 26th March t8ot.

42/ Following is the nominal return of 10 Malays giving their name, birth place and origins, who volunteered to go to Sri Lanka with their families in early t8ot, during Rambelan's mission: i Manong - Ceylon, ii. Soorah - Ceylon, iii. Midcen - Batavia, iv. Sealan-Ceylon, v. Tilees Pinang-Siah?, vi. Ismet-Ceylon, vii. Atook -Jakarta, viii. Sukoor - Batavia, ix. Karzem - Ceylon, x. Mideen - Cochin. 5 out of 10 persons shown above originated from Ceylon. This is not surprising as troops were regularly transferred from one Dutch colony to another. Ibid.

43/ S.L.N.A., 7/21, North's Mily. Diary, 16th February 1804,

44/ S.L.N.A., 1/21, North's Mily, Diary, 16th February 1804.

45/ S.L.N.A., 5/I, North to Hobart, 15th December t8ot.

46/ Dagh Register, 3oth August 1782.

4 7/ The purpose of bringing Malays into the island was stated as follows by North in his letter to Sir George Keith, the Lieutenant Governor of the Prince of Wales Island "I have instructed Captain Ryan under your permission to hold out ample encouragement to all Malay families who may be willing to come over to this island where they will find abundance of fertile land to cultivate and where such of their male children as capable of military service will be taken on the establishment at 8 years of age and continue to enjoy as a sufficient provision from to the end of their lives." S.L.N.A., 7/18, North's Mily. Diary, 28th May 18o2.

48/ It was translated into Malay and distributed in Penang, and the adjoining areas as well as in the Eastern islands, when the final recruiting mission under Lieutenant RofSi was despatched by Governor North, Ibid.

49/ S.L.N.A., 7/22, North's Mily. Diary, RofSi to C.S., tgth April 18o5.

so/ North was prepared to take about 13 to 14 hundred men with an adequate proportion of commissioned and non-commissioned officers. S.l.N.A., 7/t8, North's Mily. Diary, North to Clive, tgth March 1802.

51/ See Parkinson (1954), pp. 94-g6. The British military fleet in the Eastern seas operated at this time from Madras under Admiral Rainier, and as such the Madras Government had appointed a Resident in Amboina until these islands were handed over to the Dutch after the treaty of Amiens in 18o2.

52/ S.L.N.A., 7/16, North's Mily. Diary, Clive to North, 1 Ith May 18oo.

53/ S.L.N.A., 7/t8, North's Mily. Diary, North to Clive, tgth March 1802.

54/ S.L.N.A., 7/20, North's Mily. Diary, Captain Ryan to C.S., 27th May 18o3. Ryan says in this letter that Major Weber, the British Commanding Officer in Ternate threatened the local soldiers that they would be discharged if they were not prepared to transfer themselves to the Ceylon Regiment

Governor North

55/ S.L.N.A., 7/431 North's Mily. Diary, North to Clive tstJuly 18o3

56/ S.l.N.A., 7/431 North's Mily. Diary, North to Rainier, :md July 1803

57/ S.l.N.A., 7/43, North's Mily. Diary, North to Clive, tstJuly 18o3

77

s8/ On April ut 1803, when Major General MacDowallleft for Colombo taking with him a large part of the British army which originally entered Kandy victoriously on 22nd February, there were left 700 Malays, 300 Europeans and some East India Company's artillerymen to garrison Kandy. Cordiner (1807, Vol. 11, 197).

59/ S.L.N.A., 1/4865, Minutes of the Secret War Committee, 11th august 1764.

6o/ S.L.N.A., 7/16, North's Mily. Diary, MacDowall to North 18th May 18oo.

61/ For origins ofNayakkar kings, see Dewaraja (1972).

62/ Muhandiram is a title of honour applied to the chieftains who held officer of various ranks.

63/ S.L.N.A., 5/5, Wilson to Liverpool, 2gth September 1811. Refers to Captain Assana (the Kandyan Malay Muhandiram who escaped to British territory in t8tt) as the bodyguard of the Kandyan King.

64/ Pieris (1956, 103) It is quite possible that a considerable number of the Malay soldiers were captured during the 1766 Dutch-Kandyan war.

65/ The Kaffir soldiers were in the employ of the Kandyan Kings long before the Malays. See Robert Knox ( 1958, 56) refers to the Kaffirs employed by the Kandyans as soldiers in 1681. Most of them seem to have deserted from the Portuguese army before 1656

66/ S.L.N.A., 7/43, North's Mily. Diary, North to Hobart, gthJuly 1803.

67/ Ibid. Governor North wrote this letter to Clive three weeks after ascribing the fall of Kandy (in June) to the desertion of Malays.

68/ Noordeen's mother, the widow of the exiled King ofGowa submitted a long list of debts to be reimbursed by the British in 1803, of which Governor North allowed only that amount which the former stated to have incurred on behalf of the Noordeen brothers. The Governor allowed this because of the special regard and respect to these brothers. S.L.N.A., 7/20, North's Mily. Diary, North to the Malay Committee, 26th September 1803.

6gf The Committee was set up on 2oth September 18o3, and its members were W. Boyd,J. Wilson and Captain W. Pollock, Ibid.

70/ S.L.N.A., 7/16, North's Mily. Diary, North to MacDowall, 24th May t8oo At this time there were still many Malays in Trincomalee who had not enlisted themselves in the army, and North asked MacDowall to send an European Officer urgently to make them join the regiment as "increase of the Malay Corps was an object of the greatest importance."

71/ The bounty money for the Malay recruits was 50 Rix Dollars in 18o5. S.L.N.A., 7/22, North's Mily. Diary, 23rd January 1805. Normally every foreign recruit was paid this sum in addition to the bounty monies paid to his wife and male children.

CHAPTER 5

Formation of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment 18o5 - 1827

In 1805 when Governor Frederic North left the island, it seemed that there was to be a serious reversal in the official British policy of preferring Malays as soldiers in the native military service. North's successor, Thomas Maitland, had imbibed a strong .anti-Malay feeling due mainly to the alleged desertions by Malay troops during 1803 British-Kandyan war. He resented the fact that these 'deserters' when returned to the British garrison were re-employed as soldiers with full arrears of pay due from the time they had joined the enemy.1

At first the new Governor was intent upon totally abolishing the Malay Regiment which his predecessor had so assiduously built up. 2 Maitland condemned this regiment "as not only useless but extremely dangerous". 3

To some extent, the British Home authorities also concurred with his opinion, and Camden, the Secretary of State wrote:

" ... it is a very dangerous experiment to increase it (The Malay Corps) considerably in its

numbers or to rely on it as an important arm of our colonial establishment."•

Nonetheless, Maitland never succeeded in getting rid of the Malay Corps. Discharging the Malay soldiers was a far more difficult task than he had originally imagined. The Malay Regiment had not only become an integral part of the British native army, but had also firmly established itself as a large family unit of Malays bound by strong kinship ties. The great majority of the local Malays had come to depend upon the regiment as the only source of their livelihood. Unless other forms of employment acceptable to the Malays were found, disbandment of the regiment was bound to entail enormous hardship to the entire community. Besides, such a move was also fraught with danger as trained Malay troops were eagerly sought after by the Kandyan King and would thus have posed a security threat to the British government in the maritime provinces as the Governor himself was well aware. It must also be noted here that he could not even carry out his wish to put an end to the small establishment of invalid Malay corps which he described as "extremely expensive and unserviceable" because:

They are all connected with the men of the Malay Regiment, who are generally their relations.

I could not carry this into effect without creating disgust, dissatisfaction and desertions in the

Malay Corps. •

The Cry/on Rifle Regiment 79

Thus the Malay regiment was able to survive the period of Maitland's Governorship, although no positive steps seemed to have been taken by him to strengthen it. In June 1808, an order was received from England to add two more companies to each of the three native battalions6 including the Malay Corps which consisted of 10 companies at this time. It is doubtful that there was an actual increase in the number ofMalay soldiers in response to this order, for Maitland who had succeeded in raising the number of 'Kaffir' soldiers to Boo in 18o8, 7 pointed out that the average strength of the Malay soldiers would be only about 6oo men for some time to come. Naturally when Maitland left the island in 1811 it was reported that "the Malay Regiment had fallen far below its establishment."8

Although Governor Maitland failed to abolish the Malay Regiment during his rule, he still managed in 1808 to evict an important section of the Malay community from the island. This was the group of Malay political exiles left behind by the previous Dutch government. Like the Dutch civil and military servants who were taken as prisoners-of-war, and paid monthly subsistence since the British take over of maritime Sri Lanka in 1796, these Malay exiles also received living allowances from the British government which were to continue so long as they remained on the island. 9 Governor North does not seem to have taken any action to remove these Malay political prisoners, even after the Dutch possessions in the island were permanently ceded to the British in 1802 after the treaty of Amiens. He apparently did not mind the governmental expenses involved in maintaining them, because under his Malay colonization policy in Sri Lanka, these exiles were to play an important role. Their stay in the island not only added to the number of the small population of the local Malay community, but .their presence among the community also lent a certain amount of cohesion, reflected glory and guidance to its members. We have already seen how Governor North sent some of these Malay political exiles to strengthen the newly formed Malay colony in remote Hambantota situated in the Southern littoral of the island. Above all a number of these Malay noble exiles were holding ranks in the Malay Regiment during North's government. 10

Maitland of course, had little sympathy for any class of Malays. He was only too glad to get rid of the exiled Malay nobility if this could be carried out without any trouble. He described these exiles as "a great pecuniary burden to the colonial revenue" and also as a danger to the British interests in the island. Maitland had been angered by the Dutch government in Batavia which had ignored repeated requests by him to remove the Malay exiles from their former colony of Sri Lanka.1 1 When his patience ran out he delivered an ultimatum to the Dutch, that unless they were prepared to take away their Malay political prisoners from Sri Lanka, he would "send them in one of his Majesty's cruises to the Eastward to be landed among these islands." 1 2 Only then did the Dutch respond.

8o The Ceylon Rifle Regiment

At last in early 1 セッXL@ the Malay princes, nobles and their families as well as their followers were removed from the island and sent to Java. The departure of these Malay noble families from Sri Lanka meant that the island's Malay community had now lost its 'cream'. Also, one definite outcome of the eviction of these exiles was a sizeable reduction in the Malay population of the island, because along with the departed princes and nobles 'a large body of Malays had left the island'.13 As a result sufficient new recruits for the Malay Regiment could not be found, leaving it with half of its approved cadre in 1 8o8. 14

Did any members of the families ofMalay political exiles stay behind in Sri Lanka after r8o8? A number of prominent Malay families in Sri Lanka continue, even now to claim that they are the descendants of Indonesian 'kings' and princes who lived as exiles in the island.1 5 Such claims of their aristocratic or 'princely' ancestry cannot be ruled out altogether, though many of such claims cannot be proved in the absence of reliable documentary evidence.

It appears that those exiles and their families who lived upon the dole provided by the British government were all required to return to the Indies, while some of their family members who earned their own living remained on the island after r8o8. For example, we have the case of Muhammad Balankaya who belonged to the house of Sultan Batara Gowa Amas Madina 11, the King of Gowa who was exiled to Sri Lanka in 1767. Muhammad Balankaya was said to be the son of'Hooloo Balankaya', the Minister to the above mentioned Sultan, who was also exiled to the island (Jayah 1967, 8). Probably Si thy Habiba, whom the King of Gowa married while being an exile in Sri Lanka was the daughter of this minister because Muhammad Balankaya was said to be a brother of Sithy Habiba. Muhammad Balankaya married a local Moor woman by the name ofUmoo Kathija who was the sister of Othman Lebbe 'Mesthriyar', who was the father of Mudaliyar Cassie Lebbe, a well known Moor gentleman of Kandy in Sri Lanka (Jayah 1967, 8). According to information given by Nuhman, Balankaya who designed and built the Grand Mosque of Colombo was complimented for its design by Sir Edward ,Barnes, the British governor (r824·1831) when he visited the mosque in 1826 (Nuhman 1959, 7). Most probably, the local Moor family with which Balankaya was connected by marriage, had specialised in the profession of building and construction. Thereby he learnt his trade of building. This is confirmed by the title of 'Mesthriyar16 borne by his brother in law. Muhammad Balankaya had 9 children. 1 7

The case ofMuhammad Balankaya demonstrates that some members of the exiled Malayfindonesian aristrocacy did indeed stay behind after 1808, and some of their descendants inter married with the local Malay population and were permanently domiciled here.

The Ceylon Rifle Regiment 81

Returning to the Malay Regiment, we have seen how it had fallen far below its establishment at the end of Maitland's period of Governorship. In r8I I, the acting Lieutenant Governor Wilson reported that he was able to recruit I 50 young Malays who had volunteered their services.1 8 It is interesting to note that such a large number of Malays were willing to join the regiment at this time. One possible explanation is that Maitland never bothered to recruit them during his regime.

It was, however, when Lieutenant General Robert Brownrigg became the Governor in 1812, that the Malay Regiment received its greatest boost. At this stage there existed four native regiments, called the rst, 2nd, grd, and 4tl;l. Ceylon Regiments respectively.19 The 1st Ceylon Regiment, as we know, was also known as the Malay regiment and composed only ofMalays. The 2nd regiment consisted of Sepoys from South India and the grd was made up of Kaffirs, and in the 4th regiment there was also a company of Malays serving along with the Kaffirs. After r8rg, this Malay Company was transferred to the rst Ceylon Regiment, following a serious scuffle between these two parties.

Like Governor North, Brownrigg had a very high regard for Malays as soldiers, and took firm steps to fill the vacancies in the rst Ceylon regiment. The population of the local Malay community was too small to yield sufficient number of recruits to the regiment at this time. Consequently, like his predecessor North, he resorted to foreign recruitment of soldiers, this time from Java, which had been under British occupation since 1811. He communicated with Lieutenant Governor Raffles to carry out his aim2o and sent Captain de Bussche to enlist soldiers. Despite reservations shown by Raffles in sending Javanese soldiers to serve in Sri Lanka, de Bussche's mission was a success as 4 1 2 soldiers came to join the Mala y Regiment from the port of Surabaya in Java. 21 These soldiers are said to have been accompanied by 214 Indonesian women as well as 208 children to settle in Sri Lanka.

Most of the recruits who arrived in 1813 were Madurese men from the island ofMadura which lies in the north, adjacent to the island ofJava. The lieutenant Governor of Java, Raffles on receiving Brownrigg's request for soldiers was at first reluctant to send men from the island of Java itself, because in the first place he had observed that "the habits and prejudices of the Javanese character do not include them to military service on this island and much less to embark on a foreign service." He also said that "the Javanese were needed more for agricultural pursuits than for becoming soldiers." However, Raffles contacted the Sultan of Madura, introduced Captain de Bussche from Ceylon, and requested the Sultan to provide men for the Ceylon Malay Regiment, and Brownrigg mentioned that the 'fine young men' came from "the Malay settlements in the island of Java and its neighbourhood."22 Jayah mentions that these recruits came from

82 The Ceylon Rifle Regiment

Surabaya, 23 which is even now, the closest port of embarkation for Madurese sailing overseas.

The arrival in Sri Lanka of such a relatively large number of people from the Eastern Archipelago in I 81 3 certainly infused new blood and greatly strengthened the much reduced Malay population in the island following their mass exodus in I8o8.24

During the British-Kandyan war of 181525, the Malay soldiers, expecially the I8I3 recruits fought so well for the British that they "earned the unqualified approbation of the Commander of the Forces, General Brownrigg who over and over again in General Orders commended them for gallantry, loyalty, spirit and patient endurance offatigue and privation" (Cowen I86o, 334). Indeed the capture of Sri Wikrama Rajasinghe, the Kandyan king was carried out by Malays, under the command of Lieutenant Mylius assisted by some Kandyan Sinhalese friendly with the British side (/bit!). The I8I5 war was won by the British, and as a result, Sinhalese rule, which lasted for 2400 years came to an end followed by the British take over of the whole island.

What was the fate of the Kandyan Malays after the British victory of I8I5? Following the gruesome execution of the Noordeen brothers in Kandy in I 8o3, there seems to have been much disgust and dissatisfaction among the 200 or 300 Malay subjects serving the Kandyan Monarch. Their new leader called 'Assana Kapitan', who was appointed as the Java Muhandiram or their chief after the death of Sangunglo became involved in a plot to overthrow the Kandyan king, and when it was exposed fled to British territory in I8I I with about sixty ofhis followers.26 The British made good use of him to obtain information about the internal situation in Kandy and he was despatched inland to spy for them and at one time he was being used on a daring mission to rescue major Davie (who had been held captive in Kandy since I803).27 When the Kandyan King came to know about Assana's presence in his territory, he summoned the new Kandyan Malay ChiefKuppen and gave a stern warning.28 The Malays who had relatives in Colombo were separated from their fellows of whom I 4 were expelled from Kandy including Assana's Brother Tamby and his mother (D'Oyly's Diary, I77).

The Malay soldiers in Kandy were being trained in preparation for an impending war with the British (D'Oyly's Diary, 50). They were also required to perform certain compulsory civil duties such as building dams and cultivating land, in accordance with the local custom. The Malays seemed to have not liked these compuL<;ory services, and when they were engaged with the Moors and the Sinhalese in building a dam at Gonawatte (a hamlet situated about 4 miles from Kandy) in 1813, five of them deserted to the British (D'Oyly's Diary, 176). As a result of this incident, the remaining Malays were recalled from the project and freed from all other duties and allowed to reside at the quarters in Katukelle. This shows the

The Ceylon Rifle Regiment

anxiety of the Kandyan monarch to placate his Malay subjects. He even exercised clemancy to the 5 deserters by allowing them to leave for the British occupied areas.

When war broke out between the British and the Kandyans in I 8 I 5, the loyalty of the Kandyan Malays was divided. Indeed the King had become

50 unpopular not anly among his Malay subjects but also among all other people. The Kandyan Malays helped the invading army by showing them the paths and routes to the inland areas in Kandy with which they were very familiar.

The fate of the Kandyan Malays after the war is not certain. Possibly the British would have been eager to.obtain some potential Malay recruits from among them. It may be that some of them would have chosen to live in Kandy having sought other forms of employment. Their former leader Assana 'Kapitan' became disenchanted with the British after the war and began fomenting rebellion by joining anti-British elements in Kandy. When this came to the notice of the British he was soon taken into custody and was deported to Batavia in I816.29

In I816, a further batch of about 228javanese soldiers accompanied by their women and children were brought to the island from the Javanese areas of Semarang and Gresik, 30 a further boost to the population of the local Malay community. The quality of these and the previous batch of Madurese soldiers of 1813, was said to be far higher than some of the later recruits who came from Peninsular Malaya.

The 1816 was the last occasion when recruitment was made directly from the Indonesian Archipelago for service in Sri Lanka. Thereafter the British authorities made several attempts to obtain Malay recruits from there but without success. The recruitment of these Javanese soldiers was carried out as the Dutch Government was preparing to reoccupy Java after negotiations with the British. The Dutch authorities vehemently objected to the manner in which their colonial subjects were drafted for service with a foreign power and they accused the British of a breach of sovereignty. 31 This they never forgot, and subsequently when requests were made to the Dutch government in Batavia for native soldiers for service in Sri Lanka, they refused to assist the British and gave false excuses. After 18 I 6, the British had to depend only on their Straits Settlements in the Malay Peninsula for recruiting soldiers for service in Sri Lanka. Thus, in 181g, Brownrigg sent a recruiting mission under Lieutenant Colonel Blankenberg who returned with 102 Malay recruits from Penang. 3 2

In the meanwhile, following the success achieved by the British Imperial government in establishing their full control over the whole of Sri Lanka, certain reforms were carried out in regard to the organization and structure of their native military establishment until a final arrangement was reached in 1827 by the·creation of one single native infantry battalion which came to be known as the Ceylon Rifle Regiment.

The Ceylon Rifle Regimmt

Firstly, in 1815 the Fourth Ceylon Regiment which consisted of Kaffir soldiers was incorporated into the Third Ceylon Regiment (Tylden 1952, 1 25). This was followed again by the abolition of the last named Regiment on the orders of the Home Government in 1816,3 3 thus leaving only two battalions of native soldiers. With these changes, the First Ceylon Regiment had consisted of soldiers exclusively from the Malay community, while the Second Ceylon Regiment consisted of both the Sepoys and Kaffir soldiers.

In 1821, orders were sent from the Home Government to dispense with the services of the Second Ceylon Regiment as well. It had been decided to request the colony of Ceylon to undertake to bear the cost of one British Regiment to be stationed locally, and as a result the colony had to maintain the 45th Regiment out of the expenses borne earlier to maintain the Second Ceylon Regiment. 34 This was effected in 1822, but with certain modification from what had been suggested by the Home Government.

The Home government had wanted a total disbandment of the 2nd Ceylon Regiment, and where necessary to retain only two companies of the native soldiers from this to be attached to the 45th Regiment, and that too to perform certain non military duties for which the European soldiers were not found suitable. 3 5 However, Paget, the Governor of Ceylon arranged to expand the 1st Ceylon Regiment by attaching 6 companies of soldiers, three of the Sepoys and three of the Kaffirs, which were put out of service from the disbanded Regiment. 36 Thus the First Ceylon Regiment now came to be composed of three separate groups of natives, each professing a distinct religious creed. The Malays who were the followers oflslam, Sepoys mostly Hindus, although some Muslims from India had also been recruited, and Kaffirs or men of African descent, who most, if not all were Roman Catholics in faith.

The Malay soldiers of the xst Ceylon Regiment is said to have detested this arrangement, for they wished to retain the 'exclusive' character of their Regiment. There had been an incident in 181 3 when there was a serious affray between the Malay soldiers who were attached as one company to the 4th Ceylon Regiment of Kaffirs and other Kaffir soldiers of the same regiment. In this fight, 14 Malay soldiers are said to have received serious injuries which prompted Governor Brownrigg to declare. 3 7

has convinced me that people of habits and dispositions so extremely opposite and entertaining sentiments of hatred and contempat to each other are by no means fit to be permanently incorporated together and upon the wohole I had come to the resolution of proposing as I now beg leave to do that the company ofMalays attached should be separated from the 4th Ceylon Regiment and transferred to the 1st which is entirely composed of Malays.

The later day British Military officers are know to have often heard grumblings from the Malay subordinates that the CRR was no more their Regiment and therefore· they don't encourage their children to become soldiers.

The Ceylon Rifle Regiment Bs

In the reorganised 1st Ceylon Regiment, the Malays were in the majority with to companies of soldiers, a feature maintained till the last days of the

tive regimental establishment. But as we shall see later, the number of セZーッケ@ and Kaffir soldiers decreased later and in the last stages of the Regiment only two companies of Sepoys and one company of Kaffirs remained in service and that too at skeleton level.

The consolidated sixteen companies of the 1st and 2nd C.eylon Regiments were given the title of the Ceylon Regiment in 182738 but m セィ・@same year it was changed to that of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment39 by wh1ch name it was khown until its disbandment.

I. h · f: t · t 4 0 the first In 1820, after six years of service as a 1g t m an ry um , .

C 1 R giment of the Malays had been ordered to be clothed m every ey on e .

11 . h "B B " 4 2

respect like the Rifle Brigade41 but ・セオゥーセ・、@ ウセQ@ w1t rown ess · Only Malay soldiers were provided w1th nfles m 1827 when the Ceylon Regiment came to be known as the Ceylon Rifle r・ァゥセ・ョエN@ The Sepoy soldiers received rifles in the year 1842, and the Kaffirs m 1848.

Despite the change of the name of the regiment, and the exte.rnal fl'ts soldiers other features and conditions of service remamed appearance o ' 'fl

much the same. As far as the Malays were concerned, エセ・@ c・ケャセョ@ R1 e Regiment was but only a different name given to the Ma1ay Reg1ment.

Notes " I hen Maitland generalised on the behaviour of the Malay troops who 1 j See .or examp e, w

deserted during the bイゥエゥセィMk。ョ、ケ。ョ@ w.ar: t nly in the Corps itself but with a large class " ... Treachery and fostenng treason, ... ャセャウ、ョセ@ flo e viz the whole Malays in the island." of people that this line of conduct .as a m uenc S.L.N.A., 5/75> Maitland to Camden, No. 13/28th February 18o6. . .

. h M I R 'ment completely and m !Is place 2/ Maitland wanted to do セキ。ケ@ Wit t e . 。Zケ。ョ、・セ@ fourth Corps which he said "to be proposed to have 3 N_egro イ・ァゥュセョエウ@ o ウセセ]ッZセセ@ :nd even in this last Corps he suggested to kept extremely low, httle more t an a A / Maitland to Camden, 21St February 1805. employ only the Sepoy troops. S.L.N. ., 54,

3/ S.L.N.A., 5/75> Maitland to Camden, 13/18th February 18o6.

4/ S.L.N.A., 4/1, (part 2), Camden to Maitland, Separate/21St February 1805.

5/ S.L.N.A., 5/75• Maitland to Camdcn, 13/28th February 18o6. .

8 8 ted · n History of the Seroues of the 6/ Letter from the Military Secretary, 6th June, I o ' quo I

Ceylon Rifles, ( Ms.) p. 2.

7/ S.L.N.A., 5/81, Enclosed in Maitland to Castlereagh, 20th August J8o8.

8/ S.L.N.A., 5/5, Wilson to Liverpool, 2oth September 1811.

gf S.L.N .A., 7/2343> Article 21 of the Terms ofCapitulation ofColombo, 15th February I セァVN@

S . . nd Captain Usup Goa (sons of the exded wf Captain Noordeen, ?aptain kセイセ・ョァN@ 。ーエセョオセZャ。ケ@ Regiment. Ceylon Government g。セ・エャ・L@king ofGowa) were holdmg Commissions m e No. 45, 12th January 1803.

86 The Ceylon Rifle Regiment

11/ S.L.N.A., 5/4, Maitland to Castlereagh, Enclosed in 28th February 18o8.

12/ Maitland to William Windham, Enclosed. The Dutch representative, Mr. Prodiger who arrived in 1807 in Ceylon to finalise arrangements for the transfer of the Dutch prisoners, said that he had no instruction from the higher authorities regarding the Malay princely exiles. Ibid.

13/ S.L.N.A., 5/81, Maitland to Castlereagh, 2oth August, 18o8.

14/ Ibid. Whereas the Malay Regiment should consist of about 1250 rank and file, only 6oo were in its strength.

15/ Mr. Murad Jayah (197ob), p. 133, claimed that his family descended from Raden Thurtho PerrnaJayah (aide-de camp to the King ofJava) "and one of24 noble men deported by the Dutch to Ceylon in 1747." Another interesting case is that of Mas Ghaise Weerabangsa who claimed that his family descended from Syaikh Yusuf ofMangkasar. Memoirs ofMasJury Weerabangsa (hand-written manuscript). The family ofLatifs who were the traditional Kluitibs of the Wekande Mosque' in Company Street, Colombo claims that their ancestor was Raden Farrnan ofSunan Casar? who was exiled to Ceylon in 1773.

16/ Originally a Portuguese word 'Mestre' meaning supervisor or head of building constructions.

17/ J ayah ( 1967 ,8) gives the following details of the descendants of Muhammad Balankaya; 1. Son, Bakin born on 13.12.1804, who left Ceylon for Madagascar for purpose of trade and

settled there; 2. Daughter Sithy Mariam, born in 18o8 and died in infancy; 3· Son Ounoos, born on 24.05.18o8, who left for Batavia for purpose of trade and settled there; 4· Daughter, Sithy Nooriya, born in 1815, who married Tuan Sabar, (a cousin ofBaba Ounus

Saldin) 5· Daughter, Sithy Habiba, born in 1818, who married regimental 'priest', Baba Abdul

Bahar; 6. Son, Kamaluddeen, born on 18.o8.182o, who accompanied his brother, Ounoos to Batavia

and settled there; 7· Son, Ousman born on 27.01.1823, who died after an accident; 8. Son, Samoon Balankaya, born on 13.11.1825, who married Mas Balkis, daughter of

Captain (of the CRR) Baba Amith Muthalip; 9· Tuan Bagoos Krawan Balankaya, born on 28.o1.1827 "Tuan Bagoos studied Islamic

theology and eventually became an A/im. He was subsequently appointed Khalifa to the disciples ofKottar Sheik. During this period, he performed 'Shilla' (I have not been able to find out the meaning of this word) on three occasions, at a hamlet at Palawa-Thura half mile away from the Kochikade (near Negombo) Railway station. On the death ofKottar Sheik, Tuan Bagoos succeeded him to the 'Sheikship'. On 29th October, at the early age of 35 years, he passed away and was buried at the premises of the (Colombo) Grand mosque. To mark his sainthood, a shrine was built over his grave by his disciples." The source ofJayah's information is not known. Most'probably he owed it to Mohamed Sameer of Colombo 4 who owned an impressive private archival collection of documents pertaining to Sri Lankan Muslims of the 19th century.

18/ S.L.N.A., 5/5, Wilson to Liverpool, 29th September 1811.

19/ For details of the formation and composition of these native regiments see Tylden ( 1g52 ), PP· 124-128, and Cowen (186o), pp. 324-326, and History and Servicesoftlu Ceylon Rifles. ( Ms.).

20/ For correspondence between Brownrigg and Raffles see S.L.N.A., 6/463, Foreign Government correspondence of the Ceylon Government, Java.

21/ S.L.N.A., 5/7, Brownrigg to Bathurst, No. 77/17th August 1814.

The Ceylon Rifle Regiment

22/ S.L.N.A., 6/463, Foreign Government Corrospondence of the Ceylon Government, Raffles to Brownrigg, sthJuly, 1813.

23/ Jayah, Op. cit., p. 11. He also gives a breakdown of the ranks of recruits received at this

time as follows: 6 officers, 6o non-commissioned officers, and 370 privates (which amount to 426 instead of 412 soldiers mentioned in Brownrigg's despatch. It is not known whether these men were new recruits for the army or that they were already doing military service in Java or Madura. The 6 officers who came with these recruits as mentioned by Jayah might have received their ranks, because the men who supply a certain amount of recruits, say a minimum of 50 men were entitled to higher ranks in the Malay regiment in Ceylon.

