T H E BU RM E S E EM P I R E

A HU NDRED YEARS AGO

THE

M E S E E M P I R E

U ND RED YEAR S AGO

AS DESCRIBED BY

F ATHER SAN GERMAN O

W ith an'

Introduction and Note s by

JOHN JARD INE

JUDGE OF HER MAJESTY,S HIGH COURT OF JUDICATUREAT BOMBAY

LATE J UDICIAL COMMISSIONER OF BRITISH BURMA,AND PRESIDENT

OF THE EDUCATIONAL SYNDICATE OF BRITISH BURMA

AND SOMETHIE DEAN OF THE FACULTY OF ARTSIN THE UN IVERSITY OF BOMBAY

Qfi es fm ins fer

ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND COMPANY

1 4 PARLIAMENT STREET,S.\V .

of

DIBOC XCI II

W 91 5

C O N T E N T S

INTRODUCTION,LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL W ORKS REFERRED

PREFACE BY MR. JARDINE, xxxi i i

PREFACE BY CARDINAL W ISEMAN, xxxvu

DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE,

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY

1 . Of the Measures and Di v isions of Tim e comm only used inthe Sacred Burm ese Books,

II. Of the W orld and its Parts,

Of the Beings that li ve in this W orld,of their Felicity or

Misery,and of the Durat ion of their Life,

IV. Of the State s of Punishm ent,V . Of the Destruction and Reproduct ion of the W orld

,

VI. Of the Inhab itants of the Burm ese Em pire,

BURMESE HISTORY

Origin,of the Burm ese Nat ion and Monarchy,

Abridgm ent of the Burm ese Annals, called Maharazv en,

Of the present Royal Fam ily, and of the Principal Eventsthat have taken place under the Reigning Dynasty,

CONSTITUTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

Of the Em peror, and of his W hite Elephants,Ofii ce rs of State and of th e Household, Tribunals, and

Adm inistration of Justice,Re venue and Taxe s

,

Arm y and Mil itary D iscipline,

v i DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

RELIGION OF THE BURMESECRAP.

XIV . The Laws of Godam a,

XV. Of the Talapoins,XVI. The Serm ons of Godam a

,

XVII. Superst it ions of the Burm ese,

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION OF THE

BURMESE EMPIRE

XVIII. Characte r of the Burm ese,XIX. Manners and Custom s of th e Burm ese,XX . Literature and Sciences of the Burm ese,XXI. Natural Productions of th e Burm ese Em p ire,XXII. Calendar of the Burm ese. Clim ate and Seasons of the

Burm e se Emp ire,XXIII. O f the Currency and Comm e rce of th e Burm ese Em p ire,

BURMESE CODE

XXIV. Abstract of the Burm ese Code entitle d Dam asat

Golde n Rule

NOTE A,

NOTE B,

NOTE C (by Mr. JARDINL) ,

I NTRODUCT ION

DURING all the past Burma has been a land of attraction tom en of adventure

,a region of delight to those

,like the old

travellers,whose eyes sought after what i s picturesque and

strange. This far-off part of India was,indeed

,even in the

later centuries, hardly known to the European merchantswho had seen the cities under the dominion of the GreatMogul

,and the castles and church towers which at Ormus

,

Goa,and other points along the coasts

,marked the rising

power of th e Portuguese. To the people of India Burmahad been known as the Golden Land from remote time

,and it

may very likely be that this old region was the Golden Chersone se of Ptolemy. Here, on the shores where the riversSalween and Sitang j oin the se a, a number of powerful coloniesfrom India

,planted 2000 years ago, were engaged in con

stant struggles with the native tribes . The ruins of Golanagar

,the town of the Gaudas or people from Gour in Bengal

,

are still to be seen . Here, in the time of the EmperorAsoka (the third century came the Buddhist missionariesSona and Uttara

,from the Counci l of Patna

,to preach that

faith which ultimately spread among the primitive peoplessurrounding the colony. Albeit the Hindu communities fellin the end under the people of the land

,they contrived

for a time to establish powerful kingdoms,and left a strong

impress of thei r own religions,science

,and literature on the

minds of these Talaings of Pegu . In that country also,as

in India and Cambodia,the conflict between Buddhism and

Brahmanism lasted long . Although in the course of centuri es

vii i DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the former became the prevalent religion of Burma, gainingconverts on all sides

,the ancient powers of the Brahmans can

be traced in the history as well as in the ruins of old cities, inthe popular traditions and on the carven stones

,such as those

which Dr. Forchham m e r saw at ThatOn, one of which revealsan early endeavour to compromise disputes

,where the Dra

v idian immigrants from the south of India portray Vi shnuin his ninth incarnation as Buddha, the Enlightened One.We have in these early facts of history apparent proof ofthe high antiquity of the influence of India over the variousnations dwelling in Burma ; whether or no the legends andtraditions which describe an ancient incursion of Indians fromKapilavastu,

under a royal leader of the Kshatriya caste,by

the landward route through Manipur,and the founding of

the dynasty at Tagaung (possibly the Tugm a metropoli s of

Ptolemy) , are to be treated as mere fable, or, as Sir A . Phayre ,

following Lassen,inclines to believe

,as enshrining some foun

dation of fact,and accounting for the early use of Sanskrit in

names of places and terms of art and law .

There is now more general agreement of scholars as to theraces of men whom these Indians

,colonists

,and missionaries

encountered in Burma. Into the upper region of the Irawadithe dominant race

,now called the Burmese

,had descended

from Central Asia,which tract their physical resemblances and

affinities of language with the people of Tibet show to havebeen the home of their forefathers . The clans became moreor less welded into tribes

,as among their ‘ younger brothers ’

the Chins of to-day ; and in course of time we find dynastiesof kings reigning at Tagaung

,Panya

,Pagan

,and Prome

,and

others ruling the remoter countries of Arakan and Toungoo .

The Tibeto-Burman tribes had,however

,to contend with the

Tai or Shan people,which in its d ifferent branches is perhaps

the most widely spread of any race in the Indo-Chinese peninsula, including as i t does the Ahoms of Assam

,the Laos of

Zimme, and the S iamese. Face and language point to racial

INTRODUCTION ix

connection with China, and th e history and tradition of thesetribes tell of an earlier home ages ago in Yunnan , of a Shankingdom in the north of Burma

,with i ts capital at Mong Maw

Long on the Sheveli river, and another Shan kingdom of Tali ,which fell under the conquering hand of Kublai Khan in A.D .

1 253. Nearer th e sea,along the coasts and in the fertile

plains bordering the great rivers and creeks,were found

another race,the old dwellers of Pegu and the country

round Moulm ain,who call themselves MOns. These obtained

the mastery of the delta, driving out the Taungthu tribewho originally tilled its soil, and establish ing themselves sofirmly there as to check for some centuri es the ultimateconquest by the Burmans, who i n contempt styled the MOns‘ Talaings,’ or people ‘ trodden under foot

,

’ and proscribedthei r language

,after Alom pra in 1 757 had taken Pegu, and

the MOns had made common cause with the Briti sh in 1 824 .

The Talaing language,which

,i t i s said

,i s likely to die out, as

the nation tends to merge in th e Burmese,belongs to the

MOn-Annam group of those languages which use tone or

variety of pitch of voice,where we employ inflection to

modify meaning. Captain Forbes has shown that the language of the Talaings and the Cambodians was originallyone, and that before the intrusion of th e Siamese the M611Annam monarchy dominated the deltas of the rivers Irawadi

,

Salwee n , Menam,and Mekong . There is a theory held

by S ir A . Phayre and others that the Talaings and theirlanguage came from Te lingana, in the south of India. But

the researches of later scholars have shown that the M6n andCambodian tongues are connected with those of China. Iti s true, however, that the Talaings were in closer touch thanthe Burman or Shan races wi th the higher civi lisation of India—flrstly with the Indian colonies where Brahman views prevailed, and next with Buddh i st m i ss ionaries, who began thei rteach ing there

,and soon became involved in conflict with the

Brahmans . D uring the first five or six centuri es of our era,

x DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

when Buddhism had spread over India, there was constantintercourse between the Coromandel coast and the oppositeshores of the Bay of Bengal and when the persecutions beganto rage in India against Buddhism the victims sailed for refugeto the ports on th e Burman side.Conquered at last, and ill-treated by the Burmese kings, thetrodden-down Talaings can apply to themselves what Senecawrote of the Jews in the Roman Empire : ‘Victorz

'

bus v ie ti

leg e s dederunt.’ It was to the Talaings of ThatOn that about

A.D . the greatest Buddhist divine,Buddhaghosa, the authorof the Visuddki Mugga, or Path of Holiness, brought a com

ple te set of the Buddhist Scriptures in the Pali languagefrom Ceylon . It was from ThatOn that the ecclesiastic wen twho converted King Anoarahta of Pagan to the orthodoxBuddhist faith ; i t was to ThatOn that the royal con v ertsent an embassy to procure the Scriptures, the Tripitaka ;and on meeting with a refusal

,and invading the Talaing

country, and razing this mother-city of Burman Buddh ismto the ground with all its pagodas and ancient buildings

(A.D. i t was thence he carried off to his own capitalthe th irty-two elephant-loads of the Scriptures and the 1 000monks, and gave that impetus to pure Buddhism in theUpper Valley of the Irawadi, which some writers treat as th efirst real planting of the faith in that region . It was aTalaing monk of Dala

,opposite Rangoon

,Sariputta (obiz

'

t

1246 honoured by the King of Pagan with the title ofDham m av ilz

’

isa, who compiled the first of the Mann Dharma

shasters known to the Burmese literature,the Dham m avilasa

promulgated in Pagan . It was the Talaing or half-Shan kingof Martaban, Wagaru (obiit 1306 who caused the editionof this famous Code of Manu which bears W agaru

’

s nameto be compiled—the same which the Talaing j urist Buddhagbosa translated two centuries later

,and which the King of

Toungoo adopted in 1 5 80. It may therefore be said that theBurman races are indebted to India for thei r religion

,thei r

INTRODUCTION xi

literature and their law,received chiefly through th e Talaings

dwelling on the coasts and estuaries,and in close com m unica

tion with the Hindu colonies which Anoarahta overthrewat last. By these same channels of religion , literature, andlaw

,came also the astronomy

,astrology

,computation of time,

the arts of medicine and divination,and the alphabets known

at th e present day,all which bear the Indian sign and super

scription .

Until intercourse with the nations of Europe began inlater times

,these influences of India were th e most powerful

that affected the contending Burmans and Talaings,from

Whom also the foreign civi lisation spread to the Shans andother tribes connected with the Chinese—a development whichstill goes on so prominently as to be discussed in the CensusReport of 1 89 1 . The greatest influence of all was and i s theBuddhist religion

,with which came into the northern valley,

according to S i r A . Phayre’

s opinion,th e simple handicrafts,

spinning and weaving,and the cultivation of the cotton-plant .

Before, however, dealing with th e vast effects of this mightyagency, i t were well to estimate the conditions, material andmoral, of . the peoples before its advent . We wish to knowwhat kind of institutions the Burmans possessed before thegreat changes of Anoarahta

’

s reign . To th i s inquiry th elearned Dr. Forchhamm e r gives an answer which is in generalagreement with the opinions of our hi storians

,and of those

officials who have studied th e rules and customs of thewilder tribes now under the Q ueen

’s sceptre. The Chins ofto-day reflect the Burman as he was of old. We find themdivided into many clans

,according to occupation ; the unity of

the family is preserved by the worship of a family ghost. Tothis manes are made over offerings of rice

,beer

,pork

,and

buffalo-fl e sh in safe-keeping, to be enj oyed by the giver in th eworld to come. The Chin also propitiates other spirits (notmanes) of evil propensities, who dwell in houses, forests, rivers,and trees. These are the real indigenous Nats or demons of

xi i DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the tribes,carefully to be distinguished from the ogres, fairies,

and dryads,the rakshasas

,devas

,and brahmas introduced

through Buddhism and the Tantra school of India. Amongthese Nats i s Maung Zein

,who in an image-house i n old

Pagan,i s made to kneel before Gaudama Buddha. The

Burmans aflirm that this Zein was one of thei r chief Natsbefore they became Buddhists ; and , as Forchhamm e r observes,i t i s an admirable act of religious policy on the . part of

the Burmans that,after adopting Buddhism

,and probably

moved by a lingering fear of his power,they began to

stultify it by changing him into a devoted pupil and adorerof Gandama. By a converse process the seven evil spiritsappear in a Buddhist law-book as seven kinds of witches andwizards. Like beliefs are found among the wilder Karensand Shans ; and among the Kachin tribes whose rites aredescribed by Mr. George in the Census Report of 189 1 .

These frontier people,he says

,worship Nats or spirits

,of

whom the numbers are endless,for any one may become a

Nat after his death . This general worship of the powers ofnature was widely common all over Central Asia until theBuddhist religion spread there

,as is testifi ed by that learned

Orientalist,Rehatsek, in his Essay on Chr istianity among the

‘ The powers of nature had from the most anci ent timesbeen personified among Asiatic nations, and, according tothem, not only the earth and its bowels, but also the sky, i sfull of spirits

,who exert either a benefice nt or m alefice nt

influence on mankind ; accordingly, it i s no wonder that thisbelief was current not only among the Mongols

,but also th e

Zoroastrians and Hindus . Every country,mountain

,river

,

brook,tree or any other obj ect of nature was by the Mongols

believed to have a spirit for its tenant ; not only violentnatural phenomena

,such as thunder

,earthquakes

,hurricanes

,

and inundations,but also bad crops

,epidemics, all kinds of

other diseases and evils,such as sudden attacks of . epilepsy

,

INTRODUCTION xii i

lunacy,etc., were ascribed to the wrath of these gods, who are

divided into many classes,greatly differing in power and

effect .’—Joum al Qf the R.A. Socie ty , Bombay branch , vol. xiii .pp. 1 5 2, 181 .

Th i s Shamanism appears not to differ much from Taoism,

the beli ef of the great maj ority of the Chinese,on which Con

fucianism and Buddhism have been grafted . Re hatsek addsthat although the spread of Buddhism and Islam has greatlycurtailed this extensive faith in demons, i t has by no meansentirely disappeared from among the Mongols and Tibetans

,

with whom it sti ll prevails in the midst of Buddhist tenetsand ceremonies, nor have its traces entirely vanished from thewanderingMussalman tribes . According to Mr. Leland

,similar

beliefs survive among some of the ignorant cla sses in Italy,

pagans in two senses of the word—those who delightedly beli evein fays and talismans and spirits

,and call this creed of thei rs

the vecchia re lig ione , in spite of the Catholi c Church and allthe Christian centuries . Bishop Bigande t tells us that althoughBuddhism has a hold over the imagination and sentiments ofthe be tter educated, the Burmans all publi cly and privatelyindulge in the worship of the Nats. Almost every city hasi ts own patron spirit ; and each household i s under theguardian care of the family Nat. If calamity overtakes aBurman

,he considers it to be the work of unfriendly Nats ;

and when he wishes to begin any important undertaking, hepropitiates these direct representatives of the old animisticworsh ip

,the present cult of the Karens, Chins, and other

wilder tribes . Still, we read in th e Census Report of 1 89 1that Nat-worship is a decaying and despised religion

,and that

both Buddhism and Christianity have increased at its expense .

Without giving up their aboriginal rites,the tendency of the

unconverted races i s to pass into Buddhism . The Chins, forinstance, are not Buddhists, yet when living among Burmansthey j oin in the Buddhist festivals

,in the building of monas

te rie s, and in the support of monks ; they also prefer to secure

xiv DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

by a visi t to th e great Shway Dagon Pagoda at Rangoon theblessings of the Tavatim sa heaven . The census returns showa Buddhist population of persons ; the proportionbeing 9 056 out of every that of the Nat-worshippersbeing only 221 . The Nat-worsh ip i s contrary to the principlesof Buddh i sm ; and although in Central Asia the Buddhistpriests have organised the various kinds of spirits according toHindu views

,and act as exorcisers

,magicians

,and astrologers

,

in Burma the occult sci ences are relegated to the Brahmans,

Burma being the only Buddhist country in which the religiousorder i s prohibited from such studies and arts. Gaudam a ofold classed them with palmistry, fortune-telling, oracles, andcharms, as lying practices, and censured those who gain thei rliving by such means, whom ,

i t m ay be remarked, the law of

England treats as rogues and vagabonds . It will, perhaps, beobj ected by the reader that in Christendom

,even so late as

the time of Burns, of Walter Scott, and the Ettrick Shepherdth e ancient beliefs in malicious or capricious ghosts and demons

,

and in the spells and charms of witches,lingered in th e land

,

—survivals of opinions which had once ruled the masculineintellects of such eminent Christians as Chief-Justice Hale

,Si r

Thomas Browne, and John Wesley. Yet it i s beyond the reachof doubt that the dogmas

,sacraments

,and morals of the

Christian religion had a constant, penetrating, and weightyforce ; and it is to be noticed that writers on Burma imputem any effects on character, customs, and law to Buddh ism .

Mr. Eales in his Census Report does indeed conclude that‘ the Buddhism of Burma at the present day is but a thinveneer of ph ilosophy laid over the main structure of Shamanistic belief.” On the other hand

,Maj or Temple says with

greater caution : ‘The Buddhism of Burma, as understood bythe laity

,may be well compared to the Christianity of the

Russian mouj ik . In both of these countries the importedc ivilised religion has not yet succeeded in completely oustingthe uncivilised Shamanism that preceded it.’ The fact appears

INTRODUCTION xv

to be that th e influences of the good and bad Nats are con

fined to the passing events of life, to good luck and calamity ;the conduct of life, the moral sentiments, and the theology ofthe people are dominated, not by the old superstitions, but bythe religion of Gandama. It seems generally admitted thatBuddhism in Burma has been a civilising institution ; and, asForchhamm e r tells us

,the Burmans have in past centuries

been zealous Buddhists ; their ways of life, their social andprivate institutions

,are thoroughly Buddhistic

,and they would

resent the idea of having still the tatters of their formersavage condition clinging to them . But I have been unable tofind any full estimate of the changes wrought by Buddhismor a summing-up of its elevating results . This desideratumi s analogous to the absence of anything like a full accountin the histories of India of the effect of Buddh i sm on lawsand social li fe : scholars have been more fascinated by thetheology and the ecclesiastical polity. Bigande t remarks thatGaudam a paid little attention to the dogmatical portion of

religion,but laid the greatest stress on morals ; and there i s

abundant proof that the great ethical commands of theBuddhist system,

as well as the formulas and creeds,have

become familiar to the Burmans and Talaings, and more orless to the wilder tribes . The incessant teaching of th e fivebinding precepts

,not to kill, nor steal, nor tell a lie, nor

drink intoxicating liquor,nor commit adultery

,must have had

wide effect. The children of Burma are taught in the monaste rie s to read religious books, and the habi t is kept up on holydays

,and when they bewail the death of friends . ‘ They

,

without being aware of it,imbibe religious notions and become

acquainted with some parts of the religious creed , particularlywith what relates to Gaudam a

’

s preced ing and last existence.’

I quote my venerable friend Bishop Bigande t ; and as to thepersuasion towards virtue contained in the Life of Gandama

,

whoever desires to know more should read h is translation of

th e Burmese Legend,which

,as Dr. Rhys Davids states,

xvi DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

adheres very closely to the orthodox books of the SouthernChurch, introduced into Burma from Ceylon in the fifthcentury of our era.1 The learned Prelate’s notes and essays areon all hands treated as authority about Burmese Buddhism,

combining,as they do

,long experience of men and things

with sagacious and j udicial reflections. He describes thesermon preached by Gandama to a Nat

,the specimen given

by Sange rm ano, as a fair sample of similar performances ;and this sermon is a compendium of almost all the moralvirtues . Buddhism he calls ‘ a moral and practical system ,

making man acquainted with the duties he has to perform in

order to shun vice and practise virtue.” Again , ‘ It will notbe deemed rash to assert that most of the moral truths prescribed by the Gospel are to be met with in the BuddhistScriptures .’ The wonder therefore disappears that the Legendof Buddha should have been adapted into a Christian formby St. John of Damascus, and the saintly hero canonised bythe Pope of Rome as St. Josaphat, to whom,

according toColonel Yule, a church at Palermo is dedicated . MonierWilliams believes the Buddh ists to have been the first tointroduce total abstinence from strong drinks into India.

Rehatsek, after ascribing the civili sation of the Mongols totheir conversion from Shamanism to Buddh i sm

,writes ; ‘ It i s

alm ost incomprehensible how the savage Mongols,who were

accustomed to massacre whole populations i n order to securetheir rear from enemies

,zealously submitted to a religion

inculcating gentleness and kindness to all created beings, andhow a nation that loved to raze cities to the ground

,and to

convert cultivated plains into deserts to obtain pastures ,should have eagerly built temples

,established convents

,intro

duced useful institutions, and practised religious duties .’ The

1 To those who b e lie ve , w ith Tennyson, that the poe ts se e‘through li fe

and de ath, through good and ill,’I would comm e nd S ir EdwinArnold’

s Lightof Asia. No prose de scriptions of the varie d landscape s of Burm a, w ith whichI am acqua inted, approach Mrs. He m ans

’

s ve rse s in The Be tte r Land.

’

Allthe sce ne s she im agine s are behe ld in Burm a.

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

xvii i DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

science and religion . The elevation of woman is rather moreperplexing

,as the theology treats marriage from the ascetic

point of view : a wise man is to avoid it as i f i t were aburning pit of live coals, and to wander lonely on the path of

life,like a rhinoceros . These counsels’ of perfection were

met in India by the same sort of arguments that Chaucer putsinto the mouth of the Wife of Bath in his Canterbury Tale s.

Accordi ng to Monie roW illiam s, they checked the spread of

Gaudam a”

s religion . The people murmured and said,

‘ He iscome to bring childlessness among us

,and widowhood and

destruction of family life .” All the same, Buddhism admits ofnuns and lay sisters ; and its love of equality comes to theiraid . On so interesting a subj ect I am constrained to quoteat length from the writings of the learned and impartialBigande t.

‘Who could think,

” he asks,

‘of looking upon the

woman as a somewhat inferior being, when we see her ranking,according to the degrees of her spiritual attainments, among theperfect and foremost followers of Buddha?” Again , In Burmaand Siam the doctrines of Buddhism have produced a striking,and to the lover of true civili sation a most interesting, result,viz., established the almost complete equality of the conditionof women with that of men . In those countries women are notmiserably confined in the interior of their houses

,without the

remotest chance of ever appearing in public. They are seencirculating freely in the streets ; they preside at the comptoirsfand hold an almost exclusive possession of the bazaars. Theirsocial position i s more elevated In every respect than that ofthe persons of their sex in the regions where Buddhi sm is notthe predominating creed . They may be said to be men”scompanions and not their slaves . They are active,

'

industrious,

and by their labours and exertions contribute their full sharetowards the maintenance of the family. The marital rights

,

however, are fully acknowledged by a re spectful behaviourtowards their lords .”

The reader acquai nted with the tendencies and some of th e

INTRODUCTION xix

results of Buddhism will perhaps be perplexed when he hearso f the cruelties perpetrated in wars, or in the reigns of terrorby some of the absolute monarchs . These atrocities

,as well

as the corruption and insecurity which despotic governmentcaused , are depicted by Sange rm ano

, and bewailed by ourEnvoys in their narratives. The King “

of Burma was thesecular head of the religion

,and it may doubtless be argued

that he ought to have felt the restraining hand of HolyChurch . It would, however, be unj ust to blame religion forthe secular crimes of uncontrolled kings : i t i s simpler toimpute them in Burma to Oriental despotism . Over thesetyrants the religion cast its terrors when it proclaimed theunchangeable effect of evil action ; and in th e law-books

,

which were often compiled by men of th e sacred yellow robeat the behest of kings

,we find long quotations from the Scrip

tures explaining the difference between dharma,or rule accord

ing to law,and th e s inful decrees of passion and brute force.

These Codes, originally based on the'

fam ous Codes of Manuic

India,thus became saturated with Buddhist ethics ; and one

of the most visible results i s the elevation of women in mattersof status, marriage, and inheritance. The testimony of theselaw-books to th is great social change is ignored by mostwriters

,although in the general absence of original Burmese

l iterature,except a few lyrics

,these Dhamm athats are, as

Dr. Forchhamm e r pointed out, the only literary works whichdisclose to the student the practical effect of a religious systemupon the social and politica l growth of the Talaings andBurmans . It must

,however, be confessed that Buddhism

did not abolish slavery in Burma or Siam ; and our Envoysnotice with pity a revolting incident of insolvency, wherebythe wife or daughter might be sold at the sui t of a creditor

,

and‘

thus condemned to the public brothel. Turning from‘these non-feasances of the Buddh ist Church, we must put inthe other scale the religious toleration noted by Sange rm ano

wh ich allowed the Italian Catholics, and, later on, the American

xx'

DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

Baptists, to confer benefits on the people, before we had gainedany terri tory in Burma. Sometimes one sect of Buddhists hasprevailed on the king to persecute the rival sect but

,as a rule

,

theological hatred shrank from taking human life, round whichthe religion sheds a sancti ty. The Bi shops and Abbots ofteninterposed between the monarch or governor and the people

,

for purposes of humanity or j usti ce ; and at the present dayreligious fanaticism i s almost unknown among the Buddhists,and rival sects l ive with each other on friendly terms . Toavoid prolixity

,I must now conclude my remarks on th e racial

origins and Indian institutions affecting Burma,and turn to

the next great cause which more and more sways life andthought there—the intercourse with Europe ending in the

conquest by England, and the regulative effects of our law andadministration, which may fitly be compared to those of theRomans. It has been no part of my aim to discuss Buddhismin general , and I leave untouched the questions whether theGandama of the Legend was a real person or a solar myth

,

whether Buddhaghosa th e divine is a mere name and allegory,and other matters of dispute in religion and philology.

In his Narrative of the Mission toAva in 1 85 5 , Colonel Yulesupplies a singularly full and accurate account of the intercourseof the Burmese countries with Western nations, to which , andalso the last chapter in Phayre

”

s History of Burma , I refer thereader

,abridging here what otherwise I might have to say.

The first European traveller of modern times seems to beNicolode Conti

,a noble Venetian of Dam ascus, who travelled

by Persia, India, and Ceylon to Sumatra, whence, after sixteendays” sailing, he reached Tenasserim,

which district he saysabounds in elephants and a species of thrush . He then crossedto the Ganges

,and next went up the river Racha (Arakan)

to the city of that name. Then he j ourneyed over mountainsvoid of all habitations for the space of seventeen days

,and'

then through open plains for fifteen days more ” to the riverIrawadi and the city of Ava, where, he remarks, the king rides

INTRODUCTION xxi

on a white elephant,and the women

,as well as men

,puncture

their flesh with pins of i ron, and rub into these punctures pigm ents which cannot be obliterated

,and so they remain painted

for ever. The Burman women have now given up this habit oftattooing, which the Chin women retain . The traveller wasnot strictly correct in saying that all worship idols : i t i s inte resting to read about the devotion to the three gems. Whenthey ri se in the morning from their beds they turn towards thee ast, and with thei r hands together say, God in his Trinityand his Law defend About 1 49 6 we find Hie ronim o deSanto Stephano of Genoa in the city of Pegu . War was goingon with Ava ; and he had to wait above a year to get paymentfrom the king for his merchandise. In the sixteenth centurythe Portuguese appear ; and we find them often serving as

mercenaries in the wars between the kings of the Delta. Oneof these military adventurers was the celebrated FerdinandMendez Pinto

,who mingles romance with his history. Caesar

Frederike,a more trustworthy traveller

,left Venice in 1 5 63,

‘

and spent eighteen years in the East. He refers to the captureof Yuthia by Bureng Naung (AD and the return of theconqueror to Pegu with the spoils of Siam

,Frederike being an

eye-witness of his tryumphs and victorie, which coming homeand returning from the warre s was a goodly sight to behold,to see the elephants come home in a square

,laden with gold,

silver,j ewels

,and with noble men and women that were taken

prisoners .” He describes the two c ities of Pegu, the old andthe new : the houses built of cane and thatched with leaves,the magazine or godon of brick, used as a common store bythe merchants

,the crocodiles in the ditch

,the four white ele

phants, the gilded shrines wi th the four statues of gold, si lver,brass, and copper alloy. He got an exaggerated notion of ana rmy, mustering 4000 elephants and harquebusses thed ifficulty usually felt in a campaign

,the problem of feeding

so great a multitude seemed to h im noth ing great, as thesetroops would eat anything

,very filthie or otherwise, all

xxn DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

serveth for their mouthes,yea

,I have seen them eat scorpions

and serpents,

” like the King of Cambay in Hudibras,

‘whose daily foodW as asp and basil isk and toad.

’

In 1 5 83 Gasparo Balbi,a Venetian j eweller, visited Pegu

with a stock of emeralds. He gives a lively account of allthat he saw : of Negrais with its swarms of fl ies

, Cosmin thehaunt of tigers, Dala with the ten large rooms full of royalelephants

,the faire citie of Dagon [Rangoon] with the long

approach to the glorious pagoda, ri sing high in air like theCampanile at Venice. Then he sailed by Syriam ,

where theruined walls showed traces of the war of 1 5 67, and at lengthreached Pegu

,where in solemn audience he gave the k ing an

emerald .

Ralph Fitch,a London merchant

,who after staying at Aleppo,

Ormus, Cambay, Goa, and some places on th e Ganges, reached

Negrais in 1 5 86, confirms many statements of Fre de rike”

s andBalhi”s . Three days after

,we came to Cosmin

,which is a very

pretty town, and standeth very pleasantly, very well furnishedwi th all things. The people be very tall and well-disposed :the women white

,round-faced

,with little eyes ; the houses are

high built, set upon great high posts, and they go up to themfor feare of the tigres

,which be very many .

” He went on to

Pegu, and , like Frederike, who says the king ‘ far excels thepower of the Grand Turk in treasure and strength

,

” he wasimpressed with all he saw of a pomp and magnificence which far

Outshone the wealth of Orm us and of Ind.

’

In the letters of these old travellers,Pegu stands forth as a

right royal abode

IVhe re the gorgeous East w ith richest handShowers on he r k ings barbaric gold and pearl.

’

Rubies were in such quantity,that they know not What to do

with them, but sell them at most vile and base prices.’ The

merchandises that go out of Pegu are gold,silver

,rubie s

,

INTRODUCTION xxm

sapphires,spinelles

,great store of benjamin

,long pepper

,

lead,lacca

,rice

,wine, some sugar. The trade was conducted

through brokers,and the practice of selling a debtor”s wife

and children as slaves i s mentioned . There seems to havebeen a thriving import trade. Sometimes opium came fromCambay ; and once a year a ship arrived from Bengal

,and

another from Madras,with bombast cloth . Martaban traded

with Malacca. Wool, scarlets, velvets, opium,and chickinos

came from Mecca,and the King of Ache en

”

s ships broughtpeppe r. But the Pegu king was menaced by the naval powerof Arakan . Fitch went a j ourney of twenty-one days fromPegu to a very faire and great towne

,

” where merchants fromChina came with great store of muske

,golde

,silver

,and many

other things .” ‘ I went,” he writes

,

‘ from Pegu to Iam ahey,

which is in th e country of the Lange ianne s, whom we callIangom e s. This remote city is Zimme

,or

,as our Foreign

Offi ce, which has established a consulate there, now spells it,Chieng-mai . Thither the East India Company”s factor inSiam sent in 1618 one Thomas Samuel to open up a trade. Theplace had been captured from Pegu by the King of Siam ; butafter the fall of Pegu, the Burman king took possession ofZimme

,and carried off Samuel among other prisoners to Pegu,

where he died: During the seventeenth century the Madrasauthorities of the East India Company started factories atSyriam

,Prome

,and Ava ; and for a great part of that period

the Dutch had establishments at the same places. In the greatcollection of D utch archives made by de Jonge, we find aletter of 1608 from th e King of Arakan, self-styled Salim scha

,

Kaiser of Pegu,and traces of contact with the famous Por

tugue se adventurer Philip de Brito, who afterwards ruled atSyriam .

The ‘ interlopers,

” as the East India Company”s servantscalled the private traders from England

,soon appeared on

the scene ; and in 1687 the Company sent Captain Weldon in

a ship from Madras to drive out the English settlers at Mergui ,

xxiv DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

then under Siam,by force. In a disturbance that followed

some Siamese were killed and seventeen Englishmen who werein the town were massacred in revenge. After this, Bri tishsubj ects were for a long time excluded from S iam . In 169 5Mr. Fleetwood and Captain Lesley went as envoys fromMadrasto Ava

,and in 1 709 Mr. Allanson was sent there by Governor

Pitt. For the succeeding period,including the reign of

Alom pra and his conquest of Pegu, the parts played by theEnglish and French in that war, the capture of Syriam fromthe French in 1 75 6, and the massacre of the English at Negraisin 1 75 9 , the best authority i s Maj or Michael Symes

”

Embassy

toAva in 179 5 . In the following year Captain Hiram Cox,

our Resident at Rangoon, visited the King Bodoahpra, or,

as Sange rm ano calls him, Badonsachen. The entertainingand thoughtful narrative of Symes throws much light on theperiod

,and in many respects supplements Sange rmano

”

s

account of the Burman Empire. The next events of im

portance are the war of 1 824,which led to the annexation

of Arakan and Tenasserim by the British, and the sending ofMr. John Crawfurd on an embassy to Ava in 1 826, of whichhe wrote a j ournal, which i s very good reading. The narrativeof Sir A . Phayre

”

s mission in 185 5,soon after the second war

which gave us the province of Pegu,the city of Rangoon

,and

all th e Delta, was written by Yule, and i s in every way of conspicuous meri t. This work stands in point of time be tweenSange rm ano and the official Gaze tteer of Lower Bwrma,

compiled by Colonel Spearman . S ince this Gaze tte er was published

, Upper Burma has been conquered, and the Burmanmonarchy has come to an end . Great events like these strikethose that make them : they have created a new and widerinterest in the country, and added to the value of Sangermano”s work as a description of a state of things now recedingfar into the past.Sange rm ano

”

s residence in Ava and Rangoon from 1 783

to 1 806, while the Burman monarchy was in full power and

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xxvi DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

add that the reputation of the Italian priest has stood the testof time. He is treated as an authority by Bigande t and everywriter on Burma : he is cited also by Dr. Kern and most of thehistorians of Buddhism . The above considerations appearample to j ustify the offer to the public of a new edition of hiswork .

The notes I have appended to Dr. W . Tandy”s translationof the Italian text will

,I trust

,not interfere with the charm

of Sange rm ano”

s story. Many of them are proofs of th eaccuracy of hi s observations : others throw side-lights on hisviews of things

,especially where I cite the three historians

of our embassies—Symes,Crawfurd, and Yule, whose interest

ing folios are not easily accessible to the general reader, andare less available for reference because

,lik e Bishop Bigande t

”

s

book on Buddhism,they are wanting in indexes. These

inconveniences attend some works of research produced inthe last decade

, Forchham m e r”

s Notes on Archaeology and myseries of Notes on Buchthist Law. The Blue-book containingthe Census Report of 1 89 1 i s full of novel information on thesubj ects of ethnology and languages

,with which Sange rmano

dealt according to hi s lights . Since his day, also, th e naturalhistory of Burma has received full and scientific treatment . Ine diting this work I have

,where the limits of space allowed,

aimed at supplying the results of most recent inqui ry ; andelsewhere have stated the source where the student of anybranch of learning may find i t treated . This aim is renderedmore difficult, seeing that on many points where research i srecent, the authorities propound varying theories and come todifferent conclusions. In matters of hi story I have here andthere supplemented the author by reference chiefly to S ir A.

Phayre”

s History of Burm a ; and while avoiding the vastquestions about Buddhism upon which great scholars like Kern,Oldenberg, Monier-Williams, Rhys Davids, and Senart raisediscussion, I have tried to answer those which arise out of theordinary life of the people of Burma

,by quotations from local

INTRODUCTION xxvii

authorities,ag . Bigande t, Forchhamm e r

,Forbes

,and Scott.

The Italian phonetic spelling of Burmese and other names hasbeen retained, as thi s affords evidence of the pronunciationin Sange rm ano

”

s time. To assist the student, I have in manyinstances inserted in brackets the spelling of kings” names andtechnical terms used in Phayre

”

s History and Hardy”s bookson Buddhism

,and have given the names of most places of

importance as commonly spelt. An index to the work hasbeen supplied. The reader will also observe that here andthere I have endeavoured to show what changes have comeover the people

,so that he may contrast and compare times

present with times past.Sange rm ano dwelt in Burma during the period of th e FrenchRevolution, the Reign of Terror

,th e European wars that

followed, and the Irish Rebellion of 179 8. In India m anythings were allowed under Briti sh rule, such as

”

criminalpunishment by lopping off the feet

,the sale of slaves

,and the

burning of widows,which in course of time were aboli shed by

such reforming Governors-General as Lord Cornwalli s andLord William Bentinck . The criminal code of England wasextremely sanguinary

,as is noticed by such different men as

Yule and Heine ; and the whole condition of society in theUnited Kingdom, as well as in most parts of Europe then, wasfar behind what it i s now. The crusade against colonial slaveryhad hardly begun . Facts like these must be borne in mindto balance what Sange rm ano says of the character of th e people.It i s only fair to the Burmans and Talaings to record thatmany competent j udges think that the amiable Italian hardlydoes j ustice to thei r better and more agreeable qualities .Happily, two great changes have taken place, let alone thegeneral increase of enlightenment . Slavery with all its cruelopportunities i s abolished

,and there is no such thing as the

sale of a wife or child for debt. Despotism has given way toj ust rule : the sale of public offices

,the

Q

favouritism , the corruption, the li centious treatment of women which went on

xxvii i DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

under the wilful king whose character Sange rm ano paints insuch dark colours

,exist no more. These abuses were far less

prominent,indeed

,i n Upper Burma under the rule of the

milder prince to whose court Phayre and Yule j ourneyed in1 85 5 . Security of property and person i s now establi shedw ith the law over the whole land ; and if we compare whatthe D irector of State Education says in the Census Reporto f 1 89 1 , of the order of monks, with the estimate

'

of thereligious by Bisho’p Bigande t in 1880, we may fairly hopethat the removal of the burden of despotism has infused afreshness of beneficent energy into these common schoolmasters of the people. N o causes, sai d the learned Bi shop,made the Talapoins incomparably idle : the first a physicalone , the relaxing heat of the climate ; the second a moralone

, the tyranny of the despotic government which, bym aking property insecure

,destroyed the incentive to work,

with all the useful moral discipline that labour affords. ‘ Hewho i s suspected of being rich i s exposed to numerous vexations on the part of the vile satellites of tyranny, who soonfind out some apparent pretext for confiscating a part or thewhole of his property

,or depriving him of life, should he dare

to offer resistance.” This sentence skims the philosophy of

history. A vivid picture of the state of th ings about Rangoonin 1 813 i s found in the j ournal of Mrs. Judson, the wife of

the American missionary.

‘The country,

” she writes,presents

a rich and beautiful appearance,everywhere covere d with

vegetation, and, i f cultivated , would be one of the finest inthe world . But the poor natives have little inducement tolabour, or to accumulate property

,as i t would probably be

taken from them by their oppressive rulers .” The change fromdespotic violence to the rule of law must in time elevate thecharacte r of the subj ects

,and the English in Burma cannot

reasonably expect the upward progress to be completed in onegeneration or even two.

In concluding thi s introduction I must express my thanks

INTRODUCTION

to my friend Mr. Taw Sein-Ko, a native of Burma, a nd at present Le cturer in the University of Cambridge, for the learnedaid I have received from him

,and my hopes that he will

resume on the spot his researches into the recondite lore of theIndo-Chinese countries when the Educational Board of Burma

i t now propose s to do,changed itself into a University

the countries and tribes of that part of the Q ueen’s

JOHN JARDINE.

LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS REFERRED TO

BICANDET, The Right R'

ev. P. The Life or Legend of Gaudam a, the

Buddha of the Burm ese . 2 vols. Third edit ion. London,1880.

British Burma Gaz ette er. 2 vols . Rangoon, 1 880.

Burm a Census Report, 1 89 1 . Rangoon.

CRAW PURD,JOHN . Journal of an Embassy to Ava in 1 827. London

,

1829 .

DAe s,Dr. T. W . Ra . Buddhism .

Early Voyages and Travels. Se e Hakluyt’

s Voyages, India in the FifteenthCentury, and Purchas

’

Pi lgr im s.

ELPHIN STONE, Hon. MOUNTSTUART. The History of India.

FORBES,Capta in. British Burm a and i ts Peop le .

FORCHHAMMER ,E. Jardine Priz e Essay on Burme se Law. Rangoon,

1885 .

Notes on the Early History and Geography of Bri tish Burma.

Rangoon, 1 883 and 1 884.

Notes on the Languages and Dialects spoken in Bri tish Burma.

Rangoon, 1884.

FRANCKLIN,Major VVILLIAM. Tracts onAva. Com p iled from Papers of

Capta in Hiram Cox. London, 1 81 1 .

GRAY, Profe ssor JAMES. Anci ent Proverbs and Maxim s, f rom Burm ese

Sources. London, 1 886.

GRIPF INI, Father D. M. De lla Vita di Monsignor Gio. Maria Pe rcoto.

Udine, 1781 .

HAKLUYT’

s Voyages. Vol. 11 . London, l 8lO.—The Voyage Of Master

Ce sar Frederick into th e east India, and beyonde the Indie s, Anno1 563.

—Th e long, dangerous, and m em orable voyage of M. RalphFitch, m archant of London.

HARDY, R. SPENCE. The Legend s and Theorie s of the Buddhists.

India in the F ifte enth Century . By R. H. MAJOR. Hakluyt Soc iety,1857.

—Trave ls of Nicolb de Cont i andHie ronim o de Santo Stephano.

JARD INE, JOHN . Custom ary Law of the Chin Tribe . By Maung Te tPyo. Rangoon, 1 884.

Notes on Buddhist Law,wi th Trans lations . Nos. 1 to 8. Rangoon,

1882, 1 883.

JUDSON,ANN H.,

An Account of the Ame rican Bap tist Mission to the

Barman Emp ire . London, 1 827.KERN

,Dr. H. Geschiedenis van he t Buddhisms in Indi e . Haarlem

,1882.

MASON, Dr. F. Burm a,i ts Female and Productwns. 2 vols. Theobald’

s

edition. Hertford, 1 882.

xxxn LIST OF PRINCIPAL WORKS REFERRED TO

MAUNG TET PYO. Custom ary Law of the Chin Tribe . Rangoon, 1884.

PALLECOIx, Monsignor. Descrip tion da Royaum e Thai ou Siam . Paris,1 854.

PHAYRE,Sir ARTHUR P. History of Burm a. London

,1883 .

PURCHAs’

Pilgrim s. Edit ion of 1 625,Book 10.

—Voyages of Gasparo

Balbi,Caesar Frederike and Ralph Fitch.

REHATSEK, E. Chr istianity am ong the Mongols.’

Journal of the BombayBranch of the Royal Asiatic Soci ety. Vol. xi i i. 1877.

RosT, Dr. R. Art icle on Pal i. ’ Encylopcedia Britannica.

SHW AY YOE (J. Scott) . The Burman, his Life and Notions.

SPEARMAN,Colonel H. Se e British Burma Gaz ette er .

SYxEs, Lieut. -Colonel W . H. Notes on the Re ligious, Moral, and Political

State of India bef ore the Mahom edan Invasion. London, 1841 .

SYMES,MICHAEL ; Major in His Majesty

’

s 76th Regim ent. An Account

of an Embassy toAva in 179 5 . London, 1800 .

THEOBALD, W . Se e Dr. F. Mason’s Burma,i ts Peop le and Productions .

YULE, Captain HENRY. A Narrative of the Mission to the Court of Ava in185 5 . London, 1858.

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xxxiv DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

king of Naples . The Roman Sub-Committee of the Orienta lTranslation Fund undertook to publish and translate themanuscript. The orthography was kept except in a few wellknown names : hence the proper names are to be read as inItalian . In thi s reprint no alterations have been made .Th e Oriental Translation Fund was instituted in 1828 underthe patronage of King William IV . In the binding of ColonelSpearman”s copy I find a prospectus showing that Sir GoreOuse ley, the Vice-President of the Royal Asiatic Society,was itsChairman

,and John Shakespear and Dr. Rosen its Secretaries .

This copy was printed for the Right Honourable the Earl ofClare, Governor of Bombay, a subscriber.

” The motto of theFund was Ex oriente lux .

” Fifty years have passed and nosecond ed ition has been issued .

During this half century much has been added to our knowledge of the subj ects described by Sange rm ano. The Burmeselegend of Buddha has been translated and edited by BishopBigande t . The history of Burma has lately been written bySi r Arthur Phayre ; and before this edition issues from thepress the learning of Dr. Forchhamm e r will have thrown ‘lighton the Burmese Dhamm athat or Code of Law in his edition ofKing VVagaru

”

s code and his essay on Buddhist law . But allthis increase of knowledge does not detract from the real valueof Sange rm ano

”

s work or lessen its charm . Even when hedescribes the abstract notions of the Buddhist religion, or thedry rules of law

,we feel his contact with the people w e learn

how the religion influenced their life,and how the despotic and

capricious admini stration of the law produced results which theDhamm athat would never suggest . Sange rm ano

”

s thoroughness is notable. He gets his account of Buddh ism from atreatise drawn up by the king”s uncle in 1 763 : he translatedmuch of the Buddhist canon with the help of a former pOngyilearned in Pali . He went direct to the Burmese annals for hish istory ; and his version of the Burmese Code

,ca ll ed the

Golden Rule, shows that he used some such Dhamm athat as the

Mann Sara Shwe Myin, and took much trouble to understandit. Between 1 768 and 1780 several new versions of Dhamm athats had been compiled by learned Burmans such as KyawDeng ; and it is probable that a scholar eager to get at their

PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION xxxv

real meaning would have found some of these lawyers or otherlearned men competent to teach him . Sange rm ano proceededto make an abstract of one of these codes ; he seems not to haveaimed at precise translation ; but after comparing his abstractwith the Wagaru and ’ the part of the W onnana Dhamm athat

found in our Notes on Buddhist Law,I would be well incl ined

to treat this abstract as valuable in suggesting meanings ofdoubtful passages . There is now little oral tradition to explainthe Dham m athats, at least in British Burma : but in Sangermano”s time there must have been plenty he was familiar withthe king”s officials

,he had Pali scholars at his elbow

,and he

noticed the way the Burmese j udges applied the law . In theseseveral respects he had advantages which European scholarsmiss nowadays . Sange rm ano appends a few notes showinginsta nces where the law was administered contrary to the code,and his earlier chapters on manners must be read in connectionwith it. I greatly doubt whether Dr. Richardson, who in 1847translate d the Mann Kyay Dham m athat (dated A .D . hadseen thi s abstract . It is the only popular account of Burmeselaw that has ever been written it appears to be a usefulmanual of that law as understood in Rangoon a hundred yearsago ; it fairly reflects the spirit of the Dham m athats, and inthese respects seemed to me likely to be of such use to theofficers freshly appointed to the British Burma Commission thatI advised that i t should be reprinted . On the other hand, Imust remark that until it has been thoroughly compared, sectionby section

,with the Dham m athats, i t cannot be treated as

equal to those originals or as a safe guide to settlement ofdoubtful questions . It i s curious that nearly all later writerson the Burmese avoid mention or statement of the law ; so thatinformation on the simplest questions hardly exists except inj udicial dec isions .At the end of the book are two notes, compiled by the Romansub-committee

,to show the progress of Roman Catholic missions

in Burma . I add a th ird, compiled from an Ita lian book lentme by Bishop Bigande t, Gri ffini

”

s Vita di Monsignor Percoto,

published at Udi ne In 1781 .

The reader will time after time rem edi‘

k how some generali zation of Sange rm ano

”

s seems as true now as in his day. Burmese

xxxvi DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

medicine, e .g ., has not advanced ; ‘ they have themselves.

noregular surgeons .” But the trade in ri ce , theBurm a and principal export of the port of Rangoon at present,i s not mentioned at all in the account of trade .

JOHNRANGOON

,5 ih Ap ri l 1884.

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

THE following work was drawn up by F. Sange rm ano,partly

during his residence as a missionary in Ava,and partly after

his return to Europe. He was sent out as a' missioner in 1782,and in the July of the following year arrived at Rangoon

,

whence he proceeded directly to the city of Ava. But shortlyafter h e was remanded to Rangoon

,which was the scene of his

future missionary labours . The cause of Ch ristianity was

greatly forwarded in thi s place by his exertions . He completedthe church of St . John, which had been begun be fore him,

as

well as the college of the .missionaries ; both ofwhich were builtof brick . He superintended the college as long as he remainedthere ; and under h is direction it was very prosperous . It contained fi fty students, who were instructe d in several branches oflearning and science ; so that besides some ecclesiastics

,it has

produced skilful engineers,physicians

,and even pilots . There

is at present a young Burmese practising as a surgeon in Romewho received his education in this institution .

F. Sange rm ano was greatly esteemed by the natives of Bangoon in particular

,the Vi ceroy and his consort honoured him

with many marks of distinction . The latter would often cometo his church to be present at the Catholic ceremoni es, especiallythose of Holy-week : and sometimes she would pay a visit tothe Superior in his College

,and hold long conferences with him

on religion ; so that it was thought that she woul d become aChristian . On these occas ions she always came with her guardsand her whole court . Her guards remained in the square opposite the college

,but the rest of her sui te entered with her.