24/ After the mass exodus ofMalays from the island in 18o8, their total number must have

been around 2,500.

25/ For a detailed and interesting account of the war see Powell (1973), pp. 218-220.

26/ S.L.N.A., 5/5, Wilson to Liverpool, 29th September 1811.

27/ S.L.N.A., 5/6, Brownrigg to Bathurst, 35/15th March 1813.

28/ D'Oyly's Diary, p. 176. Kuppen must be the anglicised version of the name Kupang. The family of Kupang were the traditional caretakers of the Malay mosque at Katukelle in Kandy until the early part of this century.

29/ S.L.N.A., 7/118, Brownrigg to the Governor of Java 25th July, 1816.

30/ S.L.N.A., 7/118, Brownrigg to John Kendall 'Lieutenant Governor of Java, 8th August 1816. Among these 228, there were about 150 soldiers.

31/ S.L.N.A., 6/463, Foreign Government Correspondence, Java, 14th July 116. The Dutch Commissioner General even asked the British Lieutenant Governor to return the Javanese recruits who had already left for Sri Lanka.

32/ W.O., 133/14, Brownrigg papers, 8th July 1819, but Cowen (186o), p. 325, states that 201 recruits came from Penang in 1819, the latter figure is obviously a printing error.

33/ S.L.N.A., 4/3, Bathurst to Brownrigg No. 46 of 8th June, 1816. The Secretary of State wrote "that the Kandyan war has ended favourably" and with the present affair of Europe (favourable to England), the Ceylon Government should dispense with the services of the 3rd Ceylon Regiment."

34/ S.L.N.A., 4/6, Bathurst to Paget, No. 2 of23rd August, 1821.

35/ S.L.N.A., 4/6, Bathurst to Paget, No. 24 of 16th December 1821.

36/ S.L.N.A., 5/11, Paget to Bathurst, No, 18 of IstJune 1822.

37/ S.L.N.A., 5/6, Brownrigg to Bathurst, 25th January 1813.

38/ G.O. 1oth February 1827.

39/ G.O. 26th December 1827.

40/ 1st Ceylon Regiment was made Light Infantry on 25th July 1814 "History and services of the Ceylon Rifles" (Ms). p. 18.

41/ G.O. 7th January 1820.

42/ Cowen (186o) p. 324, This was the flintlock tower musket, later replaced by the mini muzzle-loading rifle, and later followed by the enfield rifle, a reduced-calibre variant of this.

CHAPTER 6

The Regiment Until its Disbandment 1827-1873

Soon after the formation of the CRR, certain difficulties in the previously uninterrupted supply of recruits from the locally-born Malay community became manifest. Since then the British authorities faced the perennial problem of filling up the vacancies in the Regiment which hardly reached its full establishment during its existence in the remaining period.

The problem arose partly from the peculiar battalion formation of the CRR which consisted of an unusual number of 16 companies-the established practice in the British army was to have only IO companies in each battalion of infantry regiments. By 1840 the number of Malay companies had to be raised to 13 from its original 10, leaving only 3 companies of Sepoys and Kaffirs, because of difficulties in obtaining recruits from the last-named groups.

From the third decade of the 19th century there seems to have been some changes taking place in the attitude of the local Malays themselves towards their traditional attachment to the military career. There was an immediate reason for it which helps us to 'quantifY' the drop in the rate oflocal Malays willing to enlist as soldiers from 1830 as will be explained next,

In the early decades of British occupation of the island, the proportion of the Malays who were in military service had outnumbered those who were engaged in the non-military occupations. The ratio of the military Malays continued to be high but since 1830 they began to show signs of dissatisfaction with military service and the proportion of soldiers in the community gradually began to decline. By the 185os it becarpe relatively difficult to find Malays willing to serve in the CRR.

First of all, the reduction in the rates of pay granted to the new recruits of CRR from 8 pence to 6 pence a day, which became effective in 1830,1

certainly had a dampening effect upon the Malays as far as recruitment to the army was concerned. The decision to reduce the pay of the soldiers of the CRR was taken by the Home authorities in England, who argued that the pay was far higher than the 4·5 pence a day earned by the ordinary Sinhalese labourer in the island. 2 Apparently they seemed to be under the impression that the Malays had no means of finding employment elsewhere and that despite such a pay reduction it would be easy to find any number of them for service in the native army. 3 One the other hand, the British military authorities who were serving in the island, and thereby had first

The Regimmt Until its Disbandmmt Bg

hand knowledge about the local conditions and the economic situation in the country, made strong objections to this ruling from England.4 For

Ple Governor Barnes himself made a plea to restore the former rates exam , . f ay on the ground that "the Malay portion of the regiment cannot be

op f "5 kept by recruiting at the present rate o pay . . . . .

The effect of the 1830 pay reduction soon mamfested Itself m the drastic

d line in the number ofMalays willing to enlist themselves in the CRR. The ec . l' d.

t1llowing is a summary of the numbers of local Malay recrUits en Iste m エセ・@ regiment from 1st January 1828 to Ist January 1835, (prior to the publication of the new reduced r&.tes ofpay6 which was notified by the G.O. dated 16th August 1830 and thereafter).

Year !828

!829

1830 (upto 15th August)

Total

1830 (from 16th August) !831 1832 !833 1834

Total

TABLE 6.1 Malays Enlisted (1828-1834)

Malays enlisted in the island

No 21

38

107

04 15 15 !I

45

In 2! years prior to the publication of the above G.O.

In 4! years subsequent to above G.O.

Handicapped by the difficulty arising from this G.O. in recruiting locally-born Malays, Governor Barnes resorted to send a mission of recruitment under Major Thomas Skinner to the East Indies in 1 830.7 He requested the Dutch Governor of Java for help in raising men for the CRR, but the request

Tile Regiment Until its Disbandment

was turned down. 0 However Skinner returned with about 50 Malay recruits picked up from the Straits of Malacca, and Singapore. 9

In 1835, following the revelation of the alarming decrease in the number of locally born Malay recruits to the army, it was decided to restore their former rates of pay of8 pence a day, 10 a measure which was taken after much deliberation by the Home authorities in England. That this decision had some positive effects is apparent from the table 6.2.

Year

!835 !836 !837 !838

Total

TABLE 6.2 Local Recruits (1835-1838)

Number of local recruits

83

It must be pointed out that the sudden increase in the number of recruits in 1836 and 1837 may be partly' due to the fact that some of the Malay soldiers serving in the Corps of the Armed Lascoryns 1 1 which was disbanded in 1835 might have joined the CRR.

The value of the Malays for military service came to be appreciated more and more among the British administrators in Sri Lanka in the r83os12 and despite the falling numbers steps were taken to increase the Malay companies in the CRR from ro to 13 while a reduction of the Sepoy corn panics was effected from 3 to 2 and in the case of Kaffirs from 3 to r. 1 3

However, as might be expected the proposal to increase the number of Malay companies only posed more problems for the British authorities as it was not possible to fill all the vacancies with the number oflocal Malays who were willing to enlist in the CRR. This problem became so acute in the following decade that in r845, Lieutenant Colonel Fletcher officer commanding the CRR, complained that "from the falling off of the recruiting, the Malay companies are now 248 under their establishment with at least roo old men who are unfit for active service. 14

What happened to all the prospective recruits from the local Malay community 'Yho traditionally looked forward to a military career? Unlike before, there were now plenty of other opportunities for employment available for Malays. These included the civilian government departments,

The Regiment Until its Disbandment

private business establishments and the private European plantations. Especially in the civil police department and the district government agent's establishment, there was a big demand for the services of the locally-born Malays. Thus, when the Colombo Police Department was inaugurated and began enlistment in October 1833,1 5 9 out of r o native sergeants recruited were Malays, and nearly 75 percent of the 150 peons (later called constables) chosen were also Malays. 1 6

Competition from the civil departments of the government in the employment ofMalays upset the recruitment prospects of the CRR, so much so that in r84o, it was even proposed to forbid other government departments "from receiving the Maiays in their service except those who are too old to be admitted as recruits into the Rifle Corps." 17

Apart from the governmant departments, there was also a big demand for Malays to work in the newly opened coffee and sugar plantations in Sri Lanka.1 0 These plantations, or estates19 as they have traditionally been known in the island, sprang up mainly due to European private enterprise assisted by various factors, including the expansion, under state sponsorship, of the network of modern communications-roads, railways, ports and other ancillary services which served as the capital infrastructure for economic enterprise. The beginning of this type of plantations was associated with coffee, did not establish a clear ascendancy till r84os, and the European plantation enterprise in the period r823-40 was characterised by experimentation and ventures in a variety of cash crops in different localities.

The Malays were employed in those estates in various capacities as overseers, conductors, security guards and also as tea-makers. 20 Historians who have written about the labour needs of these estates have made hardly any mention of the Malay employees in the estates. Understandably, their attention is mainly concerned with the indentured system of coo(y labour through which thousands of South Indian labourers were brought into the island to work in these plantations. Compared to their number, the Malays were in a minority and have received no attention. The pay of these Malays in the estate services seems to have been higher than what they would have received as soldiers in the CRR. 2 1 Probably working in the estates also brought them some fringe benefits such as owning a small plot of land to produce food for their own use.

Faced with such increased competition from other sectors, the CRR

officials made some strong pleas that the pay and the pension rates of the Malay soldiers in the Army be increased. In 1845, Lieutenant Colonel Fletcher particularly emphasised that the Malays disliked undertaking military service due to 'the smallness of pay2 2 and we will see in the next chapter how this had brought a life of penury to the Malay soldiers. He argued, in days gone by, their pay was reasonable but in the changed economic situation of the country, with the great influx of European capital and Indian cooly labour, the prices of essential items had risen. He pointed

92 The Regiment Until its Disbandment

out that the civil police peons received g pence to 13 pence a day while the pay of the soldier was only 8 pence a day from which about 12 pence was deducted every month for necessary subsistence.

At last a pay increase of one penny a day was allowed from the 1st April, 1845,2 3 but once again it was proved that besides the salary there were other reasons for the military service fast becoming unpopular among the locally born Malays. When pressed for a reply to show the effects of the additional rate of pay allowed to the Ceylon Rifles, 24 Governor Camp bell conceded.

My expectations have not been realized as to the impulse which I anticipated that the

enlistment would experience from the increased rate of pay. 20

Other reasons given for the refusal of Malays to join the military were that they detested being enlisted for life,2 6 and also that due to their reluctance to serve in the same regiment as Hindu Sepoys and Kaffirs. The Malays are said to have been highly conscious of the fact, that unlike the situation that had prevailed when there was a separate Malay regiment, the CRR although predominantly of Malays, was still not totally 'theirs.'27

Failing to attract the much needed local Malay recruits, the British military authorities again stepped up their efforts to find Malay soldiers abroad. In 1830, the recruiting mission led by Thomas Skinner was said to have entailed unnecessary expense as the allowances paid to his party did not justifY a mission to bring Malays from the Eastern Archipelago. Consequently it was decided to open up a permanent recruiting station in the Straits Settlements under a Malay native officer belonging to the highest rank, Subedar (Captain) from Sri Lanka.20 The mission was revived at Penang in early 1833. The new mission met with some success in the beginning. Subedar2 9 Boreham, who was the first Sri Lanka Malay native officer to head this mission, sent around 100 Malay recruits from Penang in 1834.30 But in the following years, their number too began to fall as to be seen from the table 6.3.

The recruiting office in Penang was shifted to Singapore in 184o,36

probably because, it was not easy to enlist Malays there, and furthermore, the administrative capital of Straits Settlements was shifted from Penang to Singapore. But even here the Malay Subedar failed to recruit the required number of Mahiy recruits, and as a result the mission was called off in 1842.36 However, the recruiting mission in Singapore was again revived in 1845 with the hope that an European subaltern officer in command would be able to achieve more success in enlisting Malays abroad.37 73 Malays were recruited in Singapore and the Straits of Malacca between the period of 1st October 1845 to 3 IstJanuary 1846,30 but in the following years even the European officer was not able to meet the demands for soldiers from Malaya for service in CRR. Consequently this mission was abandoned in !848.

The Regimmt Until its Disbandmmt

TABLE 6.3 Foreign Malay Recuits (1833- 1841)

Year The number of foreign Malay

recruits (1833 to 1841)"'

none

100

37

37

33

93

M hl'le British officials made high level representations to the eanw , . h · ·

Netherlands Government at Hague in 1844, to urge the Batavtan aut onttes to allow the recruitment of Javanese soldiers for the CRR, but the request was

. d d 39 once agam turne own. . A final bid to enlist Malays in the Eastern islands was made m 1856-57

when Captain Tranchell of CRR made an extensive tour of the East,

l'ncluding Brunei •o Labuan in Borneo and Pahang, Trengganu and ' . I 4t H' 't' Kelantan on the eastern coast of the Malay Pemnsu a. ts recrm t?g

mission failed miserably, and at the end of his tour only 7 m。セ。Nケ@ recrutts had been enlisted abroad for military service in Ceylon.42 Wntmg about this mission a contemporary British officer pungently remarks;

This expedition and the expenditure as compared with the net proceeds of it, must show these

four or five [ Malay recruits j to be about the most expensive in the British army. • •

The quality of the Malays who had been イ・」イオゥエセ、@ in Peming N。セ、@Singapore and in the Malacca Straits was often descnbed by the Bnttsh military authorities as very poor, particularly when compared to the

94 The Regiment Until its Disbandment

'Indonesian recruits who were enlisted in Java in 1813 and 1816 and the locally-born Malays. One of the reasons shown that the "native officers stationed at Penang and Singapore were said to have sent recruits of bad description." 4 4

It is not surprising that good quality recruits could not be obtained in the British Straits Settlements. The Malays in this area were better off to think of embarking for military service in a foreign country, which as one British officer said was to commit oneself to 'transportation for life.'H They would have compared the benefits received from the 8 pence, (or later 9 pence a day) pay as a soldier, and the comfortable life they could have in their own country. Moreover, the economy of the British Straits Settlements was picking up fast during this period so that the local residents as well as the immigrant Malays could find reasonably paid employment without going overseas. As Cowen puts it.

"The old Malay birds ... picking up corn worth a dollar or so a day on their own feeding grounds

were not to be caught with the chaffof'nine pence' per diem from the soil ofCeylon" (Cowen 186o, 325).

One of the main motives of the Peninsular Malay recruits in joining the CRR seems to have been the bounty money of £3 which was paid to them when they were first attested by the recruiting officer of the army. H There are a number of instances showing that once this was paid out to them, they 、セウ・イエ・、@ despite the precautions taken to ensure that they did not 'run away' wtth the bounty money. A serious incident took place once on board the ship 'Baroque la Fellies' in 1841, when the Malay recruits waiting to be transported from Singapore to Sri Lanka murdered the Sri Lankan Malay sergeant and injured other Malay soldiers and then escaped with the bounty money. 4 7 There is, however, another side to the story as emerging from an interesting description of a peninsular Malay recruit who was once 'Shanghaied' for service in Sri Lanka. It is worth quoting this story in full culled from the autobiographic notes of J.T. Thomson who served as a government surveyor in Singapore (Thomson 1865, 97-99).

Oamut was a true Malay; and, I was more in contact with him than with any other person

for a whole year, I will describe him as well as I am able. At this time, I may say, I lived entirely

amongst the Malays, seldom seeing Europeans. My ·conversation was in Malay, and current events were discussed in that language.

Oamut might stand about five feet four inches. He dressed in the usual manner ofMalays,

viz., in the sarong (olaid), salvar (trousers), and baju (coat). On his head he wore a Bugis

handkerchief; and on his feet he wore sandals. By his side was a kris, with which he never parted

for a moment. At a distance he might have been taken for a Scottish highlander; when near,

his copper-coloured skin, black twinkling eyes, Mongolian physiognomy, proved that he was

a Malay. He was independent in his tone, but respectful in his manners; and, during my long

intercourse with him, he neither betrayed a tincture of low breeding, nor a sign of loose and

improper thoughts. Indeed his sense was delicate and keen: his ideas had a tone of high

The Regiment Until its Disbandment 95

standard. He was unmindful of money or any other object than what was necessary to maintain

himself and family. He gradually commanded my friendship. I felt I could not but respect

him. His conversation was intelligent on the affz.irs of the surrounding states, his information

was deep in the characteristics of his own race; and his descriptions of past and passing events

interesting and instructive. Yet he could neither read nor write- a defect he bewailed with

much sorrow. His age might have been forty-seven to fifty. In our many rambles and rides

together, he used to relate the history of his own life; and as an illustration of these social

incidents I will put down what I can remember.

.. He was born near Bukit Tingah, on thejuru river; he once pointed out to me the remnant

of his father's coconut grove, standing in the midst of a plain of lalang (high grass) close to the

mangrove jungle. Now only three trees served as a mark of the spot-circumstance which drew

a sigh from the Malay; for these melancholy remembrances brought back the memory of a

doting father and fond mother, as he knew them in his sunshine of childhood. But he soon

turned aside: grave thoughts crossed his brow; for time had dispersed the members of that

family, and scattered them to and fro. Oamut was a wild young man, and wanted to see the

world; so, in a moment of unguardedness, he was caught in the meshes of an enlisting sergeant

of the Ceylon Rifle Corps. Dosed with narcotics, and before seeing either father or mother,

he was carried on board a ship bound for a long foreign service. "It is not wonderful," said

Oamut to me, "that an amok takes place; for the bereft and frenzied youths see the land of

their love still in view and are maddened at the parting." An amok did not occur on this

occasion; Oamut was borne off; and he landed safely in Ceylon, was drilled and stiffened into

the shape of a British soldier. He was also sent to school, but could never learn the difference

between a and b; he however progressed so far in English as to speak it, parrot-like; but what

he said was better understood by himself than by his white friends.

While in Ceylon he assisted in the reduction of the hill tribes (This must be a reference to

1848 rebellion); and on one occasion stuck by his wounded captain for three days. He concealed

him in the jungle, and bore him out in safety. This gave Oamut a step; but he was bodo

(unlearned), so could not be made a sergeant. He served for twenty-seven years, after which

he yearned to return to his native land. He got his discharge without pension (the reason of

this I could never satisfactorily learn). So he returned penniless to Pulo Pinang to find father

and mother, sisters and brothers, gone. The very posts of his father's house had rotted away.

The Peninsular Malay recruits do not seem to have fared very well in their military career with the CRR, as it would become apparent from the case history ofOamut. Most of them remained as privates throughout their service in Sri Lanka. Thus when referring to these Malays, Lieutenant Colonel Flettcher writes,

the non-commissioned officers of the CRR are to a man almost all Ceylon Malays for which

service the foreigners has not the smartness nor intelligence• 8

His opinion is further reflected in the regular soldiers documents for the period 1855-72 (preserved in the W.O.) in which there is hardly any name among the foreign Malay recruits who have gained promotion in the CRR. 4 9

The Regiment Until its Disbandment

A number ofMalay recruits from Peninsular Malaya are known to have 「イッオセィエ@ their wives and children to settle down in the island. Others having marned the local women, became permanently domiciled in the country. However, following a concession granted to the foreign recruits in I8335o to イセエオイョ@ to the land of their origins at the expiry of I5 years of military service, several people opted to return with their families to their homeland.

The number of those who wanted to avail themselves of this concession was not significant at the beginning. It would have posed difficulties to セ。ョケ@ of.them キィ・ョNエイセゥョァ@ to uproot themselves totally from their family ties m the Island. This Is very clear from the observation made by a contemporary military officer regarding the attitude of those who made plans to return to the Peninsula at the expiry of their service. He says that there were instances then they have "changed their mind on the very hour of the embarkation and determined to remain on the island."st

In I837, only nine of them left for Singapore, and after a decade from I 84 7 to 1855, I I Malays had left the island with their families to re-settle in Singapore and Penang. 52 Figures after this are not readily available, but ーイ・ウオセ。「ャケ@ there might have been an increase in the number of people returmng to Malaya.53

A third and a most important source of recruitment available to the CRR was from groups of junior military cadets, the popularly called 'Half.. Pay Boys' (From being paid exactly half the salary of a regular private). As mentioned earlier, the half-pay boys' system was introduced more or less simultaneously with the formation of the Ceylon Malay Regiment. Hose who graduated from the half-pay boys school were often considered to be the best and most intelligent men of the Regiment. 54 From the age of8 years when these boys entered the regimental school, they were educated in カ。セゥッオウ@ disciplines including the art of soldiery, until they were ready for enlistment as fully-fledged soldiers at the age of I6.

Although the half-pay boys system was introduced as early as I8o2j3, the school bearing the name of'Royal Military School' where they received their general and military education was founded only in 18I2, through the personal initiative of the then Governor Sir Robert Brownrigg.ss It was placed under a committee of European officers, and its first Superintendent was Captain de Bussche, when he was the Commandant of the Lascoryns Corps. By the G.O. of 24th February, I825 it was brought under the ェオイゥウセゥ」エゥッョ@ of the superintendent of the senior officer of the Ceylon Rifle Regtment, who was to function under the personal direction of the Officer Commanding the Regiment. 56

When the regimental school was founded, it was strictly laid down that it should not be considered as a religious establishment to enforce C:hristianity upon the children, 50 for otherwise it would have been extremely difficult to encourage the Malay-Muslims to send their children to be educated in this school. It was due to the fear of losing their children to

The Regiment Until its Disbandment 97

Christianity that the Moor-Muslims of the island were strongly prejudiced against the Western-English education during the greater part of the 19th century.

The main objective of the regimental school was stated to be the instruction of the half-pay boys, and other children of the soldiers "in various branches of knowledge necessary for the efficient discharge of their future duties as intelligent non-commissioned officers and soldiers". Their mode ofinstruction was intended with a view to make them "read and write their own and the English Languages, so that they might be perfectly capable of translating backwards and forwards the one language into another."59

Among the general subjects taught in the regimental school were the Malay, Tamil, and English Languages. Cowen states that many of the pupils spoke, read and wrote English well, and they were very neat penmen and apt at figures. In addition to the languages, subjects like history, geography and arithmetic were also taught. In r86o it was also reported that "some attempts may probably hereafter be made to advance into an acquaintance with natural philosophy" (Cowen 186o, 333).

The regimental school was organized in 3levels, 1St, 2nd and 3rd classes respectively. 60 Those who did extremely well in the 1st class level appeared to have been taken directly as non-commissioned officers as a mark of distinction. A board of examiners consisting of the European Officers and the Malay school master used to review periodically, the progress made by these 3 classes of pupils and accordingly recommended them for appointment as private and non-commissioned officers in the CRR.

The number of pupils enrolled in the school varied at different periods in the history of the CRR. During North's time, the half-boys establishment was fixed at 8o, but later the number seems to have been increased from 200 to 300.6 1 The latter figure however included not only the number of the half-pay boys62 but also the other children of the members ofCRR who were allowed to follow classes at the regimental school. In 1835 there were 149 Malay boys studying at military school belonging to the CRR (which had a total strength of I 85 boys and 1 girl). 6 3 In 1873, when the CRR was disbanded it was said that there were 269 half pay boys serving in the regiment (Tylden 1952, 127).

As has already been stated, these Malay boys trained in the royal military school, when recruited as professional soldiers always proved to be the most valuable class of men in the regiment and virtually monopolized the posts of non-commissioned officers. In the same way, the two highest ranks of Subedar and Jemedar in the CRR were mainly occupied by those who graduated from the boys, school, especially in the later phase of the CRR.

In addition to the boys school of the regiment, there were also other schools meant to instruct the adult soldiers of CRR.64 The curriculum of these schools were based on more or less the same footing as the boys school

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The Regiment Until its Disbandment 99

(English and Malay were compulsory subjects). In r86g, there were 5 of such schools functioning, 6 5 and the commanding officers were empowered to order the men of the regiment to undergo instruction at these schools. But it was also emphasised that 'it is by no means incumbent upon an officer to order all men idiscriminately, and against their will to attend.

66

The education provided in both the boys schools and the adult schools was of tremendous importance for the economic and cultural survival of the Sri Lankan Malay community especially during the rgth century. As a contemporary British officer noticed, very often, even if the Malay soldier did not wish a military career for his son, he still sent his son to be educated in these schools,67 because he could easily gain employment elsewhere. There were plenty of opportunities for the boys who underwent instruction in the royal Military school particulary in the plantation offices, and the European Agencies which managed these estates. Even when the CRR was disbanded in I873, discharging over 700 Malay soldiers, there could have been little hardship as jobs could easily be found for most of them. In short, one of the chief contributions made by these schools was to maintain a high level ofliteracy in the Sri Lankan Malay community. 68 Above all, the fact that Malay language was taught for such a long period in the regimental schools was one of the key factors which facilitated the study of Malay literature among the members of the community during the I gth century, a fact which will be discussed later on in more detail. Thus the CRR and the regimental schools can be given their due credit for having helped the Malay community to continue and preserve its own cultural identity.

From I847 to I872, the CRR underwent several changes in its structure and composition. In the former year, the number of companies in the CRR

was raised from I6 to 22.69 The additional6 companies were meant to be sent to Hongkong for garrison duties. It was the first time since I 799 that the Malay soldiers from Sri Lanka were .sent on duty in a foreign country for military duty, (except of course on the recruiting mission). The Malay soldiers were said to be at first very enthusiastic about serving abroad, but very soon they became disillusioned as they had expected active service in the foreign station instead of mere garrison duty. The Hongkong service made the CRR still more unpopular among the local Malays. Thus Lieutenant Colonel Braybrooke pointed out in I848, that the Malays "dislike it so much that the family men have written to their wives that on no account to put their sons into the regiment as boys."70 Hongkong which was described as "one of the most undesirable stations of Her Majesty's dominion"(Cowen I86o, 325) proved disastrous also in the case of the Sri Lankan Malay soldiers. During the 7 years from March 1847 to February I854, when the detachment of the CRR served in Hong Kong, its average strength was I4 officers and g86 men of whom 5 officers and 208 men

71

became casualties despite the fact that the soldiers were only engaged in

peacetime duty.

100 The Regiment Until its Disbandment

In I847, partly due to the initial attraction of the above Hong Kong foreign service there seems to have been a sudden increase in the number ofMalays who joined the CRR. Also during the 1848 rebellion, special efforts were taken to enlist Malays. Thus from lstJanuary I847 to 11th December I 849 there were 5 77 new recruits for the CRR. 7 2 Another reason for this increase may be the new regulation introduced in August I84773 which limited military service of the native soldiers for IO years instead of the previous system of drafting them for life. Just as many Malays decided to join the regiment following this new rule, so there were also many others who wanted to leave the regiment after 10 years of service which they had completed, probably to look for lucrative civil employment. Thus, between Ist January I847 to uth December I849, 373 soldiers retired from the CRR 74 , probably availing themselves of the new rules.

The CRR establishment began to diminish in strength from 185I onwards. In that year a reduction was effected from 22 to I8 (Cowen op. cit, 235) companies and again in I854 the companies were reduced to I4 of which I I consisted of Malays, 2 of Sepoys and I of Kaffirs (Cowen 186o, 235). Throughout this period, the CRR never once attained its full establishment. As early as 1849, Governor Torrington had lamented that the regiment was short of 483 men 7 5 and as time went on it became increasingly difficult to keep up the number of soldiers.

Consequently, frantic efforts were made to find recruits from every possible source. In I 86o, it was suggested Hottentos be recruited from the Cape ofGood Hope (Tylden I952, 126). Attempts to recruit Muslim Sepoys from the state ofMysore in South India proved of no avail. 76 while attempts were made to recruit Araccanese77 from Burma as well as 'Bajaus' from Borneo, 7 8 but none of these plans materialised.

In I86I, a pay increase of 2 pence (from 9d to 1 Id) was granted to the soldiers of the CRR, bringing the pay of the Malay soldier to within a penny of the European soldier in service. 7 9 But this again failed to have an effect on the number of Malays desirous of enlisting in the CRR. The condition of the regiment deteriorated so much due to the inadequacy of its numbers that Governor MacCarthy wrote in I86I

I am not without doubt as to the expediency of policy of making any effort to keep the regiment

in its present state at all and it would be better to let it die out quietly in time80

And indeed the time did not lie far away for Governor MacCarthy's premonition to come true. The story of the CRR in the 186os was the story of its decline in its importance which it had enjoyed for more than half a century as the integral part of the British native military establishment. There were a number of reasons for this. The colonial government began to feel that the CRR was getting burdensome and expensive to maintain. It was the question of the escalation of colonial military expenditure which involved both the Home and local governments solidified this opinion. This

The Regiment Until its Disbandment 101

made the authorities to rethink their strategy of maintaining an unserviceable local regiment.

Besides having to bear the cost of maintenance of military garrisons in Ceylon inclusive of the payment of island allowances, (in addition to the pay received by all ranks of European Military officials from the Colonel to Quarter Master), the Ceylon government was required also to pay a sum of £24,000 annually as military contribution to the Imperial chest. This arrangement had been in effect from I 837,0 1 but gave rise to considerable agitation, particularly after the economic crisis of I846 (Balasingham I968, I I 5). Successive Governors and Legislative Councils had continously opposed it. Moreover as time went on, the military expenditure in Sri Lanka increased despite the fact that the actual strength of military forces had shown a decrease. 0 2

The vexed question of military contribution also became a subject of great controversy in the House of Commons in I86o. The anti-imperialists opposed the incongrous system whereby Britain had to bear the burden of defence in settlement colonies like Canada and Australia, while colonies like Ceylon and Mauritius had to make substantial contributions to the Imperial Exchequer under this head for the protection it received from the mother country. Finally it was decided to allow the colonies to bear the total cost oflocal defence. This raised Sri Lanka's military contribution to £I35,ooo pending the decision by a local committee which was asked to report on the actual cost of local defence which the country had to bear. 83

In the meanwhile the committee which was asked to report on the military expenditure and establishment of Ceylon submitted its report in I865. Among the two important recommendations of the commission in respect of the CRR were firstly to withdraw detachments stationed in such provincial towns as Hambantota, Badulla, Kurunegala and Jaffna. This was put into effect immediately.84 But the second recommendation to reduce the number ofCRR companies from fourteen to eight was not adhered to by the Home Government.

The Major GeneralS. Hodgson, the Commander of Forces in Sri Lanka, opposed this recommendation vehemently and sent his own dissenting report to Field Marshal H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge. 8 5 He argued that the Malay element in the CR.R should never be liquidated, but instead new measures must be introduced to raise the number of new recruits to the Regiment from this community, a suggestion reminiscent of the idea which was advocated by Governor North in the very early part of the British rule. Thus Major General Hodgson recommended that the CRR should be split into two battalions, one to be stationed in Ceylon, and the other in Singapore which could be alternated once in three years. 86 By this means, he was certain that there would be a continuous supply of good Malay recruits who could be raised regularly in the Peninsula. The vehemence with which he

102 The Regiment Until its Disbandment

defende? his. CRR policy can also be gauged from the way he asserted his own estimatiOn of the Malay soldiery.

It is expected, I believe that to obtain as police many Malays who will be reduced. This is

a fatal scheme. As a soldier the Malay is excellent, but remove him from the sternhold of

military discipline and he will be a most dangerous element in a body of 1• 'I J' "' c vt po tee ....

. The Major General seemed to have won the battle at least for the time bemg when the War Office in England overruled the recommendation of the Military Commission to reduce the number of CRR companies to eight. In I 868, an ッイ、・セ@ .was received in Ceylon to send the excess companies of エィセ@ ?RR to the Bntish colony ofLabuan to perform garrison duties. Already mNiセiエ。イケ@ eクー・_、ゥエセイ・@ Ordinance of 1867 prescribed an annual sum of ュセャセエ。イケ@ contnbutiOn at £t6o,ooo, 88 and in return stipulated certain military forces to be maintained for local defence.

In 186g an order was received from the War office to reduce the CRR c . 09 d ッュセ。ュ・ウ@ to I o , an by I 87 I 90 the detachments sent to Labuan were all Withdrawn, and were absorbed into the local companies of the eRR 91

By 1872, the Home government fell in line with the thinking of the Colonial government in Ceylon on the need to do away the services of the Ceyl?n Rifle Regiment. The Secretary of State, Earl Kimberly sought the ッーゥセエッョ@ of the then Governor Gregory セョ@ the proposed reduction of this Regiment. 9 2

Gregory ッ「ャセァ・、@ by giving a lengthy argument in favour of the proposal, the draft of which had been duly discussed and approved in the Ceylon eク・」オセゥカ・@ Council. His despatch to the Secretary of the State on the subject aptly summed up the currents of thinking of several of his predecessors who felt that the CRR had become an anachronistic institution, particularly from the second half of the 19th century:

I acknowledge the utility and services of the Regiment in former days when the only lines of

march were !ungle paths impassable エセ@ horsemen, and when artillery could only be carried over

the mountam passes by par-bucklmg the guns from tree to tree. Now there are admirable

roads interesecting every part of the country, the electric telegraph to ァゥセ・@ immediate notice

of the presence of troop, the colonial steamer to land them at any port of the sea-board and

the railway to Kandy which can in a few hours convey a force strong enough to bear セッキョ@all opposition into the centre of the island. I may add that if desirable on any emergency to

call out a volunteer force, the planters would alone suffice and be ready and willing to maintan

the peace of the interior. ••

Another important argument put forward by the Governor was in regard to cert.ain civil duties, for which purpose only, the soldiers of the CRR

had been mamtaned for a long while. The last time when the CRR soldiers セ・イ・@ engaged in active combat duties was during the 18,t.8 rebellion and セュ」・@ then the security situation according to the British 。オエィッイゥエゥ・セ@ had Improved. In the absence of any direct military need, the CRR soldiers had

The Regiment Until its Disbandment 103

been engaged in many peace time duties such as escorting treasure and prisoners, guarding Kachechris and jails, and protecting government establishments such as salt pans in Hambantota. The British military authorities had always argued that the European soldiers could not be engaged in such duties which would have spelt danger to their health. In any case, over. the years, the . Colonial government had taken steps to organise and improve the police department94 which took over some of the duties from the CRR. Governor Gregory pointed out that the establishment of the police department could be greatly improved by the massive savings that would accrue to the Government by the disbandment of the

Regiment. 9 5

As for the necessity to meet any contingencies that might arise from outbreak of opposition and troubles, Governor Gregory said that an European Regiment would be sufficient to quell a situation as rapidly as they

did in India 1857 rebellion. Finally the Home government gave the O.K. in 1873 to disband the

Regiment96 which was executed on the 15th August, 1873.97

On the eve of the disbandment of the CRR, there were only about 389 soldiers who had been waiting for their discharge from service. Between January to June in the year 1873, nearly three hundred Malay soldiers from the Regiment had joined the police department, most of them as constables. 90 The Inspector General of Police was given authority to take in go sergeants and goo constables from the CRR. (Dep 1969, 70). He had instructed his superintendents to enlist men who were not entitled to full pensions, and look for those whose regimental records showed 'excellent' or 'good'.99 The soldiers thus taken into the police service were given the privilege of one third of the period of their military service to be counted for their civil pensions when they went into retirement.• 00

Already by about the year I 870, the Malay element had predominated in the police service, 1 0 1 who were described by the then Inspector General of Police as 'most valuable (men) in point of courage, with the new additional men from the disbanded CRR, the number ofMalays in the Police service stood around 500, and this figure had been maintained for a long while thereafter. The I.G.P's report for 1879 shows a figure of 493 Malay policemen in a total nu m bel' of 1692 serving at the time.

1 0 2

In a sense, so far as the Malays were concerned, the Police service could be seen as the natural successor to the institution of the CRR, particularly when we take into consideration of the fact that the former became the single government department which employed such a relatively large number of Malay men since the disbandment of the Regiment. Even the duties assigned to the policemen were not much different from the civil functions earlier carried out by the soldiers of the CRR. 10 3 Another interesting fact to note is that the policemen and their families were asked to move into the barracks once occupied by the CRR in the respective stations.•

04

The Regiment Until its Disbandment

セ・カ・イエィ・ャセウウL@ as for the Malays エィ・セ・@ was a major difference between serving m the Pohce Department and serving in the Regiment. As policemen the Malays were required to serve in the most remote corners in the ゥウャセョ、@セッウエャケ@ in small units, and therefore their community came to be disbursed セョ@ far away セャ。」・ウ@ unlike during the regimental days, when they could live m comparatively large numbers in the few military cantonments which in fact was a prime factor that helped in strengthening the social cohesiveness of the community during the period under study.

セャエィッオァィ@ the regimental Malay soldiers decided to join the local police service, they turned down an offer to serve in the same capacity in some ヲッイ・ゥセョ@ 」ッオョセセ・ウ@ which expressed keeness to employ them; there were ウー・」ゥセ」@ enqumes from Mauritius, Andaman Islands, and India to absorb the セiウ@ banded soldiers.t 05 n・カ・セエィ・セ・ウウL@ it appears that about So Malay ウッャ、セ・イウ@ had found employment m Smgapore, the main seat of the British sエイ。エセウ@ settlements.1 06 Probably most of these Malays had originally been イ・セイュエ・、@ from セィ・@ Peninsula during the middle of the 19th century, who might have decided to return with their families to their homeland.

In addition to the local Police service, a fairly large number of officers and men fro.m the disbanded CRR are known to have joined the Prisons department m the capacity of jail guards, sub-overseers and overseers.! o 1

oエィ・セウ@ must have joined the city fire brigade service, which in the early エキ・セエャ・エィ@ century was largely dominated by Malay firemen. I o a It is also P?Ssi.ble that some of the disbanded soldiers had also moved out to inland distncts to become overseers and security men in the plantation areas,I o 9

Despite the opportunities offered to the soldiers to find alternative employment, the life could not have been the same to them as in the regiment. The disbandment of the CRR in I873, indeed marked an end to a most remarkable era in the history of the Sri Lankan Malay Community.

Notes

I/ G.O., 16th August 1830.

2/ Correspondence relating to which led to this ruling are enclosed inS L N A •/ Gl 1 t H 88

· · · ., .. 22, ene y o orton, /I 8th January 1836. .

3/ S.L.N.A., 4/12. Enclosures in Huskisson to Barnes, 4/26th February 1828.

4/ Ibid. See especially the letter of Major General Wilson to the Secretary ofWar dated 23rd February 1835·

5/ セNlNnNaNLNUOQVL@ Barnes to Murray, 10/25th April 1829. He further warned that is was unfair to recnut Malays abroad on the reduced rate of pay, because once they arrived in Ceylon 。ョセN@ found out about the anomalies of pay there would be serious dissatisfaction among them as they would be worse off than their counterparts."

6/ S.L.N.A., 4/22, I. Fletcher's (Major Commanding the CRR) memorandum 23rd February 1835· Enclosed in Glenely to Horton 88/IBth January 1836.

The Regiment Until its Disbandment 105

7/ S.L.N.A., 5/17, Barnes to Murray, 43/2nd November 183o. Barnes wrote in this instance that since local Malay recruits could not be obtained he was compelled to send this mission to the East Indies because "these people are very little removed from savage life, it is probable

that we may procure recruits at the reduced rate."

8/ Skinner (IIlg1), p. g6, His mission to Java was ostensibly to take back some retired old Javanese soldiers to be landed at Batavia, but the real motive behind this was to negotiate with the Netherlands Government in Java for permission to recruit men from there.

g/ S.L.N.A., 2/50, Minutes by Major T. Skinner, Executive Council proceedings, 27th

February, 1861.

wf G.O., 26th November 1835·

11/ G.O., 26th November 1835, The Corps of Armed Lascoryns was trained and formed by Captain de Bussche in 1819 (G.O. 19th September 1819) Malays served in this Corps too. At times they were transferred from the· 1st Ceylon regiment to the Armed Lascoryns. G.O. 2nd October I8Ig. In 1834 the strength of the latter Corps had fallen to about 195, only just over one-third of its establishment. The Corps of Armed Lascoryns seemed to have been mainly engaged in guard-duties, especially the salt pans in the coastal districts.

12/ S.L.N.A., 5/20, Horton to Hobhouse, 21st May 1833 Horton urged to take measures to confine recruitment for the CRR exclusively from among the Malays. G.O. 24th December 1836 stipulated that the CRR "is as soon is practicable to be composed entirely and exclusively

ofMalays.

13/ G.O., 3oth December 1840.

14/ S.L.N.A., 6/1775• A.M.S, to C.S., gth February 1845, also enclosed in Campbell to

Stanley, 2/12th February 1845·

15/ For details of the establishment and organisation of the Ceylon Police between the period

of 1795-187o, see Pippet (1938).

16/ Ibid. Pip pet says that 75% of the police peons were either Malays or Moors, but obviously majority of them must have been Malays as the Moors who joined the police service were very

small in number. p. 51. .

17/ S.L.N.A., 7/536, C.S. to A.M.S., 387/28th August 184o.

18/ S.L.N.A., 6/1775, A.M.S. to C.S., gth February 1845·

19/ "Plantation" or estate is defined as a large parcel ofland (generally over, say 20-30 acres) in which cash crops are planted for sale in the market in which a number of labourers art regularly employed. Histol)' of cセャッョL@ K.M. de Silva (Ed.), 1973, Vol. g, p. 92.

20/ e.g. The Alamal Langkapuri of3. 1.187o refers to a voluntary body formed by of such Malay

estate workers.

21/ S.L.N.A., 5/33, Campbell to Gladstone, Mily. 6/6th March 1846. Governor Campbell wrote that "The Malays born on the island are a much more intelligent and efficient class ... but on that account they are eagerly sough after by the coffee planters in the interior who are enabled to offer them a rate of wages infinitely superior to any advantages which they obtain

by enlistment in the Rifle Corps."

22/ See S.L.N.A., 6/1775, Fletcher's memorandum, gth February 1845 enclosed in Campbell

to Stanley, 2/12th February 1845.

23/ G.O., 3rd November 1845. In fact the CRR service, besides pay also gave extra benefits to the Malay soldiers, as shown

below:

' 11

I06 The Regiment Until its Disbandment

a. The wife of the soldier was entitled to a 1 pence extra per day or in lieu of it % a seer of rice.

b. A sum of £3 was given as bounty money to the recruits. c. Though enlisted for life, discharge with rights to pension was granted to men of good

character when the convenience of service allowed it. d. Prospects to become Commissioned officers in the regiment were good because of the

numbers ( 1 3) of the Malay companies in CRR. e. The soldiers' children could be educated in the regimental school. f. Extension of the provision of good-counduct warrant to the men of the regiment.

24/ S.L.N.A., 4/39, Stanley to Campbell, Mily, 18/25th August 1845.

25/ S.L.N.A., 5/33, Campbell to Gladstone, Mily, 6/6th March 1846. Only 7 local Malays had been recuited since 1st October 1845 to 3stJanuary 1846.

26/ W.O., 1/453, Lieutenant Colonel Commanding the CRR to A.M.S., 22ndJune 1847, enclosed in Torrington to Grey 72/1 1th August 1847.

27/ See Colonel Braybrook's memorandum dated 6th January 1848 enclosed in S.L.N.A., 5/175, Torrington to Grey, 14th January 1848.

28/ S.L.N.A., 4/22, Enclosure in Glenely to Horton, 88/I8th January 1836.

29/ The terms Captain and Native Lieutenant used in Ceylon Regiments were abolished and substituted by 'Soubadar' andJemidar respectively following the Indian practice. G.O., 13th December 1820.

30/ Same as note 28, above.

31/ The figures for the years 1833·1838 are taken from S.L.N.A., 10/163, J. Fletcher's memorandum 8th August 1839.

32/ S.L.N.A., 6/1744:, A.M.S., to C.S., 29th October 1839.

33/ S.L.N.A., 6/1744:, A.M.S., to C.S., 22nd November 1840.

34/ Figure available only up to 1 Ith May 1841, S.L.N.A., 6/1744:· A.M.S., to C.S., nth November 1841.

35/ S.L.N.A., 7/536, C.S., to A.M.S., 14/IothJanuary 1840.

36/ S.L.N.A., 6/1775, I. Fletcher's memorandum, 9th February 1845 enclosed in Campbell to Stanley, Mily. 2/12th February 1845.

37/ S.L.N.A., 6/1878, A.M.S., to C.S., 87/21st March 1846. But along with the European officer in command a Malay party from Sri Lanka under a native Malay officer of the rank ofJemidar was sent to assist him.

38/ W.O., 1/453, Campbell to Gladstone, Mily. 6th March 1846.

39/ The British Charge d' Affaires took up this matter with Netherlands General, de Larraz at the Hague on behalf of the British Government in Sri Lanka. W.O., 1/452, His Majesty's Charged' Affaires at the Hague to the Earl of Aberdeen, 10th November 1844:. He mentioned that the Netherlands government gave evasive replies.

40/ Sultan of Brunei even sent his Prime Minister Pangeran Soubada to assist Captain Tranchell in encouraging his Malay subjects to join the Ceylon Army, S.L.N.A., 5/187, Captain Tranchell's report, Enclosed in Ward to Lytton, Confidential, Mily, 24th June 1858.

41/lbid.

42/ S.L.N.A., 6/2454, Captain Tranchell's report, 31st May 1858, Enclosed inA.M.S. to C.S., 24th June 1858.

The Regiment Until its Disbandment

43/ Cowen ( 186o), p. 326 writes further that every one of these was subsequently set at liberty, being physically unfit for 'fighting' when they arrived at Head-quarters

44:/ S.L.N.A., 6/1775, J. Fletcher's memorandum, A.M.S., to C.S., 9th February 1845.

45/ W.O., 1/453, Enclosure in Torrington to Grey, 72/1 Ith August 1847.

46/ The bounty money for Malay recruits enlisted for unlimited military service was £3, one half was paid to the recruit on attestation, and the remaining half was to be paid for his equipment and other necessaries. G.O., 15th August 1829.

47/ S.L.N.A., 6/1763, A.M.S. to C.S., 52/24th February 1842.

48/ S.L.N.A., 10/163, Lieutenant Colonel Fletcher's report, 8the August 1839.

49/ The following is a selected list of names and other details of some of the recruits who came from Penang and Singapore, taken from these regular soldiers documents. W.O., 97/1701, which gives some idea of their background. These documents in the W.O., are available only

for the period of 1855-1872.

Name rank trader Place of recruitment Brith date

Baseedin Private Sailor Cheribon 00.05.1856

Cassim do do Pal em bang I 1.04.1848

Chemin do Labourer Semarang 13.10.1848

Ismaiel do Paddy Planter Bukit Tengah 18.07.1848

Inche Mat do Labourer Penang 13.05.1847

Ousin Mingu do Mariner Siak o6.02.1840

Ossen do Labourer Penang 02.1 1.1847

Sareedin do Mariner Palembang 28.10,1845

Satia do Home-Keeper Prince of 01.04.1839 Wales Island

(This shows that until the date of their retirement most of the Peninsular Mal ay recruits who have put in nearly 25 years of service remained as privates).

50/ G.O., 1st March 1833·

51/ S.L.N.A., 6/1502, A.M.S. to C.S. 12/l?thJanuary 1837.

52/ W.O., 1/456, George Anderson to Early Grey, Encl. 20 ofMily. 179/21st November 185 I.

53/ W.O., 1/456, Colonel Braybrooke's report, Encl. in Anderson to Grey, Encl. 20 ofMily.

179/21st November 1851.

54/ History of the Services if Ceylon Rifles, p. 38

55/ G.O., 3rd September 1833.

56/ G.O., 29th March 1821.

57/ G.O., 3rd September 1833.

58/ G.O., 29th March 1821.

wB The Regiment Until its Disbandment

59/ G.O., 3rd September 1833·

6of "The Malay 1st class Boy Sinnen Nadi was to be appointed as a non-commissioned officer, as a mark of distinction for his superior proficiency and good conduct." G.O., 4th October 1836.

61/ History of the Services ofCeylon Rifles, (Ms) p. 38.

62/ The number of half-pay boys was again restricted to 8o in 1846, and in 1871 it was raised to 100. Ibid.

63/ S.L.N.A., 6/1479, A.M.S. to C.S., gth December 1835. The others in the CRR Boys School were Europeans 7, Caffres 28, and half-caste 2.

64/ Return of military schools 'belonging to the other Regiments as in 1835). S.L.N.A., 6/1497; Enclosed in A.M.S., to C.S., gth December 1835.

65/ S.L.N.A., s/so, Mac Carthy to Duke of New Castle, 141/2oth August 1863. There were 15 regimental schools functioning at this time: 5 for the Eurcpean soldiers, 5 for adult soldiers of the CRR, and the remaining 5 were Boys schools.

66/ G.O., No. 775 of 16th January 1861.

67/ S.L.N.A., 6/2248, A. Major General Brainbrigg's memorandam, Encl. in A.M.S. to C.S., 6th May 1854·

68/ Referring to the literacy rate of the Ceylon Malays, the Censns Report of rllgr. Vol. 1, p. 29 states; "of the native races the Malays hold the first place in both sexes as they did in 1881. They owe this position to the teaching which the founders ofMalay colony in Ceylon obtained in the regimental schools."

6gf S.L.N.A., 4/41, Grey to Campbell, Mill, 2/3rd December 1846.

70/ S.L.N.A., 5/175, Colonel Braybrooke's memorandum, Enclosed. in Torrington to Grey, Encl. 4 of 16/14th January 1848. As Cowen (186o) p. 32,') says "It was not satisfactery to see the spirit and cheerfulness with which they received the order for foreign, and as they supposed, active service."

71/ Ibid. During the same period in Ceylon, the average strength of the CRR was 57 officers, 1,400 men, and the total number of deaths was 9 officers, and 156 men, ofwhich 1 officer and 30 men died from cholera, which disease did not exist in Hongkong.

72/ S.L.N.A., 1/136, Torrington to Grey, Mily. 183/ll!th December 1849.

73/ G.O., 27th August 1847.

74/ S.L.N.A., 5/36, Torrington to Grey, Mily. 183/12th December 1849.

75/ S.L.N.A., 5/36, Torrington to Grey, 102/1 Ith September 1849·

76/ S.L.N.A., 6/2368, A.M.S. to C.S., 587/12th November 1856.

77/ S.L.N.A., 6/1761, A.M.S. to C.S., No. 81/29th February 1840.

78/ S.L.N.A., 6/2210, A.M.S. to C.S. 12th April 1853.

79/ S.L.N.A., 5/48, Minute by Ml\ior T. Skinner, Encl. in MacCarthy to Duke ofNew Castle, 96/15th May 1861.

8of S.L.N.A., 5/48, MacCarthy to Duke of New Castle, Mily. 96/15th May 1861.

81/ Treasury minute of 14th December 1837. (quoted in Balasingham, 1968, 1 15)

82/ Balasingham, op. cit, 122.

The Regiment Until its Disbandment I Of)

Military

Year Revenue Strength expenditure

1854 $408,041 3616 £65,293

1855 476,273 3045 64,701

1856 504,174 2945 66,322

1857 578,o28 2568 70,701

1858 659,961 2566 83,037

1859 747·036 2597 gg,264

186o 845·525 2534 10B,747

Also for the issue involved in the military expenditure see 'Military Expenditure', Address to the Throne prayingfor a revision of the military expenditure in Ceylon, Govt. Printer, Colombo, sp. I 86o f6 I.

s31 History ofCeylon V. 3 (K.M. de Silva ed.) p. 232-233.

84/ Military Cormission Report of 1865, p. 5

8s/ S.P. No. XIII of 1B66, Hodgson to Duke of Cambridge, 3oth Dec 1865. Also Enclosure No. 6 in Duke of Buckingham and Chandos to Robinson No. 95 of 13th July 1867.

8?/ Major GeneralS. Hodgson to Field Marshal H.R.H. The Duke of Cambridge, 3oth Dec.

1865, SP XX of 1867 pp. 2o/2I.

BB/ The Mi/y. Expenditure Ordinance, No. 12 of 1867.

Bg/ According to this ordinance, following forces were fixed for colonial defence:

No. in the Rank & File

2 Battalion of Royal Artillery 203 1 Battalion of European Infantry Boo 1 Battalion of Native (CRR) Infantry 816 1 Company of Gun Lascars Bg

go/ War office to the Officer Commanding the CRR No. 20 of 27th April 1869-quotcd in

History of the Ceylon Rifles (Ms) p. 7·

g1/ G.O., 1 tth March 1B/1 quoted from the above.

g2f S.L.N.A., 4/86, the Earl of Kimberley, Mily No. 70 of 7th June, 1872.

93/ S.L.N.A., 5/59, Gregory to Earl of Kimberley, Mily No. 70 of 7th June, 1B72.

g4/ For details and history of the Ceylon Police see Pip pet ( 1 93B) and Dep (I 969) ·

g5/ The cost of maintaining Ceylon Rifles in 1872 was £52,622. S.L.N.A., 5/59, Gregory to

Earl of Kimberly 234 (Mly) 14th Nov. 1872.

g6/ War office to the Comanding Officer of the CRR 35d April, 1873, Wide A History of the

Ceylo11 Rifles (Ms) p. 9·

97/ G.O. No. 13 of9thJune 18]3.

g8/ S.L.N.A., 6/37% A.M.S. to C.S., 1oth July, IB]3.

9g/ S.L.N.A., 6/3733, A.M.S. to C.S. No. 15 of 17th January 1873. The total No. ofCRR

men, rank and file at the time was 759·

wof Ibid. Also 6/3734. A.M.S. to C.S., 7th July 1873·

IIO The Regiment Until its Disbandment

101/ The relative strength of the Police Service, ethnic-wise at the time is given as follows: British - s; Europeans inclusive of Burghers of pure European decent - 9, Burghers - 85; Buddhists (Ceylon)- 127; Buddhists-India & Others-28; Hindus (Ceylon)-7o; Hindus Indian & others-124; Malays-229; Moors (Ceylon) - 28; Indian Moors- 36; Native Christians· 138; other than above-24-I.G.P.'s Annual Report- 186g A.R. (1870) p.239.

102/ I.G.P.'s Report, A.R. of 1879, p. 36.

103/ See e.g. I.G.P.'s remark made in 1879· 'It is known that with a small increase to their number the Police took over in 1866 and 1867 a large portion of the local work of the Ceylon Rifles, such as the charge of the Kachcheris and of the civil convicts at Hambantota Salt Works and in many jails, and the escort of all convicts and treasure and that in 1873 they took all the remaining duties of the CRR, which was then disbanded. I.G.P.'s Report, A.R. part Ill (1979). p. 38.

104/ S.L.N.A., 6/3733, A.M.S. to C.S., 23rd June 1873-

105/ S.L.N.A., 6/3734, A.M.S. to C.S., (File No. 10530) No. 101 of 7th July 1873-

106/ S.L.N.A., 6/3733, A.M.S. to C.S., (File No. 7387) 12th May 1873-

107/ F.R. Saunder's, Inspector General of Prisons (1973) Report, A.R. Part IV, miscellaneous section p. 28. The figure of such prison guards are not given.

108/ Jayah (1970) p. 70, further research is necessary to verify this point.

109/ AL and Wajah Selong often refer to various charitable organizations which were organised in the estate districts by the Malays serving in plantations. An interesting account of a Malay's career and life in the plantations is given in Ms. Autobiography of Mass Jury Weerabangsa. (Copy in possession of the present writer).

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Sri Langka's first governor-general, Sir Oliver Goonetilake is received as chief guest at All Ceylon Malay Cricket Club, Padang, Colombo, by its President, B. Zahiere Lye and his wife Mrs. Mashmoon. 1954.

The Hon. Frederick North Baba Ounus Saldin (1838 - 1906)

Jumaran Tungku Ousmand (1840- 1910) Dr. M.P. Drahaman and wife, a member of Parliament who supported the ャョ、ッセ・ウゥ。ョ@ independent movement.

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Facsimile of "Syair Kisahnya Khabar Orang Wolunter Benggali."

Facsimile of a lithographed Malay book, once deposited in the (library of) Recreation Room, CRR, 1873.

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The family photograph: Muhammad Khalid Sal din, (Malay enterpreneur and member of the Ceylon Legislative Council, 1930.

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W ekande Mosque at slave Island, built by the Malays

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CHAPTER 7

Life in the Regiment : Economic and Social Aspects

What kind of life awaited a Malay when he chose to enter the military service? Why did he decide to be a soldier in the first place? The foregoing chapters have explained how the regiment had become an embodiment of the community itself, and that soldiering, as far as the Malays were concerned, was not construed as merely an occupation, but more importantly a way of life that was led with a presumed sense of security of employment, but reduced in most cases which pushed them to penury. This chapter aims at a closer focus of the economic and social life of the military Malays.

Military Cantonments

We begin with an account of the principal Malay settlements during this period, when the largest Malay population was confined to two main towns of Colombo and Kandy.1 Besides, they also concentrated in other urban centres, such as Hambantota in the south, Badulla in the Uva province, and Chilaw in the Western coast, like the community of Burghers. 2 Being a creation of colonial rule, they were made to live close to the main centres of colonial administration. The nucleus of settlements of the Malays corresponded to a the garrison townships. The Dutch had already founded some such garrisons in the coastal towns that came under their administration, especially in Colombo, Galle, Chilaw and Trincomalee. More garrisons had been placed by the British in the inland areas following their victory over the Kandyan kingdom in r815.

By the year r86o, the CRR detachments were spread out in the following manner. Five companies of soldiers in Colombo, which was then the headquarters of the CRR, three in Kandy, two in Galle, two in Trincomalee, one in Badulla and one injaffna (the Sepoy Company). In addition to these stations, detachments of soldiers from the Colombo headquarters, Kandy and Galle were occasionally sent to guard the kachcheris,jails and other civil establishments in the towns of Puttalam, Kurunegala, Hambantota and Chilaw (Cowen r86o, 328).

Depending on the needs of the British government, the number of CRR

stations were either increased or decreased and their locations frequently changed in this period. For example, at the very beginning, Hambantota

l/2 Life in the Regiment

in the south had emerged as an important military station, with subsidiary garrison units stationed in the adjoining hamlets ofKirinde and Palatupana. Later, only a detachment was left there to man the government enterprises, chiefly, to guard the salt pans. Following the outbreak of the 1848 rebellion, special detachments were set up to protect the inland townships of Kurunegala and Matale, but they were withdrawn after 1866.3 In 1865, the Military Commission recommended the closing of all CRR stations for reasons of economy, except those of Colombo, Kandy, Galle and Trincomalee.

The nucleus of the principal Malay settlements then is to be traced to the establishment of such military stations. Of these, we have some knowledge about the living and social conditions of the Malays residing only in the Colombo and Kandy cantonments to be gleaned from the British and Malay sources.

The Colombo settlement dates back to the early days of Dutch rule. The population of the city had sorted itself out into communal groups, in separately reserved areas. (Brohier & Paulus 1951, 70). The Malay population was confined largely to the present Wolfendhal area, while the Malayflndonesian exiles lived in an area adjoining the Wolfendhal Malay quarters which was known as Kampung Pangeran or Princes' quarters.

The Malay enclave of Slave Island in Colombo rose to prominence as the traditional home of the Malays in the early British period. The name derived from the fact that many company slaves of the Dutch were kept segregated in this section, "which was a tongue ofland joined to the fort by bridges and causeways" (Cordiner 1807 vol. 2, 37). It appears that a section of the Malay troops was left to supervise the slaves in this strip of the island, and had their residences in its outskirts. Towards the end of the Dutch rule, a substantial increase of the Malay population must have taken place, necessitating the construction of a mosque, for which purpose, a wealthy Javanese man by the name ofPandan Balie, referred to before, donated a piece of land in the year I 786.4

The Malays became predominant in Slave Island, once the British made it a permanent home of the Malay Regiment (Percival op. cit, 123), which consisted of an administrative block, officers' mess, married men's quarters, a bachelors' mess; military school, and a parade ground. The area had attracted other interested groups of people who could provide services, such as setting up a market-place to sell necessities to the families of military people. A contemporary observer provided the following account of the Slave Island cantonment.