F. Sange rm ano was also well known to the foreigners whofre quented Rangoon

,particularly to the English . From one

of the latter h e had a commission to makera chart of the portof Rangoon

,which he executed wi th so much ability as to

xxxvii i DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

receive a pension for life from our Government. He alsoexperienced great attention from the Engli sh authorities whenat Calcutta on his return home.The individual who had given him the above-mentionedcommission procured for h im a letter of recommendation fromthe Governor-General

,by which all English captains were

required to afford h im every facility for his return . He arrivedin Italy in 1808 ; and after having got through the businesswhich had recalled him home

,endeavoured to return to his

missionary labours . But the state of the times prevented him ;

and he was finally established as president of the college of hisorder at Arpinum ,

his native city. Here he employed himselfin preparing the following work for publication ; but his deathin 1 81 9 prevented the execution of his designs . His manuscriptremained in the hands of the Barnabite Fathers, and wouldprobably have never been presented to the public had not theRoman sub -committee of the Orienta l Translation Fund undertaken its translation and publication . Although the primaryregulations of thi s Society seem to sanction the publication ofnone but Oriental works

,the Roman sub—committee felt them

selves warranted in proposing th is h istory to the parent comm itte e

,on the ground that it is chiefly made up of translations

from important Burmese writings, whereof probably copies donot exist in Europe.The following note found among F. Sange rmano

”

s papers,after the work was partly translated

,indicates the original

documents he has principally followed .

1 . The Burmese cosmography has been extracted almostentirely from a book expressly composed for the elder brotherof the reigning monarch

,by a Zaradoor master of the Emperor,

wherein he succinctly describes the system of the world, as

taught by Godama,according to the expositions and opinions

of the most celebrated Burmese Doctors .2 . All that is related of the ancient Burmese monarchs, and

of the foundation and subsequent history of this kingdom,has

been faithfully copied from the Maharazaven, that is, the greath istory of the kings .

3 . In what I have said of the superstitions, astrology,religion

,constitutions of the Talapoins, and the sermons of

PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION xxxix

Godama, I have not followed th e tales and reports of thecommon people, but have carefully consulted the classica lwritings of the Burmese

,known by the name of Kiam

.The

chapters on the rules of the Talapoins and the sermons ofGodama contain an abstract of all that is worthy of notice inthe three Kiam,

called Vini,Padim ot, and Sottan. I have

translated nearly the whole of these books with the assistanceof an Ex-Talapoin of the name of Uba

,who was one of th e

most learned of that order in the vicinity of Nabek,where for

several years our seminary was situated . He has also taughtthe Pali language to two of my scholars

,one of whom is at the

present time labourn in the work of the mission at Rangoon .

”

Some slight transposition has been made in the chapters,in

order to improve the connection between the subj ects wh ichthey treat. The orthography of the manuscript has been kept

,

except in a few well-known names hence the proper names areto be read as in Italian .

It cannot be necessary to enumerate the difficulties e xpe rie nce d in conducting a large English work through a foreignpress . Independently of the great labour of correction

,it

required some courage to th ink of imitating the beauty of typography which distingui shes the works printed by the parentcommittee in London . We flatter ourselves that we have doneas much as circumstances would allow us

,and that our present

attempt will be indulgently received,as an earnest of our desire

to forward the useful and noble obj ects of the Fund .

N . WISEMAN.

ROME,June 1

,1833.

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BURME SE CO SMOGRAPHY

CHAPTER I

OF THE MEASURES AND DIVISIONS OF TIME COMMONLY USED IN THE

SACRED BURMESE BOOKS 1

ACCORDING to these books there are five species of atoms .The first consists of that fluid by wh ich all bodies are penetrate d, and wh ich, though invisible to man , i s yet visible to theNat,2 superior genii of whom we shall speak hereafter. Thesecond species is that very fine dust which is seen dancing inthe air wh en the sun”s rays penetrate th rough any apertureinto a chamber . The third Spec ies consists of the dust raisedfrom the earth by the motion of animals or vehicles . Thefourth comprises those grosser particles which

,unable to rise

in the air on account of thei r natural gravity,remain fixed to

th e ground . Lastly, the fifth Species consists of those littleparticles which fall when writing with an iron pen upon a

1 For a full account of m e asure s and the divisions of tim e the re ade r is

re fe rred to The Ba rm an,his L i] ? and Nations, by Shway Yoe , London, 1882 ,

c. 30 . The scale s in comm on use d iffe r from those of the books. For astrono

m ical purpose s, such as the casting of the horoscope , and the calculations forfortunate days and the like , an e xce e dingly e laborate scale e xists, but it is ne ve rm ade use of in ordinary li fe .

’The re are twe lve m onths with an inte rcalation

e ve ry third ye ar and, as am ong the Hindus, the m onth is divided into the darkand bright halve s. The ye ar b egins in April. The se ve n days of the we e k are

nam ed afte r the plane ts. The people de fine tim e and d istance by te rm s likethe following —Wh en the sun was as high as a toddy palm ,

when m onks goa-be gging, children’

s go-to-be d tim e , the tim e it tak e s to boil a pot of rice ,

a stone’

s throw, a m uske t’s sound.

The se Nats are the Dewas of the six low e r he avens. In Burm ah the be lie fin good and bad dem ons

, also calle d Nats, e xiste d be fore the spre ad of Buddhism .

The y are still as num e rous as the fairie s and e lve s we re am ong the Saxons of old,e ve ry tre e , stre am , and town having its guardianNat. Of the e vilNats, Burm ans

and othe r tribe s have an extrem e dre ad.—Bigande t’s Legend of the Burm ese

Buddha, i . 1 8, 77 ; i i. 324.

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 3

palm-leaf. Th i rty-six atoms of the first class make one atomof the second, th irty-six of the second make one of the third,and so i n progression . Seven atoms of th e fifth and last speciesare equal in size to the head of a louse seven such headsequal a grain of rice ; seven grains of rice make an inch , twelveinches a palm

,and two palms a cubit ; seven cubits give one ta,

twenty ta one ussabci, eighty ussabci one gaut, and four gaut a

j ussah [yojana] . Finally, a juzenacontains about six Burmeseleagues

,or cubits .

Again,twelve hairs are equal to the size of a grain of rice

,

four grains of rice make a finger,twelve fingers a foot ; the

ordinary stature of a man is seven feet.The following is the measure of time : that instant in which

the fore or the middle finger withheld by the thumb darts fromit to give a fillip is called a carasi : ten carasi make a p ian, andsix p ian a bizanci . A quarter of an hour is composed of fifteenbizanci ; four quarters make an hour, the day consists of sixtyhours, the month contains thirty days

,and twelve m onths form

a year.

CHAPTER I I

OF THE WORLD AND ITS PARTS 1

1 . THE world is called logha,a word which signifies alternate

destruction and reproduction . The Burmese admit a world ,not everlasting

,but having a begi nn i ng and an end and this

beginning and end they do not attribute to the power and willof a superior being

,but merely to fate

,which they call Dammata

[Dharma] . The world i s d ivided into three parts, the superior,the inferior, and the middle . In the superior part i s situatedthe seat of the Nat

,in the inferior are the infernal regions,

and in the middle i s the seat or abode of men and animals .Of these beings and their abodes we shall treat lower down .

The middle part is conceived to be flat and circular, thoughsomewhat elevated in the centre

,and bounded by a chain of

very high mountains called Zacchiavala [Sakwala], which girdit all round and form an impenetrable barrier. These mountains rise juzena[yojana, reckoned at 10 miles by Hardy]above the surface of the sea

,and have an equal depth in the

sea itself. The diameter of thi s middle part i s

juze na, and its circumference i s three times the diameter. Itsdepth is juzena. The half of this depth entirely con

sists of dust ; the other half, or the lower part, i s a hard , compact

1 For fulle r inform ation on the subj e cts of this and the ne xt two Chapte rs,the re ade r m ay consult Spence Hardy’s Manual of Buddhism ,

ch . i . and his

Legends and Theori es of the Buddhists, p. 80 , which are used by Dr. Ke rn of

Le yde n as the m ost comple te re view of the m ystic cosmology of the Southe rnBuddhists. Geschiednis van Het Buddhism e in Indie , p. 289 , Haarlem , 1882 .

The Buddhist system of the unive rse is fundam entally that of the Hindus, as is

rem arke d by Yule in his Narrative of the M ission to Ava, London, 1858,

p. 237, in a le arned note .

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 5

stone called Silapatavi . This enormous volume of dust andstone is supported by a double volume of water, under whichi s placed a double volume of air ; and beyond this there i snothing but vacuity.

2 . In the centre of this middle part, above the level of thesea, the largest of the mountains, called Miem mo,1 u ses to theheight of juzena, having an equal depth within the sea.

Two truncated cones, un ited at their bases, may give an ideaof the figure of this mountain . The diameter of the superiorplane of Miemmo i s juzena, and its circumference threet imes th e diam eter. Three enormous rubies

,3000 juzena in

height,serve as feet to this immense mass

,and connect it with

the great stone Silapatav i . The part of the mounta in lookingto the east i s of silver, that looking to the west of glass, theside exposed to the north is of gold , and finally that to thesouth of dark ruby . Seven concentric chains of mountainsenclose within them this celebrated eminence

,and in their

intermediate spaces run seven great rivers called Sita[Sidanta] ,whose waters are transparent and clear as crystal

,and so very

light that the feath er of the smallest bird,if thrown into them

,

wi ll sink to the bottom . These m ountains are not of an equalheight

,nor are their rivers of equal bread th and' de pth . Wh i le

the first range,called Juganto, i s juzena high, and the

fi rst ri ver as many juzenawide and deep, the second chain hashalf that height, that i s to say, juzena, and j ust so wideand deep is the second river.3 . At the four cardinal points of Mount Miem mo, betweenthe Zacchiavala mountains and the last enclosure of Juganto,i n the midst of an immense sea, are situated four great islands,the abodes of men and an imals . Th e eastern island has theform of a half-moon

,and i s juzena in circumference.

The western i sland bears a circular figure like the full moon,

and has likewise juzena in circum ference . The northernisland has and is of a square figure ; and lastly, thesouthern one , which is lozenge-shaped, i s called Zabudiba

[Jam budwipa], and i s juzena in circumference. In th is

1 The Mount Myen-Mo of the Burm ans is the

i

lVIount Me ru of the Hinducosm ogony.

6 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

island the Burmese doctors place their kingdom, those of Siamand China, the coast of Coromandel , the island of Ceylon, andother parts with which they are acquainted . They likewisesay that thi s i sland, with 5 00 smaller ones which belong to i tand will be mentioned in the next paragraph

,i s inhabited by a

hundred and one nations. Excepting,however

,the Chinese,

Tartars,Siamese, Casse [Manipur], and Aracan

,the names by

which they denominate these nations do not correspond tothose known in our geography.

iThe se four great islands taketheir names from certain large trees which grow in them andare considered their sacred emblems . For example

,because its

sacred tree is the Zabu,the southern island is called Zabudiba,

or the Island of Zabu.

4 . Besides these four great islands, they admit likewise2000 of smaller dimensions (allotting 5 00 to each of the greatones) scattered here and there, but not Widely apart, andbearing respectively the same figure as the larger islands . Wehave observed in se c . 2 that the eastern side of MountMiemmoi s of si lver, the western of glass, the northern of gold, and thesouthern of dark ruby. Now

, these four sides communicatetheir colour to the great and small islands and their inhabitants. as well as to the sea that surrounds them ; and consequently the eastern island and its inhabitants will be of asilver colour ; the southern, together with its inhabitants, rivers,trees

,etc. , will have the colour of the dark ruby and the same

is to be said of the other islands. In like manner the greatocean is divided into four seas, that i s to say, the white, thegreen

,the yellow

,and the dark red . These seas

,however

,are

not everywhere of the same depth : that which is interposedbetween the small i slands is shallow and almost always quiet

,

so that ships may conveniently sail in i t ; but the seas in themidst of which the great islands li e have a depth of even

juzena, and their waves ri se to the height of 60 or 70

juzena. Terrible Whirlpools are here to be met, capable ofswallowing up large ships. These seas abound with monstrousfishes of the length of 5 00 and even 1 000 juzena. When thesemerely move in the waters they agitate them to a considerabledegree, but when they shake their whole body they excite ahorrible tempest to the distance of even 5 00 and 800 juzena.

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 7

Hence it follows that there can be no communication whatever between the inhabitants of the different great i slands ;and the European ships that arrive in the Indies are supposedby the Burmese to come from some of the 5 00 small isletswhich surround the great southern island of Zabudiba. Hencethey generally style them inhabitants of the small islands .

CHAPTER I I I

OF THE BEINGS THAT LIVE IN THIS WORLD, OF THEIR FELICITY OR.

MISERY, AND OF THE DURATION OF THEIR LIFE

5 . ALL living beings are divided by the sacred Burmesebooks into three classes : Chama, or generating beings ; Rupa,or corporeal but ungenerated ; lastly Arupa, or incorporealbeings. And these three classes are again subdivided intoth i rty species

,each of which has i ts Bon

,or proper seat. Th e

first class,or that of th e Chama, contains eleven species, or

regions,or states of beings

,seven of which are happy and four

unhappy. The first of the happy states i s that of man, andthe other six are those of the Nat

,who are corporeal beings

,

but in every respect superior to man,as will be shown j ust now .

The four unhappy are the infernal states,i n which beings

,by

the painful torments they suffer,pay the forfeit of the crimes

committed by them in thei r antecedent life. The second class,

called Rupa,contains sixteen regions or states

,and the third

,

or the Arupa,contains only four.

6. Before we speak of the happiness or unhappiness of thesebeings, and of the places which they occupy, i t i s necessary topremise a few general observations. First

,the Burmese, like

many other nations of India,admit a metempsychosis or trans

migration after death,but in a very different sense from that

of Pythagoras, who taught that the soul, after the death of onebody, occupied and animated another. The Burmese, on th econtrary, say that at the death of a man, animal, or otherl iving being, the soul perishes together with the body ; butthen , from this complete dissolution another individual springs

,

wh ich will be man, or beast, or Nat,according to the merits

or demerits of the actions done by its predecessor during itslife. Through this successive series of dissolutions and re

generations all beings go on for the duration of one or more

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1 0 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the number of drops of rain fallen in this time would expressthe number of years that compose an asse nchie. The sons andgrandchildren of those primitive men fell off from the perfe ction of thei r ancestors

,and abandoning virtue gave them

selves up to vi ce, and hence the length of their life begangradually to diminish until i t was reduced to ten years

,the

term allotted to some very wicked men . But afterwards thei rdescendants

,reflecting on the cause of th is diminution , began

to correct their morals and practise virtue. By this meansthey merited a new prolongation of thei r l ives

,first to thirty,

then to eighty,a hundred

,and a thousand years

,and thus

progressively,till they reached the term of an asse nchie, as

was the case with the primitive inhabitants. Now these pro

gre ssive variations from an assenchie to ten years, and fromten years to an assenchi e

, in successive generations, will takeplace sixty-four times before the final destruction of theworld .

8 . We may now proceed to treat of the happiness and miseryof living beings and of the Bon, or regions which they occupy,i n the three parts of the world : and we will begin by thehappy beings

,whose first species is man

,as was observed in

se c. 6. The diameter of the south ern island , Zabudiba, i s

juze na. Subtracting from this number 3000, wh i ch areoccupied by forests and deserts

,and 4000 covered with water,

the residue,or 3000 juzena, conta in the Bon, or region occupied

by man . The longest term of life which a man can at presentenj oy is eighty years . Among the inhabitants of the Zabudibai sland some are observed to be rich , others poor ; some learned ,others ignorant ; some vile and abj ect, and others noble andelevated to the rank of kings

,princes

,or mandarins ; some are

handsome and others deformed ; finally,some enj oy a long life

and others a short one. All these diversities of condition areeffects of the meri t or demerit gained by each individual i n hispreceding life.9 . The inhabitants of the other three i slands are not subj ectto the successive variation of the term of their l ives mentionedabove ; nor are they exposed to those troubles and that varietyof condition which affect the inhabitants of the southerni sland Zabudiba. The term of life of the inhabitants of the

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 1 1

eastern and western i slands i s constantly 5 00 years . Theirfaces in shape resemble th e figure of th e island to which theybe long ; so that th e eastern islanders have their faces of asemi-lunar form

,and the western have thei rs round like the full

moon . Their stature i s likewise different from that prevai ling in the island Zabudiba, as the eastern islanders are ninecubits high and the western six. As to the state of society

,

sci ences,agriculture

,etc.

,these eastern and western islanders

are perfectly similar to th e southern . Both these i slands havetheir sacred trees, which , by the power of fate, last from thebe ginning to the end of the world . They are a hundred

juzena high , and the spread of thei r branches i s fifty juzena.

10 . But the inhabitants of the northern island differ in everyrespect from those of the other three islands because they makeno use of agriculture or any other art or profession . A treenamed Pade sagrows in that fortunate island on which , insteadof fruit, are seen hanging precious garments of various colours,whereof the natives take whatever pleases them best . In likemanner they need not cultivate the soil

,nor sow, nor reap ;

neither do they fish,nor hunt ; because the same tree naturally

produces them an excellent k ind of rice without any husk .

Whenever they wish to take nourishment,they have only to

place this rice upon a certain great stone, from which a flameinstantly issues

,dresses thei r food , and then goes out of itself.

While they eat their rice, various k inds of exquisite meats,

ready dressed , appear upon the leaves of some trees, from whichevery one takes at will. Th e meal over

,the remains im

mediately disappear. This food is,moreover

,so very substantial,

that what appears prepared for only one person is sufficient formany ; and so nourish ing, that those who partake of i t can fastthe seven following days without repeating th eir meal . Theseislanders are never subj ect to any kind of i llness

,nor to the

troubles of old age, but live a thousand years, i n continualyouth . The manner in which they bring up their children, andcontract marriage

,i s very singular. As the women there are

not subj ect to menses nor the pains of labour,when their time

arrives, they are delivered without any pain or difficulty, andabandon their newborn babe on the spot

?without i ts running

any risk of dying. For those that pass that way, putting their

1 2 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

finger in their mouth,extract from it a sweet liquor like nectar

,

which,wonderful to say

,supports the child for seven days .

Nourished and brought up in this manner, they are of courseunable to ascertain who are their parents ; the more so as inthat i sland all the inhabitants are of the same shape andfigure

,and of the same golden colour. Hence it i s provided

,

that when a couple,moved by reciprocal affection

,wish to unite

in wedlock,they should withdraw themselves under a certain

beautiful tree . If this lowers its branches, and covers themround with its leaves, it i s a sign that they are not nearrelations

,and consequently the marriage i s completed . If, on

the contrary,the tree does not lower its branches

,they consider

it a proof of their consanguinity,and abstain from proceeding

any further. In general,these islanders have no illi cit inclina

tions,and the conj ugal act is only exerci sed by th em ten times

during their whole life. Some of them live in a state of

celibacy, as perfect and holy men ,who have bridled the passionsand inclinations of their h eart s . Sorrow and all kinds of

trouble or pain are strangers to this fortunate island , i n whichthere is no cold nor heat

,no winds nor storms

,no lightning,

thunder, nor rain . No feroci ous animals nor venomous serpentsthr eaten the lives of men . They have no need of houses forshelter ; the island is full of pleasant, gold-coloured trees,which are ever covered with delicious fruit or flowers

,of the

most grateful odour,or which yield a fragrant liquor

,with

which the inhabitants are wont to anoint their bodies . Hereand there are little rivulets of odoriferous sandal or otheraromatic waters, in wh i ch they bathe and disport themselves .Although these i slanders have a stature of th irteen cubits, theyare still proportioned and well made

,especially the women ,

who are endowed with singular beauty and possess great agility,

softness,and symmetry of form . After having spent thei r life

of 1 000 years,amidst continual enj oyments and delights

,they

tranquilly expire ; and their bodies are immediately transportedto the other side of the island by some large birds

,ordained by

fate to this office .1 1 . The inhabitants of the eastern, western, and northern

i slands do not pass after death into th e superior state of Nat,

nor to the inferior,infernal state

,as happens to those of the

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 1 3

southern island ; but they are always born again inhabitantsof the same i sland . And although this seems to be a desirablething

,especially with regard to the northern i slanders

,on

account of thei r felicity, nevertheless the Burmese doctors saythat if the inhabitants of the southern island are endowed withj udgment and reason

,they should not envy this lot : because ln

this southern island alone may one rise by th e merit of gooddeeds

,not only to the superior states of Nat

,Rupa

,and

Arupa,but, moreover, to the most perfect of all, that of the

Niban ; and , for thi s reason, the Burmese poets call the southernisland the Niban’

s ferry.

12 . Af ter man come the six states of the Nat,happy beings

who are superior to man .

1 The first seat or Bon i s called Zatum aharit, the second Tavate insa, the third Jama, th e fourthTussita, etc. These seats are disposed in order, beginning fromthe centre of Miem mo, and continuing along the Jugantomountains

,so as to form the first enclosure of th e Miem mo, as

far as the last barrier of the world , ca lled Zacchiavala. Herethe first seat of the Nat, called Zatum aharit, i s situated ; andto this seat the sun , moon , planets, and stars belong. For

,

according to the sacred Burmese books, these are all so manyhouses or habitations of the Nat . The second seat

,called

Tavate insa, extends from the summit of MountMiemmoto theZacchiavala. The other seats are placed , one above the other,at a distance of about juzena. Above the seats of theNat come those of the Rupaas follows juzenaabovethe last seat of the Nat are placed the three seats of the Rupa

,

called the first Zian,i n form like a tripod . Al though they are

on the same level,one does not touch the other ; but they are

distant from each other juzena. At an equal distanceabove are placed the other three, bearing l ikewise the samefigure. These are called the second Zian ; and above themagain are other three

,of the same shape and distance, called

the third Zian . At a similar d istance succeed the other twoseats of th e Rupa, called the fourth Zian, which are placed onthe same level . The five remaining abodes of the Rupa lie oneabove the other at the same distance of juzena from

h

1 The six dewa-lokas.

1 4 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

one another. 1 And in the same manner and order are placed,

one over the other, the four dwellings of the Arupa. This lastabode is so far distant from the southern island

,that should a

stone be dropt from it, according to the Burmese doctors, itwould not reach its destination till four years after.13 . We have now to speak of the happiness of the Nat, and

of the length of their life. In the first place,the seat called

Zatumaharit i s divided among four great princes or kings ofthe Nat

,each of whom possesses

,at one of the four cardinal

points of Miemmo, a vast city of 1 000 square juzena. Theseciti es are all of the same form, and in the m idst of each itsprince has his large palace of twenty-five square juzena, thecolumns

,beams

,and boards of which are of silver. For the

magnificence of these cities we must refer th e reader to whatwe shall say later, when we describe the second seat calledTavate insa. The famous Pade sa trees grow over the whole of

this region ; and from them ,i n place of fruit

,rich garments

and exquisite food are seen hanging, with all that can con

tribute to the splendour and delight of the Nat who inhabitthe place. Small rivulets and lakes of the clearest water, delightful orchards and gardens

,are everywhere to be found . The

length of life of these Nat is 5 00 years, which are equal toof ours . Their height i s half a juzena. Both in

this and in th e superior seats there are males and females,

who exerci se the duties of matrimony, but whose fecundatingprinciple i s only wind or air ; and the children produced arebrought to light, not like infants, but as if they were fi fteenyears of age . Other Nat of an inferior condition

,such as

giants,great birds

,dragons, and other evil geni i , who inhabit

the declivity of the Jugantomountains, or the forests and rivers,are subj ected to the Nat of this seat .1 4. It has been noticed above that to this seat belong thoseNat that inhabit the sun , moon, and stars, ordained by fate toi lluminate the world, to divide day from night, to distinguishthe seasons

,and to indicate good and evil to mankind . Hence

it will be proper to give a short essay of Burmese Astronomy.

1 The above sixte en regions are the Rupa-brahm a-lokas, whe re the sense s do

not e xist. In the four Arupaworlds the re is no bodily form .

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 1 5

The Burmese admit eight planets, the sun, the moon, Mercury,Venus

,Mars

,Jupiter

,and Saturn . From these the days of the

week take their denomination ; for the Burmese call the firstday the day of the sun ; the second, th e day of the moon

,e tc .

Besides these seven planets they suppose an eighth invisibleone

,by them called Rahu

,of which we shall speak j ust

now . The sun, or the abode of the Nat called sun,has fifty

juzena in diameter, and 1 5 0 in circumference . This habitationis of gold with in , and without of crystal ; and as gold andcrystal are naturally warm ,

therefore the rays of the sun alwaysexcite a sense of heat . The moon has forty-nine juzena i ndiameter and thrice that measure in c ircumference ; i t is ofsilver without and ruby within ; and silver and ruby beingnaturally cold

,so the moon’s light causes a cold sensation .

Mars has twelve juzena in diameter, Mercury fifteen,Jupiter

seventeen,Venus n ineteen

,and Saturn th irteen . Of the stars

they give no kind of measure,but merely say in general that

they are th e habitations of many Nat . The sun,moon

,and

stars all revolve round the great Mount Miem mo,but disposed

in parallel orbits,so that, for example, the sun, in one diurnal

revolution,i lluminates successively the four great islands ; and

night is caused by the interposition ofMiemmobetween it andthem .

1 When it i s midday in the southern island,in the

northern it i s midnight ; and when the sun sets to the easternisland, i t rises to the western . Besides the diurnal motioncommon to the planets and stars, they allow the planetsanother periodical movement

,and say, that from the north

they pass to the south,and then return again to the north

,

passing always through the twelve constellations of the zodiac,

Aries, Taurus, etc. Hence the sun returns, after a year, tothe same point in the heavens whence i t se t out ; wh i le themoon accomplishes the same revolution in the space of amonth . And although they seem to admit that the sun

,moon

,

1 Major Phayre ende avoure d to e xplain the solar system but as the

Burm e se the ory is that of a central m ountain calle d Myen-Mo, se ve ral m illionsof m ile s high, around which are firm ly fixe d four gre at islands, on the southe rnof which Asia and Europe are situate d

,the sun which lights them re volving

round the central m ountain, the Envoy of course didcfinot succe e d in convincingthe Ministe r of the truth of our view of the case .

’Yule , p . 67.

16 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

and other heavenly bodies have a gradual declination,alter

nate ly to north and south , yet they account for the variety ofseasons upon a totally different hypothesis . And here we mustnotice that the Burmese divide the year

,not into four

,but into

three seasons— the hot,th e rainy

,and the cold. To account

for these,they have imagined three distinct paths in the

heavens—the inner,the middle

,and the outward . The inner

path is nearest to Mount Miemmo, and when the sun i s uponit

,i t i s th e season of rain ; when m the middle path it i s that

of heat ; and when in the outward one that of cold . Theinner path nearly answers to our summer solstice the middleone to our equinox ; and the exterior to the winter solstice.Besides these they admit three other paths, one elevated abovethe other ; for the Burmese doctors consider the sun to besometimes nearer and sometimes more distant from us . Thesethree paths

,commencing from the highest

,they call respectively

the paths of the elephant, the ox, and the goat . For, as thegoat loves to feed in warm and dry places

,and the sun

,when

nearest to us, or moving along the lower path, causes thegreatest heat and dryness

,they have given to this path the

appellation of the goat’s . On the contrary,great cold is felt

when the sun is distant,and the highest path , through which

it then passes,i s called the elephant’s ; because thi s quadruped

delights in cold and damp places. The sun i s determined toone of these paths by the bad or good conduct of man . Is hegood and obedient

,i t chooses the middle one

,which i s the most

temperate ; i s he, on the contrary, wicked and disobedient tothe laws

,i t revolves through the higher or lower path

,which

i s always the occasion of inj ury to the crops, and is detrimentalto the health of man . The sun’s motion in all three paths i sfar swifter than that of the moon . In the inner path ittravels more than a mill ion of juzena a day ; in the middleone, more than two millions ; and in the outer one

,more than

three. Lastly,the sun

,moon

,and all th e other heavenly

bodies, although they appear spherical, are in reality acuminatedlike the flame of a candle. It i s thei r distance which givesthem a spherical figure.1 5 . We m ust now speak of the eclipses of the sun and moon ,of the phases of the latter

,and the causes that produce them .

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1 8 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the sun being i n the south, and the moon describing thenorthern part of its orbit

,the cold rays of the latter prevail

over the warmth of its rival , and thus occasion cold . Lastly,the causes of rain are

,first

,the influence of the dragons ; the

second that of the Galons,a speci es of enormous birds . Both

of these creatures may be classed with the Nat. The thirdcause i s the virtue of Sizza

,a word that signifies the faith ob

served in contracts and prom ise s. The fourth that of S i la,wh ich signifies the observance of the laws . The fifth is thepower of religious men . The sixth cause is

,that it is the

time of rain ; the seventh the gathering of the clouds ; andthe eighth and last i s the influence of those Nat that pres ide over rain

,and who, when they leave thei r habitations, and

go running and playing about through the air, dispose theweather for rain . When the sun is in the path of the goat,the Nat do not leave their respective habita tions on accountof the excessive heat

,and therefore no rain falls . For this

reason,when the inhabi tants of the Burmese empire are in want

of rain,they usually flock together in the public streets

,and

take a great and long rope which they earnestly pull fromone side to the other

,at the same time sending up loud cries

to heaven,to invite the Nat to come forth and play about

through the air. The thunder and lightning, that ordinarilyprecede rain

,are supposed to be nothing but the sports of

the Nat, as they play with their spears and other weapons .Besides these

,they admit of other Nat that preside over the

clouds and winds.1 6. After Zatum ahari t we have the seat called Tavate insa,which extends from the summit of Mi emmo to Zacchiavala.

The supreme prince or emperor of the Nat of this seat hasthirty-two other princes subj ect to him . He resides in a vastc i ty of a square form ,

the streets and squares of which arepaved with gold and silver. Its wall forms a perfect square,each side of which i s juze na long ; it i s 1 5 0 juzenahigh , and one and a half thick . Its gates, th e height ofwhich i s 40 juze na, are covered with plates of gold andsilver, and adorned with precious stones . Seven wide ditches,one juzena distant from each other, surround these superbwal ls and beyond the last ditch

,at a juzenaand half distance,

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 1 9

follows a range of marble columns, wonderfully enamelledwith gold and precious stones. Then follow

,at the same

distance,seven rows of palm -trees, sh in ing in every part with

gold and pearls ; and , in the space between the palm treesand columns

,lakes of the clearest water are scattered up and

down,where are boats of gold and silver, in which the Nat

of both sexes,with drums and other musical instruments

,

roam,singing and dancing

,through these delightful regi ons.

Sometimes they stop, to contemplate the beautiful birds thatfly among th e trees on the banks of the lakes

,sometimes to

gather delicious fruits or beautiful and fragrant flowers . Be

yond the seven rows of palm trees,the Pade sa tree grows on

every side ; upon wh ich, instead of fruit, precious garmentsand rich ornaments are suspended . At the distance of twenty

juze na north of the great city i s the orchard called Nanda,1 00 juzena in length and breadth ; in the midst of wh ich isa lake of the same name. It takes i ts appellation from thecrowds of Nat that flock to it

,to gather the celebrated

flower with which they adorn their heads . It grows in thisplace alone

,and is reported to be as large as th e wheel of a

chariot. Twenty juzena to the east of the city is situatedanother orchard of the same size and beauty as the first

,in

which grows that celebrated species of ivy wh ich , everythousand years, yields fruit of such an exquisite flavour, that,to eat of it

,for a hundred years before

,multitudes flock to

wards the garden,and there

,amid music, singing, and dancing,

await the ripening‘

of' the wished-for fruit ; and having tastedit,they remain for four whole months in a state of intoxica

tion . Two other orchards of a similar size are situated tothe south and west of th e city. To the north-west is a mostsuperb portico or terrace, 300 juzena square and 45 0 h igh .

The pavement i s of pure crystal,and a row of 1 00 columns

adorns each range of the building. Gold and silver bells hangfrom every part of the roof

,and the stai rcase, the walls, and

every other part of the building shine with a profusion ofgold and precious stones . The street that leads to it is20 juzena long and one wide ; i t i s shaded on both sidesby delightful trees always covered wi@ fruit and flowers ofevery kind . When the great emperor visits th i s magnificent

20 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

palace,the Nat that preside over th e winds shake down from

the trees such a quantity of flowers as to reach to the kneesof those who pass ; the trees all th e time putting forth newflowers to supply for what have fallen . In the centre of theportico is raised the great emperor

’s throne,which far ex

cels every other part of the edifice in richness,gold

,and

precious stones . This superb throne is surrounded by th irtytwo smaller ones for the princes of the Nat, and th en comeall the other Nat, each in the seat and place appointed forh im . At this assembly

'

a re also present the four princes ofZatum aharit, the seat above mentioned: While the Nataround the great emperor strive to pay him their court

,and

to amuse him by the sound of musical instruments,by dancing

and feasting,the four princes j ust mentioned

,assembling th e

Nat of their own seat, order them to go and inform themselveswhether or no the men in the southern island of Zabudibaobserve the laws and holidays

,and exercise charity . At this

command the Nat,swifter than the wind

,transport them

selves in an instant to the island ; and after having writtenin a golden book all the good and evil deeds of men , theyimmediately return to the grand assembly

,and present the

book to the great emperor,who opens and reads i t before

them all . Even when he talks or reads with a low and softvoice

,he is heard at a distance of 22 juzena; but when h e

raises his voice and reads in a louder tone,the sound i s heard

throughout the whole seat of Tavate insa. If the report presented to the emperor shows that the number is great of thosewho observe the law and attend to charitable deeds

,then do

the Nat rej oice, exclaiming, ‘ Now indeed will the infernalabodes be desert and empty, and ours fi lled with inhabitants .”

But if i t be reported that the observers of the law are few,Oh miserable creatures 1’ do they say, foolish men who

,for

a life of short duration,for a body merely four cubits long

,

for a stomach the length of a palm,neglect charitable deeds

,to

indulge in luxury and pleasure ; and thus treasure up demeritswhich will be the cause of thei r unhappiness after death .

Then the great emperor with a loud voice will exclaim,Veri ly

,

I say, if men are observers of the law, if they bestow alms, theyshall become after death great emperors of Nat

,as I am .

’

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 21

At the conclusion of the assembly,the great emperor

, ac

companied by above thirty-six mill ions of Nat,returns to

his great city.

17. In the centre of this superb city stands the great"imperial palace, which is 5 00 juzena in height. No descriptioncan do j ustice to its beauty and magnificence , nor tell of theabundance of gold and silver

,the inestimable treasures of

j ewels and precious stones, contained therein . The chariotupon which the emperor is drawn is 1 5 0 juzena large ; andfrom its centre the great throne rises to the height of three

juzena. The throne i s covered by a white umbrella, and thewhole is drawn by 2000 horses . The great flag

,150 juzena

high , i s planted in the forepart, and when it waves to and froin the wind

,yields a grateful and sweet murmur. Twenty

juzena to th e north-east of the great city grows the celebratedtree

,th e sacred ensign of this seat of the Nat

,which vegetates

for the whole duration of a world . Under it i s placed a greatstone

,sixty juze na long, fifty wide

,and fifteen high

,which is

exquisitely poli shed, and at the same time as soft as wool .Whenever the great emperor desires to mount upon it

,i t

lowers itself, and afterwards returns to its natural height.While everything goes on quietly and prosperously in thesouthern island

,half of the great emperor

’s body sinks intothis stone ; but if the contrary be the case, the stone then willremain firm and drawn tight like a drum . Many Pade sa treesand other species of fruits and flowers surround the greatsacre d tree ; and the road that leads to it is twenty juzenawide.By this road the Nat of this region pass every year to visitthe sacred tree ; and when they see the old leaves falling off

and the new ones budding forth , they communicate the j oyfulintelligence to each other wi th mutual congratulations . There d colour of the flowers of this tree i s spread on every side to adistance even of 1 00 juze na. As soon as the tree is in blossom,

the keepers of i t give notice to the great emperor, who, desiring to go thither immediately

,speaks as follows It would

afford me infinite pleasure,i f in this moment an elephant

should appear : ’ and no sooner has he uttered the words thanan enormous elephant does appear. Fof

,i t must be observed,

that animal s in the abodes of Nat are ideal, and created by

22 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the Nat themselves, for a given space of time. This elephanthas thirty-three heads : a large one

,destined to carry the great

emperor,and thirty-two lesser ones for the thirty-two minor

princes. Each head has seven teeth , fifty juzena in length ; ineach tooth there are seven lakes, and in each lake seven flowertrees ; each tree has seven flowers

,and each flower seven leaves ;

i n each leaf there are seven rooms ; in each room seven beds,and in each bed there are seven female Nat dancing. The sizeof the head on which the great emperor sits i s thirty juzena,that of the others only three . A pavilion, three juzena in size,i s situated in the great head ; under which a throne of ruby i sraised for the emperor. This elephant, whose name is Braum,

approaches the great emperor, who mounts upon the greatesthead

,and then all the other princes take their places upon the

remaining th irty-two heads.The elephant is followed by all th e other Nat in order

,each

in his proper seat . When this innumerable company arri vesat the great tree

,all descend from the elephant and from their

seats,and place themselves around th e great emperor, who is

placed upon the great stone, which we have already mentioned .

Music,dancing

,and feastings immediately commence

,and con

tinue four entire months . When these are past, they begin togather the flowers ; for which purpose there is no need of

climbing the tree,for the winds

,or the Nat that preside over

them,shake the tree

,so that the flowers fall off ; but, at the

same time,that they may not touch the ground

,other winds

support their weight,and hold them suspended in the air.

Then the entire body of the Nat is seen covered with thefragrant dust blown from the stamina of the flowers . Thestature of the Nat of this region is th ree-quarters of a juzena,and the duration of their life i s four times as long as in theinferior region, that is, of our years. The Nat ofth i s, as likewise those of the superior regions

,need not the

sun’s light, as they themselves sh ine like so many suns .18 . In se c. 2 we have shown how the immense mountain

Miemmo i s supported by three feet of ruby. In the spacebetween these three feet there i s situated another abode of theNat

,called Assura, of the same species as those of Tavate insa,

from which regi on they were turned out by fraud . The

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 23

Burmese sacred books relate the event in the following manner.Godama, while yet a mere man in the southern island of

Zabudiba,with other thirty-two persons of a certain village

,

performed many good works,among which was that of sweep

ing the streets. By these they deserved after death to becomeNat of the region Tavate insa; and the name of Godama waschanged for that ofMaja. In the course of time Maj a becameambitious, and, desiring with his companions to occupy the firstplaces in th i s region

,resolved to expel its old inhabitants.

With this view,h e and his associates drank plentifully of a

liquor which they called wine,but which really was not such

the old Nat,hearing of this and wishing to taste the bever

age themselves, drank real wine and were intoxicated . Maj aimmediately assembled his companions

,who

,taking advantage

of the feeble state of their rivals,dragged them by the feet to

th e sea, and easily precipi tated them into it. But as the termof their reward was not yet finished

,another abode was formed

for them, among the foundations of Mount Mie mmo, betweenth e three feet of ruby. Here the banished Nat betook themselves

,and their new abode was called Assura

,from the wine

they had drunk . It i s similar to the one they had left in allrespects

,except in its sacred tree.

' Besides the violence j ust described,the Nat of Assura had

to suffer another inj ury from the new inhabitants of Tavate insa,-whose emperor once ravished the daughter of their king.

Mindful of these inj uries, the Assura Nat vowed a perpetualwar with those of Tavate insa; and, whenever they se e thattheir holy tree does not produce the same flowers as that oftheir enemies, they furiously as cend th e high mount Miemmo,and drive away th e guard stationed there by the emperorof Tavate insa, which is composed of giants, dragons, andenorm ous birds.The emperor

,roused by the noise

,immediately mounts his

great elephant,and calling to his assistance the Nat of the sun,

moon,and stars

,together with those of the clouds and winds,

goes out from the great city to resist h is enemies. At firsttheir ardour prevails

,and he is compelled to retreat ; but when

th e fury of th e Assura i s somewhat abatéd, the great emperorunites his forces

,drives the enemy from th e walls, and finally

24 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

compels them to take to fl ight . The Assura,thus seeing

themselves unable to overcome,beat thei r great drum

,which

is formed from the foot of a large crab, and retreat to theirown abode . In these conflicts no lives are lost

,only the Nat

are oppressed by fatigue and lassitude.According to the doctrines of the god Godama

,all who

honour their relations and reverence old age,all who have

veneration and respect for the three excellent things,God

,

the law, and th e priests, and all who are averse to quarrelsand dissensions, will pass after death to the state of theTavate insaNat.1 9 . The sacred books of the Burmese are silent with regardto the happiness of the Nat

,whether superior or inferior to

these. With respect to the duration of their life, they makeit four times longer than with the inferior Nat ; according towhich those of the highest region will live years .The duration of the life of the Rupaand Arupa differs according to their order. Of the three orders of Rupa, known bythe name of the first Zian (see sec. those of the first livetwenty-one durations of worlds, those of the second thirtyone

,and those of the third sixty-four ; of the Rupa called

second Zian,those of the first order live two Mahakap, each

Mahakap comprising four times sixty-four durations of worlds ;and in the same proportion i s lengthened the life of the Rupaand Arupaof the higher orders .Since happiness and the duration of life increase proportion

ably to the elevation of each class,a corresponding degree of

merit from almsdeeds and good works here below determinesto which we shall belong after death .

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26 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the deceased ; and would have cut the garment in pieces, hadnot the louse

,running frequently backwards and forwards

,

showed,by his extraordinary movements

,that such a division

was displeasing to him . The astonished Talapoins consultedtheir god Godama, who desired them to wait seven days beforethey proceeded to the division ; and when they inquired thecause of this delay

,he manifested to them the sin in which

that Talapoin had died ; and said , that as he knew that sevendays after the louse

'

would be dead,he had ordered them to

wai t six days more,lest

,should they proceed to the divi sion

before that period,the louse might perhaps allow some expres

sion of anger to escape him,for which he would be condemned

to pass into some worse state of punishment .Those who do not keep a guard upon their tongue, thosewho do not repress the inordinate affections of the h eart orthe vicious tendencies of the body

,and those who neglect

to give alms pass after death into the state of animals .21 . The second state of punishment is that of the Pre itta,and of these there are various species . Some there are wholive upon spittle

,ordure

,and other fi lth

,and inhabit the

common sewers,cisterns

,and tombs . Others wander naked

through the deserts and forests,continually sobbing and groan

ing,and are consumed by hunger and th i rst. Oth ers for the

whole duration of a world are constrained to turn up the earthwith a fiery plough some feed upon their own flesh and blood

,

and with thei r own hands tear themselves with hooks : others,although they are a quarter of a juzena in stature, have amouth as small as th e eye of a needle ; for which reason , theyare ever tormented by cruel hunger and lastly

,there are some

who are tormented inwardly and outwardly by fire.All those who give alms to the Talapoins that do not wearthe proper habit

,all who do violence to Talapoins, whether

male or female,or who inj ure the observers of the law, as well

as all misers, will pass after death into the state of the Pre itta.

22 . The third infernal state i s that of the Assuriche. Thei rhabitation i s in the base of a certain mountain, situated farremote from the abodes of men. They inhabit likewise theforests and desert sea-shores. Their sufferings are almost thesame as those of the Pre itta. There i s another species called

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 27

Assuriche-pre itta, that have a body three-quarters of a juzena

in heigh t,and are so squalid and lean that they resemble

skeletons . Their eyes proj ect outwards like those of a crab,and they have a mouth in the upper part of th e head

,as

small as the eye of a needle,and are therefore consumed by

hunger.All such as make use of clubs or arms in their quarrels willbecome Assuriche—pre itta. Those also who offend or despisethe observers of the law, or who, on the contrary, honour andadvance the violaters of i t

,will pass to the condition of Pre itta.

In the states of punishment j ust described,as well as in the

fourth called Niria, there is no fixed or determinate duration ofsuffering

,as th i s depends on th e speci es of the bad works

committed by men in th eir lifetime. For, if it be h eavy andweighty

,according to th e expression of the Burmese doctors,

they will be made to suffer for a longer time. That is to say,according to the greater or lesser enormity of th e crimes comm itte d and th e bad habi ts acquired, the punishment will lastfor a longer or shorter period .

23. The fourth state of suffering is called Niria,and th i s is

properly the hell of the Burmese. It is situated in the deepestrecesses of the southern island Zabudiba, in the centre of thegreat stone called Silapatavi, and is divided into eight greathells. Each of them has four gates

,at the four sides ; and in

each gate there are four smaller hells ; and besides these, othersmaller hells surround each great hell

,being disposed

above, below, on the right hand , and on the left. Every suchgroup of hells has an extension of juzena.

The infernal j udges are seated before the gates of the greaterhells

,and are called Jam am en. These are Nat of th e Assura

species, as described in sec. 18, and both they and their satellites enj oy the felicity of the Nat. They do not, however, takecognisance of very heinous crimes

,because the mere weight of

these hurls the wicked down to hell,but only of those of lesser

enormity.

It i s a custom with the Burmese,when they give an alms, to

pour out a vessel of water upon the e art by which ceremonythey th ink they make all their fellow-crea ures participators inthe merit of the action . If in performing th i s ceremony men

28 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

do not forget the Jam am en,these will be propitious to them

should they chance to be thrown after death into the infernalregions

,and will do everything in their power to procure their

release. But if, on the contrary, in pouring out the waterthey did not intend to share with them the fruit of the goodwork

,they will be received with a terrible aspect

,their bad

deeds will be,not only not excused or diminish ed

,but rather

exaggerated ; and as they are unable to adduce anything intheir justification,

‘

they will be given over to the infernalministers to be tormented .

24. It has been noticed above that, according to the speciesof their bad works, the wicked are condemned to punishment.These species are four

,according to the Burmese sacred books .

One is called grievous,the other three are venial .

To kill one’s own mother or father,to kill a priest or Tala

poin , to strike or wound any God, as Be odat [De vadat, therelative and opponent of Gaudam a] did who threw a stoneagainst Godama

,and to sow discord among Talapoins

,are

th e five sins that constitute the grievous class ; for which thewicked will have to suffer fire and other dreadful torments

,in

one of the greater hells,the whole duration of a world .

This species of sins is called the first,because i t i s the first

to produce its effect : for although the ind ividual who hascommitted one of these five sins may have done many gooddeeds

,yet he cannot receive the reward till after the first

species i s expiated by his having paid the penalty of thatgreat sin .

Still more grievous than these are the sins of the De itti,1 or

of those impious men who give no faith to the revelations ofGodama

,who deny the Niban

,the transmigration of men into

animals,or into other superior beings

,and teach that there is

no merit i n doing charity or other good works, and who adorethe Nat or Geni i presiding over the woods and mountains . Allthese, should they die obstinate in such wickedness and irreligion, will be tormented not merely for the duration of aworld , but eternally.

Among the minor speci es of sins, the first merely comprisesevery offence committed in the last moment of life

,and this

1 Se e Chap. XIV . se c. 4.

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 29

holds the first rank,as it i s the first to take effect. All such

sins are punished in one of the greater hells .After this class come all sins of habit ; which , although inthemselves light

,are nevertheless, on account of the evil habit,

considered as punishable in the greater hells . The fourth andlast species compri sesall evi l desi res, and these are expiated ,not in the greater hells

,but in the minor ones that surround

them .

25 . Before speaking of the punishments infl icted in these, wemust remark that, of the eight greater h ells, four are calledAvizi

[Awichi], that is, hot, because there the punishment is by fire ,andfour Loghantreh, or cold, because sinners are there tormentedby cold . It is necessary also to premise that the infernal daysand years are not of the same length as ours

,for a thousand of

our years make but one day in the greater hells. In the smallerones a day is equal to 5 00

, 700, or even 800 of our years.I. All passionate, quarrelsome, fraudulent, and cruel men,all who in their deeds, words, or desires are either dishonestor lascivious, will be cut to pieces after death in one of thegreater hells

,with instruments of burning iron

,and afterwards

exposed to the most severe cold and the parts cut of , returning again to their former state, will be a second time cut off

,

and exposed to the same cold ; and in these alternate tormentsthey will pass 5 00 infernal years.II . All those who by signs or words insult th ei r relatives ormasters, priests, old men, or observers of the law,

and all whowith nets or snares ki ll animals, will be condemned to one of

the greater hells, there to be tormented upon a fiery bed bycontinual lacerations with red-hot wire, and by being sawnwith fiery scythes into eight or sixteen pieces, for the course of1000 infernal years.III . Those who kill

"oxen

,swine

,goats

,and such other

animals,all hunters by profession

,warlike kings

,and ministers

who cause culprits to be tormented or executed,will after

death be pressed and squeezed by four fiery mountains in oneof the greater hells, for the space of 2000 infernal years .IV. Whoever does not assist h is fellow-creatures

,those who

are accustomed to pluck animals or kill tlsgm by putting themalive into the frying-pan

,those who in a state of intoxication

30 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

commit unlawful and indecent actions,they who dishonour or

ill-treat others,will have their bowels burnt

'

up by a flameentering through their mouths and th i s punishment will last4000 infernal years .V. Whoever takes away furtively, or by deception , fraud , oropen force

,the property of others

,such ministers and j udges as

receive bribes for deciding suits unj ustly,mandarins and generals

that desolate the enemy’s lands,all who ch eat by false scales

,

weights, or measures, or who in any way appropriate to themselves the goods of others

,as well as all who steal or damage

th ings belonging to priests and to pagodas, etc. , all such willbe tormented in one of the greater hells by fire and smoke

,

wh ich,penetrating through the eyes and mouth and all th e

other inlets of the body, will burn them alive for the courseof 8000 infernal years .VI. Those who, after having slain deer, swine, and othersimilar animals

,do skin them , pluck off th eir hair

,or roast

thei r flesh,the makers of arms

,those who sell pork or turkeys

,

those likewise who sell wines or poisons, or se t fire to villages,

cities,or woods in order to destroy animals

,those who with

poison,or arms

,or enchantments cause men to perish : all

these after death,being hurled headlong from a very h igh

mountain,will be received on the point of a red-hot spit

,and

cut in pieces by the infernal ministers with swords and spears :and thi s punishment will last infernal years .VII. The D e itti, or unbelievers

,of whom we have spoken

above,will be impaled with the head downwards

,on a great

red-hot spit,without being able to move on eith er side, in the

greatest of all th e be lls.