Pass out of that sultry and much to be shunned fortification called the Fort of Colombo, bend

your steps by its outworks towards the east, and you will come upon a piece of open ground,

jutting into, and nearly surrounded by a large fresh water lake, grass planted and well shaded

with rows of tulip trees. This is 'Slave Island', so called from its use during the Dutch dynasty

Life in the Regiment Ilj

in Ceylon, and on it, a few hundred yards in advance of a native bazaar, are a line of detached

buildings - some of the improved construction before alluded to, other still, however, of

mudwalls, with roofs of the leaf of the coconut tree, the barrack rooms of the single men of the

Ceylon Rifle Regiment, an open exercising ground in front, a gravelled square in rear, on both

of which the curious in such matters may watch all the stages of a rifleman's military education

... (Cowen 186o, 3119).

Among the Malays, the Slave Island was traditionally known as Kampung Kertel,- term almost exclusively used in the contemporary Malay newspaper Alamat Langkapuri. The origin of the word is Portuguese - 'quartel', which means barracks. In Dutch times this must have referred particularly to the section where the soldiers' barracks were situated, but later, come to be applied to the entire area of the cantonment. Another part of the present Slave Island area was traditionally referred to by the term 'Bai Kandi', 5

which corresponds to the present Wekande municipal ward in Colombo, but the origin of this term is not known. It appears that by later half of the nineteenth century a number of civilian Malays and other Muslim groups6

had occupied this area. A third section of the Slave Island ward was known to the Malays by the term Kampung Kew. 7 This is the present Kew street area, which had the officers' quarters and the military school run by the CRR.

The second important military cantonment was in Kandy. Where the soldiers' quarters and the military parade ground were situated on the Bogambara hill. The Malay Mosque attended by the military personnel was situated just outside the Bogambara cantonment, which is even now known as the Kandy 'Malay' Mosque. 8 The Malay military pensioners and their civilian relations also lived close to the cantonment traditionally known as the Kampung Penson or Pensioners' quarters (in the present Deyyanewela suburb ofKandy). The immediate neighbourhood of the Katukelle suburb in Kandy had been the home of the civilian Malays and the Moor-Muslims. Similar cantonments of Malay soldiers attached to the CRR, but smaller in size, existed in the other provincial towns mentioned earlier. In almost all cases, Malay social life centred around those cantonments, provided with such common amenities such as living quarters, parade grounds, Malay mosque, and a small military school.

Living Conditions : Quarters and Barracks

Among the conditions that facilitated the ethnic cohesiveness of the community in this period was the fact that the soldiers and their families could live as closely knit groups in the surroundings of military stations. As a matter of policy, living accommodation was provided by the British military authorities - quarters specially built for the married soldiers, and barracks for bachelors. Security, solidarity and understanding among the families of soldiers were the main features which characterised the communal life in the cantonments.

Life in the Regiment liS

..£

j .ll " c;; Despite the advantages afforded by communal living, the actual quality fil セ@ i ᄋセ@ 'Cl ::d8 Ill セ@ .. セ@ セ@ セ@ of life of the Malay soldiery seems to have been less than satisfactory in

Lᄃセセセセ@... z 0 Q,

dv セ@ 't: 0 oj .. セ@ セ@ C/l several aspects. The housing facilities available to the rank and file, provide "0 ":X:: = セヲNLセ@ セ@

ゥセセセセ@..:

ᄃzoセコoセ@ .8 an illustration of this. The European soldiers and commissioned officers in セ\セ@ イョャZェセM。ッゥ}@セ@セ@ セ@ セ@ セセecOャ@ セセ@ 1 セ@ セ@

the CRR had better housing facilities when compared to the congested

セ@ セ@ 1lZ C,) quarters of the native soldiers. Giving evidence before the I865 Military '§ セ@ セ@ セNL@ セ@ bn

セ@ Commission, the staff surgeon, Cowen, stated that the quarters of the Malay セ@

C/l 0 'S = soldiers were worse than that of any troops he had known before. 'o

§ 5 In my younger days I knew about black troops in Jamaica and the West Coast, but I do not

0

セ@セ@ recollect that they were worse housed or worse fed than the Malay soldiers of the day. 9

J!a &

The living quarters for soldiers, built of stone and tiled roofs to Q

セセ@ セセ@....,

セ@ accommodate the CRR detachments, were constructed only towards the end ::s

§ < セ@ ' t セ@ g セ@

0 of the first half of the nineteenth century. Before that, the soldiers were XcOャセ@ t f!:l ·c: z -;:;: "j セセセ@ セ@

... セZセNLP@ 00 housed in huts built with mud, almost without light or ventilation. These Mセ@ ゥゥL・ゥャウセ@ .E!:l1l ':2

r:s::X::1l< Aャヲセ@ ·e .; = were very often destroyed by the vagaries of fire and other natural

ᄃセセ@1l " 1:: セ@ セ@ '§ セ@

os :;: os ::0

セ@ セ@セ@ セ@ セ@ セ@ calamities. It is not known if from the inception these huts in the main セ@ z l!l 5 セセ@ 0 セ}@ cantonments were built by the military authorities themselves or whether 0 0 " ,C,) the soldiers received any allowance from the British government to construct セ@

() セ@"'

ᄋセ@セセ@

:.::1 セ@ their own dwellings, as was the practice in the Indian native infantry units セ@ セ@セ@.....,

セ@ at the same period (Barat Ig62, I68). In any case, as Cowen states that by 'Cl 1!1:)

" 'Cl o] the I8sos, thanks to a wiser and more liberal policy of the British authorities, セ@ = = () Of

Q, 0 セ@ セBG@ living quarters of the soldiers were upgraded though still wanting in basic E-< os en .._ セ@

1 セ@ セセ@セ@

amenities (Cowen, op. cit.). U') U')

セ@ セ@セ@ "' " Some information is available about the nature of these living quarters. 0 0 "' "il セ@ oz ... z ... セZN。NN[@ <0 The residence of the married soldiers consisted of rectangular blocks built =

J Aセセ。@セ@ セQセセ@セセpNNNcOャ\@ 00

セ@ sc=e ':2 side by side with the backyards of the house facing each other. This セ@

セBB^QャャZャZ[j@..:.. 1l arrangement according to Cowen impeded all circulation of air resulting in Ill セ@ セ@ セ@ セ@ < '§ e.o セ@o-1 コセセ@ inadequate ventilation. These houses were referred to as 'lines', a name used セ@ セ@ セ@

C)...., z セ@ even to this day to refer to the congested, uniform, rectangular housing units

l8 of the hill country estate labourers in Sri Lanka. The married men's quarters os z in Colombo did not have a separate kitchen area containing a fireplace or セ@ < chimney for the smoke to be let off. The total space of a line room was I44 z

square feet (I 2 x I 2) and each of these rooms invariably housed a relatively large number of inmates.

セ@ セ@ :X:: As Cowen (op. cit p. 330) states:

セ@ セ@セeヲs@ セ@ iャャセ@

" He (the soldier) resides with his wife, olive branches, and heaven knows how many of his poor

セセ@Ill 0 C/l

Qャ[[ゥセ@ セセZbGcャセゥ@ " :.::

,g 5 '§ セ@ -;:;: セ@ houscless relatives. What domestic arrangements he makes to render a room 12 feet square

"' .... ヲNL\セセコ@ ]]セセ@ ウ]コ・ャᄃセゥU・\@ a. 0 sufficiently elastic for the accommodation of his household, no matter their number, their age, セ@ s r:s z ' < 0 セ@ =

セセZxャセゥ@ or sex, is a secret many of us might think worth knowing. セセセセᄃ@

en os "tl 8. セセ@ "

C,) 0 セ@ セ@ 8_ .9 ,...;::_ In the Colombo cantonment, it was reported that the married soldiers'

セセエj@o-1 () ., セP@ <0 .!! C/l z ., e;j= " quarters were situated in unhealthy surroundings. They were surrounded

セ@o-1

= ..: by a stagnant ditch, a breeding ground for malarial mosquitoes. Also, the

n6 Life in the Regiment

market place or the regimental bazaar in the Slave Island cantonment was situated very close to these residential lines. A high rate of fever and ill health was 11ecorded in the medical reports of these soldiers, attributed to their congested living. 10

The commissioned officers had somewhat better houses more ' commodious and airy, originally private-owned, but later they were moved

to government quarters in the vicinity of the men's barracks and the native bazaar.

On the other hand better housing conditions prevailed in Kandy. Married soldiers' quarters in the Bogambara hill were built on high ground with sufficient drainage facilities. These lines, unlike those in Colombo had a kitchenette and an exclusive living room.11 Similar arrangemen:s for living must have existed in other smaller cantonments in the provincial towns of Galle, Trincomalee, and Badulla but details are not available. However, in エセ・@ more remote garrisons of Kirinde and Palatupana, near Hambantota m the south, the Malay soldiers were said to have been accommodated in "wretched huts."

Pay and Allowances

The ッイゥァゥョセA@ p.ay of a soldier stood at 8 pence a day, in 1820 (with a correspondmg mcrease in higher grades) as given in table 7 ,2 t 2

Subedar

Jemidar

Sergeant Major

Colour Sergeant

Sergeant

Corporal

Bugler

Private

Half pay boys

1st class

2nd class

3rd class

TABLE 7.2 Soldier Pay in 1820

s.

2

d.

7

8

6

9

8%

8

Life in the Regiment

The home government decided in 1830 to reduce this amount paid to the privates and non commissioned officers, i.e. from 8 d a day to 6 d a day for the new recruits, which, as mentioned before, forced the Malays to seek other forms of employment. The anomaly was rectified in 18351 3 following repeated representations. It was only in 1845, two decades later, that the British government granted an increase of one penny per diem 14 again due to heavy pressure exerted by the British officers of the CRR, who knew through first hand knowledge the economic hardships of the soldiers. The next pay increase was granted after about 15 years, an increase of2 pence a day to all ranks, which came into effect from 1st April 1861.15 So in a period spanning more than half a century, the daily pay of the CRR soldiers had increased only by 3 pence.

This should be viewed in the context of the fast changing nature of the economic development in rgth century Sri Lanka. The influx of European capital, and the increase in the estate worker population, brought in by the expansion of commercial estates, caused a steady and steep rise in prices of goods and services, as ably presented in the memorandum submitted by Lieutenant Colonel Fletcher of the CRR.16

As a matter offact, strong complaints were made also about the general living conditions of the British soldiers themselves.

every article of consumption increased in price more than 100 percent. Banks, the mercantile

firms and the tradesmen in the island have been compelled to raise the salaries or the wages

of those employed by them, but the unfortunate military men remain either in painful and

degrading penury or to appeal to the charity of the family. 17

If this was the case with the European soldiers one might as well imagine the hardship faced by the native soldiers. As if this was not enough deductions were made from the pay of the soldiers for various regimental necessities. The regiment required every soldier to maintain, as part of his uniform, 4 pairs of white trousers, 3 patrol jackets, 3 shirts and r pair of blue cotton trousers; but usually the practice was to keep 6 patrol jackets and 6 pairs of trousers. 18 When joining the army, certain items of uniform were given free to soldiers, but he had to pay for every other item thereafter. In the case of the CRRsoldiers, wear and tear ofuniforms was relatively heavy, since they were constantly engaged in such civilian duties as escorting treasure, and guarding jails and government establishments. According to an estimate made in 1865, cotton drill material cost Is 3d to Is 6d per yatd, while each shirt cost 2s 2d at the quarter master stores. 1 9 With an average rate of pay at gd per diem the soldiers were hard pressed to meet such official expenses.

Perhaps another interesting and vital comparison of expenditure, as against the income of soldiers, can be made by an estimate of the cost offood prevailing at that period. This estimate, which was made by a regimental

IIB Life in the Regiment

surgeon, is based on the normal dietary meal requi'red per person in a military hospital. 2 o

TABLE 7·3 Food Expenses per Person (186s)

Ordinary diet Low diet Item Quantity Expenditure Quantity

per diem Expenses

Beef 8 ounces 3d Rice 4 ounces 1%d

1 quart d4d 1 quart 1%d Bread 8 ッオョセ・ウ@ 3d 6 ounces Vegetable 2l4d

Coffee with Id Jd

sugar 2 pints Id 2 pints Id Curry stuff Pepper, salt, Id

Id coconut

JO%d 8%d

Source: Military Commission Report of I865 p. 36

In 。」」セイ、。ョ」・@ with an estimate made even as early as I 835 by an officer 」ッセュ。ョ、ュァ@ the CRR

21 the average pay of a soldier was 8d a day out of キィゥ」セL@ on a m?nthly basis, he calculated the expenses involved as follows· messmg \3 ordmary セ・。ャウ@ a day)- cost I2 shillings, wear and tear of kit T セ@6d, キセウィュァ@ and shavmg Is. After meeting all these expenses a soldier was セ・ヲエ@ With.only 2s 6d a month for the family to live on. With the rising prices In the middle of the Igth century, the soldiers and their families must have had a really hard time in meeting even their daily subsistence . fセ」・、@ with a life of penury, the soldiers' families had to イ・ウセイエ@ to some mgemous means to ォセ・ー@ themselves above the 'starvation' level. At times these efforts 」ャ。ウセ・、@ with established military practices ofline regiments and ーセウZ、@ embarrasmg problems to higher authorites. Although it may look tnv1al to a 」。ウオセA@ observer,. a certain incident involving a protest march by セィ・@ women relatives of soldiers to the officer in command of the CRR · 86

th f . . llli 5 Is wor y o ment10n m this regard.

The オウオ。ャケイ。セエゥ」・@ ゥセ@ line regiments was to provide separate messing for bachelor soldiers m their barracks, particularly so during hospitalisation when they could be ーイッカセ、・、@ with nutritious food supplied from a mess. tィセ@CRR セ。、@ not セッャャッキ・、@ this convention. Instead, they obtained food from the marned men s quarters. The reason given was the desire of married men

Life in the Regiment ll9

and their families to increase the amount of food available for their families by combining their meals with those of their relations and friends among single men. This practice seems to have been followed from the very early days of the regiment. However the British authorities came to resent the arrangement, because in the first place, they argued, it deprived young men of proper nutritious food that could be prepared in regimental mess, particularly during periods ofhospitalisation. Secondly, there were frequent complaints about the unhealthiness of the married men's compounds, as traditional eastern cooking, 'elaborately' done "to provide for so many mouths, resulted in congestion, and smoke-pollution," particularly when, as in the case of the Colombo cantonment, special kitchen areas had not been built in the married men's quarters. Temporary kitchen huts had been put up for this purpose in the verandahs of the congested housing blocks. An attempt to introduce messing to overcome this situation in I864, only resulted in an organised protest from the Malay women who are said to have gone in procession to the commanding officer of the CRR demanding the continuation of the old practice. 2 2 They complained, above everything else, about economic hardships that would befall their families living on the paltry salary meted out by the CRR. They pointed out that the arrangements for' communal cooking' were made with a view to pooling the resources, and income of married and single soldiers, so that some relieffor soldiers families could be obtained. The military authorities had to give in although it was contrary to established military traditions and discipline. 2 3

Strangely enough, higher military authorities seem to have clashed with each other on the need to grant their Malay soldiers an additional ration offood to feed them and their families. Some went to the extent of arguing that in the island. the Malay physique had deteriorated because they did not have enough meat in their diet! 2 4 This provoked the ire of their colleagues. For instance Major Thomas Skinner, a retired army officer who once served with the CRR for fourteen years, pungently remarked.

I cannot admit that because a Malay eats meat, it becomes a matter of necessity that he should

be supplied with a daily ration of it - with just as much reason might it be said that because

the Pioneer" may eat poultry and mutton and the Kandyan game - they require it daily. I

do not think that the whole Malay population of the island on an average, eat meat twice in

a week ... 26

Skinner, also argued that the Malays were living on double the amount of pay received by other natives. He attributed the financial difficulties of Malays to continuous inter-marriage in the regiment, and the resultant growth of 'swarming connection' of soldiers. 2 7

Major Skinner's arguments seem valid to some extent. The soldiers were said to be slightly better off than most of their civilian colleagues in some respects. That is why the regimental-surgeon, Cowen, asserted that on

120

Life in the Regiment

・セセセッュゥ」@ and social standing the Malay soldiers were better off than oth civilians. er

the position of the native soldier corresponds to the first class t' h' h na 1ve servant, perhaps even

Ig er, and I am sure that the man looks uP<>n himself as holding a better and more honourable grade26

Indeed the Malay soldi · d · · · M l . . . . er enJoye certatn pnvtleges not available to a ays In CIVIhan employment about which mention has alread been

ュ。セセᄋ@ aュセセァN@ them were free medical facilities for soldiers anJ their families, faCihttes to educate their children in the regimental schools, ood conduct pay. over and 。セッカ・@ the regular monthly salary, batta when on セオエ@or engaged m field servtee. Y

Pension and Promotional Prospects Perhaps an important attraction of regimental service was t'n th . s h h · h h · e penston c erne w tc t e soldter could draw at the end of his career R c. • th 'll' f . · e.ernng to

e wt mgness o the nattve Indians to J'oin the Bn'tt'sh m'l't . y· G h · t t ary servtce iウ」ッオセセN@ oug ts reported to have said that "the pension is our great hold

セョ@ lndta. Hセ。イ。エ@ Ig62, I42) In Sri Lanka, too, the Malay was looking more or ウ・」セョエケ@ セョ@ old age, which made him cling to service until he was entitled セッ@ ー・ョウキセ@ .nghts, although it deprived him of opportunity of earning more m non-mthtary occupation.

Table 7·4 gives an idea of the rates of pension made available in I837·

TABLE 7·4 Rates of Pension (1837)

Ranks Completed years Amount in service {per mensem)

Private 20 years -do- 7S 6d

Corporal 25 years 98-

-do-20 years 10s6d

Sergeant 25 years HIS 6d

-do-20 years 13S 6d 25 years 15S 6d

Source: G.O. 30th March, 1837

A Jemidar (lieutenant) was paid £ I .2s .6d per mensem with an increase of 3S a month for each term of 4 years, but with a maximum of£ I Is sd per. mensem. A Subadar (Captain) was paid £ LIS ·5d per ュ・ョウ・セ@ セゥエィ@セセ@ mcreas: o; 3S a month for every 4 years of service as a J emidar and 4S

a mont .or 4 years of service as a Subadar. '

Life in the Regiment 121

To be entitled for pension, a soldier must be declared unfit after 20 years of service. After completion of this period, a soldier was annually examined by a medical board headed by the military surgeon attached to the CRR who had to give his report to the Commanding Officer of Regiment.

If on the other hand, a soldier wanted to voluntarily retire before the stipulated years of service, he would be allowed only on the recommendation of the Commanding Officer. In that case the soldiers would receive only a reduced amount of pension as follows:

Private Corporal Sergeant

4§6d 6s gs

p.m. p.m. p.m.

Actually, to get release from service on the whims of the Commanding Officer untit'one reached old age was a peculiar condition which applied only to the soldiers of the CRR. In the case of other line regiments especially the Bengal Native Infantry and Madras Sepoy army, as a rule, pension was granted if the men so claimed after 20 years (Barat op. cit, I4o).

Because of this requirement of a medical examination, the soldiers of the CRR had to linger on the military service until they were really worn out and condemned on medical grounds. As for the Commanding Officers, they had no option but to retain even old soldiers in active service, because of difficulties encountered to find suitable replacements. And they seldom allowed soldiers to retire with a pension after the stipulated minimum period of 20 years of service. 2 9

This resultant dissatisfaction among the CRR soldiers, was cited in I865 as one of the reasons for the unwillingness of Malays to join the military service. 30

The retired soldiers were also given the option of obtaining land grants in lieu of a cash pension, but it is not known as to what extent the Malay pensioners availed themselves of this opportunity. In the Indian Sepoy regiments, this practice is said to have fallen into disrepute because of difficulties in obtaining suitable plots of land to be alloted to the retired soldiers (Barat op. cit, 144) Usually, plots of waste land were allotted to the pensioners but the invalid or retired soldiers frequently found the task of developing them a difficult one. Thus the grant of such plots of land frequently failed to be of any use to either the government or the recipients. In India this privilege had been withdrawn as early as 18 I 1 from which year only cash was given as pension. In Sri Lanka there was provision for making land grants to soldiers on their retirement until the disbandment of the CRR

but this must have existed mostly on paper for, the Malays seemd to have had little inclination to engage in land-development in remote areas and so preferred to receive cash pensions which enabled them to live with their families or in close proximity to them. If the plot of land offered by the

122 Life in the Regiment

ァセカ・イョュ・ョエ@ was situated close to the cantonments, the retired pensioners セュァィエ@ have ッーエ・セ@ to take them. The Kampung Pensen or Pensioners quarters m .Kandy, mentioned often in the Malay sources, may have come into ・セイウエ・ョ」・@ because of this but further research is necessary to confirm this vrew.

aョセエィ・セ@ ゥューッセエ。ョエ@ advantage offered by the regiment was prospects for promotion m servrce. A smart soldier had opportunities to rise in the ranks to セ・」ッュ・@ at least ajemidar (lieutenant) and possibly a Subedar (captain). Thrs was not the case with the European wing of the royal army in which officers almost never rose from the ranks, but were directly recruited as cadets. uセオ。ャャケL@ エセ・ウ・@ cadets were recruited from the middle and upper classes while the pnvates came from the lowest rung of society. In the British イ・ァセュ・セエL@ ーイゥカ。セ・ウ@ ィ。セ@ limited scope for promotion to the higher ranks, unhke m the natrve regrments, where any soldier subject to good record and pr?gress could occupy the senior most position available in the regiment. iセ@ rs true that in the earlier phase of the Malay Regiment, officer ranks were 、オ・セエャケ@ ヲゥャャ・、Nゥセ@ some cases by those who could supply a specific number of soldrers-a mrmmum of fifty in most cases. Moreover there were also cases of direct appointments for the ranks of Captain and Lieutenant made from the ーセョ」・Nャケ@ exiles by Frederick North. However, such practices ceased ウッセ・エゥュ・@ m the r 82os and thereafter the principle of promotion was fixed entirely on the basis of seniority.

Usually within about twenty years of joining the service, a private could hold エィセ@ イ。セォ@ of Jemidar. Unlike in the Indian Sepoy regiments, steps of ーイ_ュッエイ_セ@ セセ@ the CRR were somewhat quicker. In the Sepoy regiments, a pnvate Jmmng at the age of r6 could not generally expect to become a corporal (naik) before be attained the age of 36, a sergeant (havildar) before the age of セU@ and aJemidar before the age of6o (Barat, op. cit, 154). In the CRR,. a pnvate could become a corporal barely two years after his first appomtment, followed by the rank of a sergeant31 and within about twenty years. he could become a Jemidar, and a Subedar after a few more years.

sュ」セ@ the .Malay portion of the CRR consisted of as many as eight セッュー。ュ・ウ@ whrch were later increased to r 2 there were a number of positions m the two officer ranks for Malays. Each company of about roo soldiers was led by both a Subadar and a Jemidar.

The CRR officers were held in high esteem by their colleagues and the members of the community. By virtue of their higher ranks in the army, they also acted as community leaders. Interesting evidence for this comes ヲイセュ@ the ュ。イイゥ。セ・@ registers, called Kadutams once maintained by the Malay pnests who officiated at the marriages of members of the community. Thus on the same page of entry of such details as the names of the bride and bridegroom, the witnesses, the bridal money (mahar) paid etc. one also finds t?e list of name: of the attending regimental officers carefully entered on one srde of the regrster. 3 2 In other words the prestige of a Malay wedding at

J

Life in the Regiment 123

that time depended to some extent on the number of captains and lieutenants of the CRR who attended the function. This was perhaps of the kind of prestige attached to the presence of VIP guests, in current Muslim weddings in Sri Lanka. 3 3

It is not clear whether young recruits joining the regiment for the first time weighed the advantages and disadvantages of their future career. Many joined the regiment following family tradition. Invariably, an elder of the family, a father, an uncle, or an in-law induced the young members to become soldiers. Baba Ounus Saldin, for example, (more will be said of him in the next chapter) tells in his note book of personal andjamily events34 how his uncle, adjutant Miskin, made him and his brother Halaldeen become soldiers. Moreover, Saldin's father and grandfather had both served in the regiment. It is noteworthy however that young Saldin after only 8 years of service bought his freedom from the regiment by paying £8, a substantial fee at the time.

Cultural Life

If the regiment did not provide the community with material prosperity, it did nonetheless contribute in a major way to the maintenance and continuation of their ethnic and religious identity. There were a number of ways in which the cultural and ethnic survival of this small community depended on the active and indirect support of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment.

The British military authorities took special care to foster and encourage the native habits and customs of their soldiers. Only rarely were they known to have interfered with any specific social custom of Malays for the sake of maintaining military discipline in the regiment. Thus, for instance, as early as in the year r8r5, the Malay soldiers opted to take a short hair-cut, contrary to their cherished custom of growing long hair. This, we are told, was in deference to a wish expressed by the then Governor Barnes. Until then, the men wore long hair plaited and neatly looped up under their shakos. 3 5 Similarly,· the Malay soldiers showed no resentment in having to wear heavy military boots, a requirement imposed on them in r 84os, as part of their elaborate military uniform. (Earlier the Malay soldiers, except the officers wore no foot wear even during military campaigns).

The British also lent support to the Malays in the performance of their religious rites and social practices. All Malay soldiers were adherents of the Islamic religion, and, as such, many of the rites and observances of the Qlran were observed in the regiment. During the month of Ramazan, the month of the Islamic fasting, which lasted normally up to thirty days, no drilling and parade exercises were required from the Malay soldiers (Cowen, r86o, 333) This also included Fridays, the Islamic 'Sabbath' day. The important Muslim festivals were declared holidays, for instance, the day of the Ramazan festival, and Id-al-A;:.ha' which falls on the roth day of the

124 Life in the Regiment

Islamic month of Dhul-Haj. In addition the soldiers enjoyed two more religious holidays on the gth and roth day of the Islamic month of Muharram to conduct commemorative celebrations. 3 6

The 'Malay' (Military) Mosques

The socio-religious cohesion of the community received further boost during this period from the functioning of special Malay mosques, endowed by authorities to cater to the spiritual needs of the regiment.

The military authorities had made land available for the construction of such mosques. 3 7 This was done because the soldiers insisted on having mosques situated in the vicinity of their living quarters. Otherwise they had to travel far out of their camps to attend collective worships in the mosques belonging to the Moors. The Malays were at a disadvantage in attending the Moor mosques because the sermons and other religious proceedings were held, not in their mother tongue, Malay, but in Tamil and Arabic.

Mosques were constructed in several parts of the island where the Malay soldiers were stationed, and even today local Muslim residents continue to refer to these as 'Malay' mosques. They are found in Galle, Trincomalee, Kalpitiya, Badulla, Kirinde, Kurunegala and Kandy.3 B

Formal religious services for the soldiers were administered by special Malay-Muslim priests, whose main function was to lead congregational prayers in Malay mosques and to officiate at important religious events for the soldiers. Without their participation, no regimental event involving the Malays was complete. For instance, on the occasion of awarding colours to the Malay Regiment in r8o2, a Malay regimental 'priest' had been invited to mark the beginning of the event by reciting prayers following the Christian religious ceremony staged by the chaplain of the garrison. 3 9 He was not, however, on the pay list of the regiment. The soldiers and their families paid for his services associated with the rituals ofbirth, marriage and death.

The office of the regimental Muslim 'priest' (or Chaplain) was hereditary, although on the death of the senior 'priest' the appoinitment of his successor required the consensus of senior soldiers as well as the retired pensioners of the regiment. Two such appointments have come to light from local Malay sources, one referring to the selection of Guru Kupang, the 'Malay Priest' in Kandy and the other to the meeting held in Colombo to select a successor from among the family of Bahars, a traditional family of Malay priest's in Colombo.40 We shall show how an appointment of a Malay 'priest' in 186g led to a ュセッイ@ tussle between the soldiers and the civilians of the Slave Island cantonment. .

The CRR connection helped the community not only to pursue their own native interests, but also to imitate certain western sports and pastimes pursued by British military officers. Notable among these was the typical

Life in the Regiment 125

British game of cricket in which the Malays showed remarkable dexterity. During their leisure time, the Malay soldiers participated in cricketing events in the regiment. In the course of time, the British may have invited Malay subordinates to join the game by filling up vacancies in the team. When they found the Malays adept at cricket, the British officers encouraged them to form their own team. Friendly matches between the British and Malay soldiers were welcome events in otherwise dull and routine life of regiment discipline. Thus originated the Malay Sports Club at "Padang," Slave Island, which has contributed considerably to the game of cricket in the country, producing famous cricketers from their ranks. 41 In his autobiography Governor Gregory, while expressing regret at the closure of the regiment, complimented the Malays for being 'excellent cricketers'

(Gregory 1894, 322). Another English game that fascinated the Malays was billiards, a legacy

of their regimental past. Pippet ( 1938, 4) refers to a quarrel which took place at Slave Island in 1842 over the score at a game ofbilliards between an officer of the 95th regiment and a civilian. Slave Island was renowned for this game patronised largely by its Malay population until very recently.42

Social Conflicts - Regimental Malays Vs. Free Malays

Even though the life of the military Malays has been our main area of concern, it is also important to examine their relations with other sections ofthe population resident in their immediate neighbourhood, chief among them were the civilian Malays or the free Malays ( Orang Priman) as they were popularly known. Other Muslim ethnic groups included the Tamil-speaking Moors and the fellow Muslim soldiers (Sepoys) from South India serving in the CRR, and soldiers who belonged to the Corps of Gun Lascars.

The term 'free Malays' referred to those Malays who earned their living by private means or in civilian occupations. This division of 'free Malays' and the 'regiment' Malays had been there right through their existence from the Dutch times which, however, lost its significance only as a result of the disbandment of the CRR in 1873.

The local Malay sources, particularly the newspaper' Alamat Langkapuri, categorise them in Malay as <Orang rセゥュ・ョG@ and <Orang Priman'. Unfortunately, very little information is available which could throw light on the life and activities of the civilian part of the Malay population during

this period. With the increase in population, the corresponding ratio of the civilian

Malays also went up particularly after the second half of the rgth century. This happened especially with the change, as has been mentioned in the community's attitude towards· military service, and with the increased

Life in the Regiment

employment opportunities in civil occupations. A high ranking CRR officer wrote on the attitude of these civilian Malays in the year r86o as follows:

Nor do I see hope of procuring many of these people, whoare wandering about the streets of

Colombo and other large towns ofCeylon, some with, some without occupation, fine, strong,

active, young men - 'Free Malays' as they proudly term themselves. No inducement short of

actual starvation, will bring these men into the service, its discipline, habits, and restrictions

being in every way repugnant to their tastes. (Cowen 186o, 327)

As a result of the emerging numerical imbalance between the civilian and military populations, the domination of the latter over the affairs of the community, came to be challenged by the civilians which led to certain conflict of interests and tension. An aspect of this conflict came to light towards the very end of the period of the regiment. This incident which took place in r86g in Kampung Kertel and reported elaborately in the contemporary Malay fortnightly newspaper Alamat Langkapuri, deserves attention because it shows signs of the weakening of the authority and influence of the 'regiment' Malays even when the CRR was still extant, and how they reacted to it.

In the early rgth century, the civilian Malay groups residing in the Slave Island area consisted of those who were employed largely as servants and gardeners of the British military officers. Some were self-employed, while others pursuing various handicraft such as embroidery works on clothes and rattaning furniture. 4 3 As time went on, and with the establishment of European Agency houses in Colombo there arose 'minor professional class' ofMalay men, which included clerks, book-keepers and peons. These were men who had earlier received some English education in regiment schools, but chose to join private establishments instead of the regiment. Their ranks were further augmented by a band of Malays who joined the police service, and had their residences in the Slave Island.

With this changing pattern in the demographic characteristics of the Slave Island cantonment, one could see the ascendancy of the civilian groups in the social hierarchy. This trend was particularly noticeable when in r86g they gained control of an important social and religious institution, namely the Wekande Malay Mosque from the hands of the soldiers.

The Wekande Mosque or Masjid Ahl-al-Malayu (The Malays' Mosque) as it was known to the Malays, was the only mosque recognised in Slave Island by the Malay residents for the purpose of holding regular Friday obligatory congregational prayers. In fact, at the time, only very few such mosques existed in the whole of Colombo, one was in Maradana and another was the present grand mosque in New Moor Street, and the Hanafi Mosque in the Pettah area. 44

Until recently these mosques played a very important role in the social and cultural life of the Muslims. They were not only places of collective worship, but also centres of community administration, where important

Life in the Regiment 127

discussions were held by members of the community and decisions taken on behalf of respective congregations. Every Muslim settlement of some size had such a mosque which was its only public building and an object of great

pride. · d For the Malay community of Colombo, the Wekande mosque remame

as the only 'Malay' Jum'mah Mosque, where the medium of ウ・イュッセ@ was Malay (in addition to the universal Arabic ャ。ョセオ。ァ・@ オウ・セ@ commonly m all mosques). The Malay worshippers congregatmg on Fndays to ーセイヲッイュ@'Jum'ah prayers were able to listen to Friday sermons Hkィセエ「。ィI@ セ・ィカセイセ、@by a Malay preacher (Khatib).lt is apparent that from the tlme of Its ongm, the Malay regiment soldiers resident in the k・セエ・ャ@ area ヲッセュ・、@ the bulk of the congregation attending this mosque, especially on fセi、。ケウN@ .

Due to their pre-eminent position in the commumty, the regiment soldiers were given pride of place in the affairs of .the Wekan?e Malay mosque although they did not have a direct hand m the runnmg of the mosque: The administration of the mosque was in the hands of the 'trustees' who according to Islamic customary law must be elected from among the permanent residents of the area in which the Ju'mah mosque was situated.

45

In the case of the Wekande Malay Mosque, the trusteeship consisted of five such residents known as Muqims, headed by the official Khatib or Imam ッヲエセ・@mosque H The office of the Malay Khatib was hereditary and the family of l。エゥヲセ@ official priests of the Wekande mosque had inherited the legal

' . 86 47 ownership of the land and garden of the Wekande セッウアオ・@ m I? · .

The reason why the regiment group opposed this new appomtment IS not certain. Even Alamat Langkapuri is silent on this salient point.

48 But it

was obvious that the regiment Malays were not prepared to follow the new Jmam whose murky background49 seems to have been the bone of

contention. . Surprisingly, the civilian Malay groups threw their weight .behmd th.e

new Jmam of the Wekande Mosque whom the military men reJected. It IS 'ble that the trustees of the mosques were all civilians at the time, whose possi ... h 'T

leader was the Khatib of this mosque by virtue of h1s electton. T e c.IVi tan trustees seemed to have acted in unison in order to safeguard their own interest over and above the regiment Malays who they alleged tended to behave haughtily on such community issues. . .

A new action on the part of the regiment Malays comphcated the tssues further and drove a permanent wedge between them 。ョセ@ the 」ゥNカゥャゥ。セ@Malays. The military people not only rejected kセ。エQセ@ Thaiban s appointment, but went ahead electing their own lmam, this セエュ・@ ヲイッセ@ the family ofBaharsso who officiated as Jmam of a smal.l セッウアオ・@ situated m the Java Lane area in Slave Island. This enraged the ctvihans wh? argued that such high-handed and arbitrary action on the part of the reg.ment Malays was a clear breach of custom. Until that time, the Malays of Kertel, notwithstanding varying distinctions in status and ranks in life, had acted

128 Life in the Regiment

as one people in matters of religion in true Islamic spirit. 51 The civilians and military groups alike followed one Imam, particularly during Friday prayers. Therefore, when the military men and pensioners decided to instal セィ・ゥイ@ own lmam, it signified an important change in attitude, designed to Isolate themselves and close their ranks from the common stream of the local Malay society in Kertel.

The military men and pensioners did not stop at that; they decided to 「ッケセッエ@ the wセォ。ョ、・@ Mosque. As a result, the attendance in the mosque declmed drastically, so much so during one Friday prayers, it was reported that セッエ@ ・カ・セ@ 40 men 5 2 participated in worship, the minimum required by ャセャセイ[ョ」@ Shan a to h.old such congregational prayers. 53 Several people, both ctvthans and pensiOners, who did not like to get involved in this tussle between the regiment group and the civilians attempted to bring a reconciliation but did not succeed. On the other hand, the cleavage between these two groups had widened as time passed by as evident from a number of letters written to Alamat Langkapuri by Malays of the area who were concerned but did not know where they stood in this struggle. 54

The worst was yet to come. The soldiers and pensioners took a rather unusual but drastic step by attending thejum'ah mosque of the Hanafi sect situated in Pettah, Colombo. As far as they were concerned, it was the next 」ャッセ・ウエ@ mosque 。カ。ゥャセセャ・@ for participating in the Friday prayers. But the senousness of the decision will be understood if one realizes that the Malays have been followers of the Sha.fi sect as most of the Sri Lanka Muslims. In matters of congregational prayers, they would usually follow an Imam ?elonging エセ@ their own sect, because the details of methods of prayer differ m the practices followed by the four sects in Islam namely Sha.fi Hana.fi Maliki and Hanbali. ' ' '

. セィ・@ Hana.fi followers in Sri Lanka at the time, consisted mostly of Immigrants from India, especially from the North, for whose benefit the Hana.fi Mosque in Pettah was built. This action enraged the civilians further, who then threatened with relaliation by withdrawing burial rights for the regiment Maiays in the Muslim burial ground adjoining the Wekande Mosque premises.

.. セエ@ may be pointed out that this feud between the regiment and the civthan Malays never came to an end during the period under study. 55

There is also evidence to show that the tussle between those two groups continued until about 1886 when a settlement seemed to have been worked out to bring them together. 56

Faced with the need to have their own mosque where they could conduct エセ・@ friday co?gregational prayers and avoid travelling far to attend mosques situated outside the Kertel boundary, the pensioners decided to convert the small Thakkiya5 7 of Java Lane, into a full-fledged mosque. s 8

This reduced the importance of the former Wekande mosque as the leading Malay mosque of Colombo. In fact, the vacuum thus created by

Life in the Regiment 129

the absence of the military men for prayers, had to be filled by the attendance of other non Malay Muslims of the area which further eroded the Malay character of the Wekande Mosque59 although a Malay Imam continued to lead prayers in this mosque.

Thus the 186g Wekande Mosque incident clearly demonstrates the nature of the social relationship that existed until then between the dichotomous groups of the free Malays and the regiment Malays. When their lot was strong, the regimental Malays had always sat at the helm of their community's affairs. But even when their strength declined, they still sought to retain positions of dominance on grounds of an inherited pride of affiliation to the r;egiment.

Postscript

The most interesting part of the story is that the pride of the regiment Malays did not come to an end as a result of the disbandment of the regiment. Even after they ceased to be soldiers, the military pensioners of the CRR still behaved as though they were an exclusive group with their own 'class interest'. This becomes evident from another mosque incident which took place as late as 1912, in the former cantonment in Kandy.

The regiment pensioners in Kandy made exclusive claims to the Malay Military Mosque in Bogambara, which they argued was originally built on a land given for use of Malay soldiers by the previous CRR authorities. 60

But subsequent to the disbandment, there were no special arrangements by which other Muslims of the area, especially the Malays of the civilian groups could be stopped from attending this mosque. Legally, the pensioners had no right to stop any Muslim from joining the congregational prayers, but nevertheless they did not like to lose their dominant position in the running of the mosque.

The matter came to a head when the right of trusteeship and management of the Bogambara Malay mosque was passed on to one Atchao Chunchic, a policeman by profession, who the pensioners alleged had purloined the deed granted to the ュゥャゥセ。イケ@ trustees and got it registered under his name. 6 1 The military pensioners opposed this with vehemence and agitated to take control bf the mosque which could then be used only by the descendants of the former CRR soldiers. As illustration, it is worth quoting verbatim the opening passage of another letter written by two ex-army men on the same dispute.

With reference to our complaints regarding the dispute of the Bogambara Mosque, we have

the honour to submit that the mosque and its premise3 were dedicated by the Ceylon

Government to the Malays of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment - to use the same as their place of

worship and as セオ」ィ@ it was used bi them and their descendants even after the disbandment

of the said regiment until the last dispute, and this mosque is not a private. property to be used

130 Life in the Regimmt

in common by the Mohammedans other than the men of the said regiment for the use of the

suiViving men of the regiment and their children.62

The pensioners did not get back their right to administer the mosque because the dispute had to be settled by a civil court, which was concerned with only the legal aspects of the deed of possession. What the military pensioners did not realise was that times had changed very much since the glorious days of the CRR, and that no single group could claim exclusive ownership rights over a mosque merely because they were the scions of the regiment. Nevertheless, the pensioners were the last bastion of the traditional Malay society symbolised in the institution of the CRR, and once the last of them departed from this world, there came to end a most remarkable era in the history of the Sri Lankan Malay community.

Notes

1/ This pattern continued even during the present century. e.g. the census figures for 1911 give the total number ofMalay population as 12,990 of which 6104 persons lived in Colombo while the corresponding number for Kandy is 1775, followed by 1000 in Hambantota and 6oo in Badulla Census qf Ceylon 1911 p. 14.

2/ Burghers are the descendants of the mixed of marriages of Portuguese and Dutch with the local population. In 1971, nearly 75% of the total Malay population was concentrated in Colombo, Kandy and Hambantota urban areas. A little less than 2/3 or 63.7 percent of the Malays were found in Colombo district alone. (Census ofCeylon, 1971, Gmeral Report 1978, p. 86).

3/ Cf. A History q[Ceylon Rifles (Ms. Series) pp 47-50); S.L.N.A., 7/1535 C.S. to A.M.S. No. 563 of 22nd Dec, 1866.

4/ Ms. copy of a deed of gift dated 28th Aug, 1786 in the possession of Mrs. S. Pallie of Colombo (A copy is also in my possession).

51 Referred to in AL I Ith July, I86g.

6/ e.g. The Moors as well as the descendants of the Indian Muslim Sepoys, often known as Bengalis. The latter spoke Deccani a South Indian dialect ofUrdu language. The Malays call them also as Chamangkarar derived from the Sinhala Hambankaraya the 'boatmen', also known as 'coast' Moors.

7/ Referred in AL gthJan, 187o.

8/ S.L.N.A., 18/2633, Petition by Malay regiment pensioners to Government Agent, No. 36, of 29th March, 1912.

9/ Military Commission Report of 1865, p. 36.

IO/ /bid, p. 34•

11/ /bid, p. 35·

12/ G.O. 19th July, 1825.

13/ G.O. 26th December 1835·

14/ G.O. 34d November 1845·

15/ G.O. 1St April I86I.

Life in the Regimmt 1JI

16J Among other matters, Lt. Col. Fletcher also セゥョエ・、@ out the 。「ウオイセゥエ⦅y@ of the イセエセ@ ッヲセ。ケ@

of soldiers as compared to others in civilian occupatiOns, e.g. Malays who JOmed the ciVIl pohce department received a minimum pay of gd to 13d a day whereas the CRR soldier was paid only 8d. He also argued that the pay of peons in other civil section of the government and those in the estate sector was also comparatively better. (same as note 21 below).

I7/ Sessional Paper No. 20 of 1867, Major GeneralS. Hodgson to l<'ield Marshall H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge, 3oth Dec. 1865 enclosed in Duke of Buckingham and Chandos to S.

Robinson. (Enclosure in No. 6, 95 of 3th July 1867)·

18/ Military Commission Report qf 1865, p. 36.

19/ Ibid.

20/ Ibid.

21J S.L.N.A., 4/22, I. Fletcher's Memorandum 23rd Feb. 1835, enclosed in Glenely to

Horton, 88/I8th Jan. 1836.

22/ Military Commission Report of 1865, p. 35·

23/ Ibid.

24/ Ibid.

25/ Referring here to Kaffir soldiers who were employed in the clearing of jungles and laying

of roads.

26/ S.L.N.A., 2J5o, Minute by Major Thomas Skinner, Executive Council Proceedings, 27th Feb,

1861, see aーー・セ[セ、ゥク@ Ill.

27/ /bid

28/ Military Commission Report of 1865, p. 35·

29/ G.O. of 3oth March 1837 had specified that the CRR soldiers can make their request to

retire after 20 years' of seiVice.

30/ Cf. Military Commission Report qf 1865. p. 36.

3,/ Details of promotions and the dates are given i? W.O. 25/638 cッュュゥウウゥセセ@ books, description and succession books. In one instance, Kapltan Abu Sallay Lye first JOmed the regiment on 16+1813, promoted to the rank of corporal on I6+I8I5, and as colour sergent on 2.1.I8Ig He retired from service on 2+1835 having risen to the highest rank ofSubedar.

32/ Kadutam (Tamil Kaditam letter) Especially appointed セ。イイゥセァ・@ registrars.from 「ッセィ@ Moor and Malay Communites maintained marriage records m which the details of bnde and bridegrooms and their parents were given. Several Mss. of Kadutams in Malay have surfaced

to this. data which cover the years from 1833 to about 1910.

331 Today the prestige of Muslim weddings in Sri Lanka for instance is augmented by the

presence of government cabinet ministers etc!

34/ Baba Ounus Saldin's manuscript in Malay containing the events of his ヲ。セゥャケ@ is ne": in the possession ofhis grand son Mr. D. Darham Saldin Colombo. I am grateful to him for haVIng allowed me to obtain several copies ofit, one of which is deposited in the University of Malaya

Library.

351 S.L.N.A., 2/50, Minute by Major Thomas Skinner, Executive Council Proceedings, 27th

Feb. i86I.

36/ G.O. 23rd Aug, 1825. . . .,. These celebrations known to the Malays as the festival of'Asan Usen' more ongmally a Shiite commemmorative festival designed to mourn the death as martyrs ofHasan and Hussain, the two grand sons of the Prophet Muhammad at the battle field ofKarbala.

132 Life in the Regiment

37/ S.L.N.A., 18{2633, Petition to Government Agent, Central Province, No. 36, of 29th March, 1912.

38/ Cf. Masjid AI Anwar a Sovenir published to mark hundred years of founding ofBadulla Malay Mosque, 29th Sep. 1972. Also pamphlet issued by the Muslim Progressive Association of the Kirinde Malay Mosque, I2thJuly, 1947· '

39/ The Ceylon Government Gazette, 31St May. 1802.

40{ "Ja a/ Wada haq a/ batilu", A Malay lithographed pamphlet written and printed by Ince Abu Sallay Wahid, dated 2oth Aug, 1886 refers to the election ofMalay priests in Kandy and Colombo. (A copy in possession of the writer).

41{ The Jubiles Book of the Malay Cricket Club, Colombo 1924 published to commemorate the founding of the Colombo Malay Cricket Club is an excellent document on the history of the game of cricket as practised among the Malays.

42{ Ms. Ounus Saldins's Note Book if Personal and Fami{y events mentions that he himself owned the largest billiard room in Slave Island in 1 87os.

43/ Interview with late Mr. Ossen Greasy Oct. 1974 and several others confirmed the skills of Malay workmen in these fields. See also Christie, David 1958 "The Cane Workers of Ceylon," Ceylon Today, 7(1).

44/ The names of these Colombo Jum'ah mosques are mentioned in AL 9th Jan. I87o.

45/ I am grateful to Mr.Justice A.M.M. Abdul Cader, a retired Judge of the Court of Appeal in Sri Lanka for this information.

46{ Copy of a translation of deed written in Dutch and attested by D.G. lkebecke on 28th August 1786. Now in the possession ofTuan Shamsudin Rahim of No. 53, 5th Lane, Colombo

4 7/ Especially see the following numbers of AI on this dispute, 27th Sep. 1869, 17th Oct. 1 86g, 12th Dec. 1869, 23rdjan, 1870 6th Feb. 187o, 6th March, 187o.

48/ AL, 3rd October 1869

49/ According to a handwritten note at the back of a typescript document, showing the lineage of Sabu Latif, the original 'priest' of Wekande mosque, Guru Thaiban Latif who became priest in 1869, had no lineal connection with Sabu Latifand had been a grave digger, later became a Muazzin (a person who calls Muslims for prayers). I am grateful to late M.D. Latif, who gave this note to me. The original genealogy ofSabu Latifs descendants appeared in the obituary appreciation in Ceylon Independent of 14th March, 1931, written on the occasion of the death of Khatib Haji Buhari Noordeen Latif, then 'priest' of Wekande mosque.

50{ This election is mentioned in AL, 5th September 186g.

51 f In principle, Muslims are urged to be the followers of Ummat, the 'followers' of the Prophet Muhammad. In matters of common interest, Muslims are expected to follow a leader, and in Kertel the religious leadership had always been in the hands of the Imam of the Wekande Mosque. A breach of this tradition must have irked common Muslims in the area.

52{ Letter written by Muhammad Safi ibn mas Lorong to Editor, AL 31, Oct, 1869. Another letter published in AL 28, Nov. 1869 mentioned that only 36 worshippers attended the mosque on previon Friday, and among them were 11 aliens, and 10 wayfarers.

53/ The most important condition to hold Friday prayers is that at least 40 residents of the area must participate in the congregation. Else it has to be followed by the usual Luhar, midday prayers.

54{ See the letter written by Abdul Rahman Awang which appeared in AL 12th Dec. 1869 and other letters which appeared in AL 23rdJan, 187o, 6th Feb. 187o and 6th March 187o.

Life in the Regiment 133

55{ AL. 6th Feb. 187o.

6{ The Sri Lankan Tamil-Muslim daily newspaper, The Muslim .Neisan dated 23rd セ・ーエ・ュ「・イ@ 1886 refers to this settlement, which further urges the 'divided' Moors of Colombo to join hands following the example of the sャセカ・@ Island Malays: aャセッ@ Muslim Nn・セ。ョL@ 4th Nov, !886 published a letter from a Malay emigre m Penang expressmgjoy at the umon of the two

Malay factions.

571 Takyah, (Arabic word for pillow in the literary sense) .is a monastery ofSufi d。イカゥセィ・ウ[@Among· Sri Lankan Muslims it is used to denote a small v1llage mosque where the Fnday congregational prayers cannot be held. Certain conditions are needed to start aJum'ah Hセイゥ、。ケス@mosque, among which was to have atleast 40 residents to attend the prayers, and not be m close

proximity to another Jum'ah mosque and so on.

5a{ I am grateful to Mr. T.M. Mashood, Honorary セ・」イ・エ。イケ@ ッセm。ウェゥ、オャj。ュゥ。ィL@ Colombo,

for supplying these details from the letter books and mmutes kept m the ュセオ・N@ Among エィセ・L@a copy of the notarial deed dated 5th August 1879 signed by one E.h. Pnns, Notary Pubhc, mentions that the Java Lane Mosque was henceforth to be known as Masjidul Jamiyah, and that

Baba Ounus Saldin will act as one of the trustees.

591 It is interesting to find that, the Java Lane Mosque referred only as Malay Mosque and

the older one as merely Wekande Mosque in a printed notice, calling Malays to attend a mass meeting on Ilth December 1927. (The document is in my possession). Moreover the first signatory in this document was the then priest ofMalay Mosque B.B. Bahar, and followed next by Haji B.N, Latif ofWekande Mosque. This shows that in the early part of the present century the Java Lane Mosque had taken precedence over the old traditional Malay Mosque of

Wekande.

6of S.L.N.A., 1 8{2633, Petition to government agent, Central province No. 36 of 29th March,

1912.

61{ Ibid. 62/ S.L.N.A., 18{2633, Petition to Government Agent, c・ョエイセャ@ province, by Messrs Z.A.

Jaladin and S.A. Pakeeran, 22nd August, 1912.

CHAPTER 8

Literary Activities in the Regiment

One セヲ@ the. fascinating aspects of the Malay Regiment is the interest and 、・カセエキョ@ shown by its soldiers to literary matters. In the colonial days, ウッャセエ・イウ@ were perhaps the last people to be associated with the noble pastime ッセ@ literature. The very nature of their service seldom gave them sufficient letsu.re to develop such interests. Moreover, literacy was not a qualification ー。イZi」オャ。イセケ@ emphasise? in the recruitment of soldiers, especially in the nati.ve regtmenO:. Studtes conducted on colonial military regiments of the iセ、エ。ョN@ sub-contment during the British rule have rarely been devoted to dtscusstons on セィ・@ literary life of soldiers. As might be expected, colonial records, on キセi」ィ@ most of these studies are based, hardly contain literary documents whtch belonged to the native soldiers.

It is indeed arguable that, but for the fortuitous discovery of an hitherto unknown corpus ッセ@ indigenous Malay literary and religious texts, a large number ofhand-wntten manuscripts, lithographically printed booklets and newspapers, our perception and understanding of the Malay soldiery would ィ。カセ@ been カセイセ@ much different. Probably the stereotyped image of a colonial セッャ、セ・イLL@ ウ・NュエMiiNエセイ。エ・@ and known more for his 'brawny' character than bramy dtsposthon would have persisted.

. The fact that エセ・@ Malay community, let alone the soldiers, once possessed a literature of the1r own has not been widely known. Until a decade ago very few of its members had any knowledge about the literary activities of セィ・エイ@ forefathers. This is partly because the Malay language in Sri Lanka セウ@ no ャッョァ・セ@ ーイ。」エゥセ・、@ in writing either in its original Arabic-Jawi script or m Romamzed scnpt commonly used in Malaysia and Indonesia. The ウエ。ョ、。セ、@ of the セーッォ・ョ@ Malay too declined to a point, far too low to serve as ュ・、ュセ@ for IIt:rary expression. The the present day Malays, with very セ・セ@ exceptiOns, _セiエィ・イ@ read nor write Malay, and under such circumstances It IS n?t s.urpnsmg that they are unfamiliar with their literary past (Hussammiya 1978).

The セッエゥッョN@ that the Sri Lanka Malay was literarily arid has been reversed m エセセ@ IIgh.t of the recent discovery ofMalay texts referred to above. Several famdies with a distinctive regimental heritage had taken care to preserve these texts as family pusakas or heirlooms without knowing much about their content or value. Almost all of them are written in classical Malay and in the J awi script.1 Since the J awi script is basically the Arabic

Literary Activities 135

script in which the Quran and religious texts of Muslims are written, the owners of the manuscripts in most cases attached sacral value to these, which partly explains why these Malay texts could survive for so long.

So far, over 100 manuscripts and locally printed texts have been found. 2

Their contents are of a wide-ranging nature. The corpus includes literary texts, religious Kitabs, books on magic, sorcery and divination, catechism and prayer, family trees and, personal memoirs.

Almost all these texts were either copied or written in the 19th century. It appears that literary activities reached their zenith in the latter half of the 19th century as more than seventy five percent of the manuscripts are datable to this period. The early 20th-century manuscripts are scarce. This indicates that the most important phase of Malay literary activities in the island had declined by the end of the 19th century. The period of activity appears to be linked to the existence of the regiment, and once it was disbanded, the last vestige of a written cultural tradition in the community seems to have disappeared; Could this be a mere coincidence? Or was there a definite relationship between the practice ofliterature and the functioning of the regiment? Or was it that the literature was in any case destined to be lost as it happened in the case of several other cultural practices of the Malays?3 This chapter is an attempt to answer such questions. In this regard defining the characteristics of Sri Lankan Malay literature and probing its beginnings at the outset will be of importance.

It will be convenient to discuss the Malay literature of Sri Lanka under two headings: the classical Malay texts and indigenous literature. The first category includes all those classical Malay texts which are common to the traditional Malay literature of the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian archipelago. These texts include 'literary' Hikayats4 and Syairs5 as well as the religious Kitabs6 and miscellaneous items on magic, incantations and so on. To the second category belong all other works which are indigenous, i.e. written originally by the members of the Sri Lanka Malay community. In their content and literary style, the indigenous Malay writings retain features of the classical Malay literary tradition.

The greater part of the Malay texts, (nearly ninety percent of the · material) discovered in Sri Lanka, belongs to the first category, i.e. Malay

'classical' texts common to the Malay and Indonesian speaking countries. Fortunately, despite the general lack of care and concern by latter-day Malays to preserve the literary texts copied by their forefathers, enough of these have survived to enable us to gain an insight into the type of literary material that interested the members of the local Malay community. However we cannot be sure of the amount of material that may have been lost to posterity.

The major titles of classical Malay hikayats and .ryairs discovered in the island since 1975 are given below:

r.J(i

Hikayats

I. Hikayat Seri Rama 2. Hikayat Amir Hamzah

3· Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah

4· Hikayat Ahmad Muhammad 5· Hikayat Si Miskin

6. Hikayat Syahi Mardan 7· Hikayat Inderaputera 8. Hikayat Isma Yatim g. Hikayat Kobad Syah Ariffin IO. Hikayat Indera Quraisy I I. Hikayat Raden Bagus Gusti

Syairs

I· Syair Ken Tambuhan 2. Syair Bidasari 3· Syair Jauhar Manikam 4· Syair Sultan Abdul Muluk 5· Syair Kisah Sultan Uthman

Syah Syarif Religious Texts

I· Hidayat al-Salikin 2. Miftah al-Jannah

3· Sakarat al-Maut 4· Hujjat al-Balighah

5· Kitab al-Nikah

12.

I3.

I4.

I5. I6.

I7. I8. I g. 20.

21.

22.

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Hikayat Nabi Muhammad Hikayat Mikraj Nabi Muhammad Hikayat Nabi Bercukur

Hikayat Nabi Perang Khaibar Hikayat Nabi Pulang ke Rahmatullah Kisas al-Anbia Hikayat Ali Kahwin Munajat Musa Hikayat Abu Samah Hikayat Ibrahim ibn Adham Hikayat Derma Tahsiyah

Syair Burung Merpati Syair Ma'rifat

6. 7· 8. Syair Ibadat g. Syair Kiyamat

6. Kitab al-Faraid 7· Masail al Muhtadi li Ikhwan

al Mubtadi 8. Hikayat Iblis g. Bustan al-Salatin

(Volume I) 10. Sirat al-Mustakim

HNiセ@ 。セ、ゥエゥッョ@ to these, several mss. dealing with traditional Mala mledibcme, Incantation, magic, sorcery and other miscellaneous subjects ィ。カセ@a so een found).

Literary Texts

In dealing キゥエセ@ セィ・@ strictly 'literary' type of Malay classics, one finds that the texts co?tammg the epics, romances, legends and other tales which were l,lSUally denved from foreign sources such as Indian Arab1'c Pe · d J h • , rs1an an

avanese, ave had much popular appeal among the local Malays A;:.hough the texts are not many, they are sufficient to show that the ー。エエ・イセ@o Iterary concern of the local Malay community was much the same as that

Literary Activities 137

of other Malays. Secular types of literary classics as well as the stories and legends with a distinctly Islamic character equally aroused their interest.

The authors of these texts were fascinated by fabulous stories in which superhuman heroes activated by dreams and omens, wander through the world, encountering at every step seemingly invincible monsters, unsolvable enigmas and unapproachable princesses. The Malays obviously found reading or listening to the hikayats of Indera Putera, Ahmad & Muhammad and Si Miskin both entertaining and edifying. The heroic exploits of the Hindu hero Seri Rama kindled their imagination as much as the bravery of the celebrated Islamic warriors Amir Hamzah and Muhamad Hanafiyyah.

Among the strictly religious type of legends, the 'Anbiya' texts (stories dealing with the Prophets oflslam) provided valuable and edifYing reading material to the pious Malays. Sunan Giri alias Tuan Raden Bagus Gusti, whose exploits are narrated in the Hikayat Raden Bagus Gusti had been a venerated figure in their homes. Their religious beliefs received much strength by the reading of stories related to the life of the Prophet Muhammad, his ascension to heaven, his miraculous cleavage of the moon and the shaving of his head.

Most of the Malay classical literary texts listed above are familiar to the scholars of traditional Malay literature. Several of them have already been edited and published and possibly some of the manuscripts recently discovered can be traced directly or indirectly to the versions in printed editions of such famous Malay classics as Hikayat Sri Rama, Hikayat lbrahim Ibn Adham, Syair Sultan Abdul Muluk, etc. Other manuscripts contain versions of Malay classics which would seem to be inferior to those already known, although the relative merits and the importance of each and every Malay classical literary text found in Sri Lanka must be worked out after intensive study and comparison with versions deposited in collections of Malay manuscripts in the other countries.