VIII. Lastly, parricides, and those gui lty of the sins thatare com prised in the first or grievous class

,will have to endure

dreadful sufferings, for the whole duration of a world, in themidst of smoke

,scorching flames

,and other horrible torments,

in th e h ell called the great Av izi, the pavement of which i s

formed of red-hot iron to the depth of nine juzena.

26. We must now speak of th e minor hells wh ich surroundth e greater ones . Among these we must specify the hell ofordure

,in which immense worms as large as elephants swim

and bite the sinners who are there immersed ; that of burning

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 31

coals that of swords and oth er sharp weapons that of knives,

sabres,and other arms

,with which the bodies of th e condemned

are cut to pieces ; that in wh ich the lungs, liver, and otherviscera are torn out from th e bodies of the guilty by ironhooks that where they are cruelly beaten with fiery hammers ;that in which melted lead is poured down their throats ; thatof thorns and briers ; that of biting dogs ; that of ravensand vultures

,wh ich tear the flesh with their bills and talons.

Again,there is a place in which th e condemned are compelled

to ascend and descend the Leppan tree covered all over withthe sharpest thorns ; and anoth er, in which sinners are forcedto drink blood or purulent matter. All who honour not theirparents

,masters

,and old men ; all who drink wine or oth er

inebriating liquors ; all who corrupt the waters of lakes orwells

,or break up the roads ; all dishonest dealers ; they who

speak bitterly and impatiently,or beat with their hands or

with sticks those who despise the counsel of honest men,and

afflict their neighbour evil speakers,detractors

,the passionate

and envious ; such as inj ure others,or torment th em by putting

them in chains all who in word,deed

,or desire are guilty of

evil ; lastly, those who afflict the sick with harsh words will becondemned to these minor places of punishment, to be theretortured

,in proportion to the heinousness of th eir offences

and evil habits. Besides these hells,there is another consisting

of an immense caldron full of melted copper,to ascend and

descend wh ich , from one surface to the other, requires 3000years . To th i s task are condemned the lascivious

,that is to

say, those who v iolate th e wives, daughters, or sons of others ;and those who through life, despising acts of charity and theobservance of holidays

,give themselves up to drunkenness and

excess. Those equilateral spaces full of very cold water (se c . 6)are also

,according to the Burmese books

,so many hells, to

which are condemned all who offend or insult thei r parents orthe observers of the law. These after death are born anew,th ree-quarters of a juzena i n h eight, with hooked nails on theirhands and feet

,and are compelled to climb

,like so many bats,

through the obscure caverns of the mountains. Here theyannoy and ill-treat each other

,and

,instgate d by cruel hunger,

tear each other’s flesh,which

,falling into those cold waters, i s

32 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

first dissolved like salt,and then

,by a fatality attending on

thei r wicked deeds,reunites itself to the body

,so to suffer new

torments .27. Before we pass to other matters, we must observe thatnot only in the southern island

,but also in all these places of

torment,beings m ay gain merit or demerit, according to their

works,and so pass to a superior or inferior si tuation . It i s,

however,only in t his island that the perfect state of Nihan

can be attained : because for this i t i s requisite to see someGod

,and listen to his exhortations and revelations ; which can

happen in this i sland alone. In se c. 6 we have explained whatthe state of the Niban i s : this cannot be said to have anyspecific seat ; for it i s a perfectly incorporeal and spiritualstate of being

,and deserves the name of annihilation rather

than of exi stence.

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34 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

necessary to refer to what we have said in sec. 7, that in eachworld there are sixty-four successive diminutions and augm en

tations of age in the generations of men and hence the life ofman wi ll be sixty-four times reduced to the term of only tenyears . At these periods there will be a general scourge andextermination . Should lust be predominant

,then Wi ll men,

worn away by hunger,thirst

,and misery

,to so many moving

corpses,almost all perish . Should anger be the reigning vice,

then men will turn their weapons against each other,and in

furious combats labour for their mutual destruction . If, infine

,ignorance, as is generally the case, prevails over th e world,

then will a horrible consumption waste manki nd away to mereskeletons ; and thus will they die . After this almost universalmortality a heavy rain will fall, which , carrying off all theimpurities of the earth, together with the unburied corpse s

,

will d ischarge them into the rivers ; and this will be succeededby a shower of sandal, flowers

,and every kind of garments.

Then shall the few men who have escaped the exterminationwe have j ust described come forth from the caverns into whichthey had retired, then shall they begin to do penance for thesins they have committed, and thus deserve a prolongation oftheir life beyond the period of ten years.30 . A hundred thousand years before the world’s destruction ,some Nat of the superior seats

,descending to this southern

island with a sad and lugubrious countenance,with thei r locks

dishevelled and dressed in mourning, will proclaim in all thepublic streets and squares with a loud and lamentable voicethat the destruction of the world is approaching. They foresee it in the same way that the birds of the air and the fishesof the sea, by a certain natural instinct, foresee the approaching storm . After this they wil l admonish and strive to excitemankind to the observance of the laws

,and to those works

which may elevate them after death to the abodes of the Rupaand Arupa. The good works on which they will principallyinsist are alms-deeds

,the honouring paren ts and old men, the

observance of j ustice, and the mutual love of each other. Theyare earnest in exhorting men to these works that they may beraised to the state of Rupa and Arupa because these abodeswill remain untouched when the world is destroyed by fire.

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 35

Upon hearing this terrible presage, all will be struck withfear

,and wi ll use every endeavour to practise the four good

works recommended to them . The Nat inhabiting MountMiemmo

,and those of the mountains, rivers, and forests, will

then be transported to the states of Zian and Rupa. Theinfernal beings also, having now expiated the species of sinfor which they had be en condemned, will again become men ,and strive to practise the same good deeds in order to deserve,together with the others

,the state of Zian . For the impious

alone and for th e unbeli evers there i s no chance of reli ef, asthey will be eternally tormented in the equilateral spaces fullof the coldest water, which are placed without the world . Theirrational animals likewise m ust perish with the world .

31 . When the world is to be destroyed by fire,as soon as

the Nat have finished thei r proclamation,a heavy rain will fall

from heaven, by which all the lakes and torrents will be overflowed ; and men, conceiving strong hopes of an abundant crop,wi ll sow their ri chest seeds. But this rain will be the las t todescend upon the earth ; and from this time, for the space of

years, not a single drop of water will fall from heaven .

All plants and vegetables will now perish through the longdrought and men

,dying with hunger

,will be transported to

the abodes of the Nat, or the Zian . The sun and moon havinglost their Nat, who have become Zian, wi ll cease to shine ; andin their stead two other suns, not inhabited by Nat, will per

pe tually succeed each other ; so that there can be no longerany night ; and hence the heat will be such that the smallrivers

,lakes, and torrents will be dried up, and no vestige of

plants will be seen on the surface of the earth . Af ter sometime a third sun will appear ; and then the Ganges, with theother four great rivers, will dry up. After many ages a fourthsun will make its appearance, by whose heat will be drainedthe seven great lakes which

,as the Burmese books relate

,li e to

the north of the southern i sland , and give rise to five greatrivers, whereof the Ganges is one . After another long perioda fifth sun will rise, and then all the seas will be laid dry. Atthe appearance of a sixth sun, all th e islands of this and ofevery other world

,to the number of wi ll open ;

and from the apertures smoke and flames will burst forth .

36 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

Finally,after a lengthened term of years

,at the appearance of

the seventh and last sun,Mount Miemmo

,with all the abodes

of the Nat, will be consumed by fire. And,as in a lamp when

the oil and wick are consumed,the flame goes out of itself, so

when the fire shall have devoured all that exists in this or anyother world

,i t will spontaneously cease. The whole time

occupied by these events,from the last rain that fell to the

final ceasing of the fire,will fill up the interval of an asse nchie.

32. When the world is to be destroyed by wate r, at thebegi nn ing a small shower of rain will fall, which, increasing bydegrees, will become so heavy and horrible that each drop of i twill be of the size of a thousand juzena and thus the abodesof men and the Nat

,together with some of those of the Zian

and the worlds,will be dissolved and destroyed .

So likewise when the world is to be destroyed by wind, as soonas the Nat have finished their admonitions

,the heavy rain will

fall and years after,a wind will begin to blow, which ,

increasing by degrees,will at fi rst raise th e sands and small

pebbles,and afterwards the heavy stones

,the tops of moun

tains and the trees,and then shaki ng and breaking up all the

earth , with all the abodes of the Nat and many of those of theZian, will disperse everything in the immense vacuum of

heaven . The annexed table shows the order and method ofthe destruction of the world, by fire, water, and wind

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 37

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38 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

33. Having now shown how the world will be destroyed, wemust speak of its reproduction . Fire, water, and wind are thethree agents in its dissolution

,but water or rain alone acts in re

producing it. An assenchie after the end of the world, th is beginsto fall

,at first slowly

,but increasing by degrees till i ts drops

successively reach the size of one , two, a hundred and a thousand

juzena. Yet it sti ll continues falling without intermission ,while the wind, by which it i s continually beaten about andcompressed, condenses it precisely in the place where the preceding world was situated . On the surface of this condensedbody of water

,by the action of the sun

,a ki nd of crust or

greasy scum is formed,from which those abodes of Nat and

Zian that have been destroyed will be reproduced . AfterwardsMount Miemmoand the other seats of the Nat placed in itsvicinity, will be formed and as the water successively decreases,from its sediment will arise the four great islands, MountZacchiavala and all the worlds

,i n the same order

and symmetry as before .34. The new world i s then repeopled in the following manner.Immediately after the formation of the islands

,a kind of crust

appears on their surface,having the smell and taste of butter .

The odour of this substance ascending up to the abodes of theRupafi lls their inhabitants

,who before the destruction of the

last world had become Zian,with the desire of eating it. For

this purpose they assume human bodies,endowed with great

agility and splendour,and so descend upon the island which we

inhabit. At first they pass their l ives happily and quietly withthis supernatural food for thei r only sustenance ; but avariceand the thirst for private gain springing up amongst them ,

give birth to quarrels and disputes. Thence it happens thatin punishment of their sin

,the nectareous crust that had

nourished them disappears,and their bodies

,losing their

original splendour,become dark and opaque. This loss i s

instantly succeeded by darkness and black night, for the sun

and moon have not yet shone out : which fill s them with thegreatest consternation . But the sun now rising in the east,dispels their fear

,and fills them with satisfaction by its uh

hoped for appearance. Yet is this universal j oy and contentsucceeded by a new cause of perturbation and trouble, when the

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 39

sun, after its diurnal revolution i s hidden by Mount Miemmo.

Then do men in affli ction and consternation begin to lamentand exclaim Oh"how soon has the light which came to illum inate us disappeared .

’

W hilst they are thus ardently desiringa new luminary

,behold, in the same quarter of the heavens, at

the beginning of the night, the moon and stars shine forth . Atthe appearance they are greatly comforted and exultinglyexclaim :

‘ Truly this is a welcome sight.’ It i s on a Sunday,

in the month of Tabaun, which corresponds to our March , thatthe sun , moon and stars first give light.As in pre paring rice, some grains are perfectly cooked andothers re main raw or half-dressed : so the Burmese Doctorssay

,that by the power of fate part of the earth remains flat,

part is elevated into mountains, and part is depressed intovalleys.35 . The crust of butter

,which

,as we have said

,had dis

appeared on account of the sins of mankind,having penetrated

into the bowels of th e earth,i s changed into a large stone

called Silapatavi and instead of that crust a kind of ivy-treesprings up having likewise the flavour of butter. Men feedupon this for some time

,until avarice arising again among them

,

this plant also disappears ; and in its place a kind of rice without husk, of an excellent quality, grows up from the bowels ofthe earth . At the same time earthen vessels appear, whichthey fill with the rice ; and having placed them upon stones ,fire spontaneously comes out from them by which the rice isinstantly cooked . D ifferent kinds of food also present themse lves

,according to each one’s desire. In the beginning, when

their nourishment i s the crust and ivy which we have described,as this food is all converted into blood and flesh

,men have no

need of the different organs and channels,for th e e xcre tion

'

of

that part of their food,which contributes nothing to their

nutriment. But now that they have begun to feed upon rice,the se various organs are formed in the human body to suit thecoarser quality of th e new food . Thi s nourishment also produces the first sensations of passion, which are instantlyfollowed by the division of mankind into the two sexes, eachindi vidual being in this respect as he was"fore the destructionof the world . This di stinction

,at first

,gives ri se to illicit

40 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

desires,but ends in establishing the matrimonial state. A

great many,however

,preserving their virginity

,become men of

great virtue and holiness,and are called Manussa-Biamma.

These do not exercise commerce,agriculture

,or any othe r

mechanical art, but solely employ themselves in the sublimeministry of making oblations and giving alms. For a lengthof time they preserve their celibacy ; but afterwards seeingtheir race diminish considerably, many contract marriages inorder to perpetuate it. Upon hearing this

,the other Manussa

Biamma are highly scandalised ; and detesting their depravation

,declare hatred against those who have contracted such

marriages,and separate themselves from their society. And

hence the Burmese Doctors derive the custom of the modernBram ins

,who pretend to be descendants of the Manussa

Biamma,of not bathing

,eating

,nor cohabiting with persons of

a di fferent caste . Although,according to the law of the god

Godama,matrimony is lawful

,yet still, as the Niban cannot be

obtained without the observance of celibacy,the men learned

in this law repute marriage as a less perfect state. ThoseBiam ma who have entered into

' the married state begin tobuild houses

,villages and cities and the more they multiply,

the greater and more frequent are the quarrels and rupturesamong them ; because, through the predomination of avarice,every one attends to his own interest and convenience. Inorder to remedy these disorders and put an end to quarrels,in which the most powerful always prevails, they agree bycommon consent to elect a king

,who may administer j ustice

and bestow rewards or punishments according to desert.Having found one among them who excels the others in statureand graceful shape

,as also in the observance of the natural law,

they choose him for prince of the earth,and call h im Mahasa

mata,as also Gattia, which signifies Lord of the earth , and

Hazii,because h e has the power of rewarding and punishing

according to merit. From this first king forty—four othersdescend

,the tenth of whom i s named Godama.

Thus i s the human species renewed, and from these differentorders the four castes or races of men descend . The de scendants of Mahasam ata constitute the royal race . The othercastes

,that of the Bram ins, of the rich, and of the Suchoié, in .

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CHAPTER VI

OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

37. THE extensive territories which constitute th e Burmeseempire are not inhabited by one nation alone

,but by many,

differing essentially in language,manners

,and customs . The

principal of these are the Burmese,who occupy the tract of

land called the kingdom of Ava,which extends from the city

of Pie or Pron [Prome], ln 1 9° north latitude

,as far as 24 ,

and from 1 12° to 1 1 6° east longitude, from the meridian of theisland of Ferro.38. Next in importance are the Peguans [Talaings, Mons,

Muns], anciently their competitors. They once formed apowerful monarchy

,whose sovereigns were for a length of time

masters of the kingdom of Ava. They inhabit the countrycalled Pegt

‘

l,extending

,from west to east

,from the island of

Negraglia[Negrais] to the kingdom of Siam and from northto south

,from the city of Pron to that of Martaban . The

Peguan language i s totally different from the Burmese.39 . The third nation i s that of the Aracane se . Not manyyears ago

,this likewise was an independent state, under the

name of the kingdom ofAracan. The language of this countrylikewise differs entirely from that of the other two.40. Beyond the point of Negraglia, as far as Azen [Assam],and even farther

,there is a small chain of mountains that

divides Aracan and Casse [Manipur] from the Burmese. Allthese mountains are inhabited by a nation called Chien [Chin,Khyeng], part of which i s independent, and part subj ect to theBurmese emperor. In the latter, besides a particular languageand a peculiar manner of dress

,there prevails a strange custom

which deserves to be mentioned . It i s that of tatooing withblack the faces of the women . The origin of this custom is asfollows . During the time that the residence of the Burmese

BURMESE COSMOGRAPHY 43

kings was in the city of Pagan, they were accustomed frequently to despatch their soldiers into the country of theChien to carry off the most beautiful women and girls . It wasin order to free themselves from this disgraceful oppressionthat the Chien adopted the practice of thus disfiguring thefeatures of their women .

1

41 . To the east of the Chien mountains, between 20°

30’

and 21 ° 30 ' north latitude, i s a petty nation called Jo[Yaw].They are supposed to have been Chien , who in progress oftime have become Burmese, speaking their language, althoughvery corruptly

,and adopting all their customs. These Jo

generally pass for necromancers and sorcerers, and are for thisreason feared by the Burmese, who dare not i ll-treat them forfear of their revenging themselves by some enchantment.42 . All that tract of land which extends from 25

°

to 20°

north latitude,between the Chinese province

'

of Junan

[Yunnan], Siam and the kingdom of Ava, i s inhabited by anumerous nation called Sciam [Shan], who are the same as theLaos. Their kingdom is divided into small distri cts underdifferent chiefs called Zaboa [Sawbwa], or petty princes.From the time of Alompra, the present king

’s father, till thebeginning of the present reign

,all these Zaboawere subj ects

and tributaries of the Burmese ; but the cruel despotism, thecontinual vexations and oppressions of their masters haveforced many of them to rebel ; all of whom have leaguedthem se lve s

‘

with the Siamese, as we shall have occasion hereafter to relate. In language, manners, and customs theseSciam bear a nearer resemblance to the Siamese than to theBurmese.2 Other tribes of the Sciam inhabit the forest to thenorth of the city of Mie du, and are otherwi se called Konjen.

These,although situated within the kingdom of Ava, still

retain their own language, together with customs peculiar tothemselves.43. Casting our eyes upon the map of the Burmese empire,

we shall see,that besides the nations already mentioned, there

1 The practice e xisted in Arakan and Thaye tmyu wlagp I was in Burma.

2 The form Siam is nothing but a corruption of the French m e thod of writingShan or Sciam .

’—Census Report, 1 89 1 , p. 20 I .

44 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

are also included in it the Cadu [Kadu or Kudo], the Palaun

[Palaung], the Koes and the Cachien [Kachin, Kakhyeng],who are descended from the real Chien, —nations, al l of whomspeak a peculiar language

,and have customs different from

the Burmese.44. We must not omit here the Carian [Karen] , a good andpeaceable people who l ive

,dispersed through the forests of

Pegfi , in small villages consisting of four or five houses . Thesevillages, upon the death of any inhabitant

,are thrown down

and destroyed in a moment by the survivors,who suppose the

devil to have taken possession of the place. It i s worthy ofobservation that

,although residing in the midst of the

Burmese and Peguans,they not only retain thei r own language,

but even in their dress,houses

,and everything else are dis

tinguished from them ; and what i s more remarkable, theyhave a different religion . This indeed only consists in adoring,or rather fearing

,an evi l genius whom they suppose to

inhabit their forests,and to whom they offer rice and other

food,when they are sick, or apprehend any misfortune. They

are totally dependent upon the despotic government of theBurmese.45 . But i t i s not so with the other Carian who inhabit theneighbourhood of Taunu [Toungoo, Toung-ngoo, Taun-gu],and are called Red Carian [Karenni], to distinguish them fromthe former. These

,retired in their mountains and inaccessible

forests,have very often defied the Burmese

,to whose yoke

they have never submitted. The Re d Carian,who l ive to the

east of Canton about 24° north latitude,consider themselves

as descended from these ; because, when the Burmese seizedupon the country of Taunu

,many of the inhabitants took

to flight.1

1 Se e Appendix I . for m ore re cent classifications of the p eople s and language sof Burma.

BURME SE H I STORY

CHAPTER VII

ORIGIN OF THE BURMESE NATION AND MONARCHY

1 . WHEN I enumerated the nations subj ect to the Burmesedominion

,i t was not my intention to convey to my reader any

idea of their origin,of the country whence they came

,nor the

time and manner of their emigration to their present position .

Not to say that this would be irrelevant to my present design,

which is to treat only of the Burmese and their kingdom,i t

would be truly a difficul t or rather impossible task,not only

because the different languages of those nations are unknown,

but also because they have no h istorical books nor authentictraditions

,from which any true records might be gleaned . In

fact,some of them have no knowledge of writing or of books

,

especially the Carian and Chien . I shal l therefore confinemyself to the origin of the Burmese, as they are th e rulingnation

,and have consequently introduced their customs and

laws into Pegu, Aracan,and other countries which they have

subdued, and will commence with a brief sketch of the originand subsequent history of their monarchy. Even on this thereader must not flatter h imself that he will receive accurateinformation

,since th e Burmese histories and traditions are

fi lled with strange hyperbolical accounts and fabulous narrative s.

If you ask the Burmese what was their origin, they willreply Our name alone demonstrates at once the antiquityand nobility of our race, and our celestial origin .

’ In fact,i n

their own language their name is not Burmese, which we haveborrowed from the Portuguese, but Biamma, the very name,as we have seen above,"borne by the dc ndants of those

Se e Cosmography, se c. 34, 35.

46 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

beings who once occupied the blessed regions of the Rupa.

1

Nevertheless i f we notice many peculiarities of the Burmese,

and especially a certain fie rcene ss of character not possessed byother Indian nations, we shall be led to conclude that they areof Tartar origin

,being probably descendants of some tribe of

Tartars,who, as we are informed by history, spread themselves

over every part of Asia, especially in th e expeditions of thefamous Gengis-Khan.

Even on the origin and progress of the Burmese monarchy,

the reader m ust be prepared to meet nothing in their annalsbut marvellous tales

,mixed up with a very little truth . Before

my arrival in India, some missionaries made it their particularstudy to compose a faithful history of th e Burmese kings, butin vain . I myself, while residing in the kingdom of Ay a

,

asked one of th e wisest and most learned of the native s, whoseintimate friendship I enj oyed , whether there were any bookfrom which I might learn the true history of the founder andperpetuators of their monarchy. He candidly answered, thatthe task was difficult

,or rather impossible ; and endeavoured

to persuade me to give up the study as useless. To satisfy thecuri osity of my readers, I have, therefore, nothing better tooffer them on this subj ect than an abridgment of the Maharazaven

,that is

,the great history or annals of the kings . It i s

only towards the conclusion of this work that anything like aglimpse of truth appears .

1 Only a few of the nam e s by which the indigenous tribe s we re called in

the remote past are now known ; but the Indian se ttle rs gave to them , and

adopted them se lve s, the nam e of Brahma, which is that used in Buddhist sacredbooks for the first inhab itants of the world. This te rm , when use d to de signatethe e xisting people , is now written Mrammfi, and gene rally pronounce d Barna.Hence have be en de rived the words used by Europeans for this people .

’

IIistory oa rma, by SirArthur P. Phayre , p. 2 .

Bigande t, howe ve r, de rive s Mramma from Mian, m e aning m an ; and thisview is adopted in the Census Report, 189 1 , p. 1 9 4.

CHAPTER VI I I

ABRIDGMENT OF THE BURMESE ANNALS CALLED MAHARAZVEN

2. DURING the period that the age of man is increasing fromten years to an assenchie, there i s no king in the world ; butwhen

,on the contrary, it i s on the wane, then there are kings,

and the first that reigns during this diminution of age,i s

‘a lways called Mahasam ata. In every world the ages decreasesixty-four times

,so that in each there must be sixty-four kings

of the name of Mahasam ata.

In the present world there have existed only eleven . Beginning to count, therefore, from the eleventh , the Burmese reckon

kings to Uggagarit 8210 from him to Zejasena, thegrandfather of Godama ; and twenty-nine from Azadasat hisson, to Siridam asoga. This i s the series of kings that haveflourished in the kingdom called Enga, Meggada [Magadha] ,etc. We must next speak of those who have reigned inBaranasi [Benares], Sautti [Thawattie , Sravasti], etc.Whilst the god Godama was living upon the earth

,be re

ce ived an assurance that his laws would be observ ed in thesekingdoms for the space of 5 000 years . This induced him to

accept of a magnificent convent of sandal wood, which acelebrated rich man named Maunzala had built for him inthese regions. During his residence there

,and whilst for seven

whole days he was practising every virtue,he obtained as a

reward for Maunzala, that he should acquire great sanctity,should be free from the pas sions of anger, covetousness, andlust

,and should; moreover, have a title to the Nibau after his

de ath .

One day that Godama had ascended a mountain,and was

looking towards the sea,he beheld some cow-dung floating

upon the waters ; and at the same tim e°°ia Poe

,which is a

species of mole living under ground, approached, and to show

48 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

him respect,took in its mouth a small quanti ty of earth and

presented it to him . Seeing it, Godama smiled ; and be ingasked the reason of his sm i ling by one of his disciples, byname Ananda

,replied prophetically : ‘ Know that 1 10 years

after I shall have obtained the Niban, five great prodigieswill happen in this place ; and a great kingdom will h

‘

ére be

establi shed,of which this li ttle mole

,having assumed the name

of Duttabaum en,will be a king.

’ We must now see howthis prediction was fulfilled . But first it may be well to premise that this kingdom

,as well as those of Enga

,Meggada

[Magadha] , etc. , have no existence, save in the fancy of thecompilers of these annals .3. Twenty years after Godama had obtained the Niban,

themighty monarch of th e great Kingdom of Tagaun [Tagaung],lord of the white and red elephant, died , and his son succe eded to the throne. He gathered together a numerousarmy

,and marched against his own brother-in-law ; whom

having conquered,he pursued to the place where the Kingdom

of Sarekittra [Tharékhe ttara] was to be founded , and thereki lled .

1

After the death of his adversary, the k ing did not return tohis realm of Tagaun , but having laid aside his royal ornaments,

1 For a m ore cri tical account of the e arly dynastie s, the re ade r is re fe rred to

Sir Arthur Phayre ’s Histo7y of Burm a, and his Appe nd ix, containing the listsof k ings tak en from the Gre at History of Kings or Maha Rz

'

ijfiweng, the

work use d by Sange rm ano. Phayre holds that the Burm an nation was

form e d m any age s ago by the union of Mongoloid tribe s, unde r the influenceof Aryan imm igrants, chie fly Kshatriyas from Gange tic India, who introducedthe softening influence s of the Buddhist re ligion in its sim ple st form , probably2 0 0 0 years ago. The MahaRajaweng knows not the k inship of the Burm e se

with the Indo-Chine se people ; but as the Buddhist re ligion has led the

people to link the ir line of de scent with that of the ir first teache rs, or thosere fe rre d to in the legends conce rning Sakya Muni, \

so‘

these annals open

with an account of the first form ation of the e arth according to Buddh istcosmogony. The MahaRajaweng then de scribe s the sm all state s of the SakyaRajas in North e rn India. Prince S iddhartha, de stined to be com e Buddha,was the son of a Raja of one of those State s. Long be fore his birth, in conse

quence of wars am ong the Sz’

i kya clans and b e twe en them and th e ir ne ighbours,a chie f to whom tradition give s the nam e of Abhi Raja, le ft Kapilavastu,and cam e with an arm y to the country of the M iddle Irawadi ; there he

e stablished him se lf and built the city of Tagaung, the ruins of which still e xist. ’—Histofy of Burma ,

by SirA. Phayre , p. 7.

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5 0 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

After this the king of the Nat,taking the celebrated Dutta

baun by the hand,placed him on the throne

,and gave to him

a portentous spear which had the power to wound and killany of his enemies . He gave him likewise a prodigious wand

,

which,being thrown from his hand

,would beat and lacerate

those it was aimed at. To these he added a white elephantand a horse

,a drum and a great he ll

,with seven Nat to serve

him as satellites ; wherefore Duttabaun became absolute lord ofall the great southern island Zabudiba. Th is king had twowives

,one was th e daugh ter of his father Mahasambava

,and

was named Zandade ri, and the other was the daughter of acertain Naga or Dragon, and was named Be zandi . Th e firstwas the prior wife

,and had a son called Duttran. Finally

Duttabaun, after having reigned seventy years, died in thehundred and fifth year of his age. He was born on a Tuesday

,

and at the time of his death the water of the rivers changedtheir natural course

,and ran upwards to their source ; the

shade of the sun being towards the north, was instantlyturned to the south ; and seven great noises were heard inthe heavens.5 . In the year 1 71 Duttabaun was succeeded on th e throneby his first-born, named Duttran, who reigned twenty—twoyears

,and died in the fifty-seventh year of his age. He was

born on a Wednesday, and at his death seven thunderbolts fell .From the year 1 9 3 to 637 there were eighteen kings ; but inthese annals no mention i s made of any memorable adventureof any of them ,

but merely the day of their birth and theprodigy that was seen at thei r death are recorded . From thisi t appears

,as well as from what we shall relate hereafter

,that

on the day of each king’s death some prodigy must happen inheaven or on earth .

The king who reigned in the year 637 was the son ofSamanda; his reign lasted only seven years. Under this king,as something unlucky was apprehended, the prince of the Natstruck out of the era 642 years, and ordered that the 644thyear should now be called the second . Ever since this time ithas been the custom of th e Burmese monarchs to order similarcorrections whenever, according to the prej udices of theirj udicial astrology

,any year was considered as ominous of

BURMESE HISTORY 5 1

mis fortune. The present king has once made th is abbreviationof the era.

6 . In the second year of the new era, Ahiedla son of thepreceding king began his reign . It lasted three years, and inthe year 5

,he had for successor his brother

,who reigned

eleven years,a nd died in the fortieth vear of his age. On the

day of his death it happened that a countryman’s corn-si evewas carried away by an impetuous wind . The countrymanfollowed it, crying out,

‘ Oh"my corn-sieve"oh"my cornsieve"° The citizens

,disturbed by this clamour

,and not

knowi ng what had happened,began likewise to cry : Army of

the corn-sieve,soldiers of th e corn -sieve.’ A great confusion

consequently arose,and all the c itizens divided themselves into

three parties,who afterwards formed three different nations

,

the Blfl,the Charan, and the Burmese .1 The fi rst took up

arms against the second and was victorious ; but afterwards,being agitated by intestine discord

,was again d ivided into

th ree parties ; one of which put itself under the government ofthe prince Sam udritm en. He led them to a place calledMungno, from whence the Peguans expelled him three yearsafter. He then took sh elter in Menton, but was driven thencealso by the Aracane se ; upon wh i ch he passed into the greatkingdom of Pagan

,which contained nineteen cities . Pagan

still retains i ts name,and is situated at the distance of four

days1 j ourney from the capital . While be there reigned,as he

was destitute of virtue and power, he was compelled to feedswine

,tigers

,great birds, and other animals of the forest

,

wh ich had rebelled against him. In progress of time thedaughter of a prince of D ragons

,having married the son of

the Sun,bore him a child called Bium enti [Pyu-m e ngti], who

lent his assistance to the king of Pagan,and tamed all his

rebellious animals . After th i s he took in marriage thedaughter of Sam udrit [Tham m udarit], and succeeded

“him inhis kingdom . Sam udrit, after having reigned forty-five years,died in the seventy-seventh year of his age. He was born on a

1 Phayre calls the se tribe s the Pyfi, Kfinran, and Mram ma. He take s the

story to m e an that Tharé-Khe ttarawas conque re d by ‘

fi e Talaings of Thahtun,

whe re an Indiandynasty from Te lingana re igned in the first centurie s of our e ra.—Phayre , pp. 18, 1 9 .

5 2 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

Sunday,and at his death a great fiery globe

,of the diameter

of a large waggon-wheel,fell from heaven .

In the year 89 a hermit succeeded to Bium enti ; betweenwhose reign and the year 5 35 there were eighteen kings. Noaction of theirs of any note has been recorded ; the day of thei rbirth and the prodigy at their death are alone mentioned .

In the year 5 35 th e reigning king was Poppozorahen

[Puppa-tsau-Rahan],1 who was famous for his skill i n the

Beden,a book on j udicial astrology. Having from this

derived information of some impending calamity, h e struck offall but two years from the era 5 35 . He reigned twenty-sevenyears

,and died the same year in which h e had altered the era.

He was born on a Sunday, and on the day of h is death sevenenormous vultures alighted on th e great roof of the royalpalace

,a ci rcumstance ever looked upon as a bad omen .

7. From the second year of the corrected era to 450,

twenty-two kings reigned .

2 In this year Alaunzisu succeededhis grandfather on th e throne . 0 11 the day of his birth thegreat drum which i s kept in the royal palace beat of i tself ;also the great palace door of itself flew open . This king, onboard a most superb ship belonging to the Nat, and aecom

panied by smaller vessels,sailed to th e place where

grows the sacred tree of this island, Zabudiba, and there forseven entire months held high festivity. The prince of theNat went to the same place, and in the following mannersaluted Alaunzisu 0 11 king"most powerful, most wise,most excellent, oh king of kings"e tc.

’ He then made him apresent of the statues of two ancient Deities . This mostpuissant prince died in the eighty-fi fth year of hi s age, afterhaving reigned seventy years . He was born on a Thursday

,

and at his death Jupiter fought with Saturn . From the year

1 This is the Theuga Raja who re form ed the calendar.

‘The comm on e ra

which he e stablishe d comm e nce d in A.D . 639 , on the day when the sun is sup

pose d to e nte r the first sign of the Zodiac. This e ra is now obse rve d in Burm a.

The re form ation of the cale ndar was probably brought about by the assistance ofIndian astronom e rs. The Burm e se system s of astronom y and m e thod of com

puting tim e are e sse ntially those of the Hindus. —Phayre , p. 2 1 .

3 Our author om its to notice Anoarahta, in whose re ign in the first half of thee le venth century, the te rritorie s taken by the Shans we re re cove re d, and the

Talaing King of Pegu conque re d. Anaorahta re store d orthodox Buddhism .

BURMESE HISTORY 5 3

5 20,in which the last mentioned king ended his reign

,to th e

year 682, eleven kings are numbered . At this year we findth e throne occupied by a king called Zunit,

1 whose reignlasted forty-three years . With him the series of the princes ofPagan ends

,there having been fifty-five i n all .

8 . In th e year 662, three broth ers of the true stock of thekings of Pagan disputed among themselves the possession ofthat king dom . After several intestine wars

,th e eldest brother

obtained th e quiet possession of the province called Mienzain

[Myin saing], in the vicinity of Pagan . The second brothermade himself king of Maccari ; and the third establishedh imself in Penle, a city existing at the present day.

In the year 666, the king of Mienzain built a palace of goldand became very powerful ; but, fifteen years afterwards, waspoisoned by his younger brother. Three years before hi sdeath h e had built the city of Panja [Panya] , which is atpresent three days’ j ourney from that of Ava

,which latter he

had four times in vain attempted to rebuild . His wife was adaughter of the Emperor of Ch ina called Poazo

,by whom he

had a son named U zzana,who was the founder of seven great

convents of Talapoins . He had also anoth er son namedChiozoa

,lord of five wh ite elephants . By another queen, the

daughter of a musician,he had a son, who was afterwards lord

of Chegain [Sagaing], and two daughters . After havingreigned twenty-two years

,he died in th e fiftieth year of hi s

age . He was born on a Monday, and on the day of his deaththe planet Jupiter was seen in the l unar circle, and thePag oda worked many miracles .In the year 685 , U zzana succeeded his father, and reignedtwenty years ; after which his younger brother Chiozoa, havingbought five white elephants, dethroned him,

and in 704 beganto reign in his stead . He had

,by his queen

,sister of th e

king of Penie, a son named U zzanab iaun, who succeeded tothe th rone in the year 726 ; and with him finishes the series ofthe five kings that reigned in Panja.

1 Zunit appe ars to b e the King Tarukpyem eng, in whose tim e the arm y of theMongol Em pe ror of China,

°

Kublai Khan, de fe ate d that; Burm e se and took Pagan,A. D . 1 284, as re late d by Phayre . Afte r the fall of Pagan k ings of Shan race

re igned at Myinsaing and Panya and at Sagaing.—Phayre , ch . vi.

5 4 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

9 . Zajan , who was lord of Chegain i n the year 680, havingconverted that place into a city

,by surrounding it with brick

walls and ditches,established there a new kingdom

,in which

he concentrated the best forces of the country. Th is ci ty i ssituated opposite Ava, on the western side of the river. Zaj anhad three sons and a daughter

,of whom the eldest was named

Chiozoa. After having reigned eight years he died at theage of twenty-eight . At his death Saturn fought with Venus .After Zajan

’

s death h is brother Trabia seized the reins ofgovernment

,but three years afterwards was surprised and

imprisoned by his own son,Sciocdantek, who, however, did not

long enj oy the fruit of his pe rfidy for his body-guards killedhim in a mutiny

,after he had reigned only three years . The

throne was restored to Trabia; but he also enj oyed h i s re

acquired dignity but a few days, being unexpectedly murderedby one of his prime ministers, who placed Chiozoa, eldest sonof Zajan

,on th e throne in his stead . Th i s prince reigned five

years,and died at the age of twenty-one . He was succeeded

in the year 714 by hi s brother Trabia, lord of the wh iteelephant

,who reigned two years

,and died in the twenty

fourth year of his age. He was born on a Monday, and th eday of h i s death was remarkable for the appearance of a comet.In the year 716, Menpiauk, grandson of the Emperor of

China’s daughter, succeeded Trabia in th e kingdom ofChegain ; and at the same time h i s step-son Satom enchin

[Thadom e ngbya], held the government in the kingdom of

Tagaun . Narassuking of Panja, having conceived the desireof conquering these two kingdoms, sent ambassadors to Sokim

pua, lord of Mogaun, a district in the country of the Sciam,

demanding assistance in his enterprise. Sokim puaaccordinglydespatched a great army against Tagaun

,by which Satom en

chin was conquered and made prisoner. But afterwardsescaping, he fled to Me np iauk his step-father, who receivedhim with reproaches for h is cowardice, and banished him intoa forest. From the conquest of Tagaun

,the army of th e

Sciam advanced and laid siege to Chegain. The resistancewas short

,the town was given up to th e enemy, and Menpiauk

constrained to take refuge in the same forest to which he hadsent his step-son. From Chegain the Sciam passed on to

BURMESE HISTORY 5 5

Panja,where they spent some days . D uring this time

,taking

advantage of the false security of Narassu,they one day forced

an entrance into the palace, made themselves masters of theperson of the king

,and carried him away pri soner into thei r

own country. After thei r departure,the chief ministers placed

upon the throne U zzanabiaun,the brother of Narassu. In the

th i rd year of his reign, Satom enchin,having first put to death

his step-fath er Menpiauk, invaded Panjawith a powerful army :and having killed U zzanabiaun

,possessed himself of the king

dom . He reigned there for th e space of a month .

The following is the order of the events j ust narrated . Inthe month ofMay of the year 726 Chegain was destroyed, andin June the same was the fate of Panja; in the followingmonth U zzanabiaun ascended the throne

,and in September

lost it, giving place to Satom enchin.

1 In October thi s king,

in his progress through Navara,founded th e city of Ava

,and

on th e sixth day of the moon of March gave to it the name ofRadanapura, that i s, the ci ty of gold and precious stones .Thus was he at the same time master of three kingdoms

,

Panja,Chegain, and Ava. He died at th e age of twenty-five

,

having reigned in Panja seven months,and three in Ava.

1 0. To him succeeded , in the year 729 , his brother-in-lawAm inm enchoke, who, after a reign of thirty-three years, diedin the seventieth year of his age

,and had for successor his

son Tarabia,called the lord of the white elephant

,because one

of that colour was born on th e same day with him . He diedat the age of thirty-two

,having been betrayed and murdered

by his own tutor. At th e time of his death a comet was seen .

His brother succeeded him on the throne,and

,after reign

ing twenty-one years,bequeath ed the kingdom to hi s son

Siahassu. His reign lasted but three years, when he waskilled by the Sciam . His successor was Menlane, his son, whoascended the throne in 787, but was shortly afterwardspoisoned by his wife. To him succeeded a stranger, whosename and pedigree are unknown . But after him ,

in the year788 , Saddam araza obtained the crown ; under whom th e erawas abbreviated

,and only three years of th e old computation

W1 Satom ench in Is th e K ing Thadom e ngbya, who in A.D . 1364 founded a new

city at Ava.

5 6 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

reta ined,on account of some omen portending misfortune.

He reigned twenty-three years and expired in the sixtieth yearof his age.1 1 . In the third year of the new era,Menrekiozoa

,son of the

preceding,mounted the throne ; and to him succeeded Sciassu,

hi s brother,who assigned to his numerous sons and daughters

by various queens the revenues of many cities and provinces,

together with a number of elephants ; and raised them to therank of princes and princesses . In the sixty-fourth year of hisage he was murdered by his own nephew. At his death manyPagodas fell down , and a large fissure opening in the breast ofthe statue of Godama

,sent out a stream of water.

In the room ofMenrekiozoa, his son Mahasihassu was placedupon the throne ; and he was succeeded, i n the twelfth year ofhis reign and fifty-fourth of his age

,by his first-born son ; to

whom again succeeded h i s son . The last-mentioned prince,after a reign of twenty-five years, was taken prisoner, and putto death by the Sciam of Zemme [Zimme, Chiengmai , speltIam ahey or Jangom ai by Fitch and other old travellers] ; andwith him finishes the series of the kings of Ava

,who were i n

all fourteen .

1 2 . After the death of this king, i n the ninetieth year of thene w

, but the 888th of the true era, a certain Sohansua, aSciam by birth

,obtained the kingdom ofAva

,and kept pos

session of i t for fifteen years,when he was killed by the illus

trious Banaou". He, however, did not seize upon the crown ,but made i t over to another

,whose reign lasted but four years.

Th is king upon his death in the year 9 08 of the true era wassucceeded on the throne by his son Pinarapati ; but be , afterhaving reigned five years

,was taken prisoner by the lord of

Chegain, who, assuming the name of Narapatizisa, ascended thethrone of Ava in the year 9 5 3. He rebuilt the city of Chegain and surrounded it with a wall of brick

,and reigned there

for six years, when he was killed by the lord of many whiteelephants, Barasinm endraghipra. He had likewise reignedthree years in Ava

,and his death took place in the sixtieth

year of his age. His throne was given by Barasinm endraghipra

to his son-in-law Sadom enzo. Th i s prince, after a reign ofthirty-two years, hearing that his brother-in-law

,the lord of

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5 8 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

children,one became king of Chegain, another of Ava

,and a

fourth of Pron . Among his wives may be reckoned thedaughters of the king of Pegt

‘

i,of the prince of Mochaun

,of

the lord of Lezan,of the prince of Bamo

,and of the prince of

Seime. Finally,after a reign of th irty-one years

,i n the sixty

sixth year of his age,h e died, and was imm e diate lv transported

to the happy abodes of the Nat . He was born on a W edne s

day,and on the day of his death the great Pagoda fell into

ruins,an inundation covered the whole city

,and a shower of

rubies fell from heaven . His son Mahauparaza succeeded him ,

and reigned seventeen years, dying in th e sixty-third year ofhi s age.In the year 9 61 the kingdom of Pegu was destroyed, and

laid waste ; upon which the king Mahasihasura gathered together the people

,who had been scattered over th e country

,

i nto the city of Tanmu,where

,after a reign of some years

,h e

died at the age of fifty-eight. To him succeeded hi s son,with

whom finishes th e race of the kings of Taunu.

1 4. In 9 5 9 Gnaunjan, son of the lord of the red and whiteelephants

,was k ing in Ava. His principal queen was his own

sister,and besides h er he had twelve inferior ones

,all daughters

of kings or princes,by whom he had ten sons and twelve

daugh ters . He was transported to the abodes of the Nat, inthe eighth year of his reign, and the fiftieth of his age. On theday of his death a thunderbolt set fire to the gate of thepalace.In the year 9 67 hi s first-born son Mahauparazasucceeded tohis throne . He took for wife his own si ster, but had besidesmany inferior queens. After a reign of twenty-four years

,he

perished by the hand of his own son Menre de ippa, in th e fiftyfirst year of his age .Th e parricide followed up his crime by making himself king,and establishing his throne in Hansave di [Hansawadi] or Pegu .

But Damm aranza [Thado Dhamma Rz’

ijéi]1 and Menrekiozoa

,

two brothers of th e late king,had no sooner heard of his

1 For Dham m aranza or Thado Dham ma Raja’s re ign, se e Phayre , ch . xvi. ,

whe re an incursion of Ch ine se , A.D . 1 65 9-62 , and succe eding e vents are re lated

up tothe tak ing of Ava by the Talaings of Pegu, and the fall of the Burm e se

m onarchy, A.D . 1 752 .

BURMESE HISTORY

tragical death,than they collected a numerous army in the

kingdoms of Tampi and Kianzi,and immediately marched to

wards Ava,making

,however

,a halt at Panj a . At .this news

the ministers of the parri cide deprived him of h i s dign ity, anddespatched an embassy to Dam m aranza, inviting him to takepossession of his deceased brother’s th rone. Accordingly hemarched with all h is army into Hansave di, and in the year 9 9 5was procla imed king. Th e next year h e went with an immensearmy to Ava

,where he built a golden palace

,and in the year

9 9 7 took the title of k ing. He had many sons and daughtersby his various queens

,and after a reign of nineteen years

,i n

the sixty-fourth year of his age,passed to the happy state of

th e Nat.1 5 . In the year 1 010 hi s eldest son

,Menre randam e it,

mounted the paternal throne. After a reign of th irteen years,in th e fifty-fourth year of his age, he was put to death by hi sown brother

,th e king of Pron

,who succeeded to h i s crown .

The son of this prince,having rebelled against him

,was by his

orders enclosed in a sack and th rown into th e river ; for th i s i sthe punishment of the princes of th e blood-royal when guiltyof any crime. His reign lasted ten years

,and h e passed to the

happy abodes of th e Nat in th e fifty-th ird year of his age. Hiseldest son and successor reigned sixteen years, and was followedby his brother

,who

,in the year 1 035

,washed his head and

assumed the title of king. He died in the fortieth year of hisage, after a reign of sixteen years.In the y ear 1 076, hi s son Sirim ahasihasura took possession

of the golden palace. There were borne to him by differentqueens many sons and daughters . His death happened in thesixteenth year of h i s reign and fortieth of his age ; the day ofhis departure was signalised by a violent earthquake

,wh ich

overthrew several Pagodas.In the same manner that the Nat wait with impatience forthe flowering of their sacred tree

,which takes place every

hundredth year,that th ey may gather i ts blossoms ; so did

men expect and desire the birth of that great king,whom fate

was to bestow on the southern i sland,fo the greater good of

both God and man. Th i s monarch at lehgth appeared in theperson of Mahauparaza, the son of the preceding king. He

60 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

was a Pralaun [Phra-alaong], or aspirant to divine honours,which epithet is given by the Burmese to all their kings

,as an

augury of their apoth eosis, as i n the case of Godama. Thisgreat king was adorned with wisdom

,prudence

,and fortitude

and in th e whole course of hi s reign ever had nearest to hi sheart the advancement of h is kingdom

,the happiness of his

subj ects,and the observance of th e divine law. His life and his

reign lasted for th e space of a hundred years.1 6. The source from which th e foregoing narration has beendraw n i s the Maharazaven

,or history of the kings what

follows I have in part received from the oldest inhabitantsof the country

,and in part have myself witnessed during my

long residence in the Burmese empire.From Mahauparaza to Alom pra [Alaungh—pra—embryo

Buddha], the restorer of th e kingdom,there are reckoned six

k ings, the last of whom was called Chioekm en. Under him thePeguans made an i rruption into the Burmese empire, and tookby siege the city of Ava. The king and queen with all thegreat offi cers of the court were made prisoners and carried toBagoor Pegu

,then the capital of the enemy’s kingdom . At

first the captive king met with humane treatment,but being

afterwards detected in divers conspiracies,was made a spectator

of the cruel murder of all h i s wives, and then, being tied up ina sack

,was thrown into a river.

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62 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

his decease—a most fatal disposition, as i t was the cause of themany troubles and civi l wars that shortly a’rose.18 . According to th is regulation, the eldest of the brothers,

Anaundopraascended the throne, which he held but for threeyears . Yet in this short space he had to contend with twoformidable rebell ions . Th e first had for its author one of thegenerals of the deceased Alom pra, by name Nattun, who, returning from S iam with the army, made himself mas ter of thecity of Ava

,and maintained h imself in it for some time . An

uncle of the king was the leader of the other rebellion . Heattempted to make himself king inTaunu [Toungoo], a city lyingabout forty leagues to the north-east of Rangoon

,but was

taken prisoner,and paid with h is head the forfei t of hi s crime.