Among the classical Malay literary texts found in the island, there are two works which seem to need our special attention because their Malay models have hitherto not been traceable elsewhere, even though it is suspected that these texts were, like the other classical texts found in the island, brought to Sri Lanka from outside. One of these texts bears the title Hikayat Raden Bagus Gusti. It deals, in the usual legendary fashion, with the life and career of Sunan Giri, who was considered to be one of the Walis (Apostles oflslam) who are credited with having spread the religion oflslam in the Indonesian islands. It is true that there also exists another Malay work dealing with the life of Sunan Giri, which is in the form of an interlinear translation of aJ avanese text but this is clearly not the same as our Hikayat. 7

The Sri Lanka text must therefore be regarded as unique. The legend of Sunan Giri seems to have been very popular among the

Sri Lankan Malays. When interviewed some elderly Malays recalled that this hikayat had been reCited in their homes in the early part of the century. 8

Literary Activities

It is not certain for how long this story been known among the local community in the past. Possibly the early settlers from Batavia, Semarang and other Pasisir (north coast) cities in Java, brought with them elements of the Sunan Giri legend current in those regions.

The other Malay hikayat peculiar to Sri Lanka bears the title Hikayat lndera Kuraisy. No similar work appears to exist outside the island. This hikayat can be described as a usual Malay romance in which the hero lndera Kuraisy sets out from the country of Sarmadan to win the heart of (an unapproachable) princess from heaven (lndera Kayangan), and before he is united with his bride, he faces many obstacles and enemies, only to emerge victorious.

Religious Texts

Religious kitabs form another important part of the literature of the Sri Lankan Malays. The type of religious classics which are partly literary, i.e. Hikayat Amir Ham;:.ah, and Hikayat Muhammad Hanaftyyah to which reference has already been made, had a wide and popular appeal. In contrast, it can be said that the religious texts dealing with Islamic law, theology and jurisprudence were generally meant to be read by specialists or Ulama gropp (religious teachers). Particular reference can be made to people like Baba Ounus Saldin9 , Baba YunusJurangpati, 10 and lnce Salay Wahid 11 whose advice on matters of religion were sought by the community. Moreover, there was a group ofMalay religious officials, referred to as 'Malay Priests' by the Malays of older generations who officiated at the Malay mosques and administered community functions such as marriages, births, deaths etc., and who were specialists in religious knowledge based on the Malay/Islamic religious treatises. It is noteworthy that a relatively large number of Malay/lslamic treatises were recovered from the collections preserved by the descendants of these religious officials.' 2

Among the religious manuscripts are various Kitabs devoted to the fundamental aspects of the Islamic faith and its rituals, e.g. the popular religious text of Nur-al-din al Raniri's Sirat-al-Mustakim, which discusses such topics as Muslim dress, ablutions, cleaning of teeth, defilements, prayer, burial, fasting, and so on. Another manuscript of this class is Abd-al-Samad al Palembani's Hidayat-al-Salikin, a translation of Imam Ghazali's Bidayat-al-Hidayah, which deals with orthodox beliefs, religious duties, sins and virtues, dhikr (love of God), etc. In addition one finds a number of small religious tracts on orthodox Islamic belief and practice, most of which bear any title. These are to be found in the Primbon (miscellany) type religious manuscripts copied by local scribes. One of these kitabs, entitled Sarahu Sittin, which has an Arabic text with Malay interlinear transiation and deals with basic principles of the creed, is not mentioned in the catalogues of Malay manuscripts, although a Javanese version of this text is known to exist.13

Literary Activities 139

Apart from the texts cited above, there are a number of ッセィ・イ@ famous Malay tracts, also found in Sri Lanka, which discuss ウ」Nィセャ。ウエエ」@ theology. Mention must be made ofBook One ofNur-al-Din al Ramn s magnum opus Bustan-al-Salatin, which has a detailed exposition of the creation ofheaven, hell and earth. Other texts found include Sifat Dua Puluh, which is devoted to a discussion of the twenty attributes ofGod; and Miftah-al-Jannat, based

011 Al-Sanusi's Urn al Barahin which contains a doctrinal exposition of

Muslim faith. In addition, works dealing with eschatological aspects of Islam were also popular among the Sri Lanka Malays for example, Syaikh

Abd-al-Raufs Sakarat-al-Maut. As regards the Islamic legal texts in m。ャ。セL@ the. ヲッャャッキゥョセ@ キッイセウ@ have

been found in Sri Lanka: Hqjjat-al-Baligha, deahng wtth law smts, evidence, and perjury: Kitab al-Nikah, which is devoted to the ャ・セ。ャ@ 。ウー・」エウNッヲュセイイゥ。ァ・@in Islam· and Kitab al-Fara'id, dealing with the Islamic laws ofmhentance.

Side' by side with their interest in orthodox-legalistic religious works belonging to Sunni Islam, the Malays of Sri Lanka hlive also had a preoccupation with the mystical aspects of religion. !he ッイNエィッ、ッセ@ texts emphasised the observance of Sharia' as an external gmde to hfe, キィセャ・@ the texts on Sufism urged Malays to engage in time-honoured speculatiOn on man and his place in the universe. The quest for ma'rijat or gnosis was a strong instinct among the members of the 」ッュュセョゥエケ@ as it キセセ@ among their counterparts in the Malay/Indonesian areas. It IS not surpnsmg therefore, to find that a majority of the religious tracts in Malay read by the local Malays were devoted to some aspects of Sufism (Islamic セケウエゥ」ゥウュI@ · .

The source, origin and authorship of a numbe.r ッヲセケウエエ」。ャ@ エイ。セエウ@ 」ッーセ・、@locally are not easy to determine, as they are con tamed m manuscnpts whtch usually consist of miscellaneous collection of tracts キセエエ・ョ@ one after t?e other, without any reference to titles or their authorship. Because of this, it is difficult to sort out these mystical writings and assign them to any particular school ofSufism practised in the Malay world. However, reading through these texts, one gets the impression that they belong to a more traditional or orthodox type of Malay Sufism, such as that advocated by teachers like Syaikh 'Abd-al-Rauf of Singkel. tィセ@ Shattariya school of mysticism, which was popularised by him in エィセ@ Malay peninsula and the Indonesian archipelago, seems to have been particularly popular among エセ・@local Malays, judging by a number of Shattariya tracts on Sufism found m

Sri Lanka. On the whole the Malay mystical writings found in Sri Lanka do not

appear to ・クィゥ「ゥセ@ the age-old conflict between pantheistic. and ッイエィセック@sufistic ideas, which polarised the Malay Sufi thinkers particularly dun?g the late 16th and 17th centuries. This is also evident from the fact that, セィエャ・@the writings of the orthodox religious preachers ャゥセセ@ the 。「ッカセ@ _mentiOned Syaikh 'Abd-al Rauf and Nur al-Din al-Ranm are famthar to the community, none of the works which are ascribable to either Hamzah

I1fJ Literary Activities

Fansuri or Syams al-Din al-Pasai, who are generally believed to have preached a heretic, pantheistic type of mysticism in Malay coutries, have been discovered in Sri Lanka.

One of the noteworthy features ofMalay literature in Sri Lanka is that, while a variety of Malay classical texts were known to the local Malays, certain other types of Malay classics seem to be almost totally absent from their literature. Particularly noticeable is the absence of manuscripts dealing with dynastic and historical chronicles such as Sejarah Melayu, Hikayat Acheh Also missing are regional Malay digests of law like Undang-Undang Melaka and Undang-Undang Pahang.

The absence of the manifestly dynastic Malay chronicles in Sri Lanka, may be understood as an indication of the community's lack of interest in the history of distant Malay regions. The Malay court chronicles, which セオャッァゥウ・、@ and elaborately detailed the history of the Malay ruling class, had httle appeal to this community, because its cultural or social life never centered around a Malay ruling aristocracy, or a Malay ruler. A further question may be raised as to whether such dynastic chronicles of Malay courts were as readily available to the members of this community as other kinds of manuscripts containing popular literary and religious works. Before the advent of the printing press, the manuscripts containing chronicles of the court were usually in the exclusive possession ofMalay aristocratic and noble families. It is doubtful that such texts were easily accessible to local Malays.

Indigenous Literature

Literary activity among the Sri Lankan Malay community was not merely confined to a 'reproductive' literature alone; also had their own contributions to make in the field of classical Malay literature, although it must be admitted that the indigenous creative writings are relatively few among the manuscripts found recently. Most of the extant copies of manuscripts containing these indigenous writings can be ascribed to the I gth century while there are a few amateur attempts made to compose pantuns and .ryairs during the early part of the present century.

Syair writing was perhaps the most notable literary activity of the Malays. This was in keeping with the current fashion in other regions of the Malay-speaking world. For instance, based on her own familiarity with the literary movement ofPenyengat (an island south ofSingapore, presently part of Indonesia), Virginia Matheson ( Ig8g, 7) remarked that the Igth century was a period of the great blossoming of .ryairs. The activities of the Sri 'Lanka Malays, too, substantiate her contention that .ryair writing was a product of universal and contagious interest which seems to have been the only form of creative literary expression available to the then aspiring writers.

Literary Activities

Apart from a multitude of untitled .ryairs dealing with religion and exhortation composed by unknown writers, found in a number of manuscripts, as well as several short poems published in Sri Lankan Malay newspaper Alamat Langkapuri, indigenous creative writings worthy of note are listed below:

Syair Kisah (nya) Khabar Orang Wolenter Bengali. This was written by a free Malay named Boreham (Burhan ibn Kapitan Lai of the Ceylon Malay Regiment) in I82o. It describes, in about go verses, an armed skirmish between the Malay soldiers of the Ceylon Malay Regiment and the Bengali soldiers of 2oth Bangali Infantry Volunteer Battalion (then stationed in Ceylon) on New Year's day in the year I8rg. The only manuscript in which this .ryair is written seems to have been copied towards the end of the I gth century by a policeman, lnce Anum ibn Kapitan Husain bin Wirabangsa. (Weerabangsa)

Syair Bida 'at ai-ls lam This is an exhortative poem which condemns many modern deviant practices in the obeservance oflslam. Its author was one Pangeran Sepali, a local Malay. Judging by the fairly large number and provenance of manuscripts containing this text, it appears that this .ryair had been very popular in the community. It must have been written around the middle of the Igth century.

Syair al- Wujud walllmu Suluk Its author was lnce Abu Salay Wahid. His .ryair, printed by lithograph in Colombo, deals with mystical aspects of religion. The date of this .ryair is I885.

Syair Syaikh Fadlun This .ryair can be described as a romance-epic, which narrates the story of a pious Muslim, Syaikh Fadlun, who lived during the period of the reign of Caliph Omar in Arabia. It describes how Syaikh Fadlun was falsely implicated by a woman called Kinanat as having committed adultery with her, but was later exonerated through a miracle because of the strength of his piety. The story, originally in Arabic, later seems to have been adapted by Muslim communities in many Asian countries. The Sri Lankan Mal ay version itself was adapted from a South Indian Malayalam text. So far, three mss. of this text have been found in Kandy, Sri Lanka.

A Commemorative Syair on the Golden jubilee of the Accession to the Throne of Queen Victoria, x887 This is a short poem of praise, composed in Kandy by Ince YusufJailani ibnJurangpati, a leading literary figure in Kandy in late rgth century. Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee celebration was conducted with much pomp and ceremony in Sri Lanka, during the Governorship of the Hon. Sir Arthur H. Gordon (I 88g-go), to whom this poem is dedicated.

Syair Faid a.l Abad This is a lithographed publication of rgoo, written and printed by Baba Ounus Saldin. It deals with miscellaneous subjects

144 Literary Activities

Although it has been suggested that some form of Malay or Javanese literature had existed in Sri Lanka before the I gth century, it is fairly certain that literary activity could not have been widespread in the community in the early phase. A nascent community of Malays in a foreign land could hardly be expected to plunge into a cultivation of the literary arts. It may have taken a few generations for a small minority community to settle down and take roots in a foreign island, as well as equip itself with the necessary instituti,onal framework for education and social recreation, before engaging in developing its own literature.

The Igth century, particularly its second half, witnessed the peak of Malay literature in Sri Lanka. A major part of the literary activity was the copying down of classical Malay texts, which were available both locally and overseas. More than 95 percent of the Mal ay manuscripts discovered in the island were found to have been copied during this period.

The explanation of this concentration ofliterary endeavour in this period lies very much in the support extended by the Regiment directly and indirectly, which allowed the community to continue and prolong its written literary traditions. The social background of the literature clearly indicates its principal clientele and promoters were people who were connected in one way or another with the Regiment. Most manuscripts were discovered to be in the possession of descendants of the soldiers. Moreover, ownership marks in the manuscripts give names of the soldiers, who also figure prominently as the copyists of these manuscripts. The other notable group of manuscript copyists and owners as mentioned before were the so called Malay 'priests' who looked after the religious and spiritual needs of the soldiers.

Literature is essentially a function of the literati. The Regiment had a compulsory arrangement to teach the Malay soldiers and their children, their own vernacular tongue in the written Jawi script as described earlier. The. traditional Malay literature, not only in Sri Lanka but everywhere in the Malay speaking world, was written almost entirely in the Jawi script. The community later lacked the means or need to perpetuate the learning of the Jawi script on the same scale as was available in the Regiment.

The important question is whether the community could have perpetuated their literary tradition on their own without the external support of the regimental school system. The case of South African Malays is a good example for comparison. Scholars have hinted at the presumed existence of written Malay texts among them in the pre-I gth century period. (Mason, I86I, 6g) But, to date, not a single Malay text has been found in that area. It seems obvious that their indigenous literature had vanished by the early Igth century, their spoken language following suit. Cut off from their roots of civilization, and without any external support, the South African Malays could not maintain their traditions in an alien land.

Literary Activities 145

The Sri Lankan Malays, on the other hand, escaped this fate. Their written literature continued to thrive for almost a century after the South African Malays had lost theirs. However, consequent to the disbandment of the Regiment and the closing down of the regimental school, the Sri Lankan Malays also faced the same crisis as the South African Malays.

The Regiment also served as a bridge betw.een the Malays of Sri Lanka and Malay centres in the East, by ensuring a two-way movement of people, ideas, and literary material between them. The soldiers had opportunities to travel to the Malay peninsula on military assignments. Until the first part of the Igth century, Malay soldiers could travel to the Straits Settlements on recruitment service. Parties of Malays as we have seen earlier had been stationed in places like Penang and Singapore for considerable length of time, at times even two to three years on one assignment.1 5 William Roff (I g67, 46) has shown, Singapore was emerging as the important literary centre of the Malay world in the Igth century. Some soldiers sent on duty there took special care to collect Malay texts to be brought home. Little is known in detail as to how they obtained manuscripts whether they bought them or received them as gifts from their fellow soldiers from abroad. When they could not acquire original manuscripts available in Singapore, some soldiers spent their time usefully, possibly while on off duty, making copies of them. For instance, a soldier called Subedar Salimuddin from Sri Lanka, in charge of the recruiting party in Singapore in I843, brought home a manuscript containing three famous Malay hikayats namely Hikayat Jnderaputera, Hikayat Isma Tatim and Hikayat Ahmad Muhammad, all of which were copied by himself from a manuscript made available to him in Kampung Gelam, a most important Malay enclave in Singapore. Similarly, Kapitan Husain, who was sent on garrison duty to Hongkong in I847, appears to have gathered several Malay texts in the region to be brought back home. Also, a copy of the famous Malay Anbrya text, Kisas al Anbrya, of foreign origin bears the inscription ofKapitan Sumarie of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, who was sent on garrison duty to Labuan in I86g.

Besides the manuscripts, Malay books printed abroad also reached the island, largely through the individual efforts ofBaba Ounus Saldin, an ex-soldier. His Alamat Langkapuri, regularly advertised books imported from Singapore, such as Jawahir al-Ghulum, a religious text and kitab Panglima Napolian (a Malay biography ofN apoleon Bonaparte). Saldin also imported and distributed latest publications in English dealing with Malay grammar and dictionaries. 1 7 It appears that there were other arrangements supported by military authorities, to import Malay books literary works and religious texts for use among their soldiers. Some of these texts were deposited in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment Recreational Library, the evidence for which comes from a sole surviving lithographed text dealing with the ethics of sale in Islam and printed in Singapore.18 Presumably, some of these Malay texts could have been used by army school masters in their teaching

Literary Activities

ーイッセイ。ュュ・@ of mセャ。ケ@ language in the regimental schools. By helping the soldiers to run then own recreation room, which also served as a repository of books, the Regiment can be given the credit for establishing the first Malay library of its kind in the Malay world.

With regard to the provenance of Malay texts that have been found so far, it appears that the literary activity of the community were confined to two principal towns in the island, namely Colombo and Kandy. In Colombo, almost all the manuscripts are known to have been copied or written in the suburb of Kertel. The Malays, however, were not confined only to the suburbs. Civilian Malays were scattered in other Muslim-majority areas such as New Bazaar, Maligawatte, Wolfendhal Street, not far from Kertel. Nevertheless, due to the density of the Malay population, and as the home of the military Malays, Kertel or Slave Island a suburb in セッャッュ「ッL@ became the セイゥョ」ゥー。ャ@ centre of Malay literary ac;ivity. The ear hest ( datable) attempt m composing truly local .ryair, was written in the area, and it had as its theme a fierce street battle which broke out on the Ist of January iセiY@ between the Malay soldiers of the Ist Ceylon Regiment and the セ・ョァ。ャNi@ sepoys of the 2oth Bengal native infantry, who were エ・ューッNイ。ョセケ@ stationed in Kertel, close to the Malay line houses. (Edited by Hussamm1ya, I987) Ounus Saldin's first newspaper, Alamat Langkapuri, seems to have had the largest circulation in the area, and one of the readers once mentioned in the Letters to the Editor column that the content of the newspapers were the subject of discussion in the backyards ofMalay houses in Kertel. 1 9

Since the Malay traditional literary form of hikayats or stories were not only meant to be read, but to be recited to an audience this kind ofliterary activity could take place in any area where m。ャセケウ@ could be easily assembled. Kertel was such a place. Once the Regiment was disbanded, the togetherness and cohesion in the community was affected partly because the Malays, especially the literati, moved away to other areas in search of alternative occupations and means of livelihood.

Kandy ranked as the other favourite centre for Malay literary activity. Kampunlf Katukelle, and Kampung Pensen are mentioned frequently as places of copymg the manuscripts originated in Kandy. The former was close to the quarters of the Regiment, where the descendants and relatives of the soldiers had their h?mes, while the latter, as its name suggests, was inhabited ャセイァ・ャケ@ by the retired ウセャ、ゥ・イウN@ It appears that the regimental mosque, Situated close to the soldiers quarters in the Bogambara hill served as a meeting place of the Malays in Kandy. Few ュ。ョオウ」イゥーセ@ have been recovered from the descendants of the key officials of the regimental mosque in Bogambara.20

With. the 、ゥウセ。ョ、セ・セエ@ of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment in I873, the 」ッュセオュエケ@ lost Its prmc1pal セ。エイッョ@ for the continuation of its literary tradition. The effects of the disbandment became manifest within three

l

I I !

j

Literary Activities 147

decades. Between I 870-I 900, the continued literary activity resulted largely from the initiative of the retired soldiers. In Colombo and Kandy, it was this group of people who had the urge to copy and read manuscripts and to exchange them among their colleagues. It became inevitable, therefore, that when the retired soldiers, reached old age, and their generation slowly passed away, the literature too faded away.

In the new occupations such as police, prisons and estate services which accommodated a relatively large number of the working Malay population, there was little need to continue education in Malay. In order to be successful in the new careers, the Malays had to learn English and/or one of the local languages, either Sinhala or Tamil. The community leaders were concerned about the backwardness of their community, since the Malay children lacked educational skills even to enter lower echelons -of colonial government service. Through the efforts of some concerned Malays, speCial-night schools were set up on a voluntary basis in places like Kertel to help Malay children to prepare for junior level examinations to enter government and mercantile service. A generation of young Malays who received their education in English in the regimental schools had little difficulty in finding employment in government and mercantile sectors, at the time of disbandment. But this new generation ofMalays had hardly the time or means to pursue the literary interests of their elders.

In the period which followed the disbandment of the C.R.R., the traditional Malay elite consisting largely of the retired soldiers were the principal protagonists as well as the beneficiaries of the Malay literary movement in Sri Lanka. They entertained themselves by engaging their days of retirement in reading, copying or writing the Malay religious and literary texts. Also they encouraged their more talented colleagues like Baba Ounus Saldin to write traditional poems and booklets for language instruction for the benefit and guidance of the younger generation. 21 The traditional elite had a special reason to worry at a time of rising political and social turmoil at the end of the I 9th century as the principal communities, of the Sinhalese, the Tamils and the Moors were entering a period of cultural revivalism.

In this context, the older generation, very much concerned about their future, began re-examining their status as a local community vis-a-vis the indigenous people, and above all with a view towards preserving their ethnic identity.

Consequently, it is to their literature and language that the Malays turned as one of the last remnants of their cultural heritage. Literature and language have a peculiarly intimate relationships with cultural identity, both as expressive vehicles for the beliefs, values and sentiments of a society for its innermost spirit, and as a means of self-recognition. As William Roff (I 977, 46) has observed, " ... in Malaysia, one of the first signs of a conscious ethnicity ignoring local political boundaries was a concern for the nurture

Literary Activities

of the language as a symbol and expression of the group." This was no less true in the case of the Sri Lankan Malay community whose enthusiasm in literary activity then has to be largely interpreted against this cultural-nationalist background in late Igth century.

Viewed in this light, the Malay literary movement in Sri Lanka shares a few features with similar developments in colonial cities like Singapore, Penang and Jakarta of late 19th century. Deriving its stimulus from the activities of colonial governments, the desire to develop one's vernacular literature arose as a challenge to assert the indigenous culture against the domination of alien values. In Singapore, for example, in addition to normal literary activities, there had been a spate of lithographed publications in Malay (together with some Arabic and regional languages), while interest in copying classical Malay manuscripts and writing traditional Malay Syairs was also pursued with much enthusiasm.

Likewise, in Sri Lanka, apart from the individual interest in the study and copying of manuscripts by the literati, publishing activities by hand-lithograph machines also made their appearance. Religious booklets seem to have been particularly in demand, while Baba Ounus Saldin, described once as the prices princeps (See Appendix IV) among the local lithographers, had brought out a couple of booklets on Syairs and a Malay grammar.

The comparison between Singapore and Colombo in Sri Lanka as regards the development of the traditional Malay literature, however, cannot be pressed too far. While SingaporefMalacca literature was entering a period of'a transitional Malay literature', a term coined by Cyril Skinner (Skinner 1982, 466), because new forms of prose writings were coming into existence for the first time following the writing of Ahmed Rijaluddin and Abdul Kadir Munshi's autobiography, the Sri Lanka Malay literature can be said to have entered its final and dying phase. Its last phase can even be described as a flikscering flame burning brightly before being finally put out.

Even the themes dealt with in the few locally written Malay works such as Syair Ibadat and Syair Bida'at Islam illustrate well the mood of late nineteenth - century Malay literati. Since many of them had reached an advanced age by that time, their concern was chiefly with preparation for Akhirat or the next world where they could enjoy the peace and solitude of heaven. These works emphasised the good deeds to be performed in this world by reminding them of the certainty of oncoming death. Not surprisingly, Syair on the theme of eschatology proliferated during this period; their ratio to the literary Syairs is almost ten to one. Syairs on eschatological themes have been discovered in almost every collection of manuscripts belonging to families or individuals.

Besides the works originally written in Sri Lanka, lithographed Syairs on the theme of Hari Qiyamat (the day of the final judgement) imported from places like Singapore were also in demand in Sri Lanka during this period.

Literary Activities 149

If at all, this trend indicates that Sri Lankan Malay literature in the period after the disbandment of the C.R.R. was destined to decline and the themes favoured by the old literati, drawn mainly of the retired soldiers, were but a foreboding.

In a way, the death of the old soldier Baba Ounus Saldin in 1 go6, also symbolised the death of traditional Malay literature in Sri Lanka. There appeared in the same year, two works of poetry, which were mentioned earlier, firstly by Cooryson Hashim Mantara, Pantong Pada Orang Mooda, (Poetry for Younger People) in Colombo, and the other by Jumaron Tungku Ousmand, who wrote several pieces of poetry including a play let on the Aladdin and forty thieves.

The Syair writers of the old order wrote their works only in the Jawi script, whereas these 'modern' writers used the Roman script for the first time. In language and style, the writings of the 'modern' generation as represented by Mantara and Ousmand exhibited a sharp deterioration in the standard set by the earlier writers.

Despite the intrusion of some localisms, the Syairs produced by the writers of the old order such as Pangeran Sepalie, Baba Ounus Saldin, Ince Abu Salay Wahid and others, were in style and language not much different from works セイゥエエ・ョ@ elsewhere in the Malay world. The Malay readers from the peninsula and archipelago can still read, understand and appreciate their writings as samples of traditional Malay poetry. That is how Baba Ounus Saldin was even able to distribute from Sri Lanka, his newspaper Wajah Selong ( I895·1Bg8) for Malay readers in Singapore, Malacca and Bangkok. Moreover his Wajah Selong, unlike his earlier newspaper Alamat Langkapuri, was mainly aimed at foreign Malay readership. The Wajalt Selong, for example, contained more news on foreign countries, roughly 8o per cent, while the Alamat Langkapuri, was distributed locally with more than 70 per cent of local Malay affairs as its content.

The new Mal ay poetry, written after the death ofSaldin strayed faraway from the standard Malay language. In fact, it was written in a highly creolised and colloquial Malay, so much so that it cannot be treated as works of 'classical' literature, in the same way that we treat the traditional syairs written by the older writers. After the death of Baba Ounus Saldin, Mantara and Ousmand drew some the courage to test their own skills in poetry writing. However, there was no one else to follow in their footsteps.

Notes

I/ For a discussion on classical Malay literature, see Ismail Hussein (1966) and Winstedt

(1958)

2/ "The Study of Rare Malay Texts" reported in the Straits Echo, 2nd August, 1975. See also

Hussainmiya (1978)

ISO Literary Activities

31 For eg. Percival ( 18o5, 185) refers to the various indigenous musical instruments used among the Malays in the early part of the 19th century. His reference seems to point out the existence of a Game/an, 'Indonesian Musical orchestra'.

4:1 Hikayat, usually stories narrated in prose.

5I Syair, a most common form ofMalay poetry. Each stanza consists offour lines, each ending with a, a, a, a rhyme-scheme.

61 Kitabs, religious works in prose.

71 Edited by Cabaton, A (1906) pp 374-93·

Bl Interview conducted in December 1974 with late Tuan Kamaldeen Pakon Cuncheer and Mrs. Merbani Salim nee Weerabangsa of Kandy, Sri Lanka.

9/ Baba Ounus Said in (b. 1832 d. 19o6) was born in Colombo to Baba Allaldeen Saldin who was a son ofKapitan Pantasih, a native ofSumenap in Madura brought to Sri Lanka in late 18th century to serve in the Dutch army. Ounus Saldin first joined as a private in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, but after 8 years of service bought himself out of the army and served in several private European companies as a clerk. He is perhaps the most outstanding of Sri Lanka's Malay literary personalities and a much respected member of the community. His greatest achievement was in the field of lithographic printing which he pioneered in the island with several publications to his credit. His life and career can be partly studied from a Ms. copy of his memoirs, a copy of which is deposited in the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka library, Kuala Lumpur and an annotated edition is being prepared by the author with Prof. Datuk Ismail Hussein.

10. Baba Yusuf Jailani Jurangpati also hailed from a family owing its origins to Sumenap, Madura, but details of his life is sketchy. He was said to be a self employed mason by occupation, but in his middle years he seems to have devoted himself to literary pursuits. In fact, he had copied a fairly large number of Malay Mss. including Hikayats and Kitabs. He lived in Kandy in the latter part of the 19th century and probably died in the 189o's.

11. Ince Ariffin Salay Wahid lived in Kampung Kertel in Colombo in the late 19th century and died in the year 18g6. He was a school master in the military school of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment where he taught Malay. After the disbandment of the Regiment in 1873, he had his own school in the Kampung Kertel, for girls.

12. Quite a number ofrelgious manuscripts were found in the possession of descendants of Malay priests, for example Mrs. Merbani Salim's collections included works belonging to Guru Kupang, a regimental priest in Kandy during the last century and Haji A.N. Latifs (a late Mal ay marriage registrar of Colombo) inherited Guru Bahar's (regimental priest in Colombo) manuscripts.

13. Mentioned in RicklefS and Voorhoeve (1977, 63).

14. Pigeaud (1970, V2 26) explains aqout this gundil script as: "Javanese texts written in Arabic script called pegon texts ... Peg/m script was popular in Java in Muslim religious communities spread all over the country, where Malay and Arabic texts were studied. In several cases Javanese texts written in pegon script were left unvocalised, partly or entriely without vowel marks. This variety of pegon script was called gundil, hairless. Ofcourse gundil texts are difficult to read for persons unfamiliar with the idiom of the Muslim religious communities where gundil script was in common use."

15/ e.g. Subedar Miskin Sumarie was officer-in-charge of recruiting party in 184o. S.L.N.A. 6l1765, A.M.C. to C.S. I{O/I6th March IB{I, and when the station was shifted to Singapore Subadar Salimuddin took charge, followed by Jemidar Samron in 1845·

lゥエ・イ。セケ@ Activities 151

161 S.L.N.A. 611878, A.M.S. to C.S. 23rd Jan. 1846. . . W.O. 12116o

28, Pay Lists, Crylon Riflemen (Infantry abroad), 1st Apnl to 3oth June 1851 mcludes

colour sergeant Husain's name.

I W'll' Marsden's A Dictionary qf Malay Language, printed in London in 1812 was I 7 e.g. I lam d . 8 '11 d .

f h I h en more than 3 copies of it date-marke m 1 7os stl preserve m some one 0 t em. ave se · private collections of the Malays. . . IBI This book which bears the inscription "Recreation rセュL@ Ceylon rセヲャ・@ r・セュ・ョエL@ 19th

'I 8

" bought by Baba Ounus Saldin and is now m the possessiOn of h1s grandson Apn 1 73 was Haji D.D. Saldin.