1 9 . To Anaundopra succeeded the second brother Zem piuseien [Hse ngbyusheng, Sinbyushin], that i s to say, lord of

of the white elephant ; hi s reign lasted twelve years . In thefirst and second years of his government he carried his armsagainst the Casse, a barbarous nation occupying the country tothe north-west of Ava. This he did to revenge the frequenti rruptions they had made into the Burmese empire

,previous to

the coming of the Peguans . Their country was devastated withfire and sword , and numbers of the inhabitants carried prisonersto Ava ; but they were never entirely subdued, on account of

the secure retreats which their mountains and forests affordedthem . In th e third year of his reign, Zemp iuscie n abandonedthe new city of MOZZObO, and transported the court to Ava

,

the ancient residence of the Burmese kings. At the same timehe despatch ed h i s army against the Siamese

,who had refused

to pay the tribute promised to his father Alompra. Jodia

[Ayuthia,Ayodhia, and in Fitch’s Voyage Odia], the usual resi

dence of their kings was taken and sacked more perhapsthrough the cowardice of the Siamese, or rather the dissensionsthat distracted th e court

,than by any valour on the part of the

Burmese. After a short time, the conquerors abandoned the c ity ,carrying with them an inestimable booty, together with aninnumerable multitude of slaves, among whom were most of themembers of the royal family. In this expedition the Burmesealso obtained possession of Merghi [Mergui], and its district onthe coast of Tenasserim . Besides these exploits

,Zempiuscien

BURMESE HISTORY 63

had twice to oppose the Chinese, who from Zunan [Yunnan]had poured down upon his territories, with th e design of sub

je cting them to a tribute. He discom fited their numerousarmies ; principally perhaps by the aid of his heavy artillery

,

served by the Christians who had established themselves inthese parts .Th e prince of Zandapori [Chandapuri, Viang-chang], a province situated near the country of Laos

,having been attacked

by Patajac [PhayaTak], the new king of th e Siamese, imploredthe protection of Zem piuscien, sending, with many other presents

,one of his daughters as a concubine. The Burmese

monarch immediately despatched a large army against Siam,

which speedily so reduced its king that the city of Bancok

alone remained in h is possession . Th i s too he would have lost,had not the unexpected news of th e death of their emperorrecalled th e invading army to their own country.

After th e storming of Jodia in Siam,and the expedition

against the Chinese, King Ze m piuscie n resolved to declare hise ldest son the hei r to h is throne, although thi s arrangementwas expressly contrary to his fath er’s will. The lord of Amiens

,

younger brother to the king, finding h imself thus excluded fromthe succession

,conspired against his life. The plot was dis

covered,and he was doomed to die ; but the tears of their

mother,who yet lived

,saved him from his fate. Besides this

conspiracy there were two rebellions, which , but that they were‘1

speedily suppressed,would truly have wrought much turbulence

and harm . Of these one was raised by those Casse whomZem piuscien had brought prisoners into Ava ; the second bythe inhabitants ofMartaban

,of whom many served in the royal

armies . For these,while absent from home on the king’s

service,heard that thei r families were vexed and Oppressed by

the governor : whereupon they mutinied, and having elected achief

,cam e to lay seige to Rangoon . The city could have made

no long resistance,but a Dutch vessel, which chanced to be

there,he at off the assailants with its guns

,and discomfited

them utterly.

Then did Zem piuscien has ten h ither, and place on the greatPagoda its crown of massive gold, the we ight whereof is eightyof our pounds. While th is great ceremony was performed with

64 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

much pomp and rej oicing,the last king of Peguwas beheaded

,

in order,by this bloody execution

,to crush entirely the power

of that realm .

20. Upon the death of Zempiuscien, the nobles of the kingdom raised to the throne his eldest son

,whose name was

Zinguza. His uncle, the lord of Amiens, to whom,as we have

said, the succession of right belonged,remained a quiet spec

tator of his elevation , because at the moment he was destituteof a party and of sufficient forces : but the lord of Salem

,his

younger brother, made an attempt to grasp the crown . But

the conspiracy was discovered , and its author paid the penaltyof hi s rashness by being enclosed in a sack of red cloth andthrown into the river. The lord of Amiens underwent a similarfate

,upon attempting, eighteen months later, to dethrone hi s

nephew. After this Zinguza banished from the royal city allhis uncles and near relations : and , thinking himself thus secure,he passed all h i s time in hunting and fishing

,almost always

intoxicated,so that he was called by the opprobrious name of

the drunkard or the fisher k ing. But this conduct led to hi sfinal ruin . For hi s cousin, the only son ofAnaundopra, takingadvantage of his absence

,advanced by night toAva

,in company

with about forty inhabitants of a village called Paouga, and,without experiencing any resistance

,made himself master of the

palace. Upon which the youth of Ava and the neighbouringplaces came eagerly to be enrolled

,and take up arms in favour

of the new king, who, i n the space of five days, was in possession of the person and kingdom of Zinguza. But the usurper

,

whose name was Paongoza, from the long abode he had madein Paonga, by these rapid and successful advances, only servedas a means to Badonsachen, the reigning sovereign, to mountupon the throne. For, scarcely had be taken possession of thepalace

,than he called together his uncles

,and made them an

offer of the kingdom ; saying, that according to the dispositions of Alom pra, to them it of right belonged . But theysuspected this ingenious declaration of Paongoza to benothing more than a malicious contrivance to pry intothei r secret thoughts, and, upon their accepting his offer,to give him a pretence for thei r destruction : and, therefore,not only declined to receive it

,but declared themselves, by

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66 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

his tender age,his son was fortunately saved from thi s miserable

doom,and lived an unknown wanderer unti l the time of Zin

guza. Having then retired into the territories of a tributaryto the king of Ava

,he began to form designs upon the crown .

Upon being informed of this,Zinguza despatch ed an armed

force to apprehend him,from which he fled into concealment.

One of the principal inhabitants of Paonga, who had beenmainly useful in elevating Paongoza to the throne, finding thatall his hopes had been foiled by his death, resolved to makea second attempt by abetting the well-known pretensions ofMiappon. To him therefore he repaired, accompanied by afriend

,and easily persuaded him to place himself at the head of

their party. This proposal exactly ta llied with his longcherished plan ; so, without loss of time, followed by fifty men

,

mostly natives of the same village,and twenty others who

j oined h im on the road, he set forward towards Ava. Aftermidnight of the 4th of December 1782, he sealed with hisparty the city and the palace without meeting with any resistance ; when his friends raised the following cry, f Be hold thetrue branch of the royal stock"’ Of the royal guards

,who

were alarm ed by this clamour,some fled from their posts and

concealed themselves, others feigned themselves asleep . Meanwhile the king and his more immediate attendants

,awakened

by the uproar,closed the doors and guarded the avenues to the

interior of the palace. Al though the conspirators had possessedthemselves of the cannon and powder, yet could they noteffect their purpose from want of balls notwithstanding which

,

they obliged the Chri stian cannoneers to di scharge blank cartridge against the palace, and hereby caused their own de struct ion . For the noise of the cannonade brought together theMandarins with their guards, who, lighting immense fires

,en

camped without the palace. As soon as it was day, Badonsachen having discovered that the number of conspirators wasonly about sixty

,and these mostly wi thout arms, had them all

seized by his guards,and cruelly put to death . Three also of

the cannoneers were beheaded for their conduct. Miapponalone escaped, but was the same evening dragged from hisconcealment

,and paid with hi s li fe the forfeit of his audacity.

Still was the fury of the king unsatisfied , for he now gave full

BURMESE HISTORY 67

scope to that cruel and inhuman disposition, of which he hadalready discovered sufficient signs. Notwith standing the innocence of the great maj ority of the inhabitants of Paonga, hecaused them all to be dragged from their dwellings, not exceptingeven the old men or tender infants, nor respecting the characterof the priests and Talapoins, and then to be burnt al ive uponan immense pile of wood which had been erected for the pur

pose. The village was afterwards razed to the ground, thetrees and plants in its gardens cut up and consumed by fire

,i ts

very soil was turned up with the ploughshare,and a stone

erected on the spot as a mark of perpetual malediction .

This cruel execution done, Badonsachen next turned hisattention to securing the success ion to the crown in his family

,

after the example of his brother Zem piuscien. And j udgingtha t to set h imself up as the founder of a new dynasty wouldbe one of the best means to accomplish his purpose

,be resolved

to abandon his present capital and to build another, thus themore easily to obliterate the memory of h is predecessors

,and

fix the eyes of the multitude upon himself alone. Pretextswere not wanting to give a colour to thi s proceeding. It wassaid that the city and palace had been defiled by the humanblood shed within its precincts, and therefore i t no longerbecame the monarch to inhabit it ; and hence it was ordainedthat a new imperial residence should immediately be constructed . To this proposal none dared to obj ect, and all theMandarins and royal ministers strove who should best giveeffect to the orders of the king. As in this country all i sregulated by the opinions of the Brahmins, so that not eventhe king shall presume to take any step without their advice,therefore was counsel taken of them ,

and thereupon a siteselected for th e new city

,on an uneven spot three leagues from

Ava,upon the righ t or eastern bank of th e river. Here th e

work was commenced by the erection of the wal ls . These forma perfect quadrangle, each side a mile long, within which isanother line of fortification somewhat inferior in height . Inthe centre was raised the royal palace, almost entirely of teakwood . The walls are bui lt wholly of brick, cemented with anargillaceous earth tempered with water. Q They are protectedon the north by th e river, and on the south by an extensive

68 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

pool ; on the other two sides was sunk a d eep fosse. Whenthe work was completed, th e king went in solemn state to takepossession of the city and palace, on the 1 0th of May 1783,observing many superstitious rites and ceremonies prescribedby the Brahmins . After seven days he returned to Ava

,i n

order personally to urge the removal of all his subj ects to thenew capital

,which he effected on the 1 4th of the next month .

Thus were these miserable inhabitants compelled to quit thei rhome with all its comforts, and exchange a delightful situation ,salubrious in its air and i ts waters

,for a spot infected with

fevers and other complaints, from the stagnant waters thatsurround it . Badonsachen gave to his new metropolis thename of Amarapura, that i s, city of security and peace. Ofthe new inhabitants some took up their abode within thewalls and these were for the most part Burmese and personsattached to the royal family or to the Mandarins : to otherswere allotted dwellings without the city

,whence arose various

suburbs,or

,as they are called by the Portuguese

, camp os.

Besides the Burmese, the principal foreign nations who occupyspecial distri cts are the Siamese and Casse

,who were brought

captives to this country in the wars of Zempiuscien, and havegreatly multipli ed in number . Perhaps still more populous i sthe suburb of theMohammedan Moors, who have settled in theBurmese capital, as in every other part of India. Their profe ssion i s mostly traffic, and they enj oy the free exercise of theirreligion

,having many mosques . To these must be added the

suburb of the Chinese, whose industry is peculiarly remarkable,and that wherein the Christians dwell. The entire number ofthe inhabitants of Amarapura amounts to aboutVain would i t be to describe the sufferings and fatigues

,the

oppressions and exactions, which this transmigration caused, tothose whose eyes have not witnessed the extreme rigour withwhich the royal orders are here executed . No sooner wasAmarapura inhabited

,than Ava, famed not only as the resid

ence of so many kings,but also for its pleasant and convenient

situation and the magnificence of its public buildings,was

instantly abandoned . Indeed Badonsachen caused its totaldestruction, by giving general perm i ssion to overthrow at willthe superb Bab, or convents of Talapoins, some of which were

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70 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

him from his purpose. The occasion thereof was as follows.A certain Peguan of great authority dreamed one night thatthe kingdom of Pegushould shortly be restored whence, uponits being reported abroad among the Peguans

,about three

hundred of them made consultation among themselves, andresolved to make themselves masters of Rangoon, and thereafter raise th e dreamer to the throne. Hereupon, at eight inthe evening

,they marched into the city without opposition,

and proceeded to murder i ts governor. The Mandarins andpeople

,scared by the tumult of the as sailants and the confla

gration which th ey raised, abandoned the city and fled to theneighbouring woods . In the meantime the conspirators dividedinto two bodies

, two hundred remaining in garri son, while theother hundred proceeded in haste to the neighbouring townsand villages

, to collect as many Peguans as possible . TheBurmese, who had fled in the night ignorant of the enemy’strue numbers

,having now discovered that only two hundred

men kept guard over the city, placed at their head the Man

darin next in command to the governor,and returned to the

town ; of which being easily possessed,they put to the sword

the two hundred conspirators . Meanwhile a vast concourse ofPeguans

,collected by those who had gone forth

,approached in

small barks to the city,fearless and rej oicing, nothing doubting

but that it was still in the possession of thei r friends : butscarcely had their boats reached the land than th e Burmese

,

assi sted and directed by the Europeans,made of them with

their cannon a cruel slaughter. Great numbers were drowned,and the rest fell beneath the spears and swords of theirenem l e s.

The expedition to Aracan took place in the following year,1 784. Th e army, which i s said to have consisted of fortythousand men, was under the command of the king

’s eldest son.

Part thereof was sent by land,and part by se a, but all arrived

nearly at the same time at Aracan ; and the c ity,being badly

provided with men and munition,and governed by a weak

effeminate prince, in an instant fell into the hands of the Burmese. By some Aracane se prisoners, of whom many werebrought slaves into the empire

,i t was reported that the in

habitants were grossly deceived by the Burmese for they said

BURMESE HISTORY 7 ]

that upon the approach of the army,heralds were sent forth to

ask the cause of their coming ; whereunto answer was madethat they came to worship and honour wi th due solemnity thegreat idol venerated in their ci ty. This was a colossal statueof bronze representing Godama, as the Aracane se and Burmesehave the same religion ; which statue, after the taking of thecity, the king brought to Am arapura and placed in a statelyand sumptuous Pagoda built for the purpose.The glory acquired by the prince hi s son in this rapid conquest of Aracan

,inspired Badonsachen with the desire of con

sulting his own fame, by the subj ection of the richer and morepowerful kingdom of Siam . Such was the pride with whichhis good fortune

,whether in overcom ing the enemi es of hi s

kingdom, or in discovering the numerous conspiracies whichhad been formed against him

,had fi lled his heart, that he

began to think himself the most powerful monarch in theworld , and to form vast plans of ambition . In a great as semblyof the Mandarins of his empire he de clared it to be his intention, first to take and destroy the chief city of the Siamese,then to turn his victorious arms against the Emperor of China,and to make him his tributary ; thence he would bend hiscourse towards the west, possess h imself of the British coloni es,attack the Great Mogul in his empire,1 and , in fine, make himse lf undisputed master of the whole of the southern island ,Zabudiba [Jambudwipa] . But the folly of his pride was soonmade manifest to the ru in of all his mighty proj ects, in hisfirst

i

e xpedition against Siam . He had se t out towards thiscountry with an army amounting to men, ae com

panie d by all his sons and concubines . But he had no sooner

1 In chapte r xx. Phayre m entions the entry of Burm e se troops into British te rri tory in 1 79 4 and 1 79 7, and the de spatch of se ve ral m issions be twe en 180 7 and

1 813 to the native courts of India, on the pre te xt of procuring re ligious books,but with the aim of intriguing against the British Gove rnm ent. The y visitedLakhnow, De lhi, Bhartpur, the Punjab , and probably Cashm ir, and e ven Poona.

‘ The d ire ct obj e ct of the se se cre t negotiations did not appear until late r. The

conque st of Arakan had brought Burm ese ofli ce rs into m ore imm ediate contactw ith India than at any pre vious pe riod , and the ambitious kingwas inspired withthe de sire of acquiring th e d istricts of Easte rn BeBgal, at le ast as far as Dacca,

whi ch had once be longed to Arakan. Even a claim to Mursbedabad was som e

years afte rwards openly made .

’

72 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

reached the confines,than he was struck with a sudden panic,

upon a rumour being spread that the king of Siam was ad

vancing with a large body of troops to oppose him . It‘ wasthe general opinion of his officers

,that through the superiority

of his forces, h e might easily have overwhelmed his enemies ;but he refused all advice, and betook himself to a shamefulflight

,leaving his elephants, arms, and military stores a prey to

the Siamese. Such was hi s apprehension that he did not thinkhimself safe till he found himself in the vicinity of Rangoon ;yet such at the same time was the insanity of his pride

,that

be caused himself to be proclaimed, in all the places throughwhich he passed

,as the conqueror of the empire of Siam . This

disgraceful retreat put an end to all hi s fine proj ects againstthe Emperor of China and the Great Mogul, for the Siamesegave him suffi cient employment nearer home

,and it was with

difficulty he could defend his kingdom against thei r attacks .In these they were assi sted by many of the Zaboa or pettyprinces of the Sciam [Shans],subject to the Burm e se , who, weariedby the oppressions and exactions of the Burmese Mandarinsand generals

,had revolted and made common cause with the

enemies of their cruel masters . The Zaboaof Zemme [Zimme]seems to have been the most considerable amongst them .

The war which the Burmese had to sustain with these enemieswas long and disastrous. D uring a period of nine or ten years

,

did Badonsachen annually send out his armies against them .

But the united forces of the rebels and Siamese defied all h isefforts

,though supported by numerous tr0 0ps, and directed by

his bravest generals ; he was always beaten back , and, instead ofovercoming the Sciam

,only lost day by day the territories they

inhabited,and saw their princes range themselves

,one after

another,under the protection of the king of S iam . Indeed

nothing but the peaceful disposition of the last-mentionedmonarch has saved the Burmese empire from total subj ection

,

as few can doubt, that had he, in conj unction with the revoltedSciam

,made a general attack upon Badonsachen, he would

have forced him to yield up his crown, or become a tributaryto Siam .

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74: DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

of the present Emperor,having violated a married woman

,was

apprehended, and condemned to death by his father, and onlyescaped through the prayers of the queen his mother and of

the crown-prince. The Burmese make use of th is privilege tosave thei r daughters from the hands of the king’s ministers, byengaging them

,while young

,in real or fictitious marriages .

The possessions of all who die without heirs belong to th eking, as do those of foreigners who have not married in thecountry ; for they are not allowed to dispose of them ,

noteven in favour of their i llegitim ate children . In case of shipwreck upon any of the coasts of the empire

,the effects and

persons saved are the property of the king,who regards them

as a present sent to him by the ocean . The exaction of thetwo last-mentioned rights has

,however

,been enforced with a

less rigour of late,in consequence of the urgent representations

made by the foreigners resident at Rangoon . To the king i tbelongs to declare war or to conclude peace ; and he may inany moment call upon the whole population of his empire toenlist themselves in hi s army

,and can impose upon them at

pleasure any labour or service.2 . Although despotism in its worst form constitute, as itwere

,th e very essence of the Burmese monarchy, so that to be

called its k ing is equivalent to being called a tyrant ; still hasBadonsachen, the despot who for the las t twenty-seven yearshas governed this kingdom , so far outstripped hi s predecessorsin barbarity and pride, that whoso but hears i t must shudderwi th horror. His very countenance is th e index of a mindferocious and inhuman in the highest degree

,and what has

above been related of him, as well as some more facts to bebrought forward, will show that it does not deceive. Immensei s the number of those whom he has sacrificed to hi s ambitionupon th e most trivial offences ; and it would not be an e xag

ge ration to assert that, during his reign,more victims have

fallen by the hand of th e executioner than by the sword of thecommon enemy. To this atrocious cruelty he has united apride at once intolerable and impious. The good fortune whichhas attended him in discovering and defeating the numerousconspiracies which have been formed against him

,has inspired

him with the idea that he is something more than mortal, and

CONSTITUTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE 75

that this privilege has been granted h im on account of hisnumerous good works . Hence has he for some years laid asidethe ti tle of king and assumed that of Pondoghi, wh ich signifi esgreat and exalted virtue ; nor was be content with this, forbut a few years since he thought to make himself a God .

With this Vi ew,and in imitation of Godama

,who

,before

being advanced to the rank of a divinity,had abandoned the

royal palace, together with all his wives and concubines

,and

had retired into soli tude,Badonsachen withdrew himself from

the palace to Menton,where for many years he had been

employed in constructing a Pagoda,the largest in the empire .

Here he held various conferences with the most considerableand learned Talapoins

,in which he endeavoured to persuade

them that the 5 000 years assigned for the observance of thelaw of Godama were elapsed

,and that he himself was the God

who was to appear after that period, and to aboli sh the ancientlaw in substituting his own . But to his great m ortification

many of the Talapoins undertook to demonstrate the contrary ;and this

,combined with his love of power and his impatience

under the denial of the luxuries of the seraglio,quickly dis

abuse d him of hi s Godhead,and drove him back to his palace.

As a specimen of the veneration which this king exacts fromhis subj ects

,I shall here subj oin the form of address which , on

oc casi on of an embassy from the British Governor-General ofIndia

,was presented to the ambassador, to be by him pro

nounced before the Burmese Emperor. ‘ Placing above our

heads the golden maj esty of the mighty lord , the possessor ofthe mines of rubies

,amber

,gold

,silver

,and all kinds of metals ;

of the lord under whose command are innumerable soldiers ,generals

,and captains ; of th e lord who i s king of many

countries and provinces,and emperor o ver many rulers and

princes,who wait round his throne with the badges of his

authority ; of the lord who is adorned with the greatestpower

,wisdom

,knowledge

,prudence

,foresight

,etc. ; of the

lord who i s ri ch in the possession of elephants, and horses, andin particular i s the lord of many whi te elephants of the lordwho is the greatest of kings, the "gost j ust and the mostreligious

,the mas ter of life and death ; we his slaves, th e

Governor of Bengal, the officers and administrators of the

76 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

Company,bowing and lowering our heads under th e sole of

his royal golden foot,do present to him

,with the greatest

veneration, th is our humble petition .

”

3 . Nothing was now wanting to the pride of the Burmesemonarch but the possession of a white elephant ; and in th ishe was gratifi ed in th e year 1 805

,by the taking of a female

one in the forests of Pegu. This anxiety to be master of awhite elephant ari ses from the idea of the Burmese, whichattaches to these animals some supernatural excellence, whichis communicated to thei r posse ssors.

l Hence do the kings orprinces, who may have one , esteem themselves most happy, asthus they are made powerful and invincible ; and the countrywhere one m ay be found is thought rich and not liable tochange. The Burmese kings have therefore been ever soli citous for the possession of one of these animals, and consider itas their chiefest honour to be called lords of the white elephant.To excite their subj ects to seek for them

,they have also

decreed to raise to the rank of Mandarin anybody who mayhave the good fortune to take one , besides exempting himfrom all taxes or other burthens . Not only white elephants,but also those of a red colour

,spotted ones, and such as are

perfectly black,are greatly prized

,though not equally with

the former ; and hence have the Burmese k ings assumed intheir proclamations the ti tle of lords of the red and spottedelephants

,e tc .

To convey an idea of the superstitious veneration with wh ichthe white elephant i s regarded

,I shall here give an account of

the one taken whilst I resided in the country, and of themanner in which it was conducted to the imperial city. Imme

1 The notion is de rived from the Hindu m ythology, which tre ats the e le phantas one of the signs of the Chakravarti, the gre at whe e l-turning k ing or uni ve rsalmonarch. The dre am of Q ue en Maya, the m othe r of Gaudama Buddha, abouthis ente ring he rwomb as a white e le phant, thus inve stswith suprem e sove re igntythe suprem e inte lligence .

Senart and Ke rn trace the se legends to the worship of the Sun, V ishnu, andMahade v. The sun, re pre senting regularity, ne xt be com e s the Dharm a-raja,who utte rs re ligious law. Yule , p . 1 35 ,with his usual le arning, quote sZElian and

Ibn Batuta about white e le phants. The ir state ly caparisons are de scribe d by all

the old trave lle rs and by our envoys. Caesar Fred e ricke , as we ll as the nativetrade rs, had to pay a tax for the privilege of se e ing them

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78 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

sent messengers to bring tidings of its health,and make it rich

presents in their name. Three days before its arrival, Badon

sachen himself with all his court went out to meet it. Theking was the fi rst to pay it his respects

,and to adore i t

,

presenting at the same time a large vase of gold, and afterhim all the princes of the blood

,and all the Mandarins paid

thei r homage,and offered thei r gifts .

To honour its arrival in the city,a most splendid festival

was ordered,which continued for three days

,and was celebrated

with music,dancing, and fireworks . A most magnificent house

was assigned to the elephant for its residence, adorned afterthe manner of the royal palace ; a guard of 1 00 soldiers wasgiven to it

,together with 400 or 5 00 servants, whose duty

i t was always to wait upon it, to bring its food , and to wash itevery day with odori ferous sandal water. It was also distin

guished with a most honourable title, such as is usual ly givento th e princes of th e royal family ; and for its maintenancewere assigned several cities and villages, wh ich were obliged tofurnish everything necessary for it. Al l the vessels and utensilsemployed in its service were of pure gold and it had besidestwo large gilt umbrellas

,such as the king and his sons are

alone permitted to make ,use of. It was lulled to sleep by thesound of musical instruments and the songs of dancing girls .Whenever i t went out it was accompanied by a long train ofMandarins, soldiers, and servants carrying gilt umbrellas, in thesame manner as when attending the person of the king ; andthe streets through which it was to pass were all cleaned andsprinkled with water. The most costly presents continueddai ly to be brought to it by all the Mandarins of the kingdom ,

and one i s said to have offered a vase of gold weigh ing 480ounces . But i t i s well known that these presents, and the

eagerness shown in bestowing them,were owing more to the

avaricious policy of the king than to the veneration of hi ssubj ects towards the elephant

,for all these golden utensils and

ornaments found their way at last into the royal treasury.

The possession of a white elephant filled Badonsachen withthe most immoderate j oy. He seemed to think himself insome manner partaker of the divine nature through this animal

,

and could not imagine himself anyth ing less than one of the

CONSTITUTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE 79

great emperors of the Nat. Besides that he now expected toconquer all h is enemies, h e confidently supposed that he woulde nj oy at least 1 20 years more of li fe. As a symbol of thisnumber the members of the royal family were making ready1 20 glas s lamps and other th ings to the same number, which ,according to the advice of the Brahmins, were to be presentedto the great Pagoda

,when the elephant di sclaimed all preten

sions to divinity by a sudden death , caused by the immensequantity of fruit and sweetmeats which it had eaten from thehands of i ts adorers. It i s impossible to describe the consternation of Badonsachen at this disaster ; for as the possession ofa white elephant is esteemed a pledge of certain good fortuneto a king

,so i s its death a most inauspicious omen . So that

he,who but lately was elated by the most presumptuous pride

,

was now overcome by the most abj ect fear,expecting every

moment to be dethroned by his enemies, and imagining thatthere remained to him but a few days of life.41. At the death of the elephant, as at that of an emperor,i t i s publicly forbidden, under heavy penalties, to assert thathe

gis dead ; i t must only be said that h e is departed, or has

disappeared. As the one of which we have spoken was afemale

,its funeral was conducted in a form practised on the

demise of a principal queen . The body was accordingly placed’

upon a funeral pile of sassafras, sandal, and other aromaticwoods

,then covered over with similar materials, and the pyre

was set on fire wi th the aid of four immense gi lt bellows placedat its angles. After three days, the principal Mandarins cameto gather the ashes and remnants of the bones

,which they

enshrined in a gilt and well-closed urn,and buried in the

royal cemetery. Over the tomb was subsequently raised asuperb mausoleum of a pyramidal shape

,bui lt of brick , but

rich ly painted and gilt. Had the elephant been a male,i t

would have been interred wi th the ceremonial used for thesovereign .

The consternation of Badonsachen on the loss of his elephantwas not of long duration , for, a few months later, some wh iteelephants were discovered in the forests of Pegu. Instantly,th e most urgent orders were issued t

ggive them chase ; and

after several unsuccessful efforts one was at length captured .

80 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

It was to arrive at Rangoon on the l st of October 1806, thevery day on which I sailed from that port for Europe ; and itwas general ly supposed that, being a male, i t would receivegreater honours than its female predecessor. l

1 Bodoahprz’

i probably conside red that the gre ate st glory of hi s t e lgu was

the posse ssion of a pe rfe ct white m ale e le phant. This anim al, caught in the

fore sts of Pegu, was re ce ive d at court with honours due to an obj e ct of worship.

He lived in captivity for m ore than fifty years. -Phayre , p. 230 . He was se en

and de scribe d by Crawfurd and Yule .

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82 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

[Atwinwun] or grandees of the interior,"who are also fouri n number. They have the superintendence of the royalpalace

,and are the privy counsellors of the Emperor ; and

though inferior to the Vunghi in authority, yet by theirvicinity to his person they frequently procure advancement toplaces of great dignity and influence. After them in rankcome the four general Prefects of the four parts of the empire

,

the northern,southern, eastern, and western . The Governor

of Amarapura corresponds, in some respect, to a prefect ofpoli ce. His duty it is to maintain the peace of th e city i ntimes of drought, and still more to have all fires extingui shedduring the preval ence of high winds, as conflagrations aree xtremely common in the cities of this empire, i n consequenceof the houses being built of wood or bamboo .

l He takes cognisance of thefts, quarrels, and other delinquencies, not onlyi n the city

,but also in its neighbourhood, and makes report

thereof to the Emperor,who either pronounces sentence himself

,

or refers the matter to the Lutto, to be j udged and punishedaccording to custom . It would be useless to attempt anenumeration of all the offi ces and situations which confer upontheir holders th e title ofVun, President, or Men [Meng, Min],that is

,Mandarin . There is a Treasurer, a keeper of the

forests,another of the ordnance, a th i rd of the concubines, etc.

All who are attached to the personal service of the sovereign,

his water-carrier, the bearer of his betel-box, his umbrella, andsword, down to his very cook, have the title of Men orMandarin .

7. Besides these Mandarins and Vun who act as greatoffi cers of State and of the household, all the sons and wiveso f the Emperor have their particular courts . Among theinnumerable wives and concubines whom he keeps

,four are

raised to the rank of queen,taking their titles from the four

cardinal points,according to the quarter of the palace which

they occupy. As these four consorts and their children,

particularly the eldest son,are most in favour with the

sovereign,and receive the greatest share of distinctions and

Grandi di dentro.

1 Se e Appendix, No. 2 , about the punishm ent of a Ministe r for be ing absent

when a fire was going on.

CONSTITUTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE 83

attentions,they affect to copy

,in their respective apartments

,

the form of th e royal court in the great palace. They havetheir steward of th e household

,their counsellors and other

attendant Mandarins."As the reigning monarch has had

more than a hundred children by his numerous wives andconcubines, they have swallowed up all the riches of the land ;the cities

,villages

,and lakes have been almost all given them

for their maintenance ; and the best situations, as of Vunghiof the Lutto

,have been d istributed among them .

8 . Every great city in the Empire has a tribunal calledIon I

du], and by the Portuguese of India,Rondai . This i s

composed of the Governor, a Commissioner of the customs, oneor two Auditors, and as many clerks or secretaries. Besidesthis court

,the city of Rangoon has a Ieun [Yewun], or

Inspector of the waters, who ranks next to the Governor,a Zicche [Sitke], or military commander

,and a Sciabandar

,

who has th e inspection of the shipping and the exaction of

port-dues. Merghi and Bassino [Bassein] ,1 being likewise sea

ports,have thei r Sciabandar. The Governors of c ities are

invested by th e sovereign with the right of the sword , as i t iscalled

,or the right of inflicting capital punishment

,which is

too often exerci sed not only against the gui lty,but against

private enemies. Smaller cities and villages have a chief, whoin the former is styled Miodighi [Myothugyi], Grandee of thecity

,and in the latter Ioadighi [Yuathugyi], Grandee of th e

village. And as'

all these places are given by the Emperor tohi s ch ildren or other Mandarins for thei r maintenance, thesefeoffees or eaters, as they are called, have also a j udge th ere ontheir own account. Under the present sovereign, as has beenalready observed

,almost all the cities and villages of the em

pire are held in this manner by hi s sons, wives, or concubines .9 . With regard to the administration of j ustice, while allcapital offences are brought before the Governors of cities, inc ivil causes the parties are at liberty to select their own j udges.For

,though ancient usage

,confirmed by repeated sovereign

orders,prescri be that all causes shall be heard by the Lutto in

the capital , and by the Ion or Rondai in provincial towns, yeth

1 Olde r nam e s of Basse in used by Europe ans are Cosm in and Pe rsaim .

84 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

this i s so far from being observed, that any Mandarin canerect himself into a j udge. Thus

,when an individual i s at

difference with another, or has claims upon him for a debt, orfor satisfaction of an inj ury, he goes to some Mandarin, whomhe believes likely to favour him

,and procures from him a

summons against his adversary. It may be easily conceived towhat inj ustice and inconvenience this practice must necessari lylead .

The principal capital offences are rape,highway

1 The following passage s from Crawfurd’

s Journal, pp. 40 7, 40 9 , written in1 82 7, confirm Sange rm ano

’

s statem ents.

‘The Burm an punishm ents are se ve re and crue l. The lowe st in the scale is

im prisonm ent and fe tte rs ; the num be r of the latte r varying, according to

c ircum stance s from one pair up to nine . Then follows m ulcts, flogging,m utilation, condemnation to the pe rp e tual slave ry of the temple s, and variousform s of de ath, m ore or le ss crue l, according to circum stance s. D e cap itation isone of the m ost fre quent of the se ; but em bowe lling is also not uncomm on. I

shall give one or two authentic e xam ple s of the se punishm e nts. On the 2 6th

January 1 81 7, four pe rsons we re e xe cute d at Rangoon for robb ing tem ple s.

The ir abdom ens we re laid open huge gashe s we re cut in the ir side s and lim bs,laying bare the bone s ; and one individual, whose crim e was de em e d of a m ore

aggravate d nature than that of the re st, had a stake driven through his che st.

The gentlem an who re lated this to m e was pre sent at the e xe cution. Anothe rEurope an gentlem an, who had re side d m any ye ars in Rangoon, inform e d m e

that for the sam e off e nce of sacrilege , he saw se ven pe rsons put to de ath at once .

The y w e re tie d to stake s on the banks of the Irawadi at low wate r, and le ft tobe drowned by the re turning tide , which did not do its work for four hours.

The Burm ans com m only suffe r death with the intre pidity or indiffe rence of othe rAsiatic pe ople . One ge ntlem an told m e that he had se en a de se rte r e at a

banana wi th his bowe ls out, afte r the e xe cutione r had pe rform e d m ore than halfhis task and anothe r, also an eye

-witne ss, state d that a wom an condemne d for

m urde r to b e thrown to a tige r, de libe rate ly crept into the cage , m ade the savagea 311 2760 or obe isance , was k ille d by a single blow of the anim al

’

s fore foot, and

imm e diate ly dragged by him into the re ce ss of his den.

’The se atrocitie s we re

howe ve r m itigate d by bribe ry, which procured rem ission or re duction of ne arlyany sentence : and in case s of im prisonm ent or fe tte rs, the e xe cutione r wasb ribe d. Except in ve ry e xtraordinary case s, the poor alone we re sacrifice d.

The Judge s took bribe s from both side s, and passed de cre e in favour of the

highe st b idde r. Litigation was looke d on as a calam ity by the pe ople . Afte r

othe r instance s, Crawfurd continue s On the 7th Fe bruary 1 81 7, se ve n pe rsons,found guilty of sacrilege , we re conve yed to the place of e xe cution near Rangoon,

and se cured in the usual way to the stake . The first of the se , whom it was

intended to e xe cute , was fire d at four succe ssive tim e s, by a m arksm an, w ithoutb e ing hit. At e ve ry shot the re was a loud pe al of laughte r from the spe ctators.

The m ale factor was tak en down, de clared to be invulne rable , pardone d, andm oreove r taken into a confidential em ploym ent by the Gove rnor. It was afte r

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86 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

to execute any one unless he acknowledge h is crime. I have nodoubt but many

,unable to bear the atrocity of these torments,

have,in spite of their innocence

,pronounced themselves guilty.

These torments consist in tying the arms beh ind the backwith fine cords

,till these penetrate deep into the flesh

,and the

arms are made to touch ; in applying to different parts of thebody heated iron plates ; in striking the legs and breast withi ron hammers ; and in dipping the forefinger in melted lead ortin . Forgers of royal mandates

,and sometimes thieves

,suffe r

amputation of their right hand ; the wound i s instantlycauterised by immersing the stump into a vessel of boiling oil.Adultery

,petty larcenies

,the transgression of orders issued by

the police,in a word

,all minor delinquencies

,are punished by

heavy fines,or by stretching the offender

,for several hours on

his back,i n th e scorching rays of the sun, or what i s most

common,by leading him bound through the city, and inflicting

at the corner of each street five or six blows of a cane, whileproclamation is made of the nature of hi s crime.12. In civi l causes

,lawsuits are terminated much more

expeditiously than is generally the case in our part of theworld

,provided always that the litigants are not rich ; for

then the affair i s extremely long,and sometimes never con

cluded at all. I was myself acquainted with two richEuropean merchants and shipmasters

,who ruined themselves

so completely by a lawsuit,that they became destitute of the

common necessaries of life, and the lawsuit withal was notdecided

,nor ever will be.

Each of the parties provides himself with an advocate : andin this country every one can be an advocate

,provided h e

know how to speak well and reason well,and has some slight

notion of the laws of the country. The parties go wi th thei radvocates to plead their cause before the Mandarin

,or his

Chon, a species of j udge, generally acquainted with the laws,and versed in the course of j ustice. Ordinari ly, the cause i sdecided in one day ; i f both the parties agree to the sentencepronounced by the Chou or Mandarin

,a sort of coarse tea

leaves i s presented to them,of which they take a pinch and

chew it. Until th is i s done,the suit i s not finished ; either

party may appeal, and proceed before another Mandarin . But

CONSTITUTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE 87

sometimes,the j udge takes a summary means of enforcing hi s

award,by obliging the litigants to masticate his tea against

their wi ll .All causes and suits should ~ be decided conformably to thecode entitled Damm asat ;

1 but gold too often prevails inprocuring a contrary sentence. In causes relative to inj uri esin person or reputation

,i t is customary to call many witnesses

and examine them upon oath . All are not admitted to act inthis capacity

,but only such as are qualified , by the regulations

of the Damm asat. The ordinary form of taking an oath isby placing on the head a small book of palm-leaves

,in which

are inscribed many solemn imprecations,which the party i s

supposed to utter against himself, if he give false witness .2

Strangers, however, are allowed to swear according to theforms usual in thei r respective countries and religions. ThusChristians are sent to take their oath in our churches uponthe Gospels ; and the Mohammedan Moors go to theirmosques, there to conform to their own rites .13. The Book of imprecation

,or

,as i t is called by the

Burmese,the Book of the oath

,is as follows

‘ False witnesses,who assert anyth ing from pas sion and not

from love of truth,witnesses who affirm that they have heard

or seen what they have nei ther seen nor heard ; may all suchfalse witnesses be severely punished with death

,by that God ,

who,through the duration of worlds, has per

1 In chapte r 24, Sange rm ano give s a full abstract of one of the se Dharm a

shaste rs or Code s. The ir authority, howe ve r, is not appe ale d to in the Courtsand if the y are re ad, it is only through curiosity. ’ —Crawfurd, p . 4 1 2 . CaptainCox, who was sent to Rangoon in 1 79 6 , laughs at the translation m ade the ye arbe fore of SirWilliam Jone s’ Institutes of Manu into Burm e se , by an Arm enian,

at the King’s orde r ; se e ing that in the se Dhamm athats the y had the Hindu lawsofManu alre ady. Cox says, The Dam asat is ve ry little attende d to, e ve ry princefram ing a new code whe n he com e s to the throne , and e ve ry pe tty m agistrateinnovating at w ill,’ unde r the absolute m onarch. Tracts on Ava, by MajorWilliam Francklin. London,

1 81 1 . Account qf Ba rm an Empire and K ingdom

of Assam . Calcutta, 1839 . How e ve ry new Prince m ade a new Code is e xplaine dby Forchham m e r in hisj am

’ine Pri ze Essay , p . 9 1 .

2 The oath he re de scribed is substantially that which is tak en by Buddhists inthe British Courts in Burm ah. The concludingwords are If I spe ak anythingthat is not the truth m ay I suff e r the curse s de scribe d in this book.

’Those

curious in im pre cations will find the form of anpther Burm e se oath in Crawfurd ,

p . 406 , and appe ndix.

88 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

formed every species of good work, and exercised every virtue,alms-deeds

,chastity, charity, kindness, diligence, patience,

j ustice,magnanimity

,love

,and moderation

,the ten funda

mental virtues,with the twenty that spring from them

,

making in all,thirty virtues. I say may God, who, after

having acquired all knowledge and j ustice,obtained divinity,

leaning upon the tree of Godama, may th i s God with the Natwho guard him day and night, that is, the AssuraNat and thegiants

,slay these false witnesses. May the Nat who have in

keeping the seven parts of the writing of the all-knowing God,and those who guard the divine deposit of hi s books andwritings

,which amount to slay these false witnesses.

May the Nat who keep the relics of the supreme God,the

conqueror of five enemies,consisting of his forty teeth whereof

four are grinders, of eight thousand of his hairs, of his cranium ,

of his brow, of his cheek and breast bones, and of all hi s otherrelics

,slay these false witnesses . May the Nat, who guard the

843000 pagodas all gilt, and ennobled by some divine relic,

slay these false witnesses. May the Nat who preside over theperiod of 5 000 years which the laws of Godama are to last

,

and those who watch over th e divine deposit of the statues andfigures of God, slay these fal se witnesses. May the dragonsand giants, the four greater Nat, guardians of the four greatislands

,each whereof is surrounded by five hundred smaller

ones,and the Nat who guard the seven celebrated mountains,

the great forest,He im m avunto [Himala-wana, the Himalaya],

and the great Mount Miemmo,slay these false wi tnesses.

May the Nat who watch and preside over the five great riversGenga [Ganges], etc., and the five hundred smaller ones

,over

lakes, rivulets and torrents, slay these false witnesses. Maythe Nat who guard the woods and trees of the earth

,the Nat

of the clouds and of the winds,slay these false witnesses. May

the Nat of the sun and stars,and of all the blessed seats

,

moreover may all the giants kill and devour piecemealthe flesh of these false witnesses . May all those who, i nconsequence of bribery from either party

,do not speak the

truth, incur the eight dangers and the ten punishments ; maythe ends of thei r fingers and toes be cut off

, may all thei rnerves be cut in sunder

,may they suffer every sort of shameful

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9 0 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

may they become anew Pre itta-Assuriche,and then be changed

into animals,swine

,dogs

,etc. And finally

,i f again they shall

become men,may they be slaves of other men

,a thousand and

ten thousand times . May all their undertakings, thoughts, anddesi res ever remain as worthless as a heap of cotton burnt bythe fire.’

1 4. In weighty causes touching inj ury or dishonour received,as for instance in a case of rape

,i f witnesses are not to be had,

the principal parties are obliged to undergo an ordeal by water. 1

Whether they be men or women,they are immersed in water,

and whoever comes out before the prescribed time is finishedand the signal given

,loses hi s cause. All must see how foolish

and insufficient such a proof must be : whoever is the moreexpert in remaining under water is sure of victory and it mustbe observed too

,that it i s allowed to undergo the trial by

proxy. It i s true that the presiding Mandarin or j udgeendeavours to exc ite the fears of the parties

,by assuring them

that the guilty will not be able to stay long overhead, withoutsome dreadful accident, as being devoured by alligators or

other aquatic m onsters . But these terrible denunciations donot always take effect

,and the innocent must often suffer con

dem nation. To this ceremony it i s usual to go with greatpomp and solemnity ; and the victorious party makes theh eavens ring with the news of his tri umph

,and returns home

surrounded by hi s friends and favourers, to the sound of martialmusic .

There is another species of ordeal usual in criminal cases,

which consists in dipping the forefinger of the accused,covered

with a thin palm-leaf, into melted tin . If the finger and leafremain uninj ured

,he is pronounced innocent ; otherwise he is

immediately condemned .

1 For an account of the orde al by wate r as witne sse d by a Europe an, se e

Sym e s, p. 467. For an orde al by wax-candle s, se e the j ournal of CaptainHiram

Cox , Edition of 1 82 1, p. 14. Writing in 1 882 about the te rritory then unde r the

King of Burm a, Mr. Pilche r of the Bengal Civil Se rvice state s that orde al wasa re cognise d m ode of de te rm ining dispute s and that oaths we re not use d in thecourts on ordinary occasions. The oath, he says, was takenwith gre at solem nity,as a sort of orde al be fore the altar, the partie s and the ir friends, going with aband, in holiday attire , to the tem ple .

—] ardine ’s Notes on Budd/zist Law,

Note 3.

CHAPTER XI I

REVENU E S AN D TAX E S 1

1 5 . THE fixed revenues of the Burmese Emperor consist of

a duty of ten per cent. on all merchandise brought by foreignersinto Rangoon

,or any others of the ports of Pegu; of th e pro

duce of the mines of si lver,amber

,and rubies ; of certain con

tributions in rice, which several places are obliged to furnishfor the use of"the palace ; and of the presents which on stateddays are made by the Mandarins to the Emperor. Thesemust not

,however, be confounded with the presents, which a re

always necessary when any favour is asked for,as in this

country nothing is ever obtained without them . But thoughthe Burmese monarch has no fixed revenues besides these

,still

his m eans are far from being limited to them alone. For, as heconsiders the property of h is subj ects as in reality belonging to himself, he therefore exacts from them anyth ing h epleases so that it may be said with truth

,that the unfortunate

Burmese labour in acquiring riches, not for themselves or thei rchildren

,but merely to gratify th e avarice of the Emperor as

their possessions almost invariably find their way, sooner orlater

,into the royal treasury . The truth of thi s assertion will

be made manifest by a short account of the oppressions, exactions

,and inj ustices that the people are obliged to suffer at

the hands of the king and his ministers .Thus

,whenever it pleases the Emperor to construct either a

convent of Talapoins,a portico

,a bridge

,or a pagoda, the

inhabitants of the capital are taxed to supply the funds. But

the imposition is not limited by what i s merely necessary, forthe avarice of th e minister and of the subalterns employed inthe collection of the money must be satisfied whence itordinarily happens that twice or thnge times as much as is

1 For furthe r de tails, se e Yule , p . 2 52 , and Crawfurd, chap. xv .

9 2 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

requisite i s exacted . By these means have all the buildingsthat adorn Amarapura

,the walls

,the palace, the convents

of Talapoins,the pagodas

,etc. , been erected, during the

reign of the present Emperor Badonsachen.

1 Besides this,several of the richest merchants in the city are obliged tofurnish the court with any extraordinary aid that may berequired .

1 6. The provincial governors do not fail, i n their respectivecities, to follow the example of the Emperor in his capital .And they are not content with burthening the people for thepublic works they may think necessary for the defence or ornament of their cities

,but from the same source they draw funds

for th ei r own palaces,pleasure-boats

,etc. But i t is in Rangoon,

perhaps, beyond every other city of the e mpij‘

e, that these

exactions are carried to the greatest height. Tor besides thecontinual imposts for the repairs of the walls

,etc.

,this city i s

exposed to numerous other taxes from its situation . Thus,should an ambassador arrive from a foreign court

,the inhabi

tants must furnish everything necessary for his maintenanceand that of his suite

,and not only this

,but m ust also defray

all h is expenses on his j ourney up the river to the capital ; again,whenever a white elephant is taken

,to them it belongs to con

duct i t to Amarapura. The misery caused by these taxes i salso increased by the unequal method of their distribution fori t i s not ’

the possessions,but the number of persons in a family

that is taken into consideration . Hence it will often happen,that a rich merchant and a poor artisan will have to furnish thesame sum ; and a fine house

,built of wood

,and containing

,

besides the family of the master,a great number of slaves

,will

be rated no higher than a m i serable cabin of cane or bamboo,thatched with straw, and frequently not worth the moneythat i s demanded .

1 7. The feudatories of the inferior ci ti es,of whom . we have

spoken above under the name of eate rs,again play their parts

1 The first use m ade of his Doom sday book was to incre as e the se e xtortions.

Phayre , p . 2 1 1 . The am ount le vie d app e ars to have b e en£6oo,ooo.—Crawfurd,

p . 424. The privile ge of e ntry into the Thootay or we althy class, m entioned inse c. 3 of the I/Vorm ana Dbamm at/zat, was use d as a m e ans of p illaging m e r

chants—Mid. p. 39 7.

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9 4 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

would be beforehand entirely ‘ absorbed by the paymentsat the cioche. Foreigners in particular are exposed tothe rapacity of the exactors, and unfortunate indeed is hewho i s so imprudent as to embark hi s goods for Amarapura.

The visits of the inspectors resemble a robbery -rather than acollection of dues ; for besides th e usual tax, so much isdemanded under the name of presents, and so much is stolen ,that the owner

,after having passed two or three cioche, will

generally be glad to hasten back to Rangoon , rather than trythe m ercy of future plunderers . This in fact did happen ashort time since to some foreign merchants .1 8. But the extortions and oppressions, of which I have j ustspoken

,are nothing in comparison to those practised by the

Mandarins in the provincial cities, and above all in Rangoon .