191 AI, 9thJan, 187o. . I The caretaker of this mosque, Atchao Cunchie in 189o's refers to Bogambara Mosque as

Zセ・@ place of copying of his manuscript titled Syair Syaikh Fadlun. . . .

21l Baba Ounus Saldin's booklet e.g., Syair Faid al Abad (1900) was wntten w1th this purpose

in mind, as explained in its preamble.

Retrospect

The purpose of this study has been to trace the history of the Malay community of Sri Lanka, with particular reference to their role as colonial troops, especially in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, ( 1827-I 873).

The study began with a brief examination on their current status within the Sri Lankan polity, who amidst several odds, have mll'.naged to maintain their separate cultural identity.

The beginnings of the present day community can be traced to the period of the Dutch rule in the middle of the I 7th century, when they were introduced to the island as political exiles and servants of the Dutch, especially to serve in their army. However, there had been contacts between the Malay world and the island in the pre-European times. But this study does not accept Professor Paranavitana's theory that the role and rule of the people ofMalay origin in the medieval period was much more extensive than the single historical episode of the invasion of the Malay king Chandrabhanu in the middle of the 13th century. The early Malay migrants if there were any, were not followers of Islam, and might have been absorbed into the larger Buddhist population of the time.

The present day Malay community of Sri Lanka evolved out of diverse groups of Eastern nationalities introduced to the island since the middle of the 17th century. This process was almost complete before the end of the Dutch period, and several factors had assisted the 'Indonesian and Malaysian' communities to develop a single identity as the 'Ceylon Malays', chief among which was the Batavian dialect of Malay, that became their lingua franca. The presence of a small but a respected group of aristocratic political exiles from Java and the adjacent islands lent further cohesion to the original identity - formation of the early Malay population.

When the British invaded the island, a stiff armed resistance was offered by the Malay troops in Dutch service. The British were impressed with the fighting qualities of the Malays and made arrangements to enlist them into their own ュゥャゥセ。イケ@ service. Frederick North, the first British Governor, took firm and positive steps to lay the foundation of a strong Malay infantry battalion as the principal native military unit of the British rule. He completed all the necessary institutional arrangement'! : the 'half pay' boy system, the 'invalid companies', overseas recruitment of Malays, pay and emoluments of soldiers etc. were regularised through his initiative.

Retrospect 153

The glorious moment of the Malay Regiment came when it became the first Asian regiment to be taken into the British Crown's service. Except for the period of Maitland's governorship, who nearly abolished the Malay Regiment which his predecessor so ardently built up, all the other successive British governors promoted the Malay Regiment and took steps to strengthen it.

The commitment of the Malays to soldiery was almost total and complete during the first three decades of the British rule. Little other opportunities were available to the young Malay job-aspirants while the army was an attractive proposition with the official backing of the British government which brought esteem to the soldiers. The pay was good, and old age pension was assured, and there were other perks like batta and good conduct pay, free education and medical facilities and so on. The Malays looked upon military profession as almost their birth right.

All this changed by the year r8go as a result of an imprudent decision to reduce the pay of the new military recruits to the regiment. The Home Government had been given an erroneous impression that even with such a reduced scale of pay it would be easy to attract the Malays, because they had no other options. Their optimism proved wrong when this decision brought a drastic cut in the rate of new recruits from the locally-born Malays. Although the anomaly was later rectified (after five years) the regiment had lost some of its appeal as an employer par-excellence .of the Malays. Thereafter the authorities faced the perennial problem offilhng up the vacancies of the CRR with Malay soldiers.

What caused this change ofheart among the Malays who looked forward to a traditional military career? There arose other new and lucrative opportunities in the newly opened plantations, civil police department, and private European agencies. Perhaps when they were offered the alternatives, the rigours of military life were felt burdensome. .

At any rate, it must be emphasised that the Regiment was the smgle largest employer of the Malays of Sri Lanka during the period under study. It was in fact much more than an employer. Looking from the point of view of the Malays, the Regiment was but an ethnic embodiment of their community.

Often indeed, in one household one might come across the 'past, present and future' of this coveted military service. A standard view of the then Malay soldier family would be that the old pensioneer who was talking about the glories of service under Brownrigg, the Malay soldier in service getting ready to meet the upcountry insurgents (during the 1848 rebellion) and the young boy who looked forward to the day when he could step in his fathe'r's shoes. There could hardly have been a Malay family which did not spare one of its ュ・セ@ to serve in the Regiment. Thus the blood and kinship of the Malay soldiers had given special characteristics to the CRR

as a Malay's regiment.

154 Retrospect

It was not uncommon to find whole families taking to military profession, as in the neighbouring India at the time. In a study on the Bengal native infantry, Amiya Barat explains how generations of people in some Indian families came to depend on the .colonial army for their livelihood. However, in the British Indian armies (i.e. Bengal, Madras and Bombay), many races or nationalities were represented, but in the CRR except for a small number of Sepoys and Kaffirs, it was the Malays who continued to dominate. Perhaps the only comparison one can make in this respect is with the Gurkhas of Nepal, a traditional military clan favoured still by the British.

Besides serving as a permanent and steady source of employment, the Regiment did to a great extent reinforce the group instinct in the Malays, (which prevented them from being absorbed by the other population groups, particularly the Moor-Muslims who were very close to them in religion and culture).

Unlike their counterpart in South Africa, the Malays in Sri Lanka did not have to live in total isolation from their original homeland. Until about the middle of the Igth century, new groups ofMalays continued to arrive in the island, to serve in the Regiment and this injected new blood into this small community.

If not for this reason, the Sri Lankan Malay community also might have diluted itself as happened in the case of the South African Malays. In Sri Lanka itself there exists a classic example of such a lost community ofMalays who now live in the island of Kinniya in the Eastern Province. It appears that during the British invasion, small detachments of Malays stationed in Trincomalee and Mullativu in the Dutch garrisons escaped into this island, and remained there. They then were absorbed by the dominant Moor group. Their descendants still greet others iP.. Malay, and don the Malay head-gear, conscious of their separate heritage, who group themselves not as Malays but with Moor-Muslims.

It was because of the Regiment that opportunities were created for the members of the local community to travel to their motherland in the east. This prolonged their cultural, especially the literary contacts, with the Malay world. Literary contacts persisted through the efforts of the Malay soldiers who brought literary and religious texts and manuscripts for study in their local community.

Even though the focus of this study is on the regimental past of the community, the intention is not to present them as military stereotypes. The earlier writers have failed to recognise the peculiar cultural heritage of the soldiers. In fact, the Malays have been often thought of as brawny, if not mindless colonial merceneries, and least of all to have indulged, in any cultural or higher literary pastimes. The study presented here revises such erroneous notions about the Sri Lankan Malay community's past.

The Malay soldiers had been singularly fortunate to have access to education provided in the regimental schools. Although the aim of the

-----------------------------------

Retrospect 155

military education was to produce efficient soldiers, it was more or less a gift to the whole community. As a result, the literacy level of its members remained fairly high, particularly when compared with their co-religionists, the Moors, who shunned education in the public schools for fear of being converted to Christianity. The British military authorities never mixed up Christian teachings with education in their schools run for Malay children. Further, Malay teachers had been appointed to teach the mother tongue to the Malay children. Thus if not for such official patronage, the Malays themselves could not have managed to impart such organised formal education to their children.

The literary heritage of the Malay soldiers can be directly linked to the education provided in the military schools. The discovery of hitherto unknown Malay literary and religious texts in the island revealed that they, though separated from the centres of the Malay world, both in time and space, yet shared a rich classical literary tradition with the literati of the contemporary Malay world. The boundaries of the Malay cultural world, confined until recently to the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian Archipelago have now been extended to Sri Lanka due to this new revelation about the Malay literary activities of the soldiers of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment in the 19th century. This study emphasises that such literary activities of the community in the past century was largely due to the initiative taken by the military Malays. The Malay literature in the island reached its zenith during the third quarter of the Igth century.

All these came to an end with the disbandment of the CRR in I 873. It also meant the loss of patronage from the British colonial government which the community enjoyed until that time, in matters of education, literacy, cultural and literary pursuits. The potentially disruptive effects of the disbandment of the Regiment produced its aftermath within almost one generation in the community.

In the economic sphere, the Malays could no longer depend on a steady means of employment although immediately after the disbandment of the CRR they were found places in other security-related jobs. The police department in particular employed a fairly large number of Malays. But unlike in the Regiment when the Malays could live in closely-knit cantonments which reinforced their social and geographical cohesiveness, other sectors which employed the Malays, particularly the police service caused dispersion of the community.

Above all, in the new areas of employment, there was no need for the Malays to learn their own language. They had to acquire competency in English as well as other local languages to quality for employment in the government and private sector. This naturally led them to neglect their vernacular education. In fact, the seriousness of the situation was felt by some self conscious Malays. Following the example of the Regiment, the ex-soldiers of the CRR tried to revive the Malay education through their

Retrospect

voluntery efforts by conducting night schools in the Malay-dominated localities in Slave Island and in Kandy.

Their efforts proved futile since the new generation of Malays did not show much interest in learning their language. This can be best illustrated from the history of readership of the two Malay news papers published in Sri Lanka.

The Alamat Langkapuri ofBaba Ounus Saldin appeared in I 869 while the Regiment was still extant., and its readers came mainly from the area of Kertel cantonment in Colombo and Kampung Penson cantonment of Kandy. The newspaper accordingly catered for them by publishing most matters of local interest. For example, the letters to the editor column, through which the enthusiastic readers could exchange views and opinions occupied an important place in the AL. When the same Baba Ounus Saldin ーオ「ャゥセィ・、@ his second newspaper, Wajah Selong, almost a quarter of a century later m 1895, he had to fill this paper with almost 8o% news pertaining to world affairs to cater to the Malays in Batavia, Penang, Malacca, Singapore and Thailand. He appointed news agents in these countries to circulate his newspaper, whereas in his own country within his own community he could not find sufficient readership nor contribution of material.

In fact when Baba Ounus Saldin, himself an ex - CRR soldier, died in I906, the Malay language and literature in Sri Lanka also were buried with him. Thus nearly a quarter century after the disbandment of the Regiment the community lost its cherished literary tradition.

This study also has brought to light the sectional or 'class' interest of the Malay soldiery. Because of their close association with the British colonial authorities, they had imbibed a pride which brought them occassionally into conflict with the other occupational groups generally referred as the 'free Malays'.

Till the very end the Malay soldiers tried to assert their superior status over the civilian Malays. But towards the last stages of the Regiment their position weakened, partly because of the numerical increase in the free Malay population and partly because there were others in the community who were economically better off than the 'impoverished' soldiers. The Malay 'soldier' class was not mindful of the changes in the demographic and economic ascendancy of their non-military colleagues.

Even after the disbandment of the Regiment, the pensioners and ex-soldiers still behaved as if they were the 'chosen people' (of the British masters) besides treating themselves· as an elevated class but the others were ' . not prepared to accept their attitude. With the disappearance of the last Malay soldier of the CRR, the Malay community was set on an altogether different course, having lost its traditional link with the past.

Appendix I The Malay Officers of the Ceylon

Malay Regiment in 1802

The following promotions have taken place by command of His Excellency's government.

Names Rank Date of Rank Date of Commission

Singha Laxana Captain 24·4·I80I 9- I 2-1802 Noordin Goah Do 26-4·I80I 9- I 2· I802 Abdool Sapmat Do 27·4·I80I 9- I 2- I802 Anome Do 28-4·I80I 9·I2·I802 Deepa Troona Do 29-4·I80I 9-I2·I802 Weera Wanxa Do 30-4·I80I 9- I 2· I802 SoomaJaya Do I-5·I80I 9-I 2-1802 Chinta Do 2-5·I80I 9• I 2· I802 Kadair Moondoo Do 3·5·I80I 9-I2·I802 Goonah Vidjaia Do 4-5-I8oi 9-I2-1802 Dole Second Lt. 26-4-I80I 9-I2·I802 Ramlang Do 4-8-I80I 9·I2·I802 BanxaJaya Do 5-8-I8oi 9-I2-I802 Veera Singha Do 6-8-I80I 9-I2-I802 Srang Jaya Do 7-8-I80I 9-I2-I802 Moonoos Do 8-8-I80I 9·I2-I802 Pazell Do 9-8-r8oi 9-I2·I802 Kadair Booist Do I0-8-I80I 9-12-I802

Affen Do I I-8-I80I 9- I 2- I802 Kadair Meeding Do I2-8-I80I 9-12·I802 Crime* Segarry Do I 3-8-I80I 9" I 2-I802 Crime* Sapnam Do 14·8-I80I 9-I 2-I802 Kaffir Boonkoos Do I5·8-I80I 9-I2-I802

R. Arbuthnot Chief Secretary The Ceylon Govt. Gazette. No. 45 I2thJanuary, 1803.

*Karaeng

Appendix I I

Robert Percival1 on the Malays of Ceylon

The Malays are another race, who form a considerable proportion of the inhabitants of Ceylon. This race, which is known to Europeans chiefly by the accounts of its barbarous ferocity, is widely scattered over the eastern parts of India. Their original empire lies in the peninsula of Malacca; and from thence they ha.ve extended themselves over Java, Sumatra, the Moluccas, the Phillippines, and a vast number of other islands in the Archipelago of India. It is difficult to determine the date of their first introduction into Ceylon; but it has for many years been customary for the Dutch to bring them to this and their other settlements in Asia and Africa, for the purpose of carrying on various branches of trade and manufactures, and also to employ them as soldiers and servants.

The religion, laws, manners, and customs of the Malays, as well as their dress, colour, and persons, differ very much from those of all the other inhabitants of Asia. The Malays of the various islands and settlements also differ among themselves, according to the habits and appearance of the nations among whom they are dispersed. Yet still they are all easily distinguished to be of the Malay race. For, although they intermarry with the Moors and other castes, particularly in Ceylon, and by this means acquire a much darker colour than is natural to a Malay; still their characteristic features are so strikingly predominant, that they cannot be mistaken. Those who are born and brought up in the European colonies naturally contract more of the habits of civilized society; they never indeed get entirely rid of their natural ferocity, but they become much less cruel and vindictive, than that part of their race who reside in the peninsula of Malacca and their other native possessions.

The men are of a middling stature, remarkably well proportioned, and of a strong and muscular make. Their legs and arms are particularly well shaped, and very slender at the wrists and ankles; an ill made leg is scarcely ever to be seen among them. They are of a light brown or yellow colour, which approaches nearer to a copper hue in their old age, or when they are much exposed to the sun. Their forehead is broad and flat; their eyes small,

Appendix 159

black, and very deep sunk; their nose flattish, broad towards the nostrils, with a sort of curve at the extremity approaching the lip. Their hair is long, coarse, and black, and always moistened with a quantity of cocoanut oil. By some it is worn flowing loose over their shoulders, while others twist it up into a knot which they fasten on the back of the head with tortoise-shell combs. Some of the poorer sort bind it up with a coloured handkerchief.

The Malays of a higher rank wear a wide Moorish coat or gown, which they call badjour, not unlike our dressing-gowns. It is composed of rich flowered silk, or fine cotton of various colours, according to the fancy of the wearer. Their under dress consists of a vest of silk or calico, called hadjou, and worn close to their bodies, with loose wide drawers of the same stuff. On their head, they wear a dress of a curious shape, neither turban nor cap, but something of both, and oftern elegantly ornamented. The slipper or sandal in use among them, is the same with that worn by the Moors. The dress of the poorer sort consists of a piece of cotton wrapped round their waists, with one end drawn through between their legs, and tucked up at the lower part of the back. It is fitted close to their bodies, and the arms are left completely bare. Some wear a kind of vest or jacket without sleeves; and most of the slaves in the service of Europeans, instead of the piece of cloth, have breeches of some coarse stuff given them by their masters. None of the Malays suffer their beards to grow, but pluck out the hairs as soon as they appear, it being against their religion to alow them to remain.

The dress of the poorer classes of the women consists simply of a large piece of coarse calico, or cotton called a sarow. It is folded and wound round the body above the bosom, which it partly covers, and reaches down to the ankle or the middle of the leg; the upper end of the cloth is tucked up, and fastened immediately under their arm pits. Their hair is twisted up behind like that of the men, and fastened with a fillet, or condes, those large pins or skewers which I have already described.

The women of a superior station dress with much care and splendor, and sometimes a good deal of taste. They wear the sarow I have just mentioned, but of a finer stuff, and folded lower down on the waist. They have also a kind of bodice or close waistcoat, with sleeves reaching below the waist; it seems intended to cover the bosom, which at the same time it compresses, and prevents from having its full and natural appearance. Over it they wear either a coloured silk, fine muslin, or calico garment of a wider shape and longer, with a girdle of the same finely embroidered drawn three or four times loosely round the waist. Over the whole is thrown the badjou, or loose robe, nearly resembling that worn by the men. Some, instead of the badjou, use the salendang, a piece of silk or muslin about five feet long, thrown loosely around the neck and shoulders, so as to fall down before, and be brought across the waist backwards. Their hair is dressed with the conde pins, and shines with cocoa-nut oil; on the crown and back part of the head are stuck three or four tortoise-shell combs with plates of gold. About their necks and

Appendix

arms they wear chains of gold or filigree; and are all provided with ear-rings, Those of the higher order are remarkable for the expense of their dress. The Malays make most beautiful filigree work in gold to be used as ornaments for their persons.

The greater number of Malays have remarkably ugly faces; and their features strongly indicate their ferocious, treacherous, and revengeful dispositions. Yet some have comely countenances; and many of the women may even be considered beautiful, especially such as are not much exposed to the sun, and have not had their noses compressed. It is a common practice with the mothers soon after the birth of their children, to break by compression the gristle of the upper part of their noses, as the flat nose among this people is looked upon as a symbol of beauty. I have seen many very handsome young Malay women of a bright yellow or gold colour, and some even approaching to white. Yet Europeans will do well to avoid their allurements; for such connections are attended with much danger, and often end fatally. The men are extremely jealous, and particularly of the decided preference which the women give to Europeans. They never pardon infidelity in a wife; and although they allow an European to have connection with one unmarried woman, yet he runs little less risk from the object of his affections, than from a jealous husband. The passions of the women are equally violent with these of the men, and they are equally capable of taking the most terrible revenge. If their European paramour offers them the slightest neglect, or if he is suspected of having formed another attachment, they will not hesitate to revenge themselves either by stabbing him, or the equally fatal method of administering poison; a practice to which they are very prone ..

The habits of the Malays in their infancy are calculated to render them hardy. They go naked till about twelve years of age; and are shortly after married. As they are of the Mahometan religion, the higher castes marry as many wives as they can maintain; while their poverty restricts the lower classes to one wife.

Their usual food consists of fowl, fish, rice, and vegetables. The better sort also eat beef and mutton when killed by one of their own race, and prepared in their own manner. When the governor of any of our forts in Ceylon is to give an entertainment to the officers of the Malay corps, he sends for some of their own people to kill and dress the beef and mutton intended for table. They adhere very strictly to the Mahometan prejudices against swine, which they hold in such abhorrence that they will not so much as touch their flesh. I have seen servants of some of the Malay casts, even young boys, refuse to carry away a plate which had ham or bacon in it.

Their common 、セゥョォ@ is water, or the juice of the palmyra; although some of them make no scruple to drink arrack when they can procure it. All day long they chew the betel or pinang, and smoke bang. From this last herb a species of opium is prepared, which they chew in great quantities, as

Appendix r6r

Europeans use strong drinks, to exhilarate their spirits. Too much of it, however, entirely deadens their senses, and reduces them to a state. of complete stupefaction. I have frequently seen these. people, after havmg chewed too large a portion of this noxious drug, ャケュセ@ speechless on エセ・@

round with their eyes fixed in a ghastly stare. Yet, such IS the effect ofhabtt, セィ。エ@ they get completely infatuated with fondness for this drug, and

absolutely cannot do without it. . . . . The amusements of the Malays are suited to their dtsposttiOns, and are

either bold, vigorous, or ferocious. Both the men and キッュセョ@ 。セ・@intemperately fond of bathing, and often so into the bath several ttmes m one day. They have a game which very nearly resembles our football; o?ly the ball they use is made of twisted ratan. But, the セュオウ・ュセョエウ@ of.whtch they are particularly fond are gaming and cock-fightmg. tィ・エセ@ passion for these is frequently carried to such excess, as to .be 。エエ・ョセ・、@ wtth セィ・@ most dreadful consequences. The poorer sort in particular, Hィォセ@ what IS t?ld of the ancient Germans) after having been striped of every Nエィセョァ@ ・ャウセL@ wtll セ・ャャ@themselves and their families to procure the means of grattfymg their passton for play; and after having lost their last stake, they often sacrifice themselves

and their lucky antagonist to their despair. . . The Malays have a great variety of musical Nセセウエイオュ・ョエウ@ キセエ」ィ@ 。セ・@

usually employed in a band or concert at their rehg10us ceremomes, their marriages, and feasts. On these occasions, that N「。イ「セイッセウ@ and ァセッエ・ウアオ・@pomp in which uncivilized nations so much dehght, ts dtsplayed m great ーイッヲオセゥッョN@ A vast number of flags, streamers, figures of セィ・ゥイ@ gods, of ュ・セ@and beasts, which seem to delight in proportion to the ィエ、・ッセウョ・ウウ@ of エィ・セイ@appearance, are carried along in great pomp: The gong gong ts one of their principal instruments. It consists of a large hollow plate of a compou?d metal so contrived in substance and shape as to return a very loud nmse when' struck. The tom tom, is a drum of a peculiar fashion; and ッエセ・イ@instruments are formed of bamboos bound together with iron wtre, something in the shape of a dulcimer. By means of. this variety of instruments which are made of all sizes from the most unwteldy bulk to the smallest an,effect not unpleasing is produced from the contrariety of sounds.

The,Malays universally profess the Mohamedan religion, セAエィッオァィL@ as to some inferior points and duties, the several classes dtffer among themselves. They have temples and mosques dedicated to their saints and their dead· and at these they punctually attend with great devotion.

A skill in medicinal herbs is almost universal among this ra.ce; セョ、@ they have a variety of prescriptions for curing diseases by they applicatiOn: Thts knowledge is owing to their peculiar fondness for gardemng, and セ・セョョァ@ all sorts of plants, an employment in which they are engaged from their エセヲ。ョ」ケ[@and it is from among them: that the European gentlemen are anxious to

procure their gardeners.

Appendix

They are uncommonly ingenious in all sorts of cane-work and in . ' ratanmng couches and chairs; and are accounted capital builders of hungaloes, or houses of the coconut tree.

In other respects, such as the manner of eating their victuals, and their modes of salutation, they very much resemble the natives of the Mala bar and Coromandel coasts. They are, however, sufficiently distinguished from them, and indeed from all the other natives oflndia, by the difference of their institutions, and the peculiar ferocity of their dispositions.

The government, under which the Malays live in their own country, in some degree resembles the ancient feudal institutions of Europe; and war is consequently the business of the nation. The manners and disposition which naturally proceed from these institutions are found among them. They are all bold, warlike, and prepared for the most desperate enterprises; they hear セィ・@ 」_セュ。ョ、ウ@ of their superiors with the most profound reverence, and yield セセセィ」Qエ@ obedience to their most rigorous orders. but the fierce temper ansmg from these military institutions, which in Europe has been softened by the Christian religion, has rather been exasperated by the religion which the Malays have embraced. None of that romantic spirit of chivalry, which produced the courtesy of civilized society amidst the ferocity of perpetual bloodshed, is to be found among the Mal ay followers of a prophet, who was as fierce and warlike as themselves. Accustomed to depend upon their courage, and avenge their own cause, there is more independence of spirit, and more appearance of a lofty intrepidity found among them, than among any other of the servile tribes of the east. Brave, ferocious, and desperate to the last degree, on any occasion that requires blood to be shed; nature can almost be thought capable of they are looked upon with horror by the effeminate and timid Indians. I have often had occasion to observe these sentiments in the natives of Ceylon, who stare affrighted on accidentally meeting a Malay soldier.

The arms which the Malays carry, are well suited to their savage and bloody disposition; and as on receiving any real or imaginary injury, they make no hesitation to sacrifice their own life in taking away that of the object they have marked out for vengeance, they often do incredible mischiefs with the weapons which they wear about them. These consist of a kind of dagger, called a kreese or crisse; the blade ofwhich is of the best tempered steel, and often made of a serpentine form, so as to inflict a most dreadful wound. The ィセョ、ャ・@ is ofivory or wood, carved into the figure of a man's body and arms, With a head representing something between that of a man and a bird. This they call their Swammy or god; and to this figure they make their salam or ッ「セゥウ。ョ」・L@ before they draw the kreese to execute any セャッッ、ケ@ purpose' on which they have determined. After they have by this ceremony confirmed their vow,, t?ey draw their kreese, and never again sheath it till they have drenched It m blood. So resolute is this ferocious determination that if their . ' adversary IS placed beyond the reach of their vengeance, sooner than

Appendix

infringe it, they will plunge the dagger into the body of a pig, a dog, a chicken, or any live animal they chance to meet. The scabbard is made of wood, frequently ornamented with gold or silver wire: and the whole appearance of the weapon, as well as the mode of wearing it on the right side, greatly resembles that found in the ancient dress of the Celtic nations. This terrible instrument is rendered still more so by its being always poisoned; generally by the juice of some poisonous herbs, and, among those who can by any means procure it, with poison from the Upa tree.

In the use of their fatal weapon they are particularly dextrous, and, like other barbarians, make no scruple to employ treachery or surprise in destroying their enemies. They generally watch their opportunity, and stab their victim in the back or shoulder before he is aware. These daggers, the instruments of their ferocious cruelty, are looked upon by them with a degree of veneration. They descend, as a most sacred relic, from father to son, and from generation to generation: no money is accounted sufficient to purchase them, and no violence can compel their owners to give them up. When a Malay is pressed in battle, he will sooner be slain, or kill himself, than surrender his kreese to the enemy.

Before entering upon any desperate enterprise, it is customary with the Malays to take opium, or, as they term it, to hang themselves. This plant, the bang, which is used among the natives of India as an ゥョウエイセュ・ョエ@ of intoxication, is found over all the continent as well as in Ceylon. It IS a small shrub, with a leaf in shape and texture resembling that of the tobacco, but not larger than the leaf of the sage. From this plant a species of ッーゥセュ@ is extracted, and being made into balls, is taken internally, and operates m the same manner as a dram of spirits among the European nations. The leaf of the bang is also dried and smoked like tobacco, with a still stronger intoxicating effect than the opium. After employing this method of rendering themeselves insensible to danger, they are prepared for the most sanguinary achievements, and rush blindfold into every atrocity. The horrid barbarities, however, which they commit on such occasions are not so much to be attributed to their intoxication as to the natural savage cruelty of their dispositions. It is true, indeed, that before any bloody enterprise is undertaken, they first throw themselves into a state of temporary セ。、ョ・ウウ@by means ofbang; but the resolution to commit the crime preceded this state; they first in cold blood resolve to perpetrate their atrocitie.s, and t?en use means to throw themselves into a phrenzy, that no sentiment either of humanity or fear may turn them aside from their bloody purpose. Some, who are anxious to clear human nature from such stains, without considering that they arise from situation and circumstances, attribute the unparalleled barbarity of the Malays to the quantity of ッーゥオセ@ which they take from their infancy, in consequence of which they are m an almost perpetual state of delirium. This delirium, however, is not o: longer continuance than till the intoxicating quality of the drug has spent Its force.

Appendix

In セィ・@ ゥョエ・イカセャウ@ they are completely masters of themselves; it is then they plan their enterpnses; and the quantity of bang which they take is proportioned to their determination to perpetrate the crime they are about to commit. In fact, their institutions and their religion are sufficient to account for their character, without seeking for any other cause, and without accusing nature of having produced monsters.

. The manner in セセゥ」ィ@ the Malays undertake to accomplish their revenge giVes the most stnkmg example of their ferocious dispositions. When a セ。ャ。ケ@ has suffered any injury or grievance, real or imaginary, and ever so shght, the most dreadful thirst of revenge appears to take possession of his キセッャ・@ soul. He makes a vow to destroy the object of his vengeance, together With every other person who comes in his way, till he meets death from some hand ?r other. To prepare himselffor this dreadful exploit, he takes a large quantity of bang, then draws his poisoned kreese, and rushing headlong into エセ・@ ウエイ・・セL@ stabs indiscriminately every one that comes in his way; at the same time crymg aloud, amok, amok, or kill, kill, from whence this horrid mode of revenge is termed by Europeams running a muck. The fury of the devoted wretch is indescribable, and the mischief he often does is very great before a lucky shot brings him down. The natives fly before him in the utmost consternation, and hardly any person but an European dares venture to attack him. It is indeed a service of incredible danger to hunt down the mad savage, as he defends himself desperately to the last, and even though ュセイエ。ャャケ@ wounded often contrives to destroy his antagonist by a stab of his pmsoned kreese. The Dutch government at Ceylon found it necessary to repress this ferocious practice by the severest punishments. A reward of one or two hundred rix-dollars was offered for the destruction or capture of those who ran a muck; and such of them as were taken alive were put to death with the most excruciating torments.