For this city,being situated at a great distance from the court,

i s more exposed to their rapacity ; and being the principal seaport of the kingdom , where numbers of foreigners flock withtheir merchandise, the inhabitants have more opportunities ofgain

,and thus furnish a richer harvest for the avarice of their

rulers . The Emperor gives no salary to the Mandarinsindeed before any one can obtain the dignity

,he must spend

large sums in presents ; and in order to maintain himself in i t,sti ll larger ones are necessary, not only to the Emperor, butalso to his queens and to all the principal personages about thecourt . To this must be added the expenses of these grandeesin their houses

,dress, and equipages, wh ich must be proportion

able to their dignity ; and when we consider that the money forall this must be furnished by the people under thei r care, i t willeasi ly be imagined, what dreadful oppression is put in practiceto draw it from them .

For thi s purpose, the Mandarins are always contri v ing meansto elude the royal edicts, by which i t i s provided that all causesshall be tried in the Ion

,or public portico

,wh ere the Man

darins are obliged to assemble every day excepting festivals .They seek to draw all causes to themselves and to decide themin their own houses,where there is no danger of th ei r iniquitousproceedings being observed by th e spies of th e Government. Inevery lawsuit that i s brought before them

,they exact ten per

cent. from both parties, besides the fees to the j udge, to the

CONSTITUTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE 9 5

scribe, and to the person who offers them the Lappe ch or tea.Should the litigants be rich

,they will generally content them

selves with requiring great presents,and leave the cause un

decided. Thus if a creditor calls his debtor before a Mandarinand by his j udgment recovers h is debt

,he must pay ten per

cent. for th e favour. But generally, case s of debt finish in avery different manner. The Mandarin will call the debtorbefore him

,exact from him the ten per cent. and dismiss h im .

Before long,however

,he will procure a second citation

,when

the same scene i s reacted ; and so a third and a fourth time,till the debtor has paid even more than the sum origi nally inlitigation . Great numbers of spies and informers are also continually going about, searching out crimes and misdemeanours

,

often of the most trifl ing description, to report to theiremployers ; who do not fail to draw from the offenders a sumof money as a reparation . And not only do they act the partof informers, but they are also employed to incite the people tolawsuits

,and persuade them to have recourse to their respective

masters .Nor is i t sufficient to avoid greater offences to escape theavidity of the Mandarins for an inj urious word is enough tobring a man before them, and he can never escape but by th epayment of a considerable fine. A few instances may serve tomake more evident the excessive inj ustice which prevailed inRangoon but a few years ago. Thieves had increased to suchan extent that a night never went by without some robberybeing committed . To remedy this, i t was ordained that themaster of every house should keep guard

,to seize any thief who

attempted a robbery,and deliver him up to j ustice. At this

time it happened that a poor w idow, having contracted a debtof about fifty crowns to pay the taxes, was obliged to sell he ronly daughter who had j ust attained the age of puberty, tosatisfy her creditor. She put the money in a box in her house,intending the next morning to carry it to the creditor ; butth e same night some th ieves entered her house

,and carried off

the fifty crowns,together with everything else they found in

her box . The trouble of the poor wqm an may eas i ly be con

ce ive d,upon finding in the morning thaf', besides the loss of her

only daughter,she had now to grieve for that of her money.

9 6 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

She sat herself down before her door,and there gave full scope

to her grief. Whilst this was going on,an emi ssary of one of

the Mandarins passed by, and inquiring the cause of her tearswas informed of the robbery . He hastened to his master toinform him of the c i rcumstance ; the poor woman was citedbefore h im , and commanded to deliver up the thief ; she was ofcourse unable, but could only free herself from the demand bya considerable present. On another occasion as a woman wasemployed in cooking, a cat stole a half-roasted fish . The

woman followed it, crying out, ‘ The cat has stolen my fish .

’

But what was her surprise, when a few days after she was calledbefore a Mandarin, and commanded to produce the thief whohad robbed her ? It was to no purpose that she declared thatthe cat was the delinquent ; she could not obtain her releasebut by the payment of a sum of money. Warned by theseexamples

,the inhabitants of Rangoon are careful not to say

anyth ing of the thefts committed upon them,choosing rather

to bear their loss in silence than run the risk of fall ing into thehands of a rapacious Mandarin .

1 9 . By these means the greater part of the Mandarinsacquire immense riches ; but more it would seem for theEmperor than for themselves . For sooner or later the news ofth eir conduct reaches the court, they are stripped of thei rdignity

,and sometimes, i f thei r crimes be great, are put to

death,and their property is confiscated for the use of the

Emperor. Generally, however, they save themselves at th eexpense of their riches, which are entirely consumed in presents to the wives, sons, and ch ief ministers of the Emperor ;and then they are frequently sent back to the same governm ents where they had practised their extortions, to heap upnew treasures for new confiscations. Hence it may j ustly beinferred

,that the rapacity of the Emperor is not less than that

of his Mandarins ; and that he does not care for th e spoliation of his subj ects

,but rather encourages it, that he may thus

always have means in his power to replenish hi s treasury .

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9 8 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

wives and children,was in great honour ; they were descendants

of those foreigners,chiefly Portuguese, whom the Burmese had

transported as slaves from Siriam more than a century before. 1

As muskets and persons who knew how to use them were thenrare

,a greater importance was attached to them than in our

own times when this sort of arms,imported in great quantities

by the English and French ships, has become common . In thegreat cities there are sti ll these corps of soldiers, but the greaterpart of their population are not enlisted, particularly the inhabitants of Amarapura and Rangoon

,where the corporation of

merchants,especially if they be foreigners or sons of foreigners

,

are exempted from military service. In compensation,how

ever,for this

,they are more heavily taxed for the support of

the expenses of war. Each of these different corps has a Man

darin in the capital for protector.21 . When the Emperor orders any military expedition,either into hostile countries

,or against rebels

,he fixes at the

same time the number of soldiers who are to march,and nomi

nates immediately the general who i s to command them . TheLutto in the capital, and the Ion or Rondai of the provincialcities then exact from the heads of the different places underj urisdiction

,not only the number of men ordered by the

Emperor,but also a certain quantity more. Those who are

not fit for war,or who possess great riches

,i nstead of personal

service,furnish a certain contribution

,of which the ordinary

rate i s a hundred dollars ; and this money, received from the

surplus of the men required, serves to pay the expenses of the“

war,and provide the soldiers with necessaries . For the Emperor

does not furnish anything but the arms,which must be well

taken care of,and woe to the soldier who loses them . This

money also serves to glut the greedy avarice of the Mandarins,

many of whom,to enrich themselves

,long for war as the farmer

does for rain . The generals also,and the other inferior officers

,

are wont to appropriate a good part of the money which hasbeen collected for the expenses of the expedition

,besides which

1 In 1 6 1 3, afte r the Burm e se King Mahfi DhammaRaja had take n Syriamfrom Philip de Brito. In 1 5 54 BurengNyaung at the capture ofAva had a bodyguard of 400 Portuge se , dre sse d in uniform and arm e d w ith arquebuse s.

Phayre p . 1 07.

CONSTITUTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE 9 9

they often dismiss many of the soldiers who have enli sted,

requiring money instead, and then say that they are ill or dead .

This, however, i s sometimes the cause of thei r own death , wh ichis sure to ensue if the Emperor be informed of these extortions .All from the age of seventeen or eighteen to that of sixty areadmitted to the ranks

,but those are always pre ferred who have

wives and children to serve as sureties and hostages,and be

responsible for the desertion or rebellion of thei r fathers orhusbands.22. As soon as the order for marching arrives, the soldiers,leaving their sowing and reaping

,and whatever occupation

they may be engaged in,assemble i nstantly in different corps

,

and prepare themselves and throwing thei r weapon over theirshoulders like a lever

,they hang from one end of it a mat, a

blanket to cover them at night,a provision of powder

,and a

little vessel for cooking, and from the other end a provision ofrice

,of salt

,and of nape

,a species of half-putrid half—dried fish

,

pickled with salt. In th is guise they travel to their place ofdestination without transport-waggons

,without tents

,in thei r

ordinary dress,merely carrying on their heads a piece of red

cloth,the only distinctive badge of a Burmese soldier. About

nine o’clock in the morning they begin to march , after havingtaken a short sleep

,and cooked and eaten thei r rice

,and Care

,

a sort of stew eaten with the rice, of wh ich that kind which i sused by soldiers and travellers is generally made of herbs orleaves of trees

,cooked in plain water with a little nape . At

night they bivouac on the bare ground,without any protection

from the night air,the dew

,or even the rain ; merely construct

ing a palisade of branches of trees or thorns . Sometimes ithappens that the expedition is deferred till the following year,and then the soldiers being arrived on the enemy’s confines aremade to work in the rice grounds, thus to furnish a store ofthat commodity for their provision .

23 . It must not be imagined that battles in th i s country bearthe slightest resemblance to those of Europe ; for destitute asthese people are of discipline and all knowledge of tactics, theynever can be said to engage in a regular battle, but merely toskirmish under th e protection of trees of palisades or else theyapproach the hostile town or army under th e cover of a mound

100 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

of earth,which they throw up as they advance. It may indeed

sometimes happen that two parties will meet in the open plain,

but then a strange scene of confusion ensues,and each side,

without any method or order, endeavours either to surroundthe other or to gain its rear

,and thus put it to flight. But it

i s when they enter without resistance an enemy’s country thatthey show their true spirit ; which , while it i s most vile anddastardly in danger

,i s proportionably proud and cruel in victory.

The crops,the houses

,the convents of Talapoins are all burnt

to the ground,the fruit trees are cut down

,and all the unfor

tunate inhabitants, who may fall into their hands, murderedwithout distinction .

24. The great conquests of the Burmese under the EmperorsAlompraand Zem piuscien must not therefore be attributed toa native courage

,which they are far from possessing, but to the

rigorous discipline which keeps them in awe. Not merely thegeneral

,but even the officer of any corps which is separated

from the main body,has the power of punishing with death ,

and this without any process,whatever soldier he may think

deserving of it . The sword is always hanging over the head ofthe soldier, and the slightest di sposition to flight, or reluctanceto advance, will infallibly bring it down upon him . But whatabove all tends to hold the Burmese soldiery to thei r duty i s thedreadful execution that is done on the wives and children of

those who desert. The arms and legs of these miserable victimsare bound together with no more feeling than if they werebrute beasts

,and in this state they are shut up in cabins made

of bamboo, and fi lled with combustible materials,which are

then se t on fi re by means of a train of gunpowder. Thepresent Emperor in particular has rendered h imself detestableby these dreadful barbarities ; and on one occasion , about a yearbefore I left the country

,he put to death in this cruel manner,

men, women, and chi ldren,to the number of a thousand

persons.25 . But while the power of the generals and officers i s soabsolute over the common soldiers

,the former are in like

manner subj ect to the Emperor. Woe to the commander whosuffers himself to be worsted . The least he can expect i s theloss of all h is honours and dignities ; but if there has been the

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RELIGION OF THE BURMESE

CHAPTER XIV

THE LAW S OF G ODAMA

IN order to fulfil th is part of my undertaking,I think I

cannot do better than present to the reader a short treatise onthe religion of the Burmese, which a celebrated Talapoin, thetutor of the king, drew up at the request of one of our Bi shopsin the year 1 763.

1 . Four Gods have at different periods appeared in thepresent world

,and have obtained the state of Niban [Nirvana,

Ne ibban], Chauchasan, Gonagon, Gaspa and Godama. It i sthe law of the last mentioned that is at present obligatoryamong men .

He obtained the privilege of divinity at the age of th irtyfive , when he began to promulgate his laws, in which employment he spent forty-fiv e years . Having thus lived to the ageof eighty in the practice of every good work

,and having

conferred salvation on every living creature, he was assumedinto the state of Niban. From that time to the year 1 763,there have passed 2306 years .2. Godama spoke and taught as follows. ‘ I

,a God

,after

having departed out of thi s world, will preserve my laws andmy disciples in it for the space of 5 000 years .’ Having likewise commanded that his statue and re lie s should be carefullykept and adored during this period

,he thereby gave rise to the

custom of adoring them .

When we say that Godama obtained the Nibau,this i s to be

understood of a state exempt from the four followi ng evils :conception

,old age, sickness, and death . Noth ing in thi s

world nor any place can give us an idea of the Niban : but the

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 03

e xemption from the above-mentioned evils,and the possession

o f perfect safety,are the only things in which it consists. For

e xample, a person is seized with a violent complaint,but by

using the best remedies is cured ; we say that such a one hasrecovered his health : but i f it be asked how he recovered hishea lth

,the only answer we can give is

,that to be free from

infirm itie s i s to recover one’s health ; and it is thus we saythat a person has acquired the Nibau . This i s what Godamataught .3 . Is Godama the only true God in this world ?Ye s

,Godama is the only true and real God

,who knows the

laws of the four Sizza,and in whose power it i s to raise to the

state of Nibau . But as when a kingdom is overturned,

num erous aspirants to the throne arise to claim the royald ignity

,so did it happen when the period for the observance of

the laws of Gaspa,the predecessor of Godama

,had elapsed .

For a thousand years beforehand,the approaching appearance

of a new God was reported ; but previous to his coming sixd ifferent pretenders

,each with 5 00 disciples, started up, and

gave themselves out for Gods .1

4 . D id these false Gods preach and teach any laws ?Ye s

,but what they taught is false and full of errors . One

o f them taught that the efficient cause of all good and evil inthe world

,of poverty and riches

,of high and low birth, etc. ,

was a certain Nat of the woods,who for this reason ought to

be universally adored . A second taught that after death mend id not pass into the state of animals

,nor did animals become

m en ; but men were born again as men, and animals as animals .A third denied the Niban ; and asserted that all living

1 One is ofte n asked whe the r the Buddhists of Burm a re cognise any God.

The que stion is,taste Bishop Bigande t, a difficult one to answe r. The cre e d,

e xam ine d by logic, e xclude s th e ide a of a suprem e m oral gove rnor, the law of

m e rit and dem e rit, by the action of Karm a, controlling the whole Kosm os.Gaudam a was a m e re m an, who attained the highe st possible pe rfe ction, bym eans of virtue and science . But he is no m ore , and the cre ed adm its no

divine providence . No ide a whate ve r of a suprem e be ing is to be m e t in the

g enuine worship paid toGaudam a by his m ost enthusiastic adhe rents. It cannot

be denied that in practice Buddhists of the se parts be tray often without pe rce iving it that the y have som e vague ide a abosa a suprem e be ing, who has a

controlling powe r in the affairs of this world and the de stiny of m an.

’Bigande t,

i . p . 1 37 ; i i . p. 53.

1 04 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

creatures have their origin in the womb of their mother,and

that with the death of the body they return to nothing ; andthat in thi s alone the Niban consists . Another affirmed thatliving beings have no beginning

,and will have no end in

acqui ring the Nibau . He denied the merit of good or badactions

,and made everything happen through the influence of

chance. It was taught by another that the Niban merelyconsists in the length of life which some Nat and Biammaenj oy

,who live for the whole duration of a world. He also

said that it was a good work to honour one’s parents,to suffer

hunger and thirst,the heat of fire and of the sun ; and that it

is lawful to ki ll animals that those who regulate their conductby these doctrines will be rewarded in a future life

,but they

who neglect them will be punished . The last of theseimpostors taught that there exists a Supreme Being, theCreator of the world and of all th ings in it ; and that he alonei s worthy of adoration. All these doctrines of the six falseGods

,are called the laws of the six De itti .1

5 . But when the true God Godama appeared, did these falseGods renounce their doctrines ?Some renounced and some di d not ; and many have remainedobstinate to the present day. When Godama saw that manypersisted in their errors

,he gave a challenge to them all, who

could work the greatest miracle under a mango tree. It wasaccepted

,but Godama gained the victory

,at which the chief

of the De itti was so vexed, that he threw himself into a riverwi th an earthenware vessel tied about his neck . After thedeath of their leader many of his disciples abandoned his falsedoctrines

,but others remained obstinate for it i s easy to draw

a thorn out of the hand or foot by means of the nails or them egaacfi

‘ but it is very difli cult to eradicate false doctrine fromthe hearts of the D e itti .

1 The tene ts of the six te ache rs are given in m ore pre cise language , out of awork written by ,

a Catholic prie st at Ava above a century ago. Bigande t, i i. pp.

62 , 1 2 1 . The e arly dispute s rage d round Gaudam a’s doctrine s of Athe ism and

N e ibban, and his principle of hum an e quality. laid. i . p. 1 1 5 . For lists ofhe re tics out of Chine se books, se e Syk e s’ Note s, pp . 2 0 , 2 1 .

This is an instrum ent, lik e a pair of twe e ze rs, which the Burm e se m ake useof to pull out the b eard.

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106 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

third class consists of coveting our neighbour’s goods,envy

,and

the wishing of misfortune or death to others,and finally

adherence to the doctrines of the D e itti , Whoever abstainsfrom all these evil deeds i s sai d to observe th e Sila

,will after

death become a great man or a great Nat,and be loaded with

honours and riches ; he will enj oy a long life, and in eachsuccessive transmigration will increase i n virtue, till at lengthbeing thought worthy to se e some God and listen to hisdi scourses

,he will thence obtain the perfect happiness of the

Niban :1 when he will be free from the four evils of which we

have spoken above : conception,old age, sickness, and death .

9 . Are there no good works but those j ust mentioned ?Ye s

, there are two others, known by the names of Dana, andBavana. The first consists in giving alms

,particularly to the

Talapoins . The second is practised in pronouncing and meditating upon these th ree words : Ane izza, Doccha

,Anatta

[Change, pain, i llusion] . In pronouncing the first,a man is

supposed to consider in his mind that he i s subj ect to themisfortunes of l ife : at the second

,that he i s obnoxious to its

miseries and at the third,that it is not in hi s power to free

h imself from them .

Whoever neglects all these good works,Sila

,Dana, and

Bavaria, will assuredly pass into one of the states of suffering,Niria

,Pre itta, Assuriche, or into animals . And he who dies

without the m erit of any good work,may be likened to a man

setting out on a j ourney through a desert and uninhabitedcountry, without taking any care for h i s necessary provisi ons ;or venturing along a road beset with robbers and wild beasts,without providing himself with arms for h is defence ; or embarking in a small and worn -out bark upon a great river,

1 One is constantly aske d what the Burm ans m e an by N irvana. Is it

annihi lation, or absorption into de ity or the unive rse , and doe s the soul rem ainindividual? As to what the sacred books te ach, I re fe r the re ade r to Buddizism ,

by Rhys Davids, p . 1 1 0 . Bishop Bigande t thinks the m e taphysic m ust, as a m atte r

of logic, e nd in pre dicating com ple te annihilation. But for a long pe riod the

m asse s have re volte d at this conclusion, and in som e way, which the y cannot ve ryinte lligibly e xplain, be lie ve that the individual soul survive s de ath and is found innew conditions of e xistence . The half-c ivilise d Burm an re frains from pushing hisontology too far.

—B1gande t, i i . pp. 69 , 9 8. Se e also in the sam e volum e the

abridgm ent of Buddhism calle d th e Se venWays to Ne ibban.

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 1 07

agitated by hideous Whirlpools,and tossing with a furious

tempest. And every one, whether priest or secular, who gi veshimself up to the five works of the flesh

,that i s

,to those which

are c‘ommitted by the five senses of the body

,and thereby

neglects the five commandments,and does not keep himself

from the ten evil deeds,i s likened to a butterfly that sports

around the flame till i t i s burnt in i t ; or to a man who, seeinghoney on the edge of a sword

,cuts his tongue in licking

i t off, and dies ; or to a bird that fli es to seize the food,

regardless of the net spread to entrap it ; or to the stag who,running by the side of his beloved mate

,falls unexpectedly into

the toi ls of the hunters . Such are they who, unmindful offuture dangers

,abandon themselves to the five works of th e

fl esh , and pass after death into hell. These are the preceptsand the similitudes of Godama.

1 0. The Talapoin ends his summary by declaring, that outof the Burmese Empire and the island of Ceylon there are notrue and legitimate priests of the laws of Godama, and bye xhorting all strangers to embrace this law as alone containingt he truth .

This treatise may give some idea of the laws of Godamaregarding seculars ; of those respecting the Talapoins, I shallspeak further on . The sermons of Godama, as they are . called,

are all contained in a great book called Sout, and it must beconfessed that they inculcate some fine morality

,of which I

will give some specimens in the next chapter.1 1 . The books which contain the history of Godama repre

sent him as a king who,having laid asid e the ensigns of

royalty,withdrew himself into a solitary place, put on the

habit of a Talapoin,and gave himself up to the study and

practice of virtue. But Godama had even before this acquiredgreat m erits. For he had already lived in worlds,having begun as a little bird

,and passed through 5 50 trans

migrations,some happy, some unhappy, so as once even to have

been an elephant. These former merits,united to his present

generous abdication, procured for him at the age of thirty-fivethe gift of divine wisdom . This consi sts in seeing into th ethoughts of all

"living. beings : in thé” foreknowledge of all

future events,however distant they may be in the knowledge

1 08 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

of th e merits and demerits of all men in the power of working miracles

,particularly by causing fire and water to issue

from his eyes at the same time, or fire from one eye and waterfrom the other and finally in a tender love towards all th ingsliving. Among other prodigies related of him,

we may noticethe one said to have happened at h is birth ; for he was nosooner born than he walked seven paces towards the north ,exclaiming I am the noblest and greatest among men . Thisi s the last time that I shall be born ; never again shall I beconceived in the womb .

’ In h i s stature also and the propertiesof his body there was something extraordinary. His heightwas more than nine cubits

,hi s ears hung down to hi s

shoulders,his tongue being thrust out of his mouth reached

even to his nose,and his hands

,when he stood upright,

touched his knees . In walking he always appeared elevated atleast a cubit from the ground his clothes did not touch hi sbody, but were always a palm d1stant from it and in the samemanner, anything he took up remained always at the distanceof a palm from his hands . D uring the forty-five years that h espent on earth after becoming a God

,he was continually

employed in the promulgation of his laws, and it i s said thatthrough his preaching persons obtained theNiban. In the eightieth year of his age he died of a dysentery,brought on by an excess in eating pork . Previous to his deathhe recommended that his statue and re lie s should be preservedand adored .

These have hence become obj ects of veneration to all theBurmese

,wherever they are met with ; but they are more

particularly worsh ipped with greater pomp and by greaternumbers in the Pagodas. These are pyramidal or c onicalbuildings m ade of brick

,painted and gilded on the outside .

In these temples there i s generally a niche in which i s placedthe statue of Godama ; though in some both the niche and thestatue are wanting. These are the public places of adorationfor the Burmese

,and are generally set apart from all other

buildings, and surrounded by a wall of the same materials asthe Pagoda itself.1 2 . Godama

,upon his death , was immediately transported

to the Niban, where he remains in a sort of ecstasy, without

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1 1 0 DESCRIPTION OF THE -BURMESE EMPIRE

the law were anterior ? They all replied that the former wasundoubtedly first

,smee the law is that which God reveals .

But then,’ I added

,the observance of the law is necessary to

become a God ; therefore the law must exist before God .

’

They were overcome by the argument,and could not reply a

word . I endeavoured further to convince them of the necessityof one Supreme Being, anterior not only to the law, but toeveryth ing else

,by saying, that as

’

Speech cannot exist but inthe mouth of some one speaking, so there could be no law,unless there had first existed a being to promulgate i t

,and

command its observance, but who himself i s totally independent of i t.1 5 . If we except the nation of the Carian , who have beforebeen noticed as adorers of an evil genius, who, as they suppose,inhabits the forests, and the Casse,1 who were broughtprisoners into Ava by Zem piuscien, and who, after the mannerof the ancient Egyptians, adore the basil, and other herbs and.

fruits,all the nations comprised in the Burmese Empire

,th e

Peguans,th e Aracane se

, th e Sciam, etc. , j oin in the adorationof Godama

,and the observance of hi s laws . And not only

here,but likewise in the kingdom of Siam this i s the established

religion . Godama is besides adored in China under the nameof Fo

,and in Thibet under that of Butta. His worship also

prevails in many places along the coast of Coromandel,and

particularly in the island of Ceylon, which is the principalseat of the Talapoins. Hence do the Burmese and Siameseemperors from time to time send deputations of learned mento th is island, either to bring over some sacred book whichmay be found wanting in thei r collections, or to consult withthe Talapoins on the meaning of some passage in the writingsof Godama, for they are composed in the Pali, the languagecommonly spoken in the interior of Ceylon .

2

1 A Burm e se nam e for the pe ople of Manipur.2 That high authority, Profe ssor Ch ilde rs, points out that Pali m e ans the

language of the sacre d te xts, and that the ge ographical nam e of the language is

Magadha, from the re gion in Behar in India.

According to Dr. Rost,‘ Pal i is the nam e of the lite rary language of the

Buddhists in Ce ylon, Burm a, Siam , and Cam bodia. When and whe re thatlanguage was form e d is still a m atte r of controve rsy. ’ Profe ssor Kuhn

,following

We ste rgaard, holds that Pali was the Sanskritic ve rnacular spoken at Ujjain, the

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 1 1 1

16 . The Burmese Government allows to the MohammedanMoors the free exerci se of their religion , as likewise to about2000 Christians who are scattered up and down the empire.But this toleration arises more from political and religiousmotives

,for th e Talapoins teach that there is no salvation out

of the religion of Godama . S ince the time that the Catholicmissionaries have penetrated into these parts there have indeedbeen some conversions, but the number has not been so greatas to excite the j ealousy of the Talapoins or of the Government.Hence Christianity has h itherto experienced no persecutions inthese parts

,partly on account of the small number of the

°

converts,"and partly through the prudence of the missionaries,who have been solicitous to preserve themselves and thei rdisciples from observation . Otherwise it i s probable theywould have had to suffer much, as we may gather from thefate of the Zodi, who began by making a great stir throughoutthe whole kingdom, and thereby excited the zeal of theEmpe ror against them . It i s believed that great numbers ofthem still exist i n divers parts of the empire

,but they are

obliged to keep themselves concealed . They are of Burmeseorigin

,but th eir religion i s totally different from that of

Godama. They rej ec t metempsychosis, and believe that eachone will receive the reward or punishment of his actions immediately after death

,and that this state of punishment and

reward will last for etern ity. Instead of attributing everything to fate

,as the Burmese do, they acknowledge an omni

potent and omni sci ent Nat, the creator of the world ; theydespise the Pagodas, the Baos, or convents of Talapoins

,and

capital of Malava, at the tim e that Mahendra, the son and succe ssor of the gre at

Asoka, took the sacre d canon with him to Ce ylon. On the othe r hand, Profe ssor Olde nburg, re j e cting that tradition, conside rs the naturalisation of the

Pali language in Ce ylon to have be en the fruit of a pe riod of long and con

tinned inte rcourse be twe en that island and the adjacent parts of India, m ore

e spe cially the Kalinga country. Both scholars have discussed the que stionas to the Pali be ing identical with the Magadhi diale ct, and have satisfactorilyd ispose d of it.

’—Ency clopcedia Br itannica, Art. Pali , by Dr. Rost. The

Burm ans give a w ide r m e aning to the word Pali, which the y apply to any text

conside red sacre d, such as the Sanskri t V e das. So Judson, fithe m issionary,

de scribe d his Burm e se Bible as translate d from the He brew and Gre e k Pali .Forchhamm e r

’

s Report on til e Literary W orkf or -80 . Rangoon, 1882 .

Se e Note A at the end of the work.

1 1 2 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the statues of Godama. The present Emperor, a most zealousdefender of his religion , resolved with one blow to annihilateth is sect

,and accordingly gave orders for their being searched

for in e ve rv place, and compelled to adore Godama. Fourteenof them were put to a cruel death ; but many submitted , orfeigned to submit, to the orders of the Emperor, till at lengthhe was persuaded that they had all obeyed . From that timethey have remained concealed , for which reason I have neverbeen able to meet with one of them , to inquire if any form ofworship had been adopted by them . All that I could learnwas that the sect was still i n existence

,and that its members

still held communications with each other. They are for the '

most part merchants by profession . This little which I havegleaned concerning them has rather induced me to believe thatthey may be Jews

,for the doctrines attributed to them agree

perfectly with those of this people,who

,we well know

,have

penetrated into almost every corner of the known world, '

e ven

to the remotest parts of Asia.

1

1 At page 24 1 of his Narrative Yule give s his op inion that the Zod i se ctre ally consisted of the latitudinarian Buddhists whom Judson, the ce le brate d

m issionary, in his journals and le tte rs, calls sem i-athe ists and sem i-de ists.

One he ld the fundam ental doctrine that D ivine wisdom , not concentrate d in

any e xisting spirit, or e m bodie d in any form , but diffuse d throughout theunive rse , and partaken in diffe rent degre e s by various inte lligence s, and in a

ve ry high degre e by the Buddhas, is the true and only god .

’The views varied

w ith th e individual.In 1 82 7 the e xe cution, som e ye ars b e fore , of ce rtain re form e rs of the e xisting

Buddhism is m entione d by Crawfurd in hisj our nal of an Em bassy toAva, p. 39 2 .

The re form e rs we re gene rally, or I be lie ve always, laym en. The y principallyde crie d the luxury of the prie sthood, and ridicule d the ide a of attaching re ligiousm e rit to the building of temple s.

’

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1 14 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

only that they may thus acquire merit for their future transmigrations

,but also learn to read and write. All the Tala

poins who li ve in th e different Baos of a province are underthe j urisdiction of a superior, who corresponds to the provincialof our religious orders ; and those of the whole Empire aresubordinate to the Zarado [Sayadaw], or grand master of theEmperor, who re side S

'

in the capital, and may therefore becalled their General . The Baos are th e buildings in which theBurmese architecture is most gorgeous . Some are completelycased with fine gold both within and withou t, particularly thosewhich the Emperor and hi s sons built for their Zarado.

1 8 . The habit of the Talapoins consists of three pieces of

y ellow cotton cloth . Those who have rich benefactors evenmake it of silk, or of European woollen cloth . The first piecei s bound to the loins with a leathern girdle and falls down tothe feet

,th e second i s a cloak of a rectangular shape which

covers the shoulders and breast, and the third i s another cloakof the same shape, which , being folded many times, i s thrownover the left shoulder, th e two ends hanging down before andbehind . Every time the Talapoins go out, either to aecompany the dead, or for any other purpose, they are obliged tocarry over their right shoulder the Avana

,a sort of fan made

of palm leaves,1 and one of the disciples carries a piece of

leather to sit upon . Every morning the Talapoins must goround the houses begging boiled rice and other eatables ; andfor this purpose they take with them a black vessel in whichthey put confusedly all that they receive, and this same vesselserves them as a plate to eat from .

1 9 . Those Talapoins who are Pazen or Ponghi are forbiddenby their rules to cook with thei r own hands

,to labour

,to

plant or traffic,and are not even allowed to send others into

their Baos to cook for them . They must not make any provision or preserve any sort of food . They cannot take withtheir own hands anything to eat however small

,or anything

else for thei r private use,which has not been first presented

to them .

1 The word Talapoin is de rive d from the Pali nam e of this palm le af, and was

introduce d to Europe by the Portugue se .-Hobson-j obson, by Yule and Burne ll.

Mr . Taw Se in-Ko thinks it is a Talaing com pound, m e aning Lord-m endicant.’

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 1 1 5

For th is reason they are obliged at almost every moment togo through the ceremony called Akat, wh ich signifies a presenf atiou or oblation . It i s as follows. Whenever one of themhas occas ion for anyth ing, he addresses to his disciples thisformula : do what is lawful ;

’ upon which,they take up the

thing he may want and present it to him with these words‘this

,Sir

,i s lawful .’ The Talapoin then takes i t into his

own hands,and eats i t or lays i t by

,as may suit his

convenience.In performing this ceremony the Talapoin must stand at thed istance of a cubi t from his disciple, otherwise h e is guilty ofa sin ; and if what he receives be food, he commits as manysins as he eats mouthfuls . It is, moreover, unlawful for theTalapoins directly to ask for anything : they are only allowedto accept of what i s spontaneously offered to them by others .But th i s law is very little attended to .

The possession of all temporal goods is likewise forbidden tothe Talapoins ; they cannot even touch gold or silver. Theymust not have emancipated slaves ; but must content themselves with what is barely necessary. But these are rules wh i chthey regard very little ; for, after covering thei r hands with ahandkerchief

,they have no scruple in receiving very large sums

in gold and silver they are insatiable in their lust after riches,and do little else than ask for them . Godama ordered thatthe habits of the Talapoins should be made of pieces of clothpicked up in th e roads or streets, or among the tombs ; theystill observe one part of the law

,they tear the cloth into a

great number of pieces,but take care that i t shall be of the

finest quality. Th e law of continency, externally at least, i sobserved with the greatest scrupulositv by these men , and inthis respect they might even serve as an example to many ofour religious . Not only it i s not permitted for them to sleepunder the same roof

,or to travel in the same carriage or

boat with a woman,but even to receive anything directly from

their hands ; and indeed to such a h eight are these precautionscarried

,that they may not touch the clothes of a woman, or

caress a female child however young, or even handle a femaleanimal . But their scruples with regalgv to clothes are at anend

,when they are given to them

,for they maintain that in

1 16 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

this cas e the clothes are purified as i t were by the m erit of thealmsdeed . For the better preservation of chastity it is furtherdecreed

,that the Talapoins do not eat anything after mid-day

,

and particularly at evening, as many of their greatest menhave maintained that to eat at these times too much heats theblood and excites the passions. So indispensable i s celibacyesteemed by the Burmese for the sacerdotal state

,that not only

do they forbid to their own Talapoins the use of marriage, but

they can never be brought to look upon any one as a pri estwho does not observe it. It i s for this reason they are inclinedvery much to esteem our Catholi c missionaries

,but refuse every

kind of honour to the Armenian priests and the MohammedanSherifs

,merely because they are engaged in the married state.

Whenever a Talapoin is detected in the violation of this law,

the inhabitants of th e place where he li ves expel him from hisBao

,sometimes even driving him away with stones ; and the

Government strips him of his habit, and inflicts upon him a

public punishment. The Zarado, or grand m aster of the Talapoins under the predecessor of Badonsache n

,being convicted

of a crime of incontinency, was deprived of all his dignities,

and narrowly escaped decapitation, to which punishment hewas condemned by the Emperor.To these rules and constitutions we may here add severalothers which are contained in the great book cal led Vini

, the

constant perusal of which is much recommended ; indeed thereexists an express command that every Talapoin should committhe whole of i t to memory. It i s written in the sacred languagePali

,but is accompanied with a translation in the vernacular

Burmese. It i s divided into different chapters , each of whichtreats of something regard ing the Talapoins

,i n thei r dress

,

food, habitations, etc. I will here notice some of the principalregulations .20. The first thing that the Vini prescribes i s, that in eachconvent

,or at least in all those where there i s a respectable

number of Talapoins,one should be elected to act as superior.

To him i t belongs to watch over the observance of the rules,and to correct and admonish those who neglect them . If hedi scover that any one of hi s subj ects has in his possession gold ,si lver

,or anyth ing else which a Talapoin is forbidden to keep

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1 18 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

put them off,must be careful to place them at the distance of

two cubits from their bed .

25 . D igging i s an occupation unlawful for Talapoins, forfear of killing some insects ; or

,i f they do employ themselves

in this manner,i t must be in a sandy soil, where there i s no

danger of m eeting with insects. And such ought to be thei rcare in this regard

,that not even with a stick or with thei r

feet should they sti r the mould,lest by chance some insect be

crushed . For the same reason they are not allowed to cutdown several kinds of trees

,nor even to gather the leaves or

the fruit ; and before they can lawfully make use of any fruit,their disciples must open it with their nails or with a knife,to let out the life which they suppose it contains .26. It i s most strictly forbidden to the Talapoins to sleep

in the same room with women,children

,or even with female

animals . And if one of them by neglecting this rule falls intosin

,he immediately contracts an irregularity

,and i s driven

away from the society of all other priests. The same punishment is awarded to theft

,killing of animals,and vainglory.

27. All who have received the order of Pazen are obliged toshave every part of thei r body, even the eye-brows ; though atpresent this law i s not observed with regard to the last. Inthe performance of this ceremony the Pazen must considerthat the hairs thus shaved off arise from the uncleanness ofthe head

,that they are useless things, serv ing merely for the

purposes of vanity ; and at the same time he must be as unconcerned as a great mountain

,which i s being cleared of the

useless herbage that has grown upon it.28 . The full moon and the fifteenth day after in everymonth are festivals for th e Talapoins ; so that they havetwenty-four i n the course of the year. On these days theyare to assemble in the Sein

,or sacred places

,there to read the

Padim ot, which i s a summary of all the sins and faults againsttheir constitutions.29 . They have besides a great fast or Lent, which generallylasts three months . During this time they are expected to bemore careful in sweeping the Pagodas and keeping them in

order. No one must go out of the Baos without weightyreasons ; all secular and worldly thoughts and occupations

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE

must be laid aside and the whole attention be given to prayer,

meditation,and the study of the Pali . Even during thei r

walks they ought to be employed in meditation ; no uselessor idle word must escape thei r lips, much less a di scontentedor angry one ; thei r whole conversation must be of God andhis benefits

,and of the means of acquiring sanctity

,and tend

to show that they are only desirous of being deli vered fromtheir passions and inordinate desires . They must restrainthemselves to the food that is absolutely necessary

,and allow

little or no time for sleep ; but rather give themselves up tothe consideration of death

,and of the love we ought to have

for all l iving beings .30 . When any Talapoin has been guilty of a violation of

h is rule,he ought immediately to go to the great Talapoin

,

his superior,and

,kneeling down before him,

confess his crime.And here it must be observed that the sins of the Talapoinsare of different sorts . The Padim ot gives five or six kinds ;the first i s called Parasiga, and comprises four sins, of whicheach one i s warned at hi s ordination

,as will be seen when we

come to the description of this ceremony. Th ese are incontinency, theft, murder, and giving oneself out for a holy man .

But confession is not sufficient for the remission of thesecrimes ; since nothing remains for those guilty of them but tolay aside the habit of a Talapoin

,to put on wh i te

,which is

the sign of mourning, and withdraw themselves into someremote place, there to do penance. The second class i s calledSengadise it, and in i t thirteen sins are reckoned . 1 . Voluntary

pollution, for if i t happens in sleep this is no crime, unless itbe thought of with pleasure upon waking . 2. All immodesttouches of women with intention of sin. 3 . Amorous or lascivious conversation . 4. The asking for the gift of a femaleslave under pretence of necessity, but with intent of sin . 5 .

Acting the part of a procurer. 6. The intention of buildinga Bao without the aid of any benefactor. 7. Laying thefoundations of one in a place where there are many insects,which will undoubtedly be thereby killed . 8 . A calumniouscharge against another of incontineagy

in general . 9 . Thesame with the specification of the crime. 1 0 . The sowing ofdiscord among Talapoins

,when obstinately persevered in after

1 20 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

three admonitions in the Sein . 1 1 . Abetting and encouragingthe sowers of discord . 1 2. The habit of violating the rulesin small things

,notwithstanding the admonitions of others .

1 3. Giving scandal to laymen by small faults, such as tellingli es

,m aking presents of flowers, and such like. All these

thirteen sins,as well as those of four or five other inferior

classes,are subj ected to the law of confession . And this con

fe ssion m ust be made,not merely before th e great Talapoin

,

but also before all who are assembled in the Sein . A penancei s then imposed upon the delinquent

,which consists of prayers

,

to be recited for a certain number of days, according to thetime that he has suffered to elapse without confession ; andthese prayers must be said in the night. A promise mustalso be given to refrain from such faults in future

,and pardon

asked of all the Talapoins for the scandal given, and a humblerequest presented to be again admitted among them .

Besides this there is another species of penance, which i spractised when any one doubts of having committed some sin .

But al l these confessions and penances are null and invalid if asin i s represented as of a lighter speci es, when in reality i tshould be classed with the thi rteen j ust mentioned : or whenthe confession is made to a person guilty of the same crime.Such i s the law ; but i t must be observed that at present i t i sl ittle attended to. For the Talapoins now content themselveswith a kind of indefinite formula of confession

,something like

our confiteor .

31 . Another duty of the Talapoins i s the recitation of theTara

,or preaching to the people. Their sermons in general

have for their obj ect the recommendation of almsdeeds ; not,however, to the poor, but to themselve s . In the perform anceof this duty they ought to have for model the sermons orGodama, in which there is much said of alms, and the meri tattached to them they contain indeed many useful lessons ofthe other virtues

,but these are all passed over by the Tala

poins, who confine themselves to alms as far as regards themselves

,but take no notice of those to others.

32 . What has been hitherto said regards merely those Talapoins who have received the order of Pazen or priest. TheSeien or disciples are bound to the observance of ten precepts

,

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1 22 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

way to let h im pass ; and when any one goes to visi t a Ponghi ,he must prostrate h imself before him three times

,with hi s

hands raised above h i s head in token of reverence, or rather of

adoration,and remain in’ th is posture during the whole of his

audience. The Talapoins have,besides

,so much authority,

that sometimes they even withdraw condemned criminals fromthe hand of j ustice. Indeed

,under the predecessors of the

present king, a capital punishment was a rare occurrence ; forno sooner did the Talapoins hear that a criminal was being ledto execution, than they issued from their convents in greatnumbers

,with heavy sticks concealed under thei r habits

,with

which they furiously attacked the ministers of j ustice, putthem to flight and

,unbinding the culprit

,conducted h im to

thei r Bao. Here his head was shaved,a new dress was put upon

him,and by these ceremonies he was absolved from h is crime

and rendered inviolable. But during the present reign theydo not venture upon such bold measures, unless they are sureof the protection of the Mandarins . In thus saving the livesof criminals

,they beli eve that they are doing an act of piety

for,as their law forbids them to kil l any living thing, even

though i t be hurtful to man,such as serpents

,or mad dogs,

they think that it must, on the other hand, he meritorious topreserve the l ives of others

,although by so doing they infl ict a

gri evous inj ury on soci ety. The person of a Talapoin i s inviolable

,and it is reckoned a great crime to strike one of them ,

though ever so slightly.

But i t is in the ceremonies that take place after the death ofa Ponghi , that the veneration of the Burmese for their Talapoins is particularly displayed . For as their state i s regardedas one of peculiar sanctity

,i t is supposed that thei r very

persons are thereby rendered holy ; and hence their dead bodiesare honoured as those of saints . As soon as a great Talapoinhas expired, his corpse i s opened in order to extract the viscera,which are buried in some decent place

,and then it i s embalme d

after the fash ion of the country. This done, i t i s swathedwith bands of white linen

,wrapped many times round it i n

every part, and upon these is laid a thick coat of varnish . To

this succeeds a covering of gold,which adheres to the varnish ,

and in this manner the body is gilt from head to foot. It is

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 123

now put into a large chest,and exposed to the veneration of

the people.It i s this chest or coflin on which the greatest care andexpense is bestowed . Indeed the great Talapoins are accustom ed to have it made several years before their death

,whence

i ts beauty i s frequently such as to excite the curiosity not onlyof the natives of the country but also of foreigners . It i susually gilt all over

,and adorned besides with flowers made of

polished substances,sometimes even of precious stones. In

this superb receptacle the body is exposed in public for manydays

,nay often for entire months

,during which time a con

tinual festival i s celebrated about it ; bands of music arealways playing, and the people flock in crowds to offer thei rpresents of money

,rice

,fruits or other th ings necessary for

the ceremony,by which the expenses of the funeral are de

frayed . When at length the day arrives for burning the body,i t i s placed upon a large car with four wheels, to which are fixeda number of great ropes

,so that the people may drag it to the

place of sepulture. It i s pleasing to see the ardour with whichthe whole population—men and women—engage in this labour.They believe it to be a work of the greatest merit ; andhence

,having divided themselves into two bodies, strive with

the greatest earnestness who shall have the honour of conveyingthe body to its destination . The vehicle i s pulled first to oneside

,then to the other for some time

,till one party gaining the

advantage hears i t off in tri umph . At the place where theburning i s to take place

,the people are amused for some time

with fireworks,which consist entirely of a species of large

rockets . Beams of teak-wood,of the length of six, seven, or

even of nine cubits, and from a palm to a cubit in diameter, arebored to receive a mixture of saltpetre and pounded charcoal .To some of them are fixed long strips of bamboo to guidethem in their ascent

,and thus they are carried up into the air

as soon as fire i s applied to them . Others are placed uponcarriages and made to run round the spot where the body i s tobe burnt. In the meantime great quantities of wood , gunpowder

,and other combustible m aterials are heaped about the

coffin , and the ceremonies are concludfid by setting fire to thispile . This i s done by means of an immense rocket, which 1s

1 24 DESCRIPTION OF THE’

BURMESE EMPIRE

guided to i t by a cord . Immediately that it touches it th epile takes fire and the whole is soon consumed . But thesefunerals seldom end in this j oyful manner ; they are almostalways signalised by numerous accidents ; for the enormouspieces of wood

,which are carried into the air by the rockets,

and particularly the carriages to which others are attached ,and which run up and down without any one to guide them ,

never fail,besides innumerable bruises and fractures of limbs,

to cause the death of several of the spectators . Yet so infatuated are the people with these fireworks

,that they do not

consider that as a festival which goes by without them ; andhence

,i n the dedication of a Pagoda or a Bao, or on any other

occasion of rej oicing,these always form a principal part of th e

festiviti es .35 . It has been remarked that most of the youth of th e

Burmese Empire put on the habit of a Talapoin for the sakeof their education

,but i t must not be thereby supposed that

they all become Talapoins . The greater part, after some years,throw off the habit and retire to their home. But many remain in the Baos with the intention of becoming priests .These are first of all admitted to the rank of Paze n, or assistants of the greater Talapoins

,upon whose death they

succeed to thei r places. But not even for the Pazen, or thegreater Talapoins i s there any obligation to remain alwaysin the state they have embraced ; sti ll th e greater part continne to wear the habit for many years

,numbers for

.

theirwhole li fe.36. The ceremonies wh ich are observed upon the admissionof candidates to the order of Pazen, resemble very much theordinations of deacons and priests in our Church . They arec ontained in a book

,written in the Pali language, called

Cham oaza, which may, therefore, be considered as their Ponti

fical. It will here be proper to transcribe a description of theceremonial . It takes place in the Sein

,which has something

of the form of a church,in the presence of all the Talapoins ;

the eldest of whom,called U pizze, presides . He has another

T alapoin for assi stant,named Cham m uazara

,which may be

t ranslated master of ceremonies.

The first part of the ceremony consists in giving to the pos

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1 26 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

your ordination ?’ ‘Yes,si r

,they have given it.’ Have you

reached the age of twenty years ?’ ‘ Yes, sir, I have.

’ ‘ Areyour vestments and Sabe it prepared ?’ They are.’

The examination being finished,the master of ceremonies

thus goes on :‘ O fathers and priests here present

,be pleased

to listen to my words . This youth now before you begs fromthe U pizze to be admitted to the sacerdotal state, and hasbeen instructed by me .’ Upon thi s the postulant approachesthe fathers to ask their consent to his ordination

,for which

purpose he is to say : I beg,O fathers

,from this assembly to

be admitted to the sacerdotal state. Have pity on me ; takeme from the state of a layman , a state of sin and imperfection ,and advance me to the sacerdotal state

,the state of virtue

and perfection .

’ These words must be repeated three times .Then the master of ceremonies takes up th e discourse asfollows : ‘ Oh

,all ye fathers here assembled

,hear my words.

The youth here before you begs from the Upizze to be ad

m itted to the sacerdotal state ; he i s free from every defect andimperfection ; and he has got ready all the vessels and necessaryhabits . He has, moreover, i n the name of the U pizze, askedthe permission of th e assembly of fathers to be admitted to thesacerdotal state. Now

,therefore

,let the assembly complete

h is ordination . To whomsoever this seemeth good,let him

keep silence ; but whoso thinketh otherwise, let h im declarethat th is candidate i s unworthy of the sacerdotal state .’ Andthese words he repeats three times .Afterwards he proceeds . ‘ Since then none of the fathers

obj ect, but all are silent, i t i s a sign that the assembly has consented . So, th erefore, be it done, and let this candidate passout of the state of sin and imperfection into that of the priesthood ; and thus, by the consent of the Upizze, and of all th efathers

,let him be ordained priest.’

After this be further says : ‘ The fathers must note downunder what shade, on what day, at what hour, and in whatseason

,th is ordination has been performed .

’

Besides this, the newly ordained priest must be adm onl she dof the fourteen th ings that priests may lawfully make use of,and of the four from which they must abstain . Hence themaster of ceremoni es thus proceeds with the instruction

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 7

In the first place,i t i s the office of a priest to beg for his

food with labour, and with the exertion of the muscles of hisfeet ; wherefore, O newly ordained priest, through the wholecourse of your life you must gain your bread by th e labour ofyour feet. And if alms and offerings abound, and the bene factors give you rice and other k inds of food

, you may make useof th e following things —1 . Of such as are offered to all theTalapoins in general , 2 . of such as are offered to each one inparticular

,3 . of such as are usually presented in banquets

, 4.

of such as are sent by letter, 5 . of those that are given atthe new and full moons, and on festivals. All these

, 0 newm ade priest

,you may lawfully use for food .

’ To thi s be re

plies,Ye s

,sir

,I understand what you tell me.’

The master of ceremonies resumes his instructionSecondly

,a priest i s obliged to make hi s clothes of the rags

thrown about in the streets or among the tombs,however

dirty they may be : hence, throughout your whole life, youmust put on no clothes but these . If, however, by your talentsand learning

,you procure for yourself many benefactors

, you

may receive from them,for your habit, th e following articles

-Cotton and silk, or cloth of red wool or yellow wool ; ofthese you may lawfully make use .’ The new priest answers asbefore

,I understand .

’ The instruction goes onThe habitation of a priest must be in houses built on the

trees of the forest ; in such, therefore, must you live. But i fyour talen ts and your learning gain for you many benefactors

,

then you may inhabit the following k inds of houses —thosesurrounded by walls

,such as bear a triangular or pyramidal

shape,and those that are adorned with has-reliefs

,etc.’

After the usual answer, the master of ceremonies proceeds‘ Now that you have been admitted to the congregation ofpriests

,i t i s no longer lawful for you to indulge in carnal

pleasures,whether with yourself or with animals. He who i s

guilty of such things can no longer be a priest, or be numbered in the company of the saints . To what shall we likensuch a one ? To a man whose head has been severed from hisbody. For as th e head can never again be united to his body,so as that he shall live

,so i s i t im pofiible for the priest, who

has sinned against chastity, to be restored to the society of

128 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

his brethren . Beware then of committing any such crime. ’

The priest answers, I have heard, sir, be it so.’

The master of ceremonies resumesIt i s unlawful for a priest to usurp or steal what belongs to

another,even though to no greater amount than the quarter of

a Ticale .

"E The priest who i s guilty of a theft,even though to

no greater amount than this, must be considered as havingthrown off the sacerdotal state, and as belonging no longer tothe society of the saints . Such a one may be compared tothe dry leaf of a tree ; for as the leaf can never again become green

,so the priest, who has stolen from another, can

never again be a member of the sacerdotal body,can never

again belong to the society of the saints. Wherefore do you,throughout life

,abstain from all such thefts .’ The candidate

answers as before, and the mas ter of ceremonies proceedsIt i s moreover unlawful for priests knowingly to kill any

living thing,even though i t be but the meanest insect. He,

therefore,who shall so destroy any creature can no longer be a

priest,can no longer belong to the holy society. And to what

shall such a one be likened ? To a stone broken in pieces . For

as its parts can never again be united,so is it impossible for

this man ever to be j oined with his brethren . Beware then,

and keep yourself for ever from these faults.’ The newlyordained replies

,I have heard your admonitions .’

The master of ceremonies proceeds : ‘ To him who has beenenrolled among the number of the priests

,it i s most particu

larly prohibite d to be vainglorious, to give himself out as aholy man

,or as distinguished by the possession of any super

natural gift. Whoever, therefore, either through vainglory orimprudence shall thus boast of himself

, can no longer be apriest

,or a member of the holy society. And to what shall

we compare the man who transgresses ? He is like a palm-treethat has been severed in two . For as it can live no more, soi s such a one unworthy to be again admitted among the priests.Take care then for yourself that you give not in to such excesses .’ The newly ordained replies as before, I have heard allof which you have admonished m e .

"l‘

About a shilling English . 1 Se e Note B at the end of the work .

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1 30 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

knowledge he has received perfectly comprehends the fourinevitable states

,through which every living being must pass

to him who i s possessed of the six supreme powers, to the mostexcellent God Godama I offer m y solemn adoration . And sobe it .’

This,0 most illustrious priest N. N is the m anner in which

I,Ananda

,the oldest of the divine disciples

,have heard the

great precepts delivered by the observance of which a man ispreserved from evil-doing. On a certa in day

,when the Lord

God was in the celebrated convent of Santti [Thawattie or

Sravasti in Oudh near Fyzabad] , built by that famous rich manN . late in the evening a certain Nat came to him withoutmaking known his name

,but the admirable splendour that

issued from his body and i llumined all the obj ects in the convent

,sufficiently showed his illustrious lineage. He immedi

ately entered the room where the D ivine Wisdom then was,

and having adored him with the greatest respect,be gan his re

quest as follows Great and omnipotent God,supreme

master of the law, a multitude of j ust souls,both among the

Nat and among m en, aspiring after the perfect repose of the

Nihan,have hitherto been search ing after the means by which

the hearts of creatures may put off all evil inclinations ; but invain . Thee, therefore, do we supplicate, who alone knowest allthese things

,to reveal them to us.

’ To whom the God re

plied 1 0 Nat"know that to keep far from the company ofthe ignorant, to be always in th e society of the learned, and togive respect arid honour to whom they are due

,are three means

of overcoming any inordinate affection . 0 Nat by the choiceof a place of abode proper to one’s station

,and adapted for

satisfying all the common wants of life : by having always instore some merit acquired in a former life

,and by ever main

taining in one’s own person a prudent carriage by these threeprecepts likewise may a man be preserved from evil-doing. 0

Nat"the vastness of learning, the comprehension of all thingsthat are not evil

,the perfect knowledge of the duties of one’s

It is said that this convent cost crowns.1 In th is se rm on Buddha has conde nse d almost all the moral virtue s.

Bigande t, i. p . 1 23

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 1 31

state of life,and the observance of piety and modesty in words ;

these are four most excellent m eans whereby we may renounceall wicked actions. O Nat by ministering to one’s father andmother thei r proper sustenance

,by providing for the wants of

one’s wife and ch i ldren,by the purity and honesty of every

action,by almsdeeds

,by the observance of the divine precepts

,

by succouring in thei r necessities those who are united to us bythe ties of kindred, finally by everything else i n which there i sno sin

,by all these means may we be preserv ed from evi l deeds .

0 Nat"by such a freedom from all faults,that not even the

inferior part of the soul m anifests any affection for them ,by

the abstinence from all intoxicating drink,by the never-failing

practice of all the works of piety, by showing respect to all, bybeing humble before all

,by sobriety

,by gratitude to our bene

factors,and finally by listening from time to time to the

preach ing of the word of God,by these means also may we

overcome our evil inclinations and keep ourselves far fromsin . 0 Nat"the virtue of patience, doci lity in receiving th eadmonitions of good men

,frequent visi ts to priests, spiritual

conferences on the divine laws,frugality and modesty in our

exterior,the perfect observance

,that is

,the observance to th e

letter of the law,having ever before our eyes the four states

into which living creatures will pass after death , and finally,the meditation on the happy repose of the Nihan, these are alldistinguished precepts for preserving man from wickedness .0 Nat"that intrepidity and serenity of mind which good menpreserve amid the eight calamities of life, i n abundance andwant, in censure and praise, in j oy and distress, in popularityand abandonment

,the absence of all fear or inquietude of

heart, the freedom from the dark mists of concupiscence,finally insensibility to suffering

,these are four rare gifts that

remove man far away from all affection to evil. Wherefore, 0Nat"imprint well upon your heart the th irty-eight preceptsI have j ust delivered

,let them be deeply rooted there, and see

to put them ln execution .

40 . Another time wh en Godama was standing in the abovementioned convent

,he expounded to til e as sembled Talapoins

the five rules for alms,according as opportunities present

themselves for exercising them . These are, hospitality to our

1 32 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

guests and to travellers, ministering to the wants of sick Talapoins

,and

,in times of scarcity

,to those of all persons, and ,

finally,the payment of the first-fruits of rice and fruit to the

Talapoins. Speaking of the merit of alms, he declared thatthose given to animals stand lowest in the scale, next comesuch as areadministered to widows

,then those to persons who

observe the five commandments,and practise th e ten good

deeds . Superior in merit to these are alms to the saints, tothe Talapoins and to God, and particularly the erection of aconvent . But all these are surpassed in merit by the adoration of the three most excellent things

,God, the law, and the

Talapoins ; and still more meritorious i s prayer for the salvation of all living creatures . The most meritorious action of alli s the deep meditation on the miseries of life, and the conviction that we cannot free ourselves from them .

Before passing to the Nihan,Godama confirmed all these hi s

precepts,and added, that the real adoration of God does not

consist in offering him rice,flowers

,or sandal-wood

,but in the

observance of his laws.41 . In another sermon, Godama speaks of the differentobj ects of our charity

,and of the merits acquired by succour

ing them . He mentions fourteen of them,1 . animals, 2 .

huntsmen and fi shermen,3 . merchants, 4 . the Talapoins

,

then different classes of saints,and lastly God . Alms that are

given to animals carry with them five rewards : long life,

beauty, prosperity both as to soul and body, great strength,and knowledge ; and all these will be enj oyed through ahundred transmigrations. The same will be the reward of

a lms to huntsmen and fishermen, but through the course of athousand transmigrations ; the th ird speci es of alm sgivers wille nj oy them through ten thousand

,and so on in proportion

through all the classes of Talapoins and saints till we come toGod, when the reward will last for an infinity of transm igrations .42. In a sermon, which Godama delivered for the instruction

of a young Brahmin, he explains the reason why, in th e world,some are born rich and others poor

,some beautiful and others

deformed ; which diversity he derives from the good or evi ldeeds committed in preceding lives. In another

,he prescribes

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1 34 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

and reputation, of quarrels, diseases, immodesty of dress, disregard of honour, and incapaci ty for learning unseasonablewanderings expose a man to great dangers

,and

,by keeping

him from his family,oblige him to leave the chastity of his

wife and daughter unprotected ; and moreover his possessionsare thus liable to depredations . He may likewise be taken lnthe company of thieves and be punished with them . A passionfor shows draws a man from his occupations, and hinders h imfrom gaining hi s livelihood . In gaming, success is followed byintrigues and quarrels ; loss, by bitterness and sorrow of heart,as well as d ilapidation of fortune ; the gamester i s incapacitated by law to give testimony, nor can he have a wife ormoth er-in-law , for 110 one loves the gambler. Finally

,fre

quenting the company of the vicious will lead a man into thehouses of women of ill fame

,into drunkenness and gluttony

,

into deceit and robbery, and all kinds of disorders .’ Godama

then passed on to speak of false fri ends ; whom he described asalways making show of friendship without having its reality

,

professing a love which they do not feel,giving little that they

may receive much,and being friends to a man only because he

is rich,or because they have need of hi s favour. Those too arefalse friends who give a promise in words, but are far fromfulfilling it in their actions, and, finally, those who are everready to assist a man in evil, but never in doing good . But,

”

the God proceeds,there are four species of real friends ; first

,

those who are such both in adversity and in prosperitysecondly, those who give good advice on proper occasions, evenat the peril of their lives : thirdly, those who take care ofwhatever belongs to him they love : fourthly, those who teacha man what is good

,who are delighted in his prosperity

,and

sorrowful in his misfortunes .’

Godama then goes on to instruct the young man in themutual duties of fathers and children

,masters and slaves .

Ch ildren are, in particular, obliged to respect their parents, toprovide for all thei r wants

,and to reflect often on the benefits

they have received from them in their earlier years, and on thecare they then took to assist and nourish them ; they oughtalso to cultivate thei r fields

,to listen to thei r words and

advice, and to give som e alms for them . Parents,on the

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 135

other hand,have five duties to discharge with respect to their

ch ildren . They must keep them far from all wickedness,

procure that they always have good companions, they mustinstruct them

,and teach them to give alms and do other pious

works,and

,when they have arrived at the proper age, be

careful to marry them . The duties of scholars towards theirmasters

,and of the latter to thei r scholars

,are nearly the same

as those j ust mentioned . Scholars are to give their instructorshonour and respect ; they must make way for them wheneverthey are in “

their company,m ust go to meet them

,wash their

feet, and attend upon them,especially in sickness ; finally, they

must be diligent in learning what they inculcate on them .

Mas ters, on the other hand,ought to teach their pupils all

things that are useful,and be desirous that they should become

as learned as themselves.The duties of the husband to the wife and of the wife to thehusband are five . The husband should speak to hi s wiferespectfully, should not i ll-treat her or beat her like a slave,should not desert her to live with another woman, and, finally,should commit to her th e care of his house. The wife, on herpart, should look after the kitchen, and be careful to provideall things necessary for her husband

,and the whole family ;

she should collect the goods of the house,and be attentive to

thei r preservation,and should never be slothful in doing her

domestic duties . Finally, speaking of m asters and slaves,Godama says

,that the former should adapt the labours of his

slaves to their strength and capacities,should give them their

maintenance,and treat them well

,but particularly be atten

tive to them when sick. Slaves should get up to work in themorning before thei r masters

,and to go to bed after them at

night ; should look to the interest of their masters in theirlabours, and in everything else, and, finally

,should take

nothing but what is allowed them .

44. Godama has left many instructions for the Talapoins, inwhich he exhorts them

,from the consideration of the miseries

of human nature, of the perishableness of all earthly things,

and especially of corporeal beauty,to put away all cai nal

desires and aspire to the Nihan . In another of h is sermons hesays, that we should divide our goods and share them with the

136 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

poor,in the same way as travellers in a desert country share

their provisions with their companions ; for the poor are ourcompanions in the j ourney to a future life. He adds

,that an

alms done by a poor man is of infinitely greater merit thanthat of a rich one ; that the only faithful companions, whowill not desert us in the life to come

,are our good deeds

,and

that the only good that will continue with us unaltered,even

to old age,i s the observance of the law ; for this no thief

can take away.

45 . In another sermon which Godama addressed to his sonafter he had become a Talapoin

,to teach him how to over

come his inordinate appetites,his anger

,and his pride, he

suggests to him various considerations on the constitution ofhis body. That nothing about i t i s permanent, but all itsparts are subj ect to perpetual changes. And since he mustlose it by death

,therefore he ought to say within himself, This

is not my body. And as the earth i s immovable,and all

things that are thrown upon it,even if it ' be gold and silver

are but as fi lth,and as water carries all things away with it,

both good and bad,and as fire burns all that comes in its way

without distinction, so ought he to be fixed and unalterable,superior to all things and intent only on th e Nihan . One day,as this his son was asking about h is inheritance, Godamaanswered him

,that this was not the time to think of such

things,and that he ought to wean himself from all attachment

even to the things most necessary to him,such as rice, his bed ,

etc. When he gave him into the care of one of his disciples tobe instructed in letters, he was also careful to

‘ exhort him tolay aside every sentiment of pride

,to forget that h e belonged

to the royal stock,and that he was the son of a God . In

another place he teaches him not to let his affections beoccupied by this world

,and not to give h imself up to the

pleasures of sense,but to aspire to the Niban alone : moreover,

that,having what is sufficient to satisfy hi s h unger to-day

,he

should not think of to-m orrow ; and that, having one coat, heshould not wish for another. He admonish es him to observethe five sorts of modesty pre per to the five bodily senses

,not

to look upon indecent obj ects,not to li sten to lascivious songs

,

not to give way to murmuring,to absta in from the immoderate

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1 38 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

and Talapoins,Godama speaks of the various m eans of obtain

ing the Niban. Those who pride themselves in their birth ori n their possessions

,or indulge in any such criminal complacen

cies,which are as i t were a wall of separation

,can never reach

to the Nihan . No one ought,therefore

,to be ashamed of his

want of them . He gives also th e following counsels to theTalapoins, by which they may escape the law of transmigration . They must observe modesty in thei r five bodily senses ;they must not run after feasts and such vanities ; they mustabstain from highly seasoned meats ; they must not make useof any of the thirty-two species of vain and idle words ; theymust not take deligh t in thinking of any thing unlawful ;when in sickness or pain they must not be impatient, nor giveway to weeping and lamentation ; when in th e woods theymust not be afraid

,nor run away

,but must remain unmoved

in thei r proper places ; they must extinguish in themselves allevi l i nclinations ; they must not too frequently change theirhabitation ; they must not be scrupulous and irresolute inacting ; they must, above all things, be assiduous in prayer andmeditation ; they must not seek after magnificence and superfl uity ; they must not be given to sleep, but, dividing thenight into six parts

,they must employ four of them in prayer

and meditation and in repeating th e Vini, one in providing fortheir corporal wants

,and one only in sleep ; they must fly

from sloth,lying

,immoderate laughter

,vain j oy, and play ;

they must abhor sorcery,and not give credit to dreams ; when

abused or derided they must not give way to anger, and whenpraised must not be puffed up ; they must not envy others,thei r Bao

,thei r dress , e tc. ; they must not flatter benefactors

to draw alms from them,nor preach sermons in wh ich they

display their desire of them ; they must not admit of anybitterness or acrimony in talking

,nor deride

,nor despise, nor

inj ure others ; they ought, finally,to accommodate themselves

to the opinions of others,not to give occasion for dissension .

A Talapoin ought never to consent to any bad thoughts,such , for example, as regard indecencies, or the inj ury of one

’sneighbour ; and he who does consent to them , and takepleasure in them

,indeed who does not drive th em away from

him, shows that he has no fear of sinning, and is therefore in a

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 139

state of sinful cowardice. But h e who does not consent tosuch thoughts

,but hastens to drive them from his mind

,truly

seeks after sanctity,and has a real desire of the Niban.

The Talapoins immediately on waking should hasten withalacrity to prayer and giving thanks to God

,saying within

themselves,How great a favour has God bestowed upon me

,in

manifesting to me h i s law,through the observance of which I

may escape hell and secure my salvation .

’ Talapoins who dothis increase every day in merit, and extinguish within themall the remains of concupiscence : hence they will soon acquirethose dispositions which are the sure preparation for theNiban.

There are three degrees of suffering,the first is

,when a man

takes pleasure in agreeable things : the second,when h e i s

affl icted with d i sagreeable ones : th e third, when he i s neitherpleased with prosperity nor afli icted by adversity, and the lasti s the state of sanctity. Talapoins, therefore, ought to forcethemselves to look upon all things with this disposition, andthen they wi ll be free from all hurtful desires and will arriveultimately at the Nihan .

Meditation on the consti tution of the body of man is alsomuch recommended in th i s sermon to the Talapoins ; thatthus its weakness and misery and vileness may be ever beforethei r eyes. They should often say to themselves,

‘Th i s bodyof mine i s th e receptacle of a thousand impurities

,

’

e tc . Theyshould think in particular of th e respiration and pe rspiration ; because by such thoughts the mind is freed from manyvain and useless fancies

,and disposed towards holiness. To

say within one’s self

,I have no power over thi s my body : i t

i s not subj ect to my will : I cannot secure i t against alteration ,or decay, or destruction ,

’ th is i s an act of the greatest merit,and conducts to perfection . They are once more recommendedto shun all vanity and curiousness in thei r apparel or in theirfurniture, to be contented with whatever food is offered them,

to observe modesty in thei r looks,particularly when abroad in

the streets,not staring about them or suffering th ei r eyes to

look more than four cubits before"them . They should begrave in their gait and firm as a chariot. They should breakoff from their friends and relations

,considering that death will

one day effectually separate them ; and that good works are

140 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

our only hopes,and our only true friends . In such thoughts

as these should the day be spent,and thus the heart will be

fixed in doing all that is good .

Finally,Godama menaces them with the pains of hell

,if

they do contrary to what he has commanded them . And whenthey have passed through all its torments

,they will be driven

into another mountain there to endure new miseries,to be

torn by crows and vultures, to be covered with clothes of fire,and to carry always in thei r hand Sabe its of l iving fire.

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1 42 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

these constellations, and hence they give to them differentinfluences

,corresponding with the attributes of the person or

thing whose name they bear. Thus the following history istold of the or1g1n of the constellation , called in the Beden,Nave. A giantess who lived to the east of Pegu

,having

conceived the desire of taking a husband,transformed herself

into a rich lady, and thus accomplished her desire. At herdeath

,the body was placed upon a car

,to be conveyed to th e

place of sepulture, but both the car and body disappeared inan instant

,and was placed in heaven among the stars

,in the

figure Nave. Hence all who are born under this constellationare deformed and rude in manners, but rich ; and the malesare in general great merchants .Of another constellation called the head of the stag it i srelated that a king, going out one day to hunt, met a doe bigwith young. It fled away at his approach

,but through fright

brought forth in its flight. The king caused the young one tobe taken care of

,and used to go every day to visit it . This

offended the queen , and she caused the animal to be killed,upon which it was transformed into a constellation . The kingafterwards died with grief for the death of hi s favourite .Wherefore those who are born when thi s constellation prevailsgenerally die of grief. And of this k ind are their storiesconcerning all the constellations .5 0. The Burmese possess a large volume containing a fullaccount of all th ei r superstitious Observances, and of thedifferent omens of good or evil fortune, to be drawn from animmense number of obj ects ; as from the wood with whichtheir houses are built

,from their boats and carriages

,from th e

aspects of the sun, moon, and planets, from the bowling ofdogs

,and the singing of birds

,etc .

,and also from the involun

tary movements of the members of one’s own body. We willhere translate some portions of this book

,as specimens of the

superstitions which paganism conducts to.

5 1 . This book, wh ich is called D e itton,i n the treatise on

the wood used in building, distinguishes various kinds . Suchbeams as are equally large at the top as at the bottom arecalled males : those which are thicker at the bottom thanabove are females : the neuters are those in which the middle

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 1 43

i s thickest and when the greatest thickness i s at the top, theyare called giants ; finally, when a piece of wood on being cut,

and falling to the ground , rebounds from its place, i t i s calledmonkey-wood . Whoever lives in a house made of male wood

,

will be happy in all place s, and at all times and in all circumstances ; but i f the wood of any person s house he neuter,continual misery will be his lot

,and if i t be of the gigantic

species h e wi ll die. By dividing the two pieces of wood whichform the stairs into ten compartments, and observing in whichthe knots occur

,we m ay also learn a man

’s fortune . If a knotbe found in the first compartment, i t i s a sign that the m asterof the house will be honoured by princes ; i f i n the second, thathe will abound in rice and all kinds of provisions ; but if therebe one in the fourth division , then a son, or a nephew, or aslave, or an ox of the mas ter will die ; a knot in the sixthd ivi sion is a sign of riches in oxen and buffalos ; but one in theeighth portends the death of h is wife ; and finally one i n thetenth is an augury of grea t possessions in gold and silver andsuch other valuables .5 2. From the wood used in the construction of the housesthe De itton passes to the holes in which the poles that supportthem are fixed : for if these be square, i t i s a sign of sickness :and divers other prognostics are drawn from the manner inwhich they are dug, and from the different substances that aremet with in making them . Hence various rules are given forchoosing a spot of ground for the foundation of houses .5 3. The next sources of superstition are the boats andcarriages ; for from the knots that are in them good or badsuccess i s assigned to the possessors as also from the differentobj ects they meet with on their progresses

,on different days of

the week .

5 4. All involuntary movements of the eyes,the head or the

forehead are considered as indi cations of the lot of those inwhom they are observed

,as their happiness

,or of the honours

they will receive,or of a litigious d isposition , etc.

5 5 . Th e sun and the planets affcgd numerous signs from

prognostication . When any of them approaches the disk of themoon

,and especially i f any of them passes over it, great evils

are apprehended ; as the destruction of kingdoms, and the ruin

1 44 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

of countries . If the sun rises with a terrible aspect, greatmurders will follow ; but if i t appear with extraordinarybrightness

,th en there will be war. In those four months in

which Venus is not seen, in any month when an eclipse oran

earthquake happens,and in that in which the year commences

,

i t i s unlucky to marry or to build a house or to cut one’s hair,

as death by drowning or some such dreadful catastrophe willbe the consequence.If the planet Mercury approaches the moon

,i t i s a sign that

the embankments of the rice-grounds will be ruined and th ewaters dried up . If Saturn approaches it, there will be warupon th e confines of the kingdom ; and if Mars comes near,all th ings will be sold at high prices . If th i s planet passes tothe left of the Pleiads

,i t i s a sign of a great earthquake ; and

so of many other combinations of the planets,from which

auguries are derived . The appearance of comets is also conside re d as ominous .5 6. In the time of war

,or during a lawsuit there is a curious

way of finding out the success to be expected . Three figuresare made of cooked rice, one representing a lion, another an ox,and a third a elephant. These are exposed to the crows, andthe augury is taken according to which i s eaten . If they fallon th e figure of the lion , i t i s a sign of victory, if they eat thatof the ox, things will be made up by accommodation, but ifthey take the elephant

,then had success is to be looked for.

5 7. When a dog carries any unclean thing to th e top of ahouse

,i t i s supposed that the master will become rich . If a

hen lay her egg upon cotton,its m aster will become poor. If

a person,who is going to conclude a lawsuit

,meet on th e road

anoth er carrying brooms or spades,th e sui t will be long, and

in the end he will be deceived . If the wind should carry awayany of the leaves of the betel

,when

,according to custom

,i t i s

being carried to the house of a newly marri ed woman , i t i s asign that the marriage will be unhappy

,and that a separation

will ensue.If in going to war or to prosecute a lawsuit

,a person meet

w ith a fish,there will be no war

,and the lawsuit will cease ; i f

h e see another catching a goat, the Mandarins will exact manypresents, the client will be deceived, and the lawsuit a long

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146 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

he runs to the soothsayer to learn what will be i ts success . Ifa person falls sick

,or loses a slave or some animal

,not only

will he consult the diviner on the probable end of his malady,

but he asks where he i s to find a physician,or in what dire c

tion he is to go in search of what he has lost. In order toreply to these questions the Brahmin will first draw his horoscope in th e manner of the following scheme

North-east

Age 1 2 Age 21

Moon

Saturn Mercury

South-west

Age 10

The Burm ese, as has been before remarked , admit eightplanets

,from which the days of the week have their names.

But since there are but seven days,Wednesday has two planets,Mercury, which presides from sunrise to mid-day, and Rahu,whose reign is from mid-day till night. To these eight planets

,

d isposed in the order in which they stand in the scheme, diffe rent ages are assigned , the sun being the youngest, as i t i sonly six years old. The ages of men are supposed to have someconnection with the ages of the planets, and on this groundthe calculation of a man’s fortune proceeds ; for some of these

plane tso

have a malignant and others a benign influence. Thefour placed in the cardinal points are good planets

,the others

e vil ones,particularly Ra hu. The passage of the age of men

into that of the planets i s always of bad augury ; and the worst

RELIGION OF THE BURMESE 1 47

passage is that from the age of the moon to the age ofMars .For example

,when a man enters upon the seventh year of his

age , he passes from the age of the sun to that of the moon ;and when he enters the twenty-second

,he is said to pass into

the age ofMars . Now if any one desires to know how he willsucceed in an affair

,as for example if he will meet with dangers

in a j ourney he is going to undertake, the diviner will first askhim the day of his birth , and then his age . He next dividesthe latter by eight

,since there are eight planets

,and then

counts the number that remains upon the horoscope,beginning

with the planet that presided on the day of his birth , and

passing round through the houses of the planets . The housewhere the number finishes will give th e fate of the enterprise,according to the aspect of the planet that is in it. Thus, forexample

,suppose a person born on a Monday

,whose age is

twenty-three divide th is by eight,and there will remain

,after

the division , seven . If now we begin from the house of themoon

,as the person was born on a Monday

,and count th rough

those of Mars,Mercury

,etc. , we shall finish in Venus, and the

good or had success of the undertaking must be determined bythe nature of this planet. If a person were born on a W e dne s

day after mid-day, we must begin to count from the house ofRahu

,and go on through that of Venus

,etc. If after dividing

the age by eight there be no remainder, th en the augury mustbe taken from the planet of the birth ; so that for a personborn on a Monday, and in his twenty-fourth year, the moon isthe fatal planet for eight divides twenty-four exactly, withoutleaving a remainder.60 . The Burmese diviners, in the same manner as gypsiesamong us, read a person

’s fortune in the palm of his hand andthe lines i t exhibits . Thus if the palm be red

,i t is a sign of a

large circle of friends but i f it be black it i s a sign of m isfortune. Black lines in the hand denote prudence

,and i f they

reach th e upper part of the palm, they promise happiness . Agreat number of lines i s a sign of very great happiness

,and of

the possession of m any friends and a nw e rous off spring. W henthere is but a single line in th e thumb or li ttle finger

,th e per

son so marked will live 1 1 0 years ; if there are two lines his lifewill be of eighty or ninety years ; i f three, of seventy ; and if

148 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

four,of sixty. Long fingers show that a person has m any

daughters,short ones that he is lascivious. If the little lines

on the top of the forefinger are disposed in ci rcles,happiness

i s predicted ; but if they merely describe the arc of a circle,

misery and great afflictions must be looked for. In all ‘theseauguries

,the right hand of a man , and the left of a woman is

to be consulted.

61 . Talismans are also much in use among the Burmese ; andthey are of several kinds . Some they wear round the neck

,

others round the wrist ; and they th ink to be preserved by themfrom sickness and all kinds of witchcraft. There i s one speciesmuch esteemed among the soldiers, consisting of a piece of

lead or other metal,which is buried in the flesh . They imagine

by these means to make themselves invulnerable. The figuresof tigers, dogs, and other animals, which they paint upon theirlegs and th ighs

,may also be considered as so many talismans

,

for they believe that through them they will be safe,not only

from these animals,but also from every kind of assault what

soever.1

One of thei r most potent talismans is a handle of ivory orbuffalo’s horn

,upon wh ich are carved several representations

of a certain monstrous ape. The history of th i s creature ' i s asfollows —A Nat of the name of Mannat, being dead, passedinto the womb of a female ape, who shortly after brought forthth i s famous monster. Its name is Hanuman , th e compound ofthe word Hanu

,signifying an ape, and its former appellation .

2

The stature of this monster was enormous, being four leaguesand a half ; i t was possessed of the greatest agility, for at onebound it could leap up to heaven, or pass a sea of the breadth

1 Mr. Eale s, the com pile r of the Burm a Census Re port of 189 1 , at p . 2 70 ,vol. i. , state s that credulity and quacke ry are still comm on. In 1 881 a Shandoctor was convicte d b e fore m e as Judicial Com m issione r at Rangoon of culp

able hom icide on the following facts : A Burm an, de sirous of prote ction againstsudden de ath, allowe d a picture of the paddy-b ird of Peguto be tattooe d on his

thigh by the Shan, and then, afte r his fe e t and hands had be en tie d toge the r, tobe pushe d from a boat into the Irawadi rive r, when the current carrie d him awayhe lple ss, and he was drowned. The Shan had told him that the charm wouldsave him from sink ing ; and se ve ral re spe ctable w itne sse s for the de fence sworethat the y had se en sim ilar e xpe rim ents re sult in the bound m an floating unhurt.2 Hanum an is the m onke y-god of the Hindus, and this history is an alte re d

ve rsion of an e pisode in the Ramayana.

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1 5 0 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

bier,supported at each end by a boat, and a vessel full of

ordure is emptied upon her. The boats are then slowly drawnfrom each other, till th e woman falls into the water. If shesinks, she is dragged out by a rope of green herbs tied roundher middle

,and i s declared innocent ; but i f she swims, she i s

convicted as a witch,and generally sent to some place where

the air i s unwholesome. 1

1 This orde al by wate r is com m on to Hindu law and practice , and found

among the nations of Europe . The last judicial conviction of a wom an for

witchcraft in England was in 171 2 , and in Scotland som e years late r : the lastjudicial e xe cution in Europe was in Sw itze rland in 1 782 . But the practice of

duck ing w itche s survive d far into this century. Se e the Ency clopcedia Br itan

m’

ea, Article s Ordeal, W z'

te/zeraf t, and the long d iscussion in Le cky’

s Rise ofRatz

'

onalz'

sm in Europe , ch. 1. According to Shway Yoe this supe rstition is stillcomm on in Burm a. Mr. Taw Se in-Ko has supplie d m e w ith the follow ing note

on the book which Sange rm ano calls D e itton z—‘ De itton in Pall would be

D itthum , which is not given by Childe rs in his D ictionary. I am inclined to

de rive this word from a’

z’

sfita, appointe d or se ttled, and um =AUM, th e m ysticsym bol which pre ce de s e ve ry incantation: I have not m e t any D e itton e ithe r inPall or Sansk rit, but have se en se ve ral in Burm e se . I think this tre atise de alswith a subj e ct sim ilar to the ge om ancy of the Chine se , and was originally usedin de ciding on the position of the k ing’s palace and othe r public buildings.

’

MORAL AND PHYS ICAL CONSTITUTION

OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

CHAPTER XVIII

CHARACTER OF THE BURMESE

1 . THE Burmese are,in general, of a moderate stature, their

limbs are well proportioned,and th eir physiognomy open and

not unpleasing. There are far fewer lame or deformed personsamongst them than amongst us, which must be ascribedprimarily to th e absence of the manner of swathing childrenwhich we practi se

,but which i s totally unknown to the

Burmese . The infant is left to the care of nature till i tarri ves at the age of eleven or twelve

,before which time i t i s

not encumbered with clothes,but is left to be formed to

strength and endurance by the action of the elements upon itsnaked body. And , in fact, by these means all their limbsbecome fully developed

,and they acquire great strength ,

activi ty, and insensibility to hardships. They are not onlyable to endure the greatest heat

,but are j ust as indifferent to

rain and as in Pegd, more than any other part of India, th erains are remarkable for their violence and frequency, continuing from the beginning of May to the end of October, thei rpatience in th i s respect i s often put to the test. It i s by nomeans rare to see men

,especially those who travel on the river,

sleeping in the open ai r while the rain i s descending in torrents .The complexion of the people i s an olive-brown

,but i t varies

in shade according to the mixture of nations and the ex

posure to the sun . Hence the wgm en are generally fairer

than the men , and the children springing from the marriage ofa Burmese with

’

a Siamese woman are of a lighter colour, while

1 5 2 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

on the contrary,where the man is a Siamese and the woman a

Burmese, they are darker than the rest of the people.2 . From the nature of thei r Government

,which

,as has been

said , i s above all measure despotic and tyrannical, i t will easilybe imagined that the Burmese are distinguished for that servilityand timidity which is always the

,characteri stic of slaves.

Indeed every Burmese considers himself such,not merely be

fore the Emperor and the Mandarins,but also before any one

who i s his superior,either in age or possessions. Hence he

never speaks of h imself to them in the first person,but always

makes use of the word Chiundo,that is

,your slave. While

asking for a favour from the emperor,the Mandarins

,or any

respectable person, he will go through so many humiliationsand adorations

,that one would imagine he was i n the presence

of a God . Even if h e is desirous of obtaining something fromone who is h is equal

,he will how

,and go on his knees

,and

adore h im,and raise up his hands

,etc.

3 . It is a proverb in Ameri ca that the slave must begoverned by the bastinado

,and this i s certainly the case with

the Burmese. Neither the love of fame, nor honour, nor

conscience i s the spring of their actions,noth ing but power

can prevail on them to do anything. The fear of punishmentalone renders them obedient to the laws and to the imperialedicts

,and gives them valour in war.

4 . But i f they are abj ect and dastardly towards the Emperorand the Mandarins

,they are in the same degree proud and

overbearing to those whom they think beneath them either inrank or fortune . There is no contempt, oppression or inj usticethey will not exerci se towards thei r fellow-men

,when they can

assure themselves of the protection of the Government. Th eyare thus vile and abj ect in adversity, hut arrogant and presumptuous in prosperity. There i s no one amongst them

,

however poor and mean,who does not aim at the dignity of

Mandarin . For it i s a frequent occurrence here for a man tobe raised in a moment

,by the caprice of the monarch

,from

the lowest state of poverty and degradation to the rank ofminister or general

,and it i s amusing to observe the instan

tane ous change such an event makes in a man’s demeanour.He may have be en modest

,affable, and courteous before, but

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1 5 4 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the vices of thei r countrymen . There are instances on recordof shipwrecks on their coas t

,when the sufferers have been

received in the villages,and treated with a generous hospitality

which they would probably not have experienced in manyChristian countri es.8 . It must also be acknowledged that the observance offestivals among the Burmese and their liberality do themhonour. In a month called lunar

,the days of the new and

full moon and of the two other quarters are feasts . On thesedays every one ceases from all labour

,and with the greatest

recollection and modesty,goes to the Pagoda, to adore

Godama and to offer him thei r presents of cooked rice andfruit. Even if the weather he tempestuous or rainy, and thePagoda distant a league from their habitation

,th ey will not

fai l in this act of religion . When they have finished theirofferings and adorations

,many return to thei r homes, but

others remain in the v icinity of the Pagodas,and in the public

halls and porticos, of which there are always several in these

places, spend thei r time in reading religious books, or indiscoursing of God and his law. They content themselveswith one meal before mid-day

,and even pass the night i n

these places at a distance from their wives .9 . Though beggars are rare in this country, on account ofthe cheapness of provisions

,th e Burmese do not want oppor

tunitie s of exercising th ei r liberality. For besides giving a dailyalms to their Talapoins

,they all lay by something to be

applied to some work of public benefit,such as a convent of

Talapoins,a Pagoda

,a hall

,a porti co

,a pond

,a bridge or a

well. They are very fond of thus signalising their generosi ty,and will often deprive themselves of comforts, to have thepleasure of being benefactors to the public. It i s indeed truethat human views of vanity, or ambition, often enter intothese actions

, but still religious motives always more or lessexist. For the Burmese believe that every good work theyperform will be rewarded in thei r future transmigrations, bybeauty, or riches or learning, or perhaps by thei r becomingNat. But whatever m ay be the motives for the works, thepublic generally profits by them . And its sense of the benefi ti s expressed bv the honours paid to the benefactors . They

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 1 5 5

are saluted by the titles ofPrataga, Chiauntaga,Zarataga, etc.,that is

,benefactors to the Pagodas

,convents

,or halls, and

these titles are as honourable wi th them as those of Duke orMarquess among us. Their vanity i s also flattered by th efestivals that are celebrated on the days when a conventis given to the Talapoins

,and

,as it were

,ded icated , or a

Pagoda or bridge thrown open to the public. The Saducco,or convocation of the people to congratulate the person on thecompletion of his undertaking

,i s a principal part of the

festivities on these occasions . A splendid banquet is given tothose assembled

,which is succeeded by music

,singing

,and

dancing. Boxing-matches,i n which the Burmese are very

expert,are also made

,and prizes given to the victors, consist

ing of handkerch i efs,pi eces of cloth , and money, and sometimes

a species of com edy is exh ibited with puppets .1 0 . Were i t not for this liberali ty of the Burmese people,all persons

,but especially travellers

,would suffer great incon

v enie nce s. For the Government takes no care of th e roads orthe bridges ; and as there are no inns or places of publicentertainment

,the traveller would often have to pass the night

in the open air,were it not for the halls and porticos that

every here and there are met with . He would, moreover,probably die of thirst

,but for the wells and ponds

,where he

may stay to refresh himself, and cook his rice ; for the traveller,as well as the soldier

,as we have said above

,i s obliged to

carry with him his provision of rice and napi . If the peoplecannot afford to construct a well

,at least they will place two

vessels of water,and a cocoa-nut shell with a handle for a cup

,

that passengers m ay quench their thirst.Nor are the Baos less beneficial to the public than theworks j ust mentioned . They are the schools

,and indeed the

only ones in the empire, as the task of education is entirely

committed to the Talapoins . Hence in these convents all th eyouth of the kingdom are placed

,as soon as they have attained

their sixth or seventh year,and they generally wear the habit

for two or three years .1 1 . There is yet another poin t

3”in the chai acte r of the

Burmese that merits praise ; and this 1s their respect for age.In e ve rv society the old men are treated with the greatest con

1 5 6 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

sideration,the first seats are surrendered to them ; and rever

ence and veneration are always observed in speaking to them .

1 2 . It may also be put down among the good qualities ofthis people

,that they consider all men as equal in condition .

Excepting the Mandarins and Talapoins, who, by reason of

their ofli ce s and sacred character,are regarded with an e xce s

sive reverence,all men are treated as equal . Even the Man

darins,when deposed , and the Talapoins, when they throw off

the habit,are regarded with no peculiar marks of distinction .

The Pariahs of the caste looked upon as the vilest in India,or

from the coast of Coromandel , or the Caffres, and negroes ofGuinea

,who are regarded and treated by Europeans as little

b e tter than be asts, may come into their confines,and the

Burmese will receive them with the same respect as the nativesof the most favoured country, and will have no scruple of

transacting business, or even of eating with them .

The slaves are,for the same reason

,treated as children

,and

as forming part of the family of thei r masters ; indeed it i snot a rare thing for them to become the sons-in-law of theirmaster. But i t must be remembered that slavery is not forlife in these parts . If a man can save sufficient to pay thedebt for which he was enslaved

,he becomes free. It often

happens that a man will sell h is children or hi s wife or evenh imself

,to pay the taxes and imposts ; though these transac

tions should be looked upon rather as pledges than sales, asthe slavery thus entered into i s never perpetual . Hence nonebut the slaves of th e Pagodas, and those who are employed toburn and bury the dead are considered as i n famous, and withthese alone no one will contract marriage .1

1 The charitable and re ligious practice s de scribe d in this chapte r are stillcomm on, and e xc ite the adm iration of strange rs. Monaste rie s, pagodas, re st

house s, bridge s and we lls are built from re ligious m otive s and to comm em orate

the founde r or a fathe r or husband. As in olde n tim e in Europe , whe n m em orialchurche s, crosse s, chantrie s and we lls we re com m on obj e cts, the practice hasgiven much de ve lopm ent to art.

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1 58 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

This i s a creeping plant,the leaves of which are strongly

scented,and which i s used for mastication here, and in all

parts of India . It is prepared for this purpose by rolling upi n it a piece of slacked lime, of a red colour, with a littletobacco

,catechu

,and areca

,which i s a fruit of the size

and shape of a nutmeg. It is said that by these means thephlegm is expelled

,to which the Indians are so much subj ect.

16. The passion for ornaments of gold and silver i s universalamong the Burmese, so that if there were no laws to restrainthem

,they would spend their whole substance in dress , but

to prevent this,i t i s ordained that no one shall wear cloth

brocaded with gold or silver flowers, except the queens and thewives of the Mandarins . But every person wears on the fingerat least one ring set with a diamond, ruby, or some oth erprecious stone ; and the girls before their marriage and theboys till the age of sixteen or seventeen wear golden necklaces of various shapes, bracelets of the same metal on theirarms and anklets of silver about the legs ; all but the royalfamily are prohibited to have the last of gold

,under pain of

death .

17. All th e Burmese, without exception, have the custom ofboring their ears . The day when the operation is performedi s kept as a festival ; for this custom holds, in their estimation ,something of th e rank that baptism has in ours ; and is, infact

,th e distinctive mark of the nation . The hole i s at first

very small ; but it i s gradually enlarged by introducing into ita th in plate of gold, about an inch broad and four or five long .

Th i s is rolled up ; and, as its own elastici ty always tends tounroll it

,the hole is thus continually made larger.

18 . The men of this nation have a singular custom of tattooing their th ighs, which is done by wounding the skin, and thenfi lling the wound with the j uice of a certain plant which hasthe property of producing a black stain . Some, besides boththeir th ighs

,will also stain th eir legs of the same colour

,and

others paint them all over with representations of tigers,cats

,

and other animals . The origin of this custom,as well as of

the immodest dress of the women, i s said to have been the policyof a certain queen who, observing that the men were deserting their wives, and giving themselves up to abominable vices,

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 1 5 9

persuaded her husband to establish these customs by a royalo rder ; that thus by disfiguring the men and setting off thebeauty of the women , the latter might regain the affections oftheir husbands .1 9 . We must now pass on to speak of the food, beds, andhouses of the Burmese ; and in this part of thei r economy theyare as sordid and parsimonious as they are splendid and extravagant in their dress . They have always in their mouths thattheir dress i s seen by everybody ; but no one comes into thei rhouses to observe what they eat and how they are lodged .

Hence the food,beds

,and houses of these people are simple

and even rude in the highest degree. In every part of theempire

,excepting Rangoon

,where

,on account of the concourse

of strangers,i t i s at all times allowed to sell venison

,pork

,

fowls and fish,th e food is of th e worst quality and to an

European is absolutely disgusting. It consists of rice simplyboiled in water without salt

,one or two kinds of stews or

curries,one acid and the other sweet

,but both composed of

herbs and of leaves of trees, seasoned with the napi or halfputrid fish

,of which we have spoken above . Every herb and

the leaves of every tree,provided they are not positively

venomous,are used in these dishes ; and the very richest kind

i s that which contains the flesh of some animal that has died .

Notwithstanding the law of Godama that forbids the killingof any living thing

,yet fishermen are encouraged

,for the sake

of the napi, th e only seasoning ever used in the Burmesed ishes . Hence the people who live along the river are in abetter condition than others

,as th ey have plenty of fish for

their curry. The hunting of stags and hares i s also tolerated ;but a strict Burmese will by no means engage in it, or indeedkill even a w ild animal . The Burmese make two meals in theday

,one about 9 o’clock in th e morning, the other at sunset.

A quantity of rice boiled hard, so that the grains do not sticktogether

,i s put on a wooden plate

,supported by a leg of the

same material,and round this

,two or three people seat them

selves upon the bare ground or onwsim ple mats, and th eyemploy their fingers in eating. Besides th e acid and sweetcurry

,they have commonly another sauce made of pounded

napi and red pepper.

160 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

20. On occasion of festivals, or the death of any member ofthe family

,when they are accustomed to invite everybody to

thei r houses,three or four curries are presented to the guest

,

with fried fish and meat,and sometimes cakes made of rice

flour and j agra,a species of sugar made from the palm .

21 . The usual beverage of th e Burmese i s pure water. Formerly

,indeed up to the commencement of the present Em

pe ror’

s reign, they were allowed the use of wine, or rather tomake themselves intoxicated for i t is considered no more sini n these countries to drink to the greatest excess than to takea single draugh t of wine . But when we say wine

,we must not

be understood to speak of the j uice of the grape,which does

not grow in th ese parts,but of a liquor prepared from rice

,or

from the sugar of the palm,dissolved in water and distilled

after a fermentation of two or three days . This i s also themethod pursued by the Carian in making their wine for theyare allowed to use i t

,as thei r law does not command them to

abstain from it. The same privilege is enj oyed by the Christians

,provided they are not natives ; as they are, in this

case,subj ect to all the restrictions of the kingdom in this

respect.22 . The bed consists of a simple mat spread on the groundand a small pillow. But the latter is a luxury not indulgedin by travellers

,who instead of it generally put a piece of wood

under thei r h ead . The rich have sometimes a low woodenbedstead on wh ich they place a mattress two or three inchesthick . White sheets are not known here, but one or twocotton cloths are used for coverlets : travellers have not eventhese

,but make use of the clothes which they have worn in

the day as thei r covering at night .23. The houses have but one story ; and their size variesaccording to the number of persons constituting the famili esby whom they are built. They are generally of cane orbamboo

,woven like basket-work and covered with straw,

and are supported on poles. The Mandarins and some richmen have their houses of teak-wood

,supported by pillars of

th e same material . The interior i s separated into differentapartments by partitions of bamboo

,and all the houses

,

excepting those of the Mandarins,are of the same form . The

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1 62 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

flattery,in which they strive with each other who shall be

most extravagant .Teak-wood i s used in the building of the palace, as in othergreat houses ; but it is much stronger, and indeed m ay bec onsidered as the only fortress in the empire. All the cannonsand other fire -arms are here deposited, as well as the amm uni

tion and stores ; and hence, when th e palace is taken by ane nemy

,the whole kingdom is supposed to be conquered .

26. Th e etiquette to be observed in th e shape and size ofthe houses is very precise with the Burmese ; as nothing lessthan death can expiate the crime

,either of choosing a shape

that does not belong to the dignity of the master,or of paint

ing the house white—which colour is permitted to the membersof the royal family alone.1 There is never more than one storyin the houses

,as we have before remarked

,for i t i s esteemed

an indignity to live under other people,especially under women .

27. The outward appearance of the houses, whether of caneor wood

,is pleasing ; but inside they present a scene of con

fusion and dirtiness that is highly disgusting to a Europeaneye. And this i s the case

,not merely in the dwellings of

private individuals,but likewise in the palaces of the Man

darins,and even in the Baos of the Talapoins, which are

esteemed the richest and most magnificent edifices i n thecountry . The foreign merchants at Rangoon are permittedto build after any fash ion they please, and may even use bricks,as in Bengal and on th e coast of Coromandel

,which is unlawful

for a Burmese. But they generally prefer the houses of teakwood ; not from any want of b ricks or lime, but because thewooden houses are more adapted to the dampness of theclimate . Such few brick buildings as do exist are used moreas magazines than as dwelling-houses .28 . In thei r hours of idleness the Burmese engage in severalgames of hazard . One of the most esteemed is called cognento .

It is played with a species of wild fruit, which is se t up in the

1 His Maj e sty has prohib ited the use of brick or stone in private buildings,from the apprehension, I was inform e d

,that if pe ople got le ave to build brick

house s the y m ight e re ct brick fortifications. ’ ‘Strict obse rvance is paid to the formwhich is indicative of the rank of the occupant ; nor dare any subj e ct assum e a

m ode of structure towhich he is not legally entitle d.

’—Sym e s, pp . 185 , 243.

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 1 63

earth, and which is to be knocked down by throwing at i t.This game is very much like one played with walnuts by th echildren among us ; but in the Burmese empire not merelychildren but even the old men will consume whole days in thi sd ivertisement . They have besides a speci es of game of goose,and cards of ivory

,which have been introduced from Siam .

Among thei r more athletic games may be m entioned one inwhich they make use of a ball made of strips of bamboo

,which

i s struck, not with the hands , but with th e feet. In th i s gamethe young men will sometimes spend several hours together .But there i s nothing of which they are more passionately fondthan fighting-cocks . Every young man must have one of theseanimals : he arms its heels with little kni ves ; and its victoriesare for him a subj ect of the greatest exultation .