The frequency of mucks in the Dutch settlements seems attributable to the manner in which that nation behaved to their Malay dependants. The slaves and servants of the Dutch were chiefly composed of that race· and it is among this class that the instances of savage fury which we have 、・セ」イゥ「・、@usually occurred. The cruel, capricious, and insulting behaviour of their masters exasperated their natural ferocity; and the impossibility of obtaining legal redress from their tyrants stimulated them to seek vengeance in the destruction of their masters, themselves, and the human species. At Batavia, and the Dutch settlements to the eastward, where their conduct is most despotic and cruel, mucks are greatly more frequent than in Ceylon, or at the Cape of Go?d Hope. Since the arrival of the English at Ceylon, the barbarous practice has almost been unknown; and a few private murders co.mmitted ?n the s・ーッセウ@ and black people in the Pettah, were the only cnmes of this nature attnbuted to Malays during my stay at Columbo. No other cause ca.n be セウウゥァョ・、@ for this difference in the conduct of these people, but the supenor mildness of the English government. So dreadful indeed

Appendix

is the frantic mode of revenge adopted by the Malays, that as long as their feelings continue to be exasperated by bad usage, it is necessary to impress their minds with fear by the severest punishments. But it is consistent with the nature of man to suppose that mild treatment, and the example of human manners, would by degrees soften their minds, and restrain their passions within the bounds of civilized society, without these dreadful punishments which are too shocking ever to reform. The Malays, indeed, in their present state are, from their ideas of morality, almost incapable of being admitted into social life. They have no idea of revenge being a crime, and they triumph in shedding blood on such an occasion. Nothing indeed seems to prevent them from putting the most atrocious purpose into execution, when they have once resolved upon it. The introduction of Christianity among them is the only means by which this unprincipled ferocity can be radically reformed; and it would certainly in a political view be of infinite service to us that those Malays in our settlements should embrace this religion. It would be the firmest link which could unite them with this country. At present it is very uncomfortable for Europeans to be as much afraid of their servants and attendants as of a mad dog.

The Dutch government of Ceylon had always a regiment of Malays in their service. That corps for a considerable time past seemed to form the strength of their garrisons, and were the only troops which either kept up discipline, or displayed any sort of bravery in the field. I have already mentioned that it was from them alone that our troops met with any opposition either at Columbo or Trincomalee. They seemed, indeed, to have imbibed such a rooted aversion for the English, that there was at first little appearance of their ever becoming our friends. This hatred had been inspire:! by エZNセ@ ungenerous policy of the Dutch, who endeavoured to secure their colonies by cherishing among the natives an implacable detestation of the other European nations, and in particular by representing the English as a nation of cruel and inhuman tyrants, who carried destruction and oppression wherever they came. These base and unjustifiable arts were not however always confined to mere misrepresentation; but the massacre of foreigners was at times had recourse to as a measure of precaution. The infamous affair at Amboyna has through the whole world circulated the eternal disgrace of the Dutch name. There is another instance of their abominable policy which is less known in Europe, but has excited general indignation in the eastern world. In the year r 798, captain Packenham of the Resistance happening to be with his ship at Timur, one of the spice islands which we have lately conquered, he was invited, along with his officers, by the Dutch governor to an entertainment. some circumstances prevented the captain from accepting the invitation: his officers however went, and found with astonishment and horror, that the Dutch had made hospitality a pretext to obtain an opportunity of assassinating them. They were set upon without the least warning, and the first lieutenant and one

Appendix

or two more infamously murdered with some Sepoys who attempted to 、セヲ・ョ、@ their officers. The surgeon, however, who was a very strong man; With the assistanve of a couple of Sepoys fought his way to th,e beach, and made good his retreat to the ship. Upon the surgeon's representing this barbarous conduct of the Dutch, captain Packenham instantly gave orders to fire upon the town, and it was in consequence soon reduced to ashes. The Dutch inhabitants, and all those who were concerned in the massacre fled precipitately into the interior of the island. Several of the ー・イー・エイ。エセイウ@ of the crime were afterwards taken, and suffered for their treachery.

In the same year, an unfortunate affair took place.at Amboyna, where the Malays murdered lieutenant M'Crae, of the company's service, who happened to be quartered there; and several more of the English officers would have shared his fate, had they not been rescued by the troops. I will not take upon me to say how far the Dutch were implicated in the crime; but from their usual policy, and their conduct on other occasions, it was strongly suspected that they had instigated the Malays to perpetrate this savage act.

By such arts as I have described, the Dutch succeeded in impiring the Malays with the most rooted aversion to our countrymen; and there was no piece of atrocity which they were not ready to commit on our troops. Several of t?e セ。ャ。ケウ@ have since told me, that on our taking possessi(>o of Ceylon, their mmds had been exasperated to such a degree by misrepresentation, and an 。ウウオイセョ」・@ of the Dutch that the English would give them no quarter, as to determme them to do us all the mischief in their power. The cowardly and base conduct of the Dutch, however, both in yielding without resistance to セオイ@ troops, and in abandoning the Malays, who fought their battles, to their fate, has completely alienated the Malays from their fortner masters. They now look upon the Dutch with contempt, and call to mind their former tyrannical behaviour; while the brave and open conduct of the English has gone far to do away their former prejudices against us. After the capture ofColumbo, the the first time during our long interceurse with India entered into our service. The regiment stationed there in the service of the Dutch was brought over to the British, and the command given to captain Whitlie, one of the East India company's officerll. By his ᄋセゥ、オッオウ@exertions and judicious conduct in the management of them during a considerable time, this corps was brought to a very excellent state of discipline, and rendered much attached to our government. They have since behaved universally with great respect and obedience to their European officers, and from being always well used by us have contracted a sincere regard to our service.

Soon after the arrival of governor North on the island, he new-modelled this corps, and put it on a larger and more respectable establishment. Another. European officer besides captain Whitlie was assigned to it; the compames were officered by their own native captains and subalterns; and the governor at the particular request of the corps took upon himself the

Appendix

station of their colonel. Another change has since been introduced into the establishment of this regiment: the command has been given to colonel Champagne, officers for it have been sent ヲイセュ@ Europe, and it has obtained a place among our other regiments of the hne.

The Malay troops are armed and clothed much in the same manner as the European, with the exception of shoes, the wearing ッヲキィゥセィ@ is 」ッョエイセイケ@to the rules of their religion; instead of them they use a particular species of sandal. Along with .their other arms they always wear their kreeses or poisoned daggers by their sides: in the heat of a? engagement they ッヲセ・ョ@throw down their musket and bayonet, and; rushmg upon the enemy With these kreeses, carry terror and destruction wherever they come. From having done duty in the same ァセイイゥウッセ@ with.them. ヲッセ@ three ケセ。イウ@ an.d a ィセャヲL@and having during that period hved m habits ofmtlmacy with their natiVe officers, I had an opportunity of minutely observing the character of the Malays as soldiers. From their natural intrepidity and hardiness, they are well calculated to become very useful and serviceable troops if properly officered and commanded. It requires however much management, much attention to their tempers, skill in regulating their economy, firmness in maintaining discipline, and at the same time great caution in punishing misbehaviour, to make our service reap in its full extent the advantage セィ。エ@might·be derived from them. To their native officers, who were at エィ。セ@ time chiefly from among their own princes and great セ・ョL@ the: always patd.the most implicit obedience, and seemed to hold them m the htghest veneratton. On being punished by sentence of a 」ッオイエMュ。イセゥ。ャ@ ther ョ・セ・イ@ murmur, and their darling passion of revenge seems to be entirely latd astde. The 」ッョセイセウエ@of this behaviour with their usual furious resentments on the most tnvtal occasions struck me so forcibly, that I was induced to enquire the cause from of some of their officers. I was told that it was an ordinance of their religion, and a rule among their customs which was never infringed upon, to pay implicit obedience to all their officers, European 。セ@ well as Malay, and to execute military orders with the strictest punctuality; and they were also enjoined never to murmur at any conduct of their ウセー・イゥッセウL@ or ィ・ウゥエセエ・@ to execute orders as long as they received pay and contmued m the service of any power. In addition to this, they are always tried for 。ョセ@ ッヲヲ・ョセ・ウ@ by .a court composed wholly of their own native officers, who cquamted wtth thetr language and customs, and thus afford a security of every ェオウエゥ」セ@ being rendered to the accused. The patience with which the Malays submtt to the sentence of their court-martial, and their refraining from revenge when エィセケ@are assured that justice is intended them, is another striking argument m support of what I have already advanced, that mild and generous treatment will in the end have the effect of subduing their natural ferocity.

Notes

Appendix I I I *

Minute by Major Thomas Skinner

r · In compliance with the Governor's direction that each member of the Executive Council should record his opinion with reference to the whole セオ・ウエゥッョ@ of エセ・@ recruitment of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, and the イューイッカ・セ・ョエ@ of the セッョ、ゥエゥッョ@ of the native soldier of that Regiment I beg to submit the followmg obervations.

2. I concur in the view that it is very undesirable that the ranks of the Regiment should be filled with Hindoos from Southern India. There are 。ャイ・。_セ@ two hun?red i? the Regiment enlisted. I believe for ten years I am of opm10n, that m no mstance should the term of service of these men be renewed.

3· . It has been. shown, that the strength of the Regiment cannot be kept up 「セ@ l?cal ・ョィウエセ・ョエ@ of Malays. Several attempts made of late years to recrmt m the Strarts of Malacca and Singapore appear to have failed and recruiting セョ@ South Africa has been suggested as the best means of keeping up an efficrent natives (or black) Regiment in Ceylon.

4· For セィセ@ sole purpose of a soldier, I consider the Malay the best adapted of all Asratrcs. I have met with, next to him, for general service that flat ョッウセ、L@ thick lipped woolly haired Kaffir from Mozambique is I think to be preferred, Zッセ@ m addition to his soldiery qualities he is of a powerful athletic frame, he rs mnured to labour, and is less artificial in his habits than the mセャ。ケL@ ';ho with all his many fine soldier like qualities is open to this very serrous drsadvantage, that the use of opium to him is an absolute essential and by which, he is incapacitated for hard active service, at a comparative!; early age.

5· If possible to recruit in Mozambique the class of man I have described (and of which the late 3rd Ceylon Regiment was composed). I believe we would セョ、@ him the best substitute for the Malay, but I hold it to be of the utmost Importance, that we would guard against the mistake ofintroducing to the Colony any beef eating Kaffir, who is unaccustomed to, or unable to

*Source S.L.N.A. 2/50 (Ceylon) Executive Council Proceedings, 27th February, I86I.

Appendix

live on rice, which is the staple food of the country. Such men would be as difficult and dxpensive to ration as British soldiers, whilst with the proposed additional 2 , their pay would be nearly equal.

6. General Braybrooke considers the climate of Ceylon, unsuited to the Kaffir of the Mozambique. The Kaffir Companies of the C.R.R. employed on the public works of the colony, under my orders, for many years, and fatigue parties of them formed the only labour. I could at the time procure, to penetrate the depths of the jungles, in the first trignometrical operations undertaken in the country, and in my reconnaissance of the great mountain ranges of the island and it is impossible any men could have undergone harder work, under more trying privations. The Malay could not have endured it. No other men could be induced to attempt it. It is almost impossible to estimate the ages of such men, but judging from the time that they had been in our service I believe many of the Kaffirs were efficient hard working men up to the age of 6o. I believe they lasted as long as could possibly have been expended and much longer than any other class of men would have lasted under similar circumstances.

7· The only argument I know, which at all supports the opinion that the climate of Ceylon is inimical to the Kaffir, is the statement which I have heard made, that their children were more difficult to rear, than are those of other natives, tho' I am by no means convinced that they were not raised in equal proportion to those of the Malays. At present there are ofMalays, Hindoos and Kaffirs 1216 men, and 655 married women in the Regiment and only 995 children of both sexes. One company of the Regiment I understand, is still composed of the descendants of the Kaffirs.

8. Should it be proved that men can readily be obtained from Mozambique, I think two or three divisions of pioneers should also be composed of them, could at any time be converted into soldiers, and might act as feedrs to the Regiment.

g. But while I advocate the enlistment ofKaffirs as substitutes for Malays, if the latter cannot be obtained, I should desire to be understood as giving so great a preference to the Malays, as to think it worth taking much trouble to secure them, and I may add, that I have always been under the impression that we have ailowed ourselves to be too easily defeated in our attempts to recruit to the Eastward.

ro. In r83o I was sent by the late Sir Edward Barnes on a mission to Java, nominally to take time expired men of the C.R.R. who had been enlisted there, during the time we held possession of that country, and to recruit in the Straits· of Malacca and Singapore, but ostensibly to endeavour to negotiate with the Government of the Netherlands India for permission to recruit in the Island Celebes.

Appendix

I I. The inhabitants of that island may be considered the Swifts of the Malayan archipelago. The men are a short, sturdy race, so remarkable for their fidelity in any engagements they make, that it is a proverb throughout those countries, that the word of an "Orang Boogis" (the name by which they are generally designated) is more to be relied on, than the oath of any other man.

I2. I could not prevail on the Governor General of Netherlands India to permit me to raise men in Celebes. His Exellency urging as a reason for non compliance with Sir Edward Barnes' request, that during the insurrectionary war in Java in I828, they had, in their extremity been refused by the Bengal Government, permission to recruit in India. I subsequently heard that the East India Company's Government granted the permission, but refused to take any active part in raising the men, or to guarantee them the fulfillment of the conditions of enlistment, offered by the Dutch.

I 3· Nevertheless in passing through, the Straits on my way to and from Java, I had no difficulty in obtaining between 40 and 50 out of the 6o men I was directed to enlist, and could readily enough have completed the number but for delays consequent on having to run our ship upon my return to the Colony, with the government vessel placed at my disposal by a given date. The terms on which the men I have referred were enlisted, were a bounty of £3 pay at the rate of six pence a day subject to deduction of three pence or 50 percent, for a ration of quart ofrice and I/4 of quart ofsalt.

I4. It is to be presumed, that the exclusive policy of the Dutch, in their Indian possessions must have become considerably modified during the last thirty eventful years; their supremacy in Java has been threatened, as well as our own in India, and I cannot help believing that both governments would be benefitted by adopting a policy of reciprocity in respect of enlistment. A Hindoo force from Southern India, would be as conducive to the security ofNetherlands India, as a Malay force might be to our Indian possessions, and from the discussion I had the honour of having with his Excellency the Governor General ofJava in I83o. I am disposed to think, a proposition for mutual accommodation between the two governments might be advantageously made and favourably entertained at the present day.

I5. But irrespective of the question referred to in the preceding paragraph, I think we have no sufficient ground for pmnouncing recruiting in the Malayan archipelago impracticable, merely because we have foiled in one or two futile attempts to obtain men on the Straits of Malacca and Singapore.

I6. If it is desired to keep up the Malay element in the C.R.R. or to create such a force for our Indian army I would recommend that two or three

Appendix 171

companies of the C.R.R. should form part of the garrisons ofPenang, Malacca and Singapore, when I believe the advantages of the service would soon become known, intermarriages would take place between our people and the Malays ofthe Straits; and in a few years I anticipate the difficulty would be overcome. This arrangement would not be attended with any serious additional expense, as the detachment of the C.R.R. would take the place of other troops, and for a time, their places might be taken in Ceylon by reliefs of other native troops from India. There is a fortnightly steam communication between the Straits and Ceylon, so that recruits might be sent over as fast as collected, at small expense, and with perfect security.

I7· I think it would be premature to incur the expense of sending a recruiting party to South Africa, until a more complete understanding is arrived at, as to the character of description of Kaffir. Sir George Grey propose we should enlist, and until it is ascertained whether the proposed increase in the rate of pay, will have the effect of attracting to the Regiment, a sufficient number of the Island-born Malay.

I8. The proposed increase of two pence a day, will bring the pay of the Malay, to within a penny of that of the British soldier, it will be from 3! to 4 pence a day in excess of the ordinary price oflabour of the country. For a month of 30 days the Malay soldiers will receive £I, 7s,6d whilst Malay employed as peons throughout the country are paid I5 to I8 shilling a month. The latter have to.provide their own quarters, and to purchase their staple food (rice) at the market rate, which throughout the several stations garrisoned by the C.R.R. during I859 averaged 3s gd the quart, and his wife was allowed a pint of rice, thus giving to the married soldier in I859 an advantages of 3 S 5 d/ I 7 a day or nearly 8 shillings 3 pence a month, in the principal article of food, over the Malay in civil employ, his increased pay and rice allowance being equal to I 1 I5s,8d a month, compared with the civil Malay's salary from I5S to I8d a month, but the advantages of the Malay soldier over his fellow countrymen in civil employ do not end here. He is allowed fuel, quarters, gratuitous medical attendance and 70 percent of the men are on the receipt of good conduct pay.

I g. I am not aware of any other instance in which the soldier placed in circumstances so infinitely superior to those enjoyed by men ofhis own class in his own country, and it was in consideration of this view of the case, that in the Committee appointed to report upon the subject, I bpposed any further concession to the C.R.R. in respect of rations.

20. It is said, that not only is there a difficulty in inducing the Island-born Malay to enlist, but that the Malay element of the Regiment has degenerated. This degeneracy is attributed to the insufficiency of his food, and it is now held by some officers that as he is a beef eater, he requires a ration of meat daily, and that he should be messed as a British soldier.

Appendix

2 I. セッ@ all this I. am totally opposed. I joined the C.R.R. at the age of I 4 years smce I left It, and longer still since I did duty with it. I have never ceased to take an interest in it and I cannot help comparing with-regret the present system of the Regiment, with that which existed when I first knew it, 。ョセ@ for many years after. Formerly it was the boast of the colony and セィ・N@ pnde of every officer belonging to it. No Regiment could approach it m Its perfection of drill or in its conduct. It was then considered by Sir Edward Barnes, and other experienced officers to be the best ideal of a セッャッオイ・、@ Regiment but every movement of late years has been to destroy Its セゥューャ・@ self-sustaining c.haracter. The first clumsy step in this direction, :-vhich.I ヲセイ・ウ。キセ@ and predicted would be fatal to the Regiment, was putting It bodily mto thick heavy ammunition boots. In my opinion it would have been very little more absurd to have attempted to shoe the antelope and now find the barracks of the C.R.R. crowded with wooden cots!!! He must imitate his European 」ッュセ。、・@ in having a box for his accumulated superfluities, amongst the rest his shoes, brushes and blacking. I conclude and to crown it .all, it is ーセッセッウ・、@ to inflict upon him a system ッヲeオイッー・。セ@ messing, then will follow It IS to be inferred all the paraphernalia of tables, forms, table cloths, canteens, knives, forks, spoons etc.

22. In my jud.gement native troops and especially light troops, ought to be. as nearly セウ@ I.rregular force as practicable consistently with efficiency of dnll and disciplme. It should be the officers' duty to reduce their artificial wants to the utmost limits, to inure them to great endurance, and to render them as self sustaining as possible that of all things most to be avoided is pampering them until they acquire as many wants aod become as 、ゥヲヲゥ」セャエ@to move as the European in a climate the most opposite to his own.

23. The theory of messing of course commends itself to officers who know its advantages. As イ・ァ。イ、セ@ the European troops, it may have answered when (detached from their families and connections) a detachment of the c.R.R.

was stationed at Hongkong, but I believe that in Ceylon it would be as un popular, as I consider it would be impolitic.

24. Almost every soldier in the C.R.R. has a swarm of connections and from the moment he enlists he is expected to contribute to their ュ。ゥセエ。ゥョ。ョ」・N@This セウ@ the 」_ョウ・セセ・ョ」・@ of continuous intermarriages in the Regiment. It explams the mabihty of the men to live on double the amount of pay which suffices for other natives and is a strong reason for bringing fresh blood into the Regiment.

25. But to revert to the question of rations I cannot admit, that because a Malay may eat meat, it becomes a matter of necessity that he should be supplied with a daily ration of it. With just as much reason might it be said that because the pioneer may eat poultry and mutton and the k。ョ、ケ。セ@game, they require it daily. I do not think that the whole Malay population

Appendix 173

of the island, on an average, eat meat twice in a week, or that one in a hundred of the entire native population tastes meat of any kind ten times in a year but some officers go much further and think it desireable the native soldier should be provided with curry stuff, cocoanuts, coffee sugar and hoppers (a native cake). Before we come to such refinement of detail, I think it would be far better to remodel the C.R.R. on something of the principle of an irregular force.

26. All the proposed alternations in respect of pay, rations, and pensions, I believe were suggested with special reference to the Malay soldier. But it should not be forgotten that something like one sixth of the C.R.R. are Hindoos, and that we have another body of (principally I believe) Hindoos, attached to the artillery as Gun Lascars, whose conditions of enlistment (I hear) entitle them to all the advantages which may be conferred on the C.R.R. So that these will be extended to between goo and 400 men of the same class from which our pioneer force is drawn, the bulk of whom are paid 7 pence and 7! pence a day or I 7 shillings I 6 pence and I 8 shillings I 9 pence a month of go days. How long is it to be supposed, we shall keep 200 pioneers contended with their pay, if they find all other of their class in the government service drawing more than double what they receive for a far more arduous service.

27. We are doubtless in a difficulty to keep up the strength of the Malay portion of the C.R.R. but I incline to think we have not probed deep enough to reach the cause of the inconvenience. I have frequently enquired of old soldiers, contemporaries of my own, why they did not place their sons in the Regiment and the almost invariable reply has been "Oh! Sir the Regiment is not what it was, it is now full of coolies and horse keepers." I cannot say whether the answer was a genuine expression of their feelings or whether the statement is true but I have no doubt it influenced some. There must however, be some much stronger influence which deters men from joining a service presenting advantages so far in excess of those they can expect ordinarily to command in civil employ whatever be the cause. I do not consider it should be overcome solely by additional expenditure of money, far beyond a given point the more lavishly you pay and feed native troops, the less effective are they for the requirements of their profession.

28. The old invalid company was a cause of great dissatisfaction. The most tried, the oldest and the best soldiers were doomed on it, to serve on a diminished rate of pay, long after they were totally unfit for any service. I think the abolition of it will act favourably on the Regiment.

29. In the present condition of the Corps, I think it would be impolitic to do away with the native officers and think that at least one company should be retained as an object of ambition to the old soldiers, of whom many would

174 Appendix

continue in the Regiment, in the hope of obtaining the rank and pension at the close of their service.

30. The increased rate of pension recommended by the committee is very high, but seeing that it cannot come into operation before the expiration of 21 years, it may, by that time, be worth not very much more than the existing pensions at the present day. There is one point, however in reference to this subject which deserves consideration. Namely the length of time a native is borne upon the pension roll in this country, we have now no less than 3I men who have been drawing pensions for 35 years. Many of the men are enlisted, at or before IB years of age, and are enlisted to their pensions at 39, a man ought not to be worn out, or unfit for active service at that age. I would name forty five as a more fitting age at which a native soldier should be allowed to retire.

31. Instead of allowing a soldier marching money, I should prefer providing him with transport for his rations.

32. In conclusion I beg to state my opinion that if Malays cannot be obtained for the following pay and advantages Hキィセ」ィ@ I am prepared to recommend should be granted to them) they are too costly and inconvenient a description of native soldier for this Colony at any higher price.

A single man's pay ................. I I d. a day a married .................... . do = do ............................... I s/ ................... do. Good conduct pay at present rate as deserved. Present ration of rice to be issued to him and his wife, wherever stationed, at the rate of 2 pence a quart.

The regulated allowance of fuel as at present. When practicable, meal to be issued if required, to be paid for by the men at the commissariat contract prices.

Pensions (prospectively) as recommended by the committee.

33· I think a further benefit to the Regiment might be conceded with advantage to the Service in reducing the cost, and bulk of the soldier's kit, by doing away with the present white trousers and jackets of which each man must be kept supplied with a large number and substituting a gray cloth for light necessaries, glaring white under black accoutrements has always appeared to me to be an unsuitable uniform for rifleman at any time or under any circumstances. If practicable to do so, I would also recommend that boots should be abolished, but admit, that having once adopted them there may now be some difficulty on the score of pride, in getting rid of the useless encumbrances, which are always to be found in a man's hand instead of their being on his feet whenever he has the chance of relieving himself of the inconvenience.

Colombo I5 February I86I Sgd. T. Skinner

Appendix IV

B.O. Saldin: An Obituary - Appreciation*

A Distinguished Malay Citizen of Colombo

There is a touch of pathos and withal of romance in the death of an old and revered Malay citizen, the father of Messrs A. N. and M. M. Saldin of the Surveyor General's Office and Mr. M.K. Saldin, Merchant and aァセョエN@ A week ago, after a brief illness, the good old man Mr Baba Ounus Saldm has passed away from our midst in the 76th year of his age. His remains キセイ・@interred atJawatte Burial Ground in the presence of a very large gathenng of friends and relations. He left behind a widow, three sons, and two daughters, with whom the most heartfelt sympathy will be felt in エィ・セイ@ sad bereavement, His father was a Captain in the late Ceylon Rifle Regiment which did splendid service in the "good old days". Included with marshal instincts Mr 0. Saldin joined the Regiment at the age of I 8. He was soon promoted to the rank oflance-corporal, but his broad outlook oflife led to his severance from it by the purchase of his discharge. He took charge of the reparation of the satin-wood bridge at Peradeniya and latterly at the construction of the Gampaha Suspension Bridge under the engineer, Captain Donald Graham. He was then connected with the well known firms, Nessrs Venn & Go., Harrison Goodwin & Go., and lately of W.H. Davis & Go. for many years. Interesting as work of this character was to him his tastes lay in the direction of literature, religion and fine arts. Languages were his 'forte'. He was able to read and write English, Tamil, Sinhalese Arabic and was the master of Malayan language and conversed ' . in Portuguese and Hindustani as well. He was a staunch and pious Mussulman, his knowledge of the Muhammadan law and tィ・ッウセーィケ@ was so extensive and exact that he was often consulted on knotty pomts. Not only was he an erudite scholar but he wielded his versatile pen with unrestrained freedom. He was the author of some religious books in Malay which he. wrote for the benefit of the community. His poetic talents found expression in a History ofCeylon. For some years he edited a Malay weekly paper entitled "Wajah Selong" or the "Light of Ceylon", the only one of the kind that ever existed in the Island of Ceylon.

In lithography his irrepressible energy found excellent diversion. It is well known to the general public that in the art oflithography he wasfacile princeps in Ceylon, and the work he turned out revealed unmistakable signs

Appendix

of skill and artistic tastes. He was richly endowed with gifts of mind as well as ofheart. To the very end of his life his humour and gaiety were matched with charming urbanity and unfailing courtesy.

"Describe him who can, an abridgement of all that was pleasant in man." Such men make the history of our country, their loss irreparable, but their shining example is an inspiration to all to serve their days and generation faithfully and well.

•From Ceylon Observer, 28th May 1go6.

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Ms. "Memoranda Note Book Personal and Family Events" Mohamad Khalid Saldin (b.1874-1944), (English), (188o-c1930), original with his son (diceased) Mr. Hamlyn Saldin. Mt. Lavinia Copy in possession of the present writer.

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Newspapers

Selected List of Persons Interviewed

Kandy

Mr. Tuan Kamaldeen Pakon Cuncheer, (Died 1979) Retired Prison Officer. Mr. MohammedJuhar Booso. Clerk, Kandy Municpal Council Mrs. Gnei Pushpa Sarriffodin, nee Mohamed Modin. Mr. Baba Dyar Sarriffodin. (Died 1977). Mrs. Merbani Salim, (nee Weerabangsa died 1985).

Badulla

Mr. Tuan Hareera Dole, District Superintendent, Times of Ceylon, Badulla. Mr. Hafleen Miskin Bongso, (Died 1978) Retired Workshop Foreman, Colombo Commercial

Company, Badulla. Mr. Tuan Shariff Miskin, Government Contractor. Mr. Mohammed Haniffa Bongso, (Died 198o), Retired Public Health Inspector.

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Mr. Mohammed Salahudin, Khatib, Fort Mosque, Hambantota. Mr. Doll Karins Kamarudin, Salt Trader. Mr. Mohammed Reyal Thassim, (Died 1984) Attorney-at-Law, and Ex-Ambassador for Sri

Lanka in the Royal Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Trincomalee Mass Mohammed Ghuice Weerabangsa, (Died 1978), Retired Police Sergeant.

Hmセエ@ of them were interviewed in 1974{75 and average age of those interviewed was 6o).

J8o

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Mr. Tuan Bagoos Abdul Raheem, Khatib, Akbar Mosque, Colombo. Mr. Tuan Shamsudeen Rahim, Checking Clerk, Colombo Warehouse.

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the Kandyan Country. (Reprinted from the Ceylon Goverment Gazelle). Colombo. Arasaratnam, S. 1964. Ceylon. New Jersey. Azeez, A.M.A. 1960, Ceylon Muslim, Enryclopaedia of Islam (New Ed.), London. Balasingham, S. V. 1968. The Administration of Sir Henry Ward, Governor of Ceylon, J8Ss·

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1877, Dehiwela, Ceylon. Barat, Amiya. 1962. The Bengal Native Infantry, Its Organization and Discipline·1796-1852.

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Ceylon, London. Brakel, L.F. 1975. The Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah. Part 1. The Hague. Brohier, R.L. 1933. The Golden Age of Military Adventure in Ceylon, An account of the Uva

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Malaise, traduction francaise et. notes. Revue de'histoire des religions, 54:374·94. Cense, A .A. 1950. De Verering van Sjaich J usuf in Zuid Celebes Bingkisan Budie. pp.5o-57. Christie, David, C . .N. 1958. The Cane-Workers ofCeylon. Ceylon Todfly, 7 (1). Cleghorn Papers. 1927. (Ed. by Rev. William Neil) London. Coedes. 1918. Le Royaume de Crivijaya. BEFEO. 8:1-36. Cordiner, J.A. 1807. A Description of Ceylon, Containing an Account of the Country,

Inhabitants and Natural Productions, 2 Vs. London. Cowen, H.L. 186o. History of the Ceylon Regiment, Colburn's United Services Magazine, 323·7· Crawford, John. J8!w. History of the Indian Archipelago, Containing an Account of the

Manners Arts, Languages, Religion, Institutions and Commerce of its inhabitants, Edinburgh.

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0 R A N G R E J M E N

Who are the Sri Lankan Malays? Where did they come from? How and why did

they persist in maintaining their communal identity? These questions have never been answered in any detail before. This book sets out for the first time to throw light on their history and provide a pleasantly readable account of their origins and evo luti on on the island of Sri Lanka. More specifically, the book highlights

the induction of the Malays into the first regimental military service and the consequent developments which shaped their own outlook on life, a·ttitudes

and cu ltural ethos.

B.A. HUSSAINMIYA, Ph.D., is presently a lecturer in History at the Universiti Brunei

Darussalam. Besides his monograph, Lost Cousins: The Malays of Sri Lanka (1987),

published by Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, he has contr ibuted many articles

on Sri Lankan Malays and their traditional Mal ay literature to Malaysian journals.

PENERBIT UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA

ISBN 967-942-165-1

M $28.00