29 . The musical instruments of the Burmese are of severalkinds . The one most used i s the drum

,which is general ly

made of a piece of bamboo or very th ick cane,covered with

skin . Another instrument i s in th e shape of a wh eel,with a

number of bits of brass or copper hung loosely on the insidethere i s besides a species of oboe

,and these are the instruments

generally used at festivals and public functions . But thereare others which are only played upon in private houses ; suchas one called th e crocodile

,from its resemblance to that animal,

being a kind of lute . There is also another,called in the

Burmese language Pattala. It has the shape of a little boat,and is made of pieces of hard bamboo fastened together theseare struck with two little sticks

,and the sound produced

,

echoing in the hollow of the instrument,i s not unpleasing.

This instrument is known to the negroes of Guinea,and in th e

European colonies of America.

30. It i s difficult to describe the Burmese dance. The performers ih it, both men and women, moving slowly round theplace of the entertainment, exhibit continual contortions withtheir bodies

,their heads

,th eir hands

,and thei r fingers . The

first time I saw these dancers I took them for a troop of madpeople. On occasions of the festivals we

f ibave described

,when

speaking of the funerals of the Talapoins,when the great

rockets are let off,i f these fireworks ascend straight up into

the air,without bursting or running obliquely, the makers of

1 64 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

them burst out into the wildest shouts and songs,and dance

about with the most extravagant contortions,l ike real madmen .

These rockets,for several days before the festival

,are carried

in procession about the town,preceded by musical instruments

,

and by a crowd of those who are at the expense of the entertainm ent, dancing, and singing the praises of the rockets, andof the powder that is to make them fly up to heaven .

31 . The laws of Godama forbid polygamy : but still, whenthey have the means of maintaining them

,the Burmese

,besides

their lawful wife,have two or three concubines

,who

,however

,

are kept separate in different houses,to avoid dissensions. The

same laws also command a man to l ive with h is wife ti ll th edeath of one or the other ; and the public opinion agrees withthem in esteeming a man as degraded who is separated fromhis wife. Nevertheless nothing is here more common thandivorces

,caused principally

,perhaps

,by the speedy loss of

beauty by the women .

1 While young they are winning andgay : but after their fi rst child-bearing, they become so changedand deformed that they can scarcely be recognised for th esame. The quality of thei r food, which is far from givingmuch nourishment

,may be one cause of this, but it must

principally be referred to the strange treatment of women inchild-hearing which i s here practised . No sooner is the infantcome to light than an immense fire is lighted in the apartment,so large that a person can hardly approach it without e xpe ri

encing considerable hurt. Yet the woman is stretched out

1 Bishop Bigande t confirm s the se rem arks, se e p . 1 73 of his vol. 1. Som e

part of the written law about m arriage and d ivorce is given by our authorin ch . xxiv. For a full discussion se e m y Note s on Buddhist Law , which con

tain m uch le arne d comm entary by Dr. Forchham m e r. The pre sent-law m ay

be shortly stated as follows. A Burm e se Buddhist m arriage m ay be dissolved,without re course to a Court, when both husband and wife consent. Othe rwisethe m arriage can only b e d issolve d for de finite re asons, sim ilar to those adm itte dby the Hindu law as justi fying se paration, e .g . adulte ry and ce rtain dise ase s.

Polygam y is now rare,and the num be rs of m arrie d m ale s and fem ale s alm ost

e xactly balance e ach othe r, b e ing husbands to w ive s.

Census Re port 1 89 1 , p . 1 1 5. Marriage is, of course , m ore com mon in Burm a

than in England. The tie is so e asily undone by d ivorce , and a w ife is so often

a m e ans of support inste ad of be ing a burde n to a husband, that few Burm ans

re ach the age of 2 3 without be ing m arried.

’—l aid. p. 1 13. N icolo de Conti,the olde st known Europe an trave lle r to Ava (circa says that the m en of

this country are satisfi ed with one wife .

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166 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

wood as to break the roof and the utensils in the rooms,and

sometimes to do considerable inj u ry to the inmates. Th i ssport continues till morning

,and there is no way of escaping

from it but by observing the greatest secrecy in celebratingthe marriage. It i s difficult to conceive any reason for thisextraordinary practice .1

33 . It now only remains for me to speak of the customs ofthis people with regard to the sick and the dead .

2 The sim

plicity and lightness of their food on the one hand , and the exce ssive perspiration to which they are subj ect on th e other,while they render the Burmese enervated and feeble, and devoidof all colour in their countenances, preserve them from manymaladies produced in Europe by the quality of the food

,by

fulness of habit and by the coldness of the climate. On thisaccount inflam m ations of the lungs, the quinsy, rheumatism ,

th e gout,consumption

,and those complaints that are caused by

a full habit of body,as apoplexy

,are unknown here ; though

there is something like rheumatism arising from the damps .Even th e complaints that they have in ‘

common with us,such

as putrid fevers,e tc.,

do not appear in so terrible a form,

and are not accompanied by symptoms of exhaustion, con

vulsion and deliri um ,nor are they so obstinate as in Europe.

But then the Burmese are affl icted with all the maladies causedby W eakness and relaxation of the organs ; and it may beafli rm e d with safety that the greater part of the deaths arethe consequence of disorders in the digestive organs

,such as

dysentery, tenesmus, and diarrhoea. The most fatal disease ofthis class i s one called datpie ch, which means a loss of digestion . It is generally the effect of a dysentery or diarrhoeawhich has been neglected or imperfectly cured

,and consists

1 This m atte r is d iscusse d by Shway Yoe in his Chapte r on Marriage , whichis re fe rre d to by the Ce nsus office r as an authority on m arriage custom s.

2 For som e re cent rem arks on Burm e se m e dicine , se e the Br itislz Burm a Gazet.

te e r, vol. i . p . 39 8. The student of folklore will find much inte re sting inform ationin Shway Yoe ’

sChapte ronW 1zards,Doctors, and W ise Me n. Me dicine is m ixed

up with m agic. D r. Forchham m e r points out the Indian origin of the science .

Ne arly all te chnical te rm s in the Burm e se idiom , re fe rring to astronom y,astrology, palm istry, m e dicinal substance s, and the rape utics, are words of

Sanskrit, andl

not of Pall origin. Not a single or igi nal Burm e se work tre atingof the above subj e cts has as ye t b e en found —f ara’ine Prize Essay , p. 2 1 .

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 1 67

in a complete loss of th e digestive powers,so that the food i s

voided i n the same state as i t was taken into the mouth .

The sufferers under this complaint are soon reduced to ske letons of mere skin and bone. Europeans, even m ore than thenatives

,are subj ect to the complaints j ust mentioned

,which

must be attributed to their excess in eating,and to their use

of the spirits made in India as the arrack of Batavia and therum of Bengal .34. There is another complaint

,found in this country only,

to which all people are subj ect at a certain age . It i s calledteh

,a word signifying to mount, and take s its name from its

commencing in th e feet and ascending upwards through allthe members of the body . It presents the appearance of astupor or numbness, by which the patient i s at last deprivedof all feeling

,and even of speech . The Burmese attribute it

to the wind,but i ts true cause seems to be the congealing

and torpor of the humours, particularly of the nervous fluid

,

from the want of exerci se,as also from the intemperate use

of viscous and acid meats. Hence young people and labourers,as well as those who in spite of the law make use of strongliquors

,are free from th i s disease ; but those, on th e con

trary, who lead a sedentary life, as the Talapoins, are verysubj ect to it. Its only cure seems to be a violent friction ofall parts of the body with the hands to excite pain ; and inthis two or three persons are employed . Sometimes, wh ere thehands produce no effect they have recourse to their feet, andtread upon the sufferer

,with more or less violence as the cir

cum stance s require,till animation is restored . The Portu

gue se in India have given the name of kneading to thi sremedy

,from its resemblance to the kneading of dough for

bread ; but still experience shows that it i s efficacious, alwaysproviding that too many persons are not set to work, andthat it i s not too violent ; for in thi s case i t may itself bethe cause of death . I have myself seen instances of personssurprised by a sudden attack of the teh , which has been followed by death ; but I have alwaysgloubte d whether it wasnot the effect of suffocation

,considering that eight or ten

vigorous men were employed in kneading with all thei r forcethe body, neck, breast, etc ., of the patients .

168 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

35 . Another m alady of a more m alignant nature,and not

confined to the Burmese empire,but spread over all India

,i s

that called by the Portuguese, m ordazzino, consisting in aviolent indigestion

,which causes what the physicians call

cholera. The continual evacuations both by vomit and stoolwill reduce a man in a few hours to such a state of exhaustionthat h e is

'

scarce ly to be recognised for the same person . To

these evacuations succeed a cold sweat,hiccups

,faintings

,and

d eath i f proper remedies are not immediately administered ;but of these the poor Burmese

,owing to the gross ignor

ance of thei r physicians,have none ; for, instead of making use

of emollients,they give astringent medicines

,wh i ch only hasten

death . The Christians in India have a remedy for thi s complaint wh ich has often been found efficacious . They beat thebare arm with two fingers without intermission till the partbecomes inflamed and painful . This may be called a revulsiveremedy. Sometimes the indigestion has an effect totally different from the one j ust described, which is to make the stomachincapable of expelling the indigested matter, and in these casesthe convulsions of the patient are indescribable . This speciesof the cholera

,to which the name of the dry m ordazzino i s

given , i s perhaps more dangerous than the other.Before the conquest of Arakan the small-pox m ade greatravages among the poorer sort of the Burmese

,not so much

perhaps by reason of its own malignity,as from the prej udices

that hindered the proper remedies being applied for its cure.For, among other things there was the custom of shutting upall who were attacked by it in places remote from all assi stance, sometimes even in the uninhabited parts of the empire, toavoi d contagion . But the Arakanese slaves taken in the wars,having seen inoculation practised with success in their own

country, have introduced it among their conquerors, and thusdone them an essential service.36. But, generally speaking, i n their treatment of maladiesthe Burmese are far from pursuing that sound and reasonablesystem of medicine which is founded on the anatomy of theh uman body and the principles of mechanics. It i s true thatGodama

,whom 11 0 subj ect seems to have escaped, has se t down

in hi s sermons,the number of bones

,veins, and nerves

'

con

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1 70 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

water,and on departing leaves three or four other doses to be

taken in the course of the day or the following night. Theyare very liberal with these medicines

,as they know that the

confidence of the sick man in their skill will depend entirely ontheir quantity. Sometimes

,as when the complaint i s violent,

they will remain seve ral hours by the side of the patient,administering their remedies in the paroxysms of the disorder.No sooner has be swallowed them

,and even almost before they

can have reached the stomach,they ask if they have done any

good ; and if the answer be in the affirmative, they will repeatthe dose every hour ; but if the answer be, No, they try someother pill, or powder ; till at length the stomach becomes sooverloaded with drugs

,and these generally of the hottest

quality,that they alone often produce a fatal termination of

the disorder. And this happens more frequently perhaps tothe rich than the poor ; for the former, immediately they falli ll

,send for physicians in every direction

,each of whom must

administer his remedy. I have frequently made the observation

,that of two persons

,one rich

,the other poor, and both

attacked by the same complaint, the poor man has recovered ,although his symptoms were much more threatening, while theother has died .

37. The Burmese physicians never think of observing th estools of the patient : they take no notice of the tongue, andthough they feel the pulse , it is done in so ridiculous a manner,as to preclude all possibility of deriving any knowledge of thedisorder from it. They will observe the pulsations in

‘

two

different parts of the body,as in the arm and the foot

,to find

if they are equal,for they think that when the blood is affected

i t does not pulsate equally in all th e arteries but the force ofthe pulse or its regularity is totally unattended to. But, asthe pulsations, so long as they are sensible

,are equal all over

the body, according to them the blood is never disordered ; andhence they persevere in giving their medicines to th e lastmoment

,and oftentimes they will force open the mouth of the

dying man wi th a stick,to make h im swallow them . Even

when the pulse has totally ceased in the extremities, anda man i s j ust on the point of expiring, they will continueto assert the efficacy of their medicines

,and as long as any

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 171

movement of the blood can be perceived, promise to effect acure .38. With regard to diet, they confine themselves to the pro

hibition of certain meats ; but are so far from diminish ing thequantity of food

,in fevers

,and other acute disorders, that they

rather increase it, and order th e patients to eat more thanbefore

,on the strength of the proverb, that a man cannot die

as long as he eats. Besides this prej udice they have two othersequally absurd

,that purges should not be used in fevers

,and

that hot medicines are proper in these cases ; and hence it willre adily l

be imagined how these maladies generally end . Infact

,I have frequently seen trifling fevers

,by these means,

growing into violent ones, and finishing in the death of thepatient.The unwillingness that they manifest for using cathartics incases of fever proceeds

,perhaps

,from the want of good opening

medicines . The only drug they have for this purpose, i s theseed of the ricinus

,which is a most powerful purge ; and this

often produces such serious inconveniences in fever patients,that it i s not surprising that they should be afraid of using it.And indeed the effects of this drug must be dangerous for sickpeople

,seeing that robust and healthy men are sometimes so

reduced by its action as to lose their sight and hearing . Ourmissionaries have indeed discovered a root possessing prettynear the same qualities as j alap

,and another having those of

ipecacuanha but the Burmese are too prej udiced to adopt newmedicines

,especially when introduced by foreigners .

39 . The treatment of women in childbirth which we havedescribed

,by which they are exposed to the action of a fire

large enough to roast them,as also the hot medicines which

they give them to facilitate the voiding of the secundines andlochia

,as will naturally be supposed

,seriously affects th eir

health . And indeed there are few who afterwards do not alwayssuffer from haemorrhage, i nflammation of the uterus, diarrhoea,and fever ; and thus but few reach an ad vanced age. Hencei t may be considered an advantage here that the women aretwice or thrice as numerous as the map.

40. When the physicians find,after several days spent in

attempting a cure, that the disorder will not yield to their

172 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

remedies,they have recourse to another expedient to save thei r

reputation . They gravely declare that a complaint which i snot cured by so many and such excellent medicines must havebeen caused by the evi l Nat

,or by the incantations of the

witches . And the people are too ignorant not to admit thesubterfuge ; for they firmly believe that great disorders may bethus caused in the human body. There i s one in particularwhich they ascribe to witches

,to which they have given the

name of app en. It i s described as a mass of flesh,bones, and

sinews,which i s produced by magic

,and introduced into the

body. They imagine also that the Nat who preside over trees,m ountains and fields

,and particularly a certain one of th e

woods,whom, to distinguish him from others, they call Natzo,

or evi l Nat,are the authors of many di seases . Hence it i s easy

for a physician to persuade a sick man,already imbued with

this notion,that his malady arises from the malice of Nat or

witches,especially as he pretends to discover this by feeling the

pulse. In these cases he will prescribe some superstitiousobservance

,and administer what he calls the medicine of the

witches ; or if i t he the Natzothat has caused the evil, he willset before h im rice and cooked meats

,roasted fowls

,fruit, e tc .

,

which,as he says

,are of their own nature good ; or else he will

make the devi l or Natzo dance. For this purpose a middleaged woman

,to whom they give the name of wife of the Natzo,

must dance,and go through a number of contortions

,to the

sound of a drum or some other musical instrument,in a tent

erected for the occasion,in which i s placed a quantity of fruits

and other things as an offering,but which turn to the account

of the dancing girl. By degrees she feigns to become infuriatedand utters some incoherent words which are regarded as theanswer of the Nat

,who has been thus consulted with regard

to the conclusion of the malady. If all these superstitiousremedies are of no avail

,the physicians have still another

subterfuge, for they declare that th e power of the Natzo i s toogreat to be overcome.41 . The Barnabite missionaries

,whom the Soci ety of the

Propaganda, about a century ago, sent into these parts, and inwhose course of studies medicine and surgery are included, thatthus

,whilst they are gaining souls to Christ and His religion

,

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174 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

them ; they are obliged to live separate from the uninfected ;but as they are not proh ibited to marry

,this complaint

i s continually propagated . The lepers are almost th e onlybeggars in this kingdom . In the cities of Tavai and Martabanthe leprosy i s so common

,that there is scarcely a person who i s

not in some degree infected with it. This i s so remarkablewith regard to Martaban, that the complaint has its name fromthis city. Besides this, there i s not a single Burmese whoseskin i s not i n some way diseased either with the itch, whichsometimes creeps over the whole body, or by whitish spots .44. It now only remains for us to speak of the funerals ofthe Burmese. As soon as a person is dead , th e body is washedand wrapped up in a wh i te cloth visits of condolence are thenm ade by the connections and fri ends, who, allowing the immediate relatives to indulge their grief by tears and lamentations

,take upon th emselves the care of the funeral

,causing the

wooden coffin to be made,preparing the betel

,and lape ch,

which is to be given to all who assemble on the occasion,call

ing in the musicians e tc . Th e use of music in funerals i sgeneral among the opulent Burmese

,and m ore so among the

Peguans . It consists of one or two drums, a speci es of trumpetand an instrument made in the form of a wheel, with l ittlepieces of copper of different sizes h ung loosely on the inner ci rcum fe rence , wh ich , being struck in cadence

,produce an agree

able harmony. The manner of playing on these instrumentsat funerals is not the same as at festi vals . There is one customof the Burmese, wh ich is deserving of imitation in every c ivilise d country, and th is i s that called Sanenchienzu

,that is to

say,society of fri ends . A hundred or more heads of families

unite together in a kind of confraternity for th e obj ect ofaffording mutual assistance to each other on all occasions

,but

particularly at funerals . Hence on the very day of a person’sdeath

,all the other members of the society to which he be

longed hasten to bring money, rice, or anyth ing else that maybe useful to the relatives of th e deceased

,to whom these pre

sents afford great alleviation in thei r grief,especially as thus

all concern is removed as to th e expenses of the funeral,which

,

on account of the passion of this people to bury their dead withthe greatest possible magnificence

,are often very considerable.

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 1 75

For besides the coffin,made of large planks of teak-wood

,with

its pedestal, and the provision of betel and lape ch, a greatquantity of gifts

,consisting of. various kinds of fruits

,white

cotton cloths,and money

,must be distributed to th e Talapoins

and the poor. The Mandarins and officers have the right ofbe ing deposited in a gilded coffin

,and the rich generally

obtain the privilege by force of presents . The corpse is kept alonger or shorter time in the house

,according to the age or

quality of th e deceased,the speci es of complaint of which he has

died,or the day of his death . Old persons and those who are

remarkable for having constructed some public edifice are kepttwo or three days if the h eats will permit it . Ch i ldren

,who

have no surviving brother or sister,and all such as die suddenly

,

must be buri ed immediately,as well as those whose death

happens on the last day of th e m oon for th eir funeral musttake place on the same day

,and it 1s strictly prohibited to

defer i t past midnight.When everything is ready, the funeral pomp commences .First in the procession are carried the alms destined for theTalapoins and the poor

,and next large baskets full of betel

and lape ch, generally borne by a sort of female Talapoins,dressed in white . These are followed by a num b e r of Talapoinsfrom different Baos

,two and two . The number of these, as

well as the quantity of alms to be distributed , varies accordingtothe means of those who provide the funeral ; but in generalthey do their utmost

,and there have been instances of families

reduced to beggary from having given too magnificent afuneral

,and one exceeding their revenues . After the Talapoins

comes the bier or coffin,which

,excepting th e deceased be a

hi andarin,in wh ich case

,as we have said

,i t is gilded

,is painted

red . It i s carried by eight or more persons, who are ei therfriends of th e deceased

,or belonging to the same confraternity

with him . Upon the coffin the richest cloth es of the deceasedare displayed . Wh en there is music, i t ordinarily precedes th ebier. Immediately following are the wives

,ch i ldren

,and

nearest relations of the deceased,all dressed in wh ite, wh ich i s

here the mourning colour,weeping violently

,and calling upon

the deceased , and asking him a number of questions . In thefunerals of Mandarins

,th ei r satell ites go before the body,

176 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

carrying the ensigns of his dignity,his instruments of oflice

,

his betel-box,pipe

,sword , looking-glass, etc. When a person

has died without relations women are hired to act the part ofmourners . Th e bier is followed by a crowd of people

,which

i s greater or less, according to the extent of the kindred, friendsand dependants of the deceased . But all funerals are aecom

panied by a great number of people, even those of the poor ,for the Burmese have a natural inclination for this act of pietyand respect. Indeed there are some who go about to thehouses calling on every one to come and attend the funeral.As soon as the coffin has arrived at the place of sepulture

,the

senior Talapoin delivers h is sermon,which consists of a list of

the five secular commandments and the ten good works thateach one is obliged to perform . When the sermon is finished

,

the body is delivered to those whose office i t i s to burn thedead

,and these, placing it on a species of wooden rack , set

fire to it,while in the meantime the alms are distributed to

the Talapoins and the poor, and quantities of betel and lape chto all who have followed the procession .

But these ceremonies are not practised on all occasions, asthere are cases in which the corpse is not burned , but buried .

All whose death i s sudden,those who die of the small-pox,

children and women dying in childbirth are buried , as well asthose who are drowned, for they must be interred on the banksof the river or lake where the accident has happened .

1

On the third day after the funeral, the relations, all dressedin white

,accompanied by some friends

,return to the place

where the body has be en burned,to collect the bones that have

remained after the fire. These are placed in an urn andburi ed

,and those who can afford it erect a monument of

bricks or stone over them . In the meantime, till the eighthor ninth day

,a kind of wake is kept up in the house of the

deceased during the night,to which there is a great concourse

of people. On these occasions tea i s handed about, as well assweetmeats

,m ade either of th e sugar of the country , or else

1 A pe rson dying of chole ra was burie d the sam e day. The body of a womandying in labour be fore the b irth of the child was subj e cte d to a horrid rite , topre vent th e wom an’

s soul haunting the place as an e vil spirit. For de tails, se eCrawfurd, p

'

. 279 .

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CHAPTER XX

LITERATURE AND SCIENCES OF THE BURMESE 1

46. W E do not here enter into a disquisition on the origi n ofthe Burmese language, for this i s a question of very diflicultsolution ; but with regard to its character

,we may say in

general that it possesses a degree of strength and grace whichwe do not m eet with in our European tongues . By means ofcertain expletives a tone of gravity, submissiveness, eleganceand affability may be given to the discourse

,according to the

quality of the person to whom it is d irected . The singularand plural numbers have always j oined to them some particlewhich at the same time denotes some e ssential quality belongingto the thing spoken of. For example, for a Mandarin theywould say

,Men tabd

,that is, Mandarin one person ; a priest,

Ponghi tabd, that is, priest one person ; a man in general i scalled Tajauck, an animal Tachaun ; to express anyth inground, for example an egg, they say U talon

,that is

,egg one

round finally, when speaking of anything flat,as a table

,they

say Pin tabi'

ci,table one flat. For inanimate obj ects, which

do not possess any remarkable quality li ke those above mentione d, they make use of the particle a t ; thus tit, m

’

t, son, one,

two,three, with the addition of thi s particle become taci t,nitce

‘

t ,

sonata, one th ing, two things, three things, etc.47. Th e Burmese language i s exceedingly diflicult to aEuropean , and that from many causes. For

,in the first place

,

i ts construction i s totally different from ours ; secondly, i t hasa great quantity of guttural and nasal aspirates in the pronunciation of a number of words ; thirdly, many words have anearly similar sound

,though in signification they are widely

1 For the late st views on the language , and the use of synonym s as we ll astone s (points which Sange rmano he re notice s), se e Appendix I.

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 179

separated . One or two examples may make this better understood . Zci signifies to be hungry, Zan, uncooked rice, and Zei,salt. Tameans to hinder, Tha, to rise, and Them , to preserve.China means to delay, Chia , to fall, and Chiaci signifies bothto hear and a tiger. Fourthly, the greatest d ifficulty in thislanguage arises from the quali ty

,that every d ifferent m odifica

tion of the same thing will have its own phrase ; so that aword

,which expresses any action

,cannot be used in expressing

a modification of it. Thus, for example, among us the verb towash is applied to linen

,to the hands

,etc. ; but among the

Burmese a different phrase i s used for each one of theseoperations . So that for to wash the bands they use one word ;but to wash the face requires another ; the word for to washlinen with soap i s d ifferent from the one signifying to wash i tsimply with water ; and to wash the body, the dishes, e tc. , areall different phrases

,each expressing the action to wash by a

different verb .

48 . The Burmese'

alphabet has forty-four radical letters,many of which are taken from the Pali

,which is the language

in which thei r sacred books are written . Of these letters sevenare vowels

,comprehending a mute and an open e , and a long

and short 0 . There is no declension of nouns, and hence th ecases are only distinguished by certain articles placed afterthem ; thus, for example, a house in Burmese i s oim i

,

1 to ahouse oim a ; the accusative i s e im go, the vocative o oim ,

th eablative oim gfl ; the plural i s formed by adding the particledo

, thus houses cim do, of the house oim do i , e tc . There is nodistinction of genders

,except in the case of animals ; for then ,

to form the feminine,the particle ma. i s added to the generic

name of the animal . Thus a dog i s co choé, a bitch choé ma,

etc. Neither are the tenses of the verbs distinguished by theirterminations, but the present is formed by the addition of th eparticle si

,the past by that of bi

,and the future by m i . Thus

I go is sud si,I went

,and bi, I will go, and m i ; the imperative

i s formed in the same way by to, the interrogative by lot, andthe gerund by lie n ; thus the im pe ratf ive go i s sud to

,is b e

gone ?sud bi lei,by going

, sud. lien.

49 . There is but little variety in the Burmese ve rsification,1 The particle i is the sign of the ge nitive case .

180 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

and the same must be said of the singing and music ; at leastso i t seems to our ears. They have many books of history andgeneral information written in m etre. Their l ines always consist of four monosyllables

,and only the two last of each chapter

are in rhvm e . If we consider thei r cosmography, and the tastefor the wonderful and sublime which the Burmese m anifest, weshall easily imagine that thei r poetry will be not altogetherforeign to the European taste. They have a great passion forthis branch of reading

,and will frequently hire persons of

sonorous voices to sing their poems to them . There are alsomany who employ themselves in poetical compositions

,and

these have no want of subj ects,as they find them in great

abundance in the books that treat of Godama,and the cosmo

graphy.

5 0. There are few among the Burmese who do not know howto read and write ; for the Talapoins, to whose care they areintrusted as soon as they attain the age of reason

,always teach

them to read,

1 as also to write on the palm-leaf or the prabaich,which i s a sort of coarse paper made of bamboo m acerated inwater

,and coloured black with charcoal mixed with the j uice

of a certain leaf. But s ti ll the other sciences have made verylittle progress among these people . Excepting some few, whoembrace the profession of the law,

and devote themselves tothe study of the Dam asat, which i s their j udicial code

,all

prefer to abandon themselves to idleness, passing the day inconversation or chewing betel : and if there be any who everthink of literature

,even thei r studies never lead them beyond

some book of history.

2

The Talapoins,however

,do apply themselves in some degree

to study, since according to thei r rules they are obliged to learnthe Sada, which i s the grammar of the Pali language orMagata,to read the Vin"

,the Padimot, which are the books of thei r con

stitutions, and the sermons of Godama, which last mentioned1 The y do so still, and are e ve n wi lling to te ach we ste rn science . The State

D ire ctor of Education says the m onks gene rally le ad an hone st, cle anly life , andso e arn public re spe ct—Census Report, 189 1 , p . 67.

2 Am ong all classe s the Dzats or Live s of Gandam a in his 500 pre vious e xistence s are ve ry popular. Bigande t gi ve s som e e xam ple s, and says the y are of thesam e Indian origin as the fable s wh ich de light the nations of Europe . Many ofthe se Birth storie s are the sam e as the se fable s.

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182 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

One day the Emperor asked Aporaza what he must do torender his k ingdom flourishing and populous ; the old ministerreplied that

,in the first place

,he must have the success of all

h is subj ects in thei r affairs at heart, as much as i f they werehi s own ; 2 . he should diminish the taxes and ciochi ; 3. i n putting on imposts he should have regard to the means of hissubj ects ; 4. he must be liberal ; 5 . he must frequently inquireinto the affairs of his kingdom ,

and make himself fully ao

quainte d with them ; 6 . he must love and esteem his good andfai thful servants ; 7. finally, he should show courtesy and affability both i n his manners and words to all persons. He oughtmoreover to take measures that the population of his kingdomis augmented

,and that h is Government acquire honour and

respect among foreign nations : he should not molest the rich,

but,on the contrary, should encourage thei r industry and pro

mote their interests : he should show a proper regard to hisgenerals and ministers, who govern in the name of the Emperor,for i t is not seemly that they should be publicly disregardedand ill-treated : he should not despise prudent and carefulmen ; and, finally

,he should be j ust and moderate in exacting

tributes,and should always proportion them to the products

of agriculture and commerce. As a confirmation of this precept he refers to the fruits of the earth, when eaten before theyare ripe. You see,

’ he says, that the fruits which are gatheredripe from the tree are well-flavoured and pleasant to the taste

,

but when they are plucked before they have ripened they areinsipid , and sour and bitter. Rice that is taken at its properseason is excellent food, but if i t is collected before its time i tis devoid of substance and nutriment.’ He then advises theEmperor not to shut up the doors of his kingdom

,that is to

say,that he ought to allow all foreign merchants a free entrance

,

to encourage thei r commerce and make i t flourish .

A short time after the Emperor had ascended the throne,

having received intelligence that a chief of the Sciam was

approach ing with a large body of his subj ects to make incursions upon his terri tories, and disturb the peace and quiet ofhis subj ects

,he sent for Aporaza, to give his advice on the

measures he ought to take on this occasion . The old ministeradvised him as follows Oh Emperor"fire i s not the only

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 183

thing that burns and roars and causes death , for water also,which is by nature cold, and flows placidly and quietly over itsbed

,i s th e cause of death to those who are plunged into it .

Do you, therefore, in your endeavours to destroy your enemy,lay as ide the impetuosity of fire

,and imitate the slowness

and coolness of water. Remember that the wild and furiouselephant is tamed by the female give therefore to this chiefsome one of your relations i n marriage

,and you will soon see

an end of all these troubles . ’

Another time when two petty kings had declared war againsteach other

,they both had recourse to the Burmese monarch for

assistance. According to hi s custom,the Emperor sent for

Aporaza, who spoke thus on the occasion It once happe nedthat two cocks of equal strength began fighting in the presenceof a countryman ; after continuing their combat for some time,they were so overcome with thei r exertions that they wereunable to do anything more

,when the countryman sprung

upon them and made himself master of them both . Thusought you

,oh king"to do at present. Le t these two princes

fight W i th each other, till you see that their resources areexhausted

,and then , pouncing upon them ,

sei ze upon theirte rritories for yourself. ’

A man of mean extraction was raised by the efforts of anold Mandarin to the throne . But the Mandarin afterwardsbe came overbearing, and even tried to be in some measure th emas ter of the Emperor. The latter bore all this for some time,but at length

,growing weary of this insolence, be determined

to rid himself of his importunate minister. Wherefore, one

day that he was surrounded by a number of his Mandarins,

among whom was the one who had raised him to the throne,

he directed hi s discourse to him,and asked him what they do

with the Zen which are erected round the Pagodas, after thegilding and painting are finished for which they were raised ;for th e Zen i s a scaffolding of bamboo, or thick cane, servingto support the gilders and painters of the Pagodas . ‘ Theyare taken down and carried away,

’ replied the old Mandarin ,

This is an allusion to the m anne rof tak ing the e lephants in the woods, whichwe shall de scribe in anothe r chapte r.

l e.

1 84 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

that they may not obstruct the view of the Pagoda, or spoili ts beauty .

’

Just so,

’ replied the monarch I have made useof you to ascend the throne, as the gilders and painters makeuse of th e Zen ; but now that I am firmly seated in it, and amobeyed as Emperor by all

,and respected by all, you are become

useless to me,or rather your presence only disturbs my peace . ’

He then drove h im from his palace,and sent him in banish

ment to a village.One day

,while this Mandarin was yet in banishment, a

dreadful tempest arose ; in the course of which , looking out intothe country

,he observed that the great trees, which resi sted

the force of the wind, were not bent but broken or torn up byits fury ; while the grass and the canes, yielding before th eblast

,returned to their original position the moment it was

gone by. Oh"’ said the Mandarin with in himself, ‘ if I hadfollowed the example of these canes and this grass I shouldnot now be in so miserable a condition .

’

I must pass over many other parts of thi s book,which

deserve to be translated,to lay before my readers some e x

tracts of another work , called Logham'

di [Lokaniti], or instruotion on the manner of living in the world . They are lessonsdelivered to youth .

The fruit sapon is a species of wild fig,beautiful to look at

,

and promising,by the richness of its colours

,a delicious and

savoury viand ; but on being opened i t discovers nothing butgrubs ; so i t is with wicked men . On the contrary

,th e giacca ,

a fruit of the size of a gourd,

1 the outside of which is coveredwith prickles

,inside conta ins a sweet pulp, most delicious to

the taste ; good men may be compared to the giacca. Thebeauty and excellence of a woman is to bestow all her caresupon her husband . The grace and beauty of those whoseexterior i s ugly and deformed are knowledge and wisdom .

The excellence and beauty of hermits is patience. Thetreasure of a woman is her beauty ; that of a serpent itsvenom . The riches of a king is an army of good soldiers andbrave ofli ce rs ; the riches of a priest i s the observance of hi s rule .In the world

,he who speaks sweetly and w ith affability will

1 The jack-fruit.

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1 86 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

are over,while the men are going with thei r carts or boats to

provide what may be necessary for them,the women employ

themselves at home in spinning and weaving.

5 3 . In the kingdom of Ava the silk-worm i s also fed, for themulberry tree i s very plentiful in this part. The silk thusprocured i s a principal article of dress ; almost all the inhabitants of the great -citi es make use of it

,and even in the towns

and villages everybody will have a robe of silk for occasions offestivi ty . Although the silks and cottons of the Burmese donot equal in lustre and perfection those of China, and are notperhaps so fine as those of Madras

,or the muslin of Bengal,

they sti ll merit praise for thei r strength and the brilliancy ofthei r colours .5 4. Carving in wood has been brough t to a tolerable degree

of perfection on account of the custom of profusely ornamenting the public halls

,the convents of Talapoins, e tc . ,

in thismanner ; but painting i s in a very rude state, and i s entirelydevoid of those beauties which give it so much value with us .In painting flowers the Burmese artists are tolerable, but theyhave very imperfect notions of drawing and perspective.5 5 . The manner in which the Burmese construct their wheelcarriages i s worthy of notice ; not only for thei r simplici ty andstrength

,but likewise because no nails are employed in them .

The excellent wood with which the forests of the Burmeseempire abound affords great faciliti es to its inhabitants i nconstructing their boats ; for they are thus enabled, with littletrouble, to make them of all dimensions, as frequently a singletrunk is large enough for a vessel . In their shape they areadapted for navigating the river

,where alone they are em

ployed ; and hence they are made so as to cut the current,which i s very rapid

,and this particularly in the rainy season ;

and they draw but little water,by which thei r passage up the

river i s greatly facilitated . In this operation they either makeuse of their oars, or else two or three men on the bank dragalong the boat by means of a rope ; and where the stream i sparticularly strong they employ long poles of bamboo sharpenedat the end

,which they fix in the bed of th e river

,and thus

force i t along. When the south-west wind prevails, which i salways the case from May to October, the passage up the river

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 187

i s accomplished with sails,for the wind then blows in a contrary

direction to the current,which flows from north to south .

5 6. The betel boxes and the drinking cups of the Burmesewould be regarded as curiosities in Europe. They are madeof a very fine basket-work of bamboo covered with Chinesevarnish, which is brought in great quantities by the Chineseinto the Burmese empire .5 7. Besides these arts, the working in gold has been broughtto some excellence in these parts. The bellows used by thej ewellers, as also by the workers in the other metals, are verydifferent from those common in Europe. They consist of twocylinders of wood

,the diameter of which i s proportioned to the

force of the apparatus . Each cylinder i s fitted with a pistonof the same material . These are alternately raised anddepressed by one or two men, and the air is thus forced out atan aperture in the lower part of th e cylinders, whence it i s conducted through an iron tube into the fire. By means of thisapparatus they give great intensity to the fire, so as to meltthe hardest metals. In this way they make drinking-vessels ofbrass in the form of a hollow hemisphere, and frying-pans ofi ron for thei r kitchens . The artisans are also proud of thei rskill i n casting bells. Of these every pagoda has two or three,generally very large

,and they are rung by striking them on the

outside with a stag’s horn. Besides these, every pagoda, however small i t may be

,has a number of smaller bells hung in

the crown which i s placed at the summit,and the sound pro

duced by them when moved by the wind i s very pleasing. Li ttlebells are also employed to hang round the necks of the oxen .

5 8. Such are the principal arts of the Burmese ; and i f theyare in a low state, thi s must be attributed more to the de structive despotism of their Government than to the want of geniusor inclination in the people, for they have in reality a greattalent in this way.

1 It i s the Emperor, with hi s Mandarins,1 Yule adm ire s the pe culiar and often taste ful art of the Burm e se in his

account of the shops at Am arapura. Se e pp . 1 57-165 , and the p icture s he give s.Of the adornm ent of the m onaste rie s he says One de spairs of be ing able to

e xhib it to visitors from such a people , in any of agarAnglo-Indian citie s at le ast,

works which the y are like ly to appre ciate as indicative of our supe rior we althand re source .

’At p. 377 is found a note on the archite cture by Jam e s Fe rgusson.

The style s and use s of re ligious e difice s are w e ll de scribe d in Bigande t, i . p . 2 27.

188 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

who is the obstacle in the way of the industry of his subj ects ;for no sooner has any artist d istinguished h imself for his sk illthan he -is constrained to work for the Emperor or h is ministers,and th i s without any profit

,further than an uncertain patron

age. Of the foreign artisans,who at different times have come

to Pegu, some actually established themselves there ; but theywere soon obliged to retire to Bengal or the coast of Corom andel to avoid the impositions of th e Mandarins. In addition to these Oppressions, the caprice of the Emperor is also aserious inconvenience for many artisans

,for he will oftentimes ,

without any reason,permit or proh ibit clothes of a ne w fash ion

and thus,perhaps

,ruin those who have made them .

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1 9 0 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

as by the Siamese and Chinese, i n making several kinds ofpastry.

61 . The wheat of the kingdom of Ava i s most excellent,and

it gives good returns in th e grounds that li e along the river,

and are subj ect to its floods, by which they are generallycovered during three months every year. It i s usually sownimmediately the waters have retired

,and is harvested in

February. Its produce i s usually forty-fold . Besides wheat,this empire is very fertile in maize

, p anicum ,and a species of

grain called piaun, which i s similar to the Indian millet, beinground and of the size of our chickpe ase . In some parts it i scooked like rice, which it excels in substance, but not inflavour. All kinds of beans and pulse grow with great luxuriance here

,and there are even some species unknown in Europe.

aft 62 . The c itron, the pomegranate, and the orange are theonly fruits that the Burmese have in common with us. But i tmust not thereby be supposed that there i s any scarcity of

good fruits,for besides all those that are found in the other

parts of India,the Burmese have some peculiar to thei r own

country. A Frenchman once endeavoured to introduce thevine

,and did in fact succeed in bringing some tolerably good

grapes to maturity ; so as to show that the climate wouldadmit its cultivation i f the natives took the pains to attend toit. The olive is here quite unknown ; 1 but its place is suppliedby the sesame or gingili

,the grains of which

,though not larger

than those of mustard,furnish an excellent oil, useful, not only

for burning,but also in cookery, though it is said to be rather

heating. Under the city of Pagan there is a large well ofpetroleum

,very thi ck in consistence

,and of a strong and dis

gusting smell . It is carried into all parts of the kingdom forlamps ; but great precautions must be taken in using i t, as itvery easily takes fire. It i s also used for varnish ing the housesmade of teak-wood

,to which it gives a lustre ; and i f regularly

renewed every year,has the effect of preserving th em from

decay. But th e greatest consumption of this article i s atRangoon , where, united with pitch , it i s employed for smearingthe vessels . Its colour is somewhat black, and hence it seems

1 Grape s are still grown at Mandalay, and I have se en a fine olive tre e at

Kyouk-hpyoo cove red with fruit.

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 1 9 1

to be of the same nature as what i s called by naturalists Scotchfossil-oil. From Rangoon it i s carried to all places along thecoasts of Coromandel and Bengal.63. In Europe there are no fresh fruits during six months ofthe year

,but here every month produces some one ; and the

celebrated banana-tree furnishes the inhabi tants of the torridzone with its fruits all the year round . The cocoa-tree andthe palm are two inexhaustible sources, unknown in Europe,which furnish to the Burmese an immense number both of theluxuries and necessaries of life. The fruit of the former

,even

whilst yet tender,i s fi lled with a nectareous j uice

,and a sub

stance of the consistence of butter, both extremely delightfulto the taste ; when the nut is grown harder this paste acquiresthe taste of the almond, and, being pressed, yields an oil whichis an excellent seasoning in cookery. The coarse exterior rind,which i s very stringy, furnishes an excellent material, after ithas been washed and pulled to pieces, for making ropes andship-cables ; and it i s also used in calking. The inner rind

,

which i s as hard as horn, serves for drinking-cups, ladles, etc.By m aking incisions in the trunk a j uice of a pleasant flavouris extracted

,which

,after fermentation, becomes a generous

wine,and by further fermentation a strong vinegar. The

palm-tree is scarcely less useful than the cocoa ; for, besides itsfruit

,i t also produces

'

a sweet liquor,which is drawn from its

trunkzand which

,like that of the cocoa

,may be successively

changed into cocoa, wine, and vinegar. It has also thi s furtherproperty

,that by means of fire i t is condensed

,and forms a

kind of sugar cal led j agra, quite hard and compact ; and this,dissolved in water

,and left twelve or fifteen days to ferment

,

gives a spiri t equal in strength to our alcohol . The leaves ofthe palm are used not only to thatch the houses, but also forevery-day letters and the bark of the branches furnishes goodt ies for connecting th e canes of which the houses are built.Even the trunks of these trees

,which

,on account of th e

quantity of pith they contain,are useless for planks or beams

,

are not th’rown away,as they make fi ry good water-conduits .

Hence we may see that what some travellers have asserted isan exaggeration

,that the cocoa-tree furn ish es materials for

spinning,as well as wood for all kinds of carpentry.

1 9 2 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

64. The sugar of the palm j ust mentioned is not the onlyone the Burmese possess ; for the sugar-cane i s cultivated tothe north of Ava

, in the country of the Sciam ,and a very

coarse article extracted from it, and made into flat-cakes. The

Chinese established in Amarapura have also begun to refine it,

and th ey have been imitated by the natives ; so that at presenta sugar i s made here as white and as refined as that of Bengal .65 . Besides these two kinds of sugar

,the Burmese have also

many drugs which are useful for conserves ; and some whichare medicinal ; of these we may mention pepper, and the car

dam om um,which i s found very plentifully in the district of

Martaban . Great use i s made of cayenne pepper in seasonings ;and the common pepper is frequently an ingredient in medicine .A species of nutmeg i s also common , of an oval shape, andlarger

,but less aromatic than those of the Moluccas ; as well

as a large species of c innamon , called by the druggists cassia .

The woods of Tavai and Merghi are full of the sassafras-tree,

which i s remarkable not only for the sudorific vi rtues i tpossesses in all i ts parts

,but also because i ts leaves

,when dried

,

are useful both in medicine and cookery. In Pegu there i sabundance of wax and honey

,which is deposi ted by the bees

in the high est trees. Some of the little i slands near Negraglia.

and off the coast of Tenasserim , are famous for being theresort of the bird s

,whose nests

,formed of a curious gum , are

so much esteemed throughout India,and still more in Ch ina,

for their pectoral,anodyne and cordial qualities . For use,

they are boiled in water or in chicken-broth . As to thei rfom i ation, the most probable opinion seems to be that amarine bird

,collecting in its beak the sea-foam,

and unitingwith i t a glutinous substance which i t draws from i ts own

stomach,builds these nests with the material so prepared .

They are always fixed upon h igh rocks, and they are gath eredby means of ladders

,by men trained to th e occupation , not

without considerable danger. Finally, salt, which seems sonecessary a commodity all over the world, far from being rare,as in Bengal, Azen and Junan [Assam and Yunnan], i s heremost plentiful . In Pegu the very best species i s extractedfrom th e sea water ; but more is drawn from the brine pitsin th e plains ofMozzobo

,and in other places .

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1 9 4 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

68. But besides th e trees producing fruit, the Burmese havemany which are extremely useful to them, for thei r leaves arethe chief ingredient of their curries. In the villages, wherethere are no markets

,the inhabitants are furnished with their

kitchen herbs entirely from these trees . But they do notrestri ct themselves to the trees which have no fruit in preparing the curry

,for the leaf of the tamarind and of the

mango-trees are very much sought after for this purpose. Theformer are rather acid, and the latter have an aromati c flavour,and when dressed as a salad

,after the European fashion

,are

really excellent.69 . The shade which the great trees afford may also bereckoned among the benefits that the Burmese derive fromthem. In particular there i s one tree, called gondon, which isvery serviceable for th is purpose. Its roots are so strong thatthey will penetrate the thickest walls of Pagodas

,and often

throw them down . Its appearance is most maj estic, as i tstrunk is of an extraordinary height and thickness

, and its

branches spread on every side over a great space of ground .

It i s esteemed sacred, because under i ts shade Godama receivedthe privileges of divinity 1

70. The pine-apple is here very common, as also the santor,the gnaw ,

the jambos, the j aceas, the mango, the durcione ,2

and all the other fruits that are found in India and the adjac ent islands. There are also some peculiar to the Burme se, asthe m arione . Before ripening th is fruit very much resemblesour oli ve, but it afterwards attains the size and appearance ofthe plum. Whilst in its first state i t i s excellent for preserves

,

on account of its acidity, and it i s likewise pickled in sa lt andvinegar ; but when ripe it is eaten both in its natural stateand preserved in salt. The tree that he ars i t i s exclusiv e lv a

1 This tre e , calle d Bodi or Bandhi, unde r which Gaudama obtained the

suprem e inte lligence , was a banyan tre e , the fl ea : re ligi osa, of wh ich Miltongive s a be autiful de scription in the Paradise Lost, Bk. 1x. Se e Bigande t, i . p. 39 .

2 Our author probably m e ans the durian (durio zibet/zinus—He lfe r), of

Te nasse rim , thus de scribed by the old trave lle r Linschoten The y affirm e

that in taste and goodne ss it exce lle th all k inds of fruits, and ye t when it is firstopene d it sm e lle th like rotten onions, but in the taste the swe e tne sse and

daintine sse the reof is tryed.

’—Purchas’ Pi lgrim s, Bk. x. p . 1 779 .

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 1 9 5

native of Pegu,so that it will not even grow in the kingdom

of Ava.

71 . Before entering upon the natural history of the BurmeseEmpire

,i t may be well to mention that th e Re v . Father

Giuseppe di Amato,of the same order as myself

,a man

remarkable,as well for his apostoli c zeal as for his deep

acquaintance with natural history and his ski ll in drawing,has been now employed more than twenty-seven years in wri ting on all the branches of natural history

,in taking draw1ngs

of all animals,serpents

,and curious insects

,which are natives

o f the Burmese kingdom,as also in making a collection of

butterfli es and rare insects,all of which he keeps in glasses

hermetical ly sealed,and arranged in th e most perfect order.

He has promised either to send this collection,with his writ

ings, to Europe, or to bring them over himself, and give themto the public

,and then the curious reader may fully satisfy

h imself on th ese subj ects. In the meantime I will here brieflydescribe a few of the most remarkable animals to be met with .

72 . The species of animals in this country are certainlymore numerous than in Europe. Of all the kinds of poultryknown among us the only one not common here i s the turkeyfowl

,and its loss i s completely supplied by the peacocks

,which

l ive in great numbers in the woods of Pegu, and are of as finea flavour as the turkey. Pigeons abound everywhere ; i t isenough to make a dove-cot and in a short time i t will be full .There are also wild pigeons

,whose plumage i s perfectly green

,

and large doves . “ The sparrows completely cover the fields,

and often commit great ravages on the sown lands . Of rooksand crows there is an infini ty ; for they find plenty to live onin the rice that is offered in the Pagodas or thrown to theNat. In all the towns these rapacious birds may be seen inflocks ; and they are so hold that they will even enter thehouses and steal any food they can find there they will Openthe j ars and snatch meat or fish from the hands or heads ofpeople who are carrying them . The turtle-dove is foundeverywhere . But the falcons, eagles, vglture s, and some otherspecies in this part of India, are different from ours . Th eplumage of the land-birds i s general ly very brilliant and livelyin its colours and the feathers are an article of commerce for

1 9 6 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the Chinese of Junan [Yunnan], who come to buy them,andcarry them to Ch ina ; it i s said that they have the secret ofextracting the colours by means of aquafortis .73. This country is also far superior to Europe in the num

he r and variety of i ts aquatic birds . The banks of the lakesand rivers are covered with them . Among these th e duck andthe goose are very common ; and there i s one species of th elatter, called ensei,1 that i s, delicious for eating, which i s soughtafter by Europeans as a great delicacy. There is another bird ,often met with on the banks of the river, worth mentioning ;i t i s as large as an ostrich

,i ts beak is about a foot and a half

long, and it has a kind of bag under i ts neck, where i t depositsthe fish i t catches. The fl ights of parrots are astonishinglylarge ; and they are the terror of the Burmese, on account ofthe damage they do to the fruit trees . Flock after flock willsettle upon them and ruin all the fruit

,which

,not be ing yet ripe,

falls to the ground . To frighten them away, they make useof wooden bells such as they hang on the necks of animals .They employ the same means for frightening away the sparrowsfrom the corn fields . Long cords are tied from tree to tree,and upon these are hung the wooden bells

,with large pieces

of cloth,which are blown about by the wind . One or two

people are employed to shake these ropes,at the same time

shouting, or rather screaming, so that the sparrows take to

flight.74. The ass

,the mule

,and the wolf are the only European

quadrupeds not found in the Burmese Empire,and i t may

even be said that they have the last mentioned, as what theycall the dog of the woods i s probably a species of wolf.2 It isabout the si ze of a common house-dog ; and generally aecom

panie s the tiger in i ts nocturnal expeditions, to share the prey.

There are numberless varieties of the ape,differing in size, shape,

and colour. It i s h ighly amusing for the passengers along thecanals, into wh ich the great river Ava [Irawadi] i s divided, inthat part of Peguwhich lies between Rangoon and Bassino

,to

watch the motions of the apes that crowd the trees on the

1 The Izznt/za or bamsa of Buddhist books.2 The Canis ruti lans, or jungle -dog of the Gazetteer, not now common in

Burma.

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1 9 8 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

aperture i n the outer wall,do not afford the means of

looking upon the street,and i f there be any little window

besides the principal ones i t never is on thi s side of thehouse.76. The buffalo is another of the Burmese animals . I t i slarger than ours

,and its horns are longer and more elevated .

It is used both in ploughing and in carts. But there i s also awild species, ve ry f orm idable , not only to man, but even to thetigers

,whom they will often surround and kill .

77. Dogs, and these of the most disgusting and dirty description

,have multiplied almost beyond endurance ; and thi s

because there is here an absurd custom of never killing them .

Every family has a great number of them,so that in some

places they are really more numerous than the men .

78 . Hares are not common ; and the same must be said of

the goat : some few sh eep are sometimes seen, but they are notindigenous to the country

,having been brought from Bengal .

Th e wild boar i s common in the woods, where also stags anddeer feed in immense herds there is one species nearly as largeas an ox

,which is known by the name of zat.

The Burmese Government permits the hunting of theseanimals in Pegu

,and hence venison is always to be bought in

Rangoon . They are generally hunted with large dogs ; butthere is another method of taking them

,which it may be as

well to describe. In the dark nights, ten or twelve personsget into a cart drawn by buffaloes in front of the vehicle twoor three lighted torch es are carried , and at the sides twopersons continually beat two great wooden bells . The deer,which go in herds, dazzled by the light, and astounded by thenoise

,remain immovable

,and the huntsmen with their spears

,

swords and great knives, kill all they can ; and are often sosuccessful that the cart is not large enough to carry home thebooty .

79 . In the Burmese villages swine are not very commonbut in the capital, and in Rangoon there is an abundance ofthem ; for the foreigners residing here feed numbers of themfor the sake of the pork , which

.

here,as in China

,i s always eaten

fresh . Th e Burmese are very fond of i t,and esteem it as the

most exquisite food ; but their laws forbid them to eat it

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 1 9 9

and the pre sent Emperor has prohibited his subj ects either tofeed pigs or to kill them . In the markets of Amarapura andRangoon pork i s sometimes exposed for sale, but for th ereasons j ust mentioned

,and from the fear that it is the flesh

of an animal that has died of some complaint,there are but

fe w purchasers .80 . Among the many kinds of li zards common in thi s

country,the chameleon deserves to be first mentioned . It was

formerly believed that this animal fed on nothing but the air ; 1

but I myself have had ocular demonstration that this i s notthe cas e . I once observed a chameleon upon a tree stedfastlygaz ing upon a particular spot, whence all of a sudden a largeinse ct came running straight into th e mouth of the chameleon,

by whom it was instantly devoured . It i s a rem arkable property of th i s animal that i t frequently changes its colour

,

which i s naturally that of earth,i nto a bri lliant green . There

i s also another remarkable lizard found in this country,called

tautthe’

;2 i t i s about the same length as the chameleon

,but

thicker ; and the skin of the back is a beautiful shagreen . Ithides i tself among the beams of the houses

,where i t lies in

wait for the mice and such other little animals,and night and

day keeps up a continual cry of tau tau,whence it has its

name. The p adat i s a very large lizard, remarkable for beinggood eating ; its flesh i s not inferior to that of fowls. Thetalagnj d. i s also a lizard that grows to a great size ; somepe ople say that they become crocodiles . Its flesh , and

’

also itseggs are very delicate. Crocod iles are not very numerous inthe great river Ava ; but in the numerous channels into whichi t divides itself before reaching the sea

,where the water i s

brackish , and in some perfectly salt, they may be sa i d toswarm . In these channels they are seen every here and there

,

of al l sizes, stretched upon th e muddy banks, where, as it i ssaid, they go in order to sleep, which th ey cannot do in thewater. When in th is situation they display no ferocity

,but

at th e slightest noise run to the river but when in the water

1 This is one of the vulgar e rrors m ost le arnedly re fute d by Sir Thom as

Browne .

1 The Geckoguttatus of the Gazettee r.

200 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

they are formidable and troublesome both to men and animalsThese channels also abound in a monstrous fish called by usthe shark ; and by the Portuguese iaborao. Out at sea

,during

a calm,these fish may be observed swimming round the ships

and waiting to swallow anything thrown out to them ; and itsometimes happens that sa i lors, who have gone into the water,either to bathe or for any other motive

,are seized by them

and devoured . It i s a difli cult matter to take a crocodile :nevertheless the Siamese are very expert at i t ; they make useof large iron hooks and strong ropes in this occupation .

81 . Both the land and water tortoise is plentiful here, and i svery valuable to th e Burmese for its flesh and eggs .1 In onepart of the river Ava there is a large sandbank

,where these

animals deposit thei r eggs in such numbers as to be suflicientfor the supply of a great portion of the kingdom ; and near ani sland

,contiguous to the great Negraglia, which , from the

quantity of tortoises that resort to it, i s called the island of

the tortoises,th e animal itself i s taken

,and thence carried to

Pegu and Bengal . Some of them weigh as much as 5 00pounds . The eggs here found are sent by boat-loads toBassino and Rangoon, and thence distributed all over Pegu.

A great part of them are salted, to be used as they arewanted .

82. The quantity and variety of the serpents, natives of theBurmese Empire, and particularly of the woods, i s really prodigious. One of these called nan, which i s an inhabitant of th eforests of Pegu

,i s very formidable ; for i t moves along with i ts

head erect, in which position it i s taller than a m an ; andwhenever i t meets any person, without allowing time for fl ight,i t darts upon him

,fixes its fangs i n his head

,and soon ki lls

him . There i s a curious story told of one of these serpentsthat had stationed itself i n the neighbourhood of a village

,to

the great terror of the inhabitants . A reward was offered toany one who would kill i t, but no one dared to undertake it,

1 Som e tim e s m ore valuable to shipwre cke d m arine rs. Cae sar Frede ricke , on

h is voyage from Malacca ste e re d for Te nasse rim , and be ing unable to find the

port, went with twenty-se ven othe rs into the ship’

s boat to ge t victuals. The yfound no land

,and rowe d nine days along the coast,with a sm all quantity of rice ,

but at length stumbled on a ne st of 1 44 tortoise eggs.—Purchas, Bk. x. p . 1 71 2 .

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202 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the natives moe boe‘,1 and by the Portuguese cobra ceras . It

might with great propriety be named the deaf serpent, for nonoise can ever rouse it . It will even place itself in the middleof a street

,and not all the tumult of men

,horses and carriages

passing to and fro can wake it from its lethargy ; but if anyone touches it

,though ever so slightly

,i t instantly raises its

head,hissing most furiously

,throws out its tongue and darting

on th e aggressor,communicates a venom which no medicine can

counteract. Th i s animal i s properly of the viper species, for iti s v iviparous ; but its form is different from that of our viper.

I have been assured that the young of this species issue fromtheir mother’s womb by means of holes which they themselveshave made

,and thus kill their parent. The venom appears to

be a most powerful acid , and the symptoms, in those who di eof its bi te

,manifest an universal coagulation of the blood . The

madurei that celebrated specific prepared in the college of theFather M issioners at Pondicherry

,and of which they only

know the ingredients,though it i s a singular antidote against

all kinds of bites,whether of mad dogs

,or of the other serpents

of Pegu,i s of no avail where the moéboe has wounded a per

son : nothing but instant amputation of the limb can savefrom immediate death . It i s remarkable that death in thesecases i s not accompanied by convulsions

,swoons

,cold sweats

and other v iolent symptoms,th e usual effects of venom .

Another serpent,remarkable for its size

,i s that called by the

Portugese cobra madeira some of these are as long as fifteenfeet and even longer

,and their thickness i s proportionate to

the length . They are not venomous,but by twining them

se lves round any animal, and breaking its bones, they kill anddevour i t. A man, who was once attacked by one of theseanimals, delivered himsel f from it by stabbing i t in severalplaces with a dagger that he happened to have with him . TheBurmese believe this serpent to be a Nat

,and therefore are

careful not to kill it ; and hence, having found one of themnear our church , we were obliged to be secret in destroying it,1 This se rpent is the Daboia or Russe ll

’s vipe r, the Cobram onil or ne cklace

snak e of the e arly English and Portugue se write rs. If the anim al is so confined

that it cannot fasten on its captor, it will in its rage bury its long fangs de e p inits own body. —Gazetteer

,vol. i . p. 635.

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 203

for fear of the idolaters . It i s said to possess the propertyof fascinating animals and drawing them into its j aws ; anda great boar

,which had been fighting with the tigers

,was thus

devoured by one of most enormous dimensions. Some mayperhaps ridicule th e idea that it possesses this property, andI myself at first did not give credi t to it ; but after seeinga large insect

,as I have mentioned above

,place itself in the

mouth of a chameleon , and having been assured by personswhose veracity I could not doubt that they had seen frogsafter some contortions

, and faintly crying out as i t were complaining

,j ump into the j aws of the m acauch or cobra capello

,

I could no longer refuse to believe it. I have been told bypersons deserving of credit that there exists in the BurmeseEmpire a serpent with two heads

,

1 the venom of which i s mostdeadly. Throughout the whole of this country, but particularly in th e kingdom of Ava

,nearly every species of serpent i

used for food after the head has been cut off .83 . The swarms of butterfl ies, ants, and other insects in thi s

country are prodigious ; and the gnats and horse-fl ie s generated ih the forests of Pegu

,especially during th e rainy season

,

are equally numerous . The horse-fl ie s are seen in clouds alongthe course of the river

,and they are a perfect scourge to the

passengers in the boats,whom they will not allow to sleep at

night ; for to defend themselves they are obliged either to becontinually flapping a great fan

,or else to be burning tobacco,

by the fumes of wh ich the fl ies are driven away. There aresome villages on the banks of the river where the inhabitantsare obliged to be both day and night behind large mosquitonets, where they spin , weave, and pursue all their occupations,for this i s the only way of defending themselves against thesetroublesome insects .84 . Another great nuisance in Pegu are the leeches which ,during the rains, abound in the grass and in the waters , so thata pe rson is exposed to their bite at every step. They areactually ravenous after blood

,and cannot be made to loose

their hold on th e flesh but by the application of salt or l ime.

1 For the Am phisbaena or se rpent w ith two he ads, one at e ach e xtrem e , se e

Sir Thom as Browne’s V ulgar E rrors. Like him ,

‘w e must crave le ave to

doubt of this double -he ade d se rpe nt until we have the advantage to behold.

’

204 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

Some of those that live in the water are so large that theymay easily be mistaken for small eels

,and these are great

annoyances to the buffaloes,which are fond of washing them

selves ih th e rivers,for they leave fearful wounds in their flesh .

85 . Scorp ions also are very common in this kingdom . They ,

are of two species,the whi tish and the black . The former are

the most dangerous,though smaller in si ze ; some of the latter

species are as large as lobsters,but they are comparative lv

harmless, for th ei r sting does not cause any i rritation or pain .

Even the white species i s not so venomous as to cause death bythei r sting .

86. Still more annoying than these are the centipedes, whichget among the clothes and into the beds

,and cause by their bite

an inflammation and torture almost insupportable,which will

last for several hours . Some people affi rm that,in the great

forests of Pegu,there i s a species of this animal that grows to

the length of an ox,and i s thick in proportion

,and in moving

produces a noise which may be heard at a considerable distance .87. The Burmese esteem several kinds of insects as articles

of food,particularly a species of red ant

,which they eat fried 1

or with the napi . Its flavour is rather acid and pungent, andto some European palates would not be d isagreeable. But

the great delicacy of thi s country is a worm,not very di s

similar from th e silkworm ,which is found in the heart of a shrub

,

called by the Portuguese jental. These worms are so muchesteemed that every month a quantity of them is sent toAmarapura for th e table of the Emperor. It is eaten eitherfried or roasted . Some fe w Europeans are disgusted with iton account of i ts appearance, but th e greater part who havetasted i t agree that it is exquisite .2

88 . But I must not omit to speak of another famous insectof the East Indies

,called by the Burmese chid. It i s not a

worm,as some travellers have painted it

,but very much

1 N icolc’

) de Conti says the y e at a re d ant, the size of a sm all crab, as also a

frightful se rpent w ithout fe e t as thick as a m an, and six cub its long. Dr. Mason

state s that the Karens e ste em the python as food, as also a re d ant, the form z'

ra

sm aragdz

‘

na. In an inventory of a Karen’

s asse ts I once found som e jars of

p ickle d crocodile .

2 The Europe an opinions still diff e r on this m atte r of taste .

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206 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

and topazes are sometimes found ; but it i s th e rubies of theBurmese Empire which are its greatest boast, as both inbrilliancy and clearness they are the best in the world . T he

mines that contain them are situated between the countries ofPalaon and the Koe. The Emperor employs inspectors andguards to watch these mines

,and appropriates to himself all

the stones above a certain weight and size ; the penaltyof death i s denounced against any one who shal l conceal

,or

sell or buy any of these reserved j ewels . There are alsosome mines of amber

,which i s used by th e Burmese for toys

and bassi -relievi . Finally, alabaster and the oil of wood mustbe placed among the useful productions of theBurmese Empire .The former is found in great abundance in th e hills opposi tethe city of Ava, but it is only employed in making the statuesof Godama. The latter i s procured from a tree called Chien

,

by inci sions made in the bark . It i s an excellent varnish,

for besides giving a beautiful lustre to wood,i t also pre

serves it from decay ; i t may likewi se be used in painting,for after i t has been boiled a little, i f it be mixed with thecolours, it very much adds to thei r vividness.9 0. Before concluding this chapter something must be saidof the Burmese elephants and the manner of catching them .

They have multiplied prodigiously in this empire,by reason of

the immense forests with which it i s covered . Generallyspeaking they are also of an enormous size. There are threespecies known here. Those of the fi rst species have very largetusks, the second smaller ones, and the third none at all, andthese are the most wicked and ferocious . It will be understoodthat these marks apply to th e male elephants alone

,for the

females are universally without tusks. Some have assertedthat this animal at certain periods sheds its tusks

,but this i s

not true ; and this i s also the case with another idea, thatwhen it falls on the ground i t cannot raise itself

,for in fact

the elephant always lies down for its master to mount upon i tsback . In the Burmese empire i t is trained more for the purposes of luxury than any real use

,for i t i s never made to carry

any burden further than the provisions of its guide and grassand branches of trees for i ts own provender. Only in time of

i t i s sometimes loaded with pieces of artillery,or perhaps

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 207

a little baggage. It i s the exclusive privilege of the king toride upon an elephant

,but he allows the royal family and the

greater Mandarins to use them .

The hunting of th e wild elephant i s the principal amusemento f the Emperor ; and indeed this spectacle i s the delight of allthe inhabitants of the metropolis . As soon as i t i s knownthat in some forest there i s a herd of elephants

,or that there

are some,which

, on account of their colour or form , deserve tohe the property of the Emperor, a number of female elephantsare sent out. The wild elephant, upon seeing the femalesapproach

,will immediately single out one

,and attach himself

to her,nor will he afterwards leave her.1 The hunters then

recall all the fem ales,and the amorous elephant will faith

fully follow the companion he has chosen, nor will h e bedeterred even by torrents or rivers . At length he is thuse nticed into an enclosure made of strong stakes, and no soonerhas he entered than two great beams

,which had been suspended

over the doorway, are let down , and thus the animal i se ntrapped . Sometimes he will be very suspicious in going intothe enclosure

,or may even retire, in which case the hunters,

mounted on female elephants, surround him ,and by going

through a number of evolutions, and shouting and screaming,oblige him to return into the snare. If, as is sometimes thecase

,he continues restive, or grows angry, and begins to make

pushes at the neighbouring houses, there i s no remedy but tokill him with musket-shots, a task not always easy, consideringthe thickness and hardness of his skin . Sometimes the elephanti s secured by means of nooses which are disposed so as to catchhis feet ; but it often happens that people, rashly venturingtoo near the infuriated beast, to lay the nooses, or throughc uriosity, are killed by him . The tame elephants are afterwardsse t to fight the wild one in the enclosure, where they bind himto a great post ; and then a few days are suffici ent for tamingh im . Many however die either with grief or from the illtreatment they have received .

1 Th e old trave lle rs, Nicolode Conti, Cae sar M de ricke and Ralph Fitch allspe ak of the capture of e le phants and Sym e s, p. 346, has an e ngraving of the

scene . The m ode shows the constancy of the Burm ans to old customs

Yule , p . 1 0 5 .

CHAPTER XXI I

CALENDAR OF THE BURMESE

CLIMATE AND SEASONS OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

9 1 . THE Brahmins who come from the coast of Coromandeland the island of Ceylon, and are distinguished from the restof the Burmese by a vest entirely of wh ite cotton

,are the

astronomers and astrologers of the Burmese Empire. As theyare versed in j udicial astrology

,in which all the Burmese with

out exception place implici t faith , and can frequently point outwith accuracy the time of an eclipse and regulate the calendar

,

they are held in great estimation,particularly at court

,where

a number of them always reside,to be in readiness to answer

any questions put to them,to find out the favourable or un

favourable moments for any transaction,in a word

,to regulate

everything that i s to be done for,as has been said in a former

chapter of the work,the Emperor takes no step without having

first consulted the Brahmins.1

9 2. If we look at the manner in which they regulate thecalendar

,

2 and the exactness with which they often predicteclipses

,we must allow to these Brahmins some knowledge of

the principles of astronomy ; among other things they ce r

tainly are acquainted with that observation made by theancient astronomers anterior to the celebrated Hipparchus

,

that after a period of 223 lunar months or eighteen years and

1 Se e note s, pp. 1 4 1 and 1 34. The white -robe d Brahm ans are often m e n

tione d by our Envoys. The officials whom Sym e s m e t also ke pt them in the irhouse s, and we re guide d in all things by the ir advice —Sym e s, p . 2 2 x. The

Brahm ans of Burm a in Sange rm ano’

s tim e we re de sce ndants of the captive sfrom Arakan, Assam , and Manipur, and of those who we re in the country fromthe tim e of the Pagan dynasty.

2 Se e note s on the com putation of tim e in Chap. I.

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210 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

a cannon,and the Burmese assert that at this moment a great

Nat descends amongst them,for they believe that every year

has its tutelary Nat. During the three days before the comm encem e nt of the new year, or, as they say, before the descento f the Nat, all except the Talapoins, both men and women,d ivert themselves by throwing water at each other till everybody i s wet from head to foot. Even strangers are not sparedon these occas ions, and the only way to avoid being we t

through is to stay at home during the whole time.9 4. With respect to the seasons, temperature and air of the

Burmese Empire, we must distinguish between the kingdomso f Ava and Pegu. In the latter, which extends from Tavai tothe city of Pron [Prom o], the south-west and north-east windsd ivide the year between them so as to cause but two seasons

,

the rainy and the dry season . From the end of April or thebeginning of May to July after th e vernal equinox , the densevapours drawn by the sun from the sea

,descend by the force of

a ttraction to the earth and meeting with the immense foreststhat are spread over every part of Pegu, and with the chain ofm ountains, which , running from east to west, separate Pegufrom Ava in the vicinity of Pron

,they become condensed and

discharge themselves in the most violent rains,which fall with

out intermission during the whole of this time. At thebeginning and end of the wet season the rains are accompaniedwith tremendous thunder and lightning and violent winds

,and

great damage i s sometimes done, and even lives are lost by thethunderbolts falling upon elevated bui ldings. On the contrary

,

after the autumnal equinox, when the sun retires from thesouthern hemisphere, i t draws after it the vapours of th e sea,and thus from the end of October or the beginning of Novemhe r to April, during which time the north-east wind prevails,the season is perfectly dry. Some years there is a little rain inFebruary

,but it is very gentle and never lasts long.

9 5 . But i n the kingdom of Ava, that is, from the city of

Pron, to 26°

or 27° north latitude, there may be reckoned three

seasons, the cold, the hot, and the rainy season . The fourmonths of November, December, January, and February formthe winter ; from the beginning of March to the end of Junethe heats prevail

,and the other four months are the season of

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 21 1

rain . The cold i s felt in these parts merely at night and in themornings

,and is more sensible in Ava, which li es to the north ,

than in Pegu. Heavy mists fall in November and December,

but snow i s altogether unknown . The only thing that cangive the Burmese any idea of the ice and snow of our northernclimates are the hail-storms that occur sometimes about thee nd of April or the beginning of May. In these corm trie s theWi nter i s th e most delightful portion of the year

,for this is the

season for gathering in the rice and all other kinds of grain andpulse . During these months more than at any other time

,all

sorts of herbs and plants flourish, not merely such as are naturalto the climate

,but also those that have been imported from

abroad, as lettuces, cabbages, turnips, radishes, love-apples, etc.9 6. Summer is not, as in Europe, ushered in by the beautiful spring

,but the transition from cold to heat i s very sudden .

In March and April, at which time the cold with us is still verysensible

,the greatest heat is experienced in the Burmese Em

pire,a nd the thermometer will sometimes stand at what we call

the most extraordinary degrees of heat. The trees,which in

some parts of Europe only begin to show their leaves in May,

in this country shed them during the same month,but it is

only instantly to be clothed with new ones for here,as in all

other parts of the torrid zone, the trees are always green, andthough they change their foliage every year

,i t i s done with

such rapidity that the new leaves may be said to bud forthbefore the old ones have falle n off. The kingdom of Ava,although situated more to th e north than Pegu, i s neverthelesssubj ect to the greatest and longest heats. In the last mentioned of these kingdoms, at the end of April or th e beginningof May the rains begin, and thus the atmosphere is purged ofthe suffocating vapours

,and the earth is moistened so as to

render the heat more supportable. But in Ava, after a littlerain that falls in May, and there are some years when even thisdoes not come

,the south-west wind

,by reason of th e chains of

mountains,which stretching in a northerly direction divide the

Siamese from the Burmese, and Aracgjn from Pegu and thekingdom of Ava

,taking a course from south to north, carries

away all the clouds,and thus deprives the earth of the moisture

necessary to cool i t ti ll about the middle of August. But at

212 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the same time these same clouds cause the most violent rains inthe forests of the Sciam, and in the mountains of Azen

[Assam] and Thibet, whence the waters descending producethose inundations of the river Ava which

,during June

,July

,

and August cover the lands in its vicinity and like the floodsof th e Nile to Egypt, are the source of their fertility. Duringthese months the water sometimes rises to the height of thirty.

two feet above its level in February, when it i s lowest, and theriver i s so much extended on each side of its usual bed that insome places i t i s not possible from one bank to se e the other.The waters are generally drained off towards the end ofOctober

,when the soil thus fattened by the deposit they have

made i s wonderful ly fertile,and pulse and plants of every kind

thrive to perfection in it.9 7. The waters of the river Ava have the property of petri

fying wood, bones of animals, etc. , but this not in every part ,but only in some particular spots at a great distance fromRangoon .

9 8. Although the Burmese do not make use of bread, neverthe le ss they sow wheat in the places that have been inundatedby the river. The greater part of i t i s carried to Rangoon

,

where i t i s either made into bread for the foreigners who residethere

,or else into ship-biscuits. Even in the capital great

quantities of biscuit are used ; for the Mandarins and mili taryofficers carry it with them in their expeditions

,both on account

of the facility of transporting it, and because they have foundby experience that it has more substance than rice.9 9 . After a little rain which falls in May and the beginning

of June,and which i s called the first rain

,two months and a

half pass over without any more in the kingdom ofAva. But

from the middle of Augu st to the beginning of October, whatare called th e second rains fall

,but not always in the same

abundance,and immediately the sowing of rice

,cotton , sesame,

indigo,etc.

,begins. It sometimes happens that these second

do not come at all,or are not suffici ently plentiful, and then a

great scarcity is always the consequence. But still it i s neverso serious as sometimes in Europe

,for Pegu

,where the rain

always falls in such abundance,i s thereby rendered so fertile as

to be able to furni sh rice to supply the wants of Ava. Nor are

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CHAPTER XXI I I

OF THE CURRENCY AND COMNIERCE OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

1 03 . THE Burmese have no coined money, but in their comm e rcial transactions they make use of gold and silver bullion .

1

Hence they are obliged to employ scales in all payments. Theprincipal weigh t that they have

,and to which all others are

referred,i s the ticale : i t i s equal to about half an ounce . The

gold and silver used i s sometimes quite pure, but ordinarily iti s mixed with some alloy ; and of course its value depends oni ts degree of purity . But the inferior money of Amarapuraand Rangoon i s lead : its value is not by any means fixed, butvaries according to its abundance or scarcity. Sometimes aticale of silver, with a portion of alloy, i s equal to 200 ticali oflead

,sometimes to a thousand

,and even to more. In Tavai

and Merghi [Mergui] pieces of tin with the impression of acock, which i s the Burmese arms, are used for money .

1 04. And this will be th e place for speaking of the mannerin which gold and silver are here procured . There are manytorrents

,th e sands of which yield gold . At a place near

Rangoon, between th e river Cittaun [S ittang] and that ofPeguor Bago

,and at another above the city of Pron [Prome],

gold-sands are also found,as well as to the east and the north

of the city of Ava . Hence we may reasonably infer,that in

the hills and mountains from which these torrents descend theremust be veins of this metal

,and these very rich . In other

places the marks are still more evident,but no one ventures to

1 The re was a coinage in Arakan and Te nasse rim . In Captain Cox’

s tim e theKing of Burm a m ade an attem pt to e stablish one . In the sixte enth century, am ixture of coppe r and le ad, called gam er, apparently stam ped, was use d in

Pegu. On the se subj e cts, se e Yule , p . 2 58, and for statem ents of the old trave lle rsabout the fore ign trade , se e his Chap. VIII. Frede ricke , Fitch, and Balbi alldeal with the se m atte rs. The pre sent tikal is e qual to about 3§ pounds.

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 21 5

open a mine,as he would have to suffer so many vexations from

the Court,that he would soon be obliged to abandon the enter

prise to his cost. But th e little gold that is thus collected i s farfrom being sufficient for th e Burmese, who use great quantitiesof this metal

,not only in their bracelets

,ear-rings

,and other

ornaments,which persons of both sexes are accustomed to

wear,but much more for gilding the convents of the Talapoins

,

the public porticos,and particularly the pagodas

,which

,being

exposed to the rain and the action of the air,soon lose thei r

gilding,and are therefore continually requiring fresh gold to

repair them . To supply this demand,gold i s imported from

the Malay coast,from China, and other places .1

105 . The si lver i s drawn from the mines which exist to theeast of Canton [Kaungton near Bhamo], towards the Chineseprovince of Junan [Yunnan] , the country of the Sciam . Al

though these mines are in the Burmese territories they are

worked by the Chinese. They produce an abundance of silver,which would be more than enough for the wants of the inhabitants

,did not the Chinese on th e one hand

,and on the

other the foreign merchants who frequent the ports of Pegu,notwithstanding the severe laws forbidding its exportation

,

carry great quantities out of the Empire. Near th ese minescrystals of different colours are found

,with which the Chinese

make little idols and other toys. There is one species of agreen colour

,thought to be the emerald .

2

106. The Burmese are all given to the follies of alchemy,and

there is not one of them who does not beli eve in the existenceof the philosopher’s stone

,and in the possibility of converting

the baser metals into gold and silver by means of certain pre

parations.

3 The following instance may give an idea of their

1 All this is true of the pre sent day.

2 Or pe rhaps jade , for which the re is a gre at dem and in China.3 The se e xpe rim ents are sti ll comm on. In his chapte r on Mak ing Gold,

Shway Yoe state s that the last gre at fire in Rangoon was caused by a se arche r

afte r se cre ts capsizing his crucible , while suddenly pouring in m e rcury, at thre ein the m orning, wh ich the horoscope had givew s a favourable hour. In m y

judicial work at Bom bay I have se en case s whe re m any pe ople we re induce d byvagabond rogue s to part w ith si lve r to be transm ute d into gold . Alchem y wasintroduce d into Europe from Arab ia, and sim ilar im posture s we re comm on.

Like the Burm an Em pe ror, our Edward III. was pe rsuade d by Raym ond Lully

216 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

folly in this respect . Among other th ings which can e ffectthis transmigration

,they give the first place to the q jeché,

which signifies congealed or petrified wine and of the effi cacyof this they are so persuaded

,that the Emperor and his

children have often begged foreigners to procure it for them .

The Emperor,the Mandarins and numbers of other rich

rrien spend their time in making chemical preparations, andperforming experiments for procuring the wished for transmutation ; and it i s not a rare occurrence for people so totallyto ruin themselves

,as they have done sometimes in Europe, as

to want the very necessaries of life,by spending all their pro

perty in these chimerical pursuits. There have not been wanting impostors to turn these prej udices of their countrymen tothei r own advantage

,by pretending to transform lead into

silver,and copper into gold

,deceiving the spectators by mere

sleight of hand . Among others,there was“ one who succeeded

in deceiving the Emperor,the royal family

,and th e principal

Mandarins ; but this trick was in the end discovered . It consisted in conducting away the lead at the moment of fusion,by means of secret tubes connecting with the vessel

,and at th e

same moment introducing silver through other tubes,so that a

real change seemed to have taken place . But at last, not beingable to restore the silver he had borrowed from various people,his imposture was discovered

,and he paid the forfeit of his

cheat by the loss of hi s head . Still i t was publicly reportedthat he was put to death

,not on account of his deceit

,but

because the Emperor wished to be the sole possessor of thesecret

,which he had drawn from him by threats and presents.

1 07. The Burmese have both an internal and external commerce. In the kingdom of Ava

,and indeed throughout the

whole Empire,except in the great cities

,the commerce for the

necessaries of life,as food and clothing

,i s rather a barter than

buying or selling. The inhabitants of the places abounding inrice or cotton go to exchange thei r commodities with those,the produce of whose fields is gingili

,tobacco

,i ndigo, etc. In

to tre at the art as a source of we alth ; but the frauds that e nsue d led to the

Statute of 5 Henry IV . c. 4, which m ade it fe lony ‘to m ultiply gold or silve r, or

to use the art of m ultiplication.

’The Chanoune sYem anne s Tale inChauce r is

a satire on the science of alchem y, and full of de tails of the art.

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2 18 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

cipal, in fact i t i s the only one of importance ; for thi s i s one of

the most populous cities of th e kingdom,the residence of a.

governor and Viceroy,and it has an easy and continual com

m unication with the capital and other principal places of theEmpire

,by means of the river

,alongwhich all their various

productions are brought to it,to be again disposed of to the

merchants,both native and foreign

,with whom the city i s

crowded . Until the year 179 0, Bassino enj oyed the sam eprivileges

,but when it was given as an appanage to one of the

chi ldren of the Emperor,the Mandarins who were sent to

govern i t committed so many and such cruel inj ustices andvexations

,that no merchant dared to approach the place. It

may therefore be said that the commerce is entirely coneentrate d in Rangoon , where it i s exercised by the inhabitants, aswell as by a number of Mohammedan Moors

,some Armenians,

and a fe w English,French

,and Portuguese

,who have taken up

thei r residence there. The ships that come from China and theMalay coast

,which latter are for the most English , bring in

cargoes of areca and other merchandise,as si lks, nankeen ,

porcelain,tea

,etc. The commodities

,however

,which have the

best sale at Rangoon,and return the h ighest profit, are the

sugar and muslins of Bengal,the linen of Madras, and par

ticularly the white and coloured handkerchiefs, which are hereuniversally used for covering the head . Sometimes also vesselsarrive from the Isle of France

,laden with merchandise that

yields an exorbitant profit,such as pottery

,muskets, looking

glasses, and articles of iron and brass, with woollen cloths ofvarious colours, which are eagerly sought after in thi s country,particularly when they are of two colours. For although theyare not used for clothing

,still they are in great request as

coverlets at night,as also for wearing on th e shoulders in the

daytime like a mantle. The English ships also bring in quantities of these stuffs . Such are the principal commodities broughtby sea, though there are some others of minor importance,consisting ch iefly of various drugs and spices

,raisins, almonds,

coffee,and other natural productions of Persia and Arabia,

which are brought by the ships of the Burmese themselves.1 09 . No ship i s allowed to enter Rangoon without beingprovided with a pilot acquainted with the navigation of the

MORAL AND PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 21 9

ri ver ; for the ci ty is fifteen leagues from the mouth . Afterhav ing cast anchor, the captain of the sh ip, or some one of itsofficers

,must present himself at the Rondai, which , as we have

said,is a large hall where theMandarins assemble to administer

j ustice, to declare the nation to which the ship belongs, the

place i t has come from,and the merchandi se it carri es . If

afterwards anything i s found not mentioned in this declaration,i t is considered as contraband . The ship i s then disarmed ;all the cannons

,muskets

,and ammunition

,and indeed even

the rudder is carried to land . All merchandise upon enteringpays a duty of twelve and a half per cent of which ten percent. goes to the Emperor ; the rest i s divided among all theMandarins in Rangoon .

1 1 0 . The commodities which the Burmese export in returnfor those j ust mentioned are lac

,catechu[cutch], and isinglass,

when the ships are destined to China or the Malay coast. Th elac and catechu are used by the Chinese in their colours, thei singlass for glue. But i f the vessels are bound for the west,that is

,for Bengal, the coast of Coromandel, the Isle of France,

e tc., the cargo generally consists of vegetable oil, petroleum ,

and,above all

,teak-wood

,either as masts for sh ips

,or cut into

planks of different sizes. Indeed it i s for this wood , more thananything else

,that vessels of every nation come to Pegufrom

all parts of India . It i s found also in Bombay, but in smallquantities, and is excessively dear ; whereas in Peguand Avathere are such immense forests of it

,that it can be sold to as

many ships as arrive at a moderate price .This wood

,while i t does not quickly decay

,i s very easi ly

wrought, and very light. Cases have occurred of ships madeof i t and laden with it

,which have been filled with water, but

yet did not sink . Hence all the ships that come to Pegureturn with cargoes of this wood

,which is employed in common

houses, but particularly in ship-building.

1 1 1 . Most of the ships that arrive in these ports are herecareened and refi tted ; and there are besides two or threeEnglish and French shipbuilders established at Rangoon .

One reason of this i s the prohibition’ that exists of carryingthe spe cie out of the Empire. For, as merchants after sellingtheir cargo and taking in another of teak-wood, generally

220 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

have some money remaining in thei r hands,they are obliged

to employ it in building a new ship . Though perhaps this isnot the only motive for building vessels in Rangoon ; but thequantity of teak and other kinds of wood with which theneighbouring forests abound may also have a great influencein this way.

1 12. If the port of Rangoon entices strangers to build shipsthere

,i t also obliges them to sail as soon as possible . For

there is a species of worm,bred in the waters of the river

,

which penetrates into the interior of the wood,and eats it

away in such a manner that the vessel i s exposed to thegreatest danger

,since the holes formed by these worms being

hidden,

cannot easily be stopped up. They attack everyspecies of wood except ebony and tamarind, which are so hardthat they are used to make mallets with which carpentersdr ive thei r chisels .1

1 The re ade r will find som e account of the e arlie r com m e rce in the Introduc

tion. A se parate tre atise would alone do justice to the m ode rn e xpansions ofim port and e xport trade , following the British conque sts, the m ak ing of roads

and railways, and the e stablishm e nt of ste am navigation along th e coasts and

r1y e rs.

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222 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

lived a famous hermit, who, having taken up his abode in one ofthe caverns of the great mountain Emaunta[Him avanta], whichlies to the north of the southern island Zabudiba

,occupied

himself in the contemplation of those things that prepare manfor th e Nihan . Whilst in this retirement, the solitary wastempted by the daughter of a Nat

,who

,placing herself before

th e door of the cavern, begged with prayers and tears to beadmitted . Moved by pity the hermit at length consented toallow her to remain for one only night ; but the beauty andarts of the young Nat made such an impression upon him

,

that,relaxing something of his attention to his sublime medi

tations, he married her, and had by her two sons ; one of whomhe named Menu

,the other Meno, and both of whom afterwards

became famous for their sanctity and learning . They,despis

ing the kingdom that their father promised to them,retired

to the mountain Em aunta, where, by the practice of medita

tion,they became Zian ; by which j ust men acquire the pro

perty of transporting themselves flying through the air to any

Gove rnm ent Pre ss, and the y m ake up the lite rature of an obscure branch of

le arning. In the Notes on Budd/l ist Law and the Prize Essay , the m any m ore

or le ss e quivalent Hindu texts found in Yajnyavalkya, Manu, V ishnu, e tc. , are

cited ; and the re asons given for the proposition that the se Dharm ashaste rs are

base d on the law of India are now, I b e lie ve , acce pted by all scholars. The ycontain,

howe ve r, add i tions from se ve ral source s, v iz. , I . The olde r custom s

of the Burm e se when the y we re in the sam e stage of civilisation as the Chinsare now . 2 . D e c isions of Burm e se and Talaing k ings and judge s. 3. Q uota

tions from the sacred books of the Buddhists. Buddhists had som e natural

d ifficulty in unde rstanding who the traditional Manu was ; and historicalm em ory be ing we ak , the Burm ans have forgotten the diffe re nce be twe en the

lawye r who got the title of Manu in the sevente enth century A.D . , and wrotethe Manu raja Dhamm athat, and the m ore ancient and m ythical Manu of

India. In the sam e way the Buddhaghosa who translate d King W agaru’s Code

in the fifte enth century A.D. is forgotten, and confounde d W ith the renowne dd ivine of the sam e nam e , who, about 450 A.D. , is said to have re turned from

Ce ylon. The jurist only translated the Talaing Manu into Burm e se but it has

gaine d m uch in sanctity and im portance by having b e com e conne cte d w ith thegre ate st the ologian of the Buddhist Church—Pri ze Essay , pp. 65, 75 , 77, 107.

A third pe riod begins with Alom pra, 1 750 A.D . The late st Dhamm athats re j e ctthe Rishi Manu altoge the r : the rulings of the Wagaru are re taine d, but it is nowBuddha who pronounced them at the beginning of all th ings. Our statute s call

this system Buddhist Law ; and the pe ople have a gene ral be lie f that the seCode s are part of the ir re ligion, so that the y are willingly acce pte d as authority .

Dr. Forchhamm e r be lie ved that the y we re introduced prior to the tenth cen~

BURMESE CODE 223

p lace they may wish . They then transport ed themselves intovarious parts of the world ; till at length arriving at the greatchain of the mountains Zacchiavala, they found the code of

laws here set down ,carved in capital letters upon the rock .

They made a faithful copy of them,which , upon their return ,

th ey presented as an inestimable treasure to the great EmperorMahasam ata; who being informed of the wonderful way inwhich they had been discovered

,commanded th em to be

observed by all hi s subj ects . The successors of Mahasam ata

having added some few laws to thi s code, they were afterwardsreduced to a more perfect form

,and enriched with various

o rdinances of one of the princes of the Nat. Finally, thi scode

,which was at first written in the Pali tongue

,and kept

in the island of Ceylon , was at length brought into the Burmese Empire by a certain Bude lagosa [Buddhaghosa] , andtranslated into the vulgar language . And such is th e origin ofthe Dam asat .

After this there follow some admonitions and counsels to

tury A. D . , from Southe rn India into Ind ian colonie s on the coast of Burm a, and

be ing adopte d by the Talaings, b e cam e the law of the united Burm e se and Ta

laing dom inions from the e le venth to the sixte enth ce ntury . The possib ilityne ed not be e xclude d of Hindu Code s having be en com pile d in the Sanskritlanguage at the Courts of ancient kings of Prom e

,and pe rhaps also at Pagan,

although no trace of such works has ye t b e en discove re d. InAlom pra’

s re ignthe re was a gre at lite rary and re ligious re vival : the untractable Talaings andArakane se had b e en subdued, and codified laws b e cam e m ore im portant in so

gre at an em pire .

Dr. Forchhamm e r inclined to th e op inion (controve rte d by Dr. Jolly in an

Appendix tohis Tagore Law Le ctures, 1 883) that the se Burm anManava-Shaste rsare base d on originals olde r than those found in India. In discussing his vi ewsw ith m e , he used to urge that it was the policy of Buddhism to publish its rule s tothe pe ople , of which the m em orials of Asoka are e xample s, which contrastwithBrahm inical procedure : that in the Buddhist, Brahm inical, and JainJurisprude nce s, the rule of law is the constant, unvarying quantity, the the ology the varying, and the re fore , pre sum ably, the m ode rn and that the gre at Buddhist State so f India m ust have re quire d a c ivil law in accordance with the ir re ligion. He

placed a high value on the m any facts and le arned argum e nts adduce d by Colone l

Syke s in his Notes on tlze State of India, as proving the antiquity of Buddhism ,

and i ts be com ing the e stablished cult of m any k'

dom s of old tim e in India.

Mahasam ata is the designation of a just m an, an e mbryo Buddha, se le cte d

according to the Milinda Panha, by the original inhab itants of the world, to se ttle

the ir d ispute s. For his conne ction with Manu, se e Forchhamm e r’s Pre face

to iv . Notes on Buddhist l aw .

224 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the Mandarins and j udges for the regulation of their conductsuch as not to yield to the movements of anger and hatred ;not to be blinded by the presents of cl ients

,nor to propose in

a j udgment the hurt or ruin of any one,but only the fulfilling

all the dispositions of the law ; to make themselves masters ofthe statutes and laws contained in this code

,before attempting

to sit in j udgment. To j udges who act in this manner theesteem and praises of men are held out as a reward , as well ashappiness in future lives ; but i f they do otherwise they will hehated by all, and after death will be condemned to the abodesof the wicked .

When j udges and Mandarins are going to enter into thetribunal called Jon [Yon, Court] , they must raise up theireyes and hands to heaven . And when they are in the tribunal,they should not be ashamed to ask the opinion . and advice ofsubordinate ministers

,as to the best and speediest means of

satisfying the parties in a lawsuit . They must neither in theircountenance nor speech show any regard to the wealth or

dignity of either party,but must listen impartially ‘ to both ;

nor must they be offended i f sometimes harsh words are usedby the litigants towards them and with the greatest prudenceand sagacity they must hear all that i s said either by the persons themselves concerned in the cause

,or thei r lawyers . This

i s all that is worth extracting from the first volume of theDam asat.

Of donations.

There are three sorts of donations . 1 . Many things aregiven as . a mark of affection . 2 . Others are given throughfear ; and , 3, Oth ers are given from a religious motive, as, forexample

,alms to th e Talapoins . Donations of the first class

may be demanded back again,if it should happen that the

giver becomes extremely poor ; in which case the receiver i sobliged to restore the gifts

,i f they are still i n existence ; but

if they no longer exist,he i s not bound to restore anything.

But this last regulation does not hold with regard to the secondkind of donations, such as are those exacted by robbers, as

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226 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

and of these four go to the daughter of the Mandarin, three tothe daughter of the Brahmin

,two to the daugh ter of the mer

chant, and one to the daughter of th e agriculturist. If thereare more than four wives

,the division must be made in the

above proportions . The wi fe who does not belong to any ofthese four classes has no pretensions to any part of the inheritance, and can only retain what she has received from he r

husband during his li fetime .

Of the seven kinds of slaves.

There are seven species of slaves who are bound to renderpersonal services to thei r masters . 1 . Those who are boughtwith money. 2 . The children of a female slave living in afamily. 3 . Slaves by birth , that is, those whose parents areslaves . 4. Slaves given as presents . 5 . Those who

' makethemselves slaves to deliver themselves from some trouble .6 . Those who in times of scarcity are dependent on others forsupport. 7. Those who hire themselves out for daily or

monthly labour. There are also seven sorts of persons fromwhom no menial service can be demanded ; and these are thefreedmen of Talapoins and Brahmins ; those who having beenslaves

,have

,w ith the consent of their m asters

,put on the

habit of a Talapoin,these

,even i f they afterwards lay aside

the habit,cannot again be reduced to slavery ; the Brahmins

and observers of the law ; those who are loaded with debtand finally

,those who belong to others under the title either

of habitation or possession .

Of the children whop articip ate in the p aternal inheritance .

There are six descriptions of children among whom thepaternal inheritance i s to be divided . 1 . The first-born, thati s,the son of the first wife. 2 . The children of legitimate

children,or grand-children . 3 . The children of in ferior wives

or concubines . 4. The children had by any female slave.5 . Adopted ch ildren . 6. Those boys or girls

,who

,having

BURMESE CODE 227

been received into a house,have been brought up th ere as

children of the family. There are also six descriptions of

children who are excluded from the inheritance . 1 . Thosewho

,having been consigned to oth ers to be educated, grow up

under their care . 2 . Boys or girls bought with money, forthese

,even though they have been looked upon by the father

as h is ch i ldren,cannot pretend to a share in the inheritance .

3 . Step-sons . 4 . D i sobedient ch ildren . 5 . Children had by aprostitute, or woman of ill fame. 6 . Children had by a womanwho

,constrained by necessity

,has prostituted herself. These

can retain noth ing but what the father has given in hislifetime .Children have no dominion over the substance of th e familybefore the death of th e father.Upon the death of slaves

,all their rights over th ei r children ,

or anyth ing else that they have possessed,descend to their re

spe ctive m asters .

Of the division of the inheritance among children.

The son of the first wife has four parts ; the children of theinferior wives or concubines one part ; the children had byslaves have only half a share

,and this does not come to them

till the death of the moth er,as they have no title but that of

maternal inheritance. And according to this proportion th eproperty i s d ivided if there be more children .

If a man has had no children,h i s substance i s d ivided among

his relations,and those who have been brought up in his house

as children . But i n case th ere are no relations, i t goes to theroyal treasury .

Of the divi sion of the f am ily substance in case of divorce .

If a man and wife separate by mutual consent,the family

substance must be d ivided equally between them . And if th eyafterwards agree to reunion they ought to go to live eitherin the house of the wife’s father, or in another taken in lease.If a girl, who has been married to a man with the consentand will of her parents

, afterwards desires to be separated from

228 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

him, th e husband ' may take possession of her dower,and even

sell her for a slave.If a woman after the solemnisation of her marriage

,but

before its consummation, has connection with anoth er man, sh eloses h er dower, which goes to the husband . But i f after th econsummation of the marriage she commits adultery

,she must

pay to her husband twice the value of her dower ; but maythen , i f she please, go to live with the man with whom she hascommitted adultery. But i f the dower was very small

,the

husband may sell her for a slave and retain the price .If a man after his marriage goes to live in another place

,and

for the space of three years does not send a letter,or money

,or

anything else to hi s wife,she i s considered as free

,and may

enter into another marriage .

When parents give their: daughter in marriage to a man,

who has represented himself as of a noble and illustriouslineage

,and it afterwards appears that thi s was false

,they m ay

take back their daughter ; and in this case the parents musthave exacted the dower brought by the husband before the consummation of the marriage

,for if they have neglected this they

cannot afterwards exact i t as a debt . When a man marries agirl

,with the condition of going to live in th e house of his

father-in-law,to assi st him in his labours, he must remain with

him three years, but after this time may go and live elsewhere.If parents

,through fear

,give their daughter to a Mandarin

,

they may demand her back i f their fear should cease,nor can

he refuse to surrender her. But if they have given her,not

through fear,but of their own will

,they cannot demand her

restoration . Parents may give th eir daughter to a man whohas business with them . If a girl falls dangerously ill, andher parents ag ree to give her to a physician i f he cures her

,

they are obliged to keep their promise ; or if they wi ll not givehim their daughter

,th ey must pay h im th e price of her body.

Finally,i f a girl secretly

,and without the knowledge of her

parents,contracts marriage

,the parents are obliged

,in order

to save her from infamy,to have the marriage performed

before legal witnesses.

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230 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

in case that he falls into poverty,and if he neglects these

duties the j udge may give to the benefactor one half of h i sgoods .Such ch i ldren as do not perform the above mentionedduties to th eir parents, or refuse to support them when inwant

,may be deprived of all their possessions and exiled into

distant countries .If a man do an inj ury to h i s father or mother-in-law hemay be expelled by th em from their house

,into wh ich he i s

not again to be admitted till h e has humbly asked pardon forhis offence. And if h e lift his hand against them h e may bedespoiled of all he possesses and driven out of the house .Finally

,those who do not honour th e aged shall be con

demned to pay to those whom they have offended the sum

of fifty ounces of si lver .

If the husband brings with him to the house of his wifea female slave

,whom he afterwards makes his concubine

,she

must be made free at his death , and if she have had a daughterby him she belongs to the mother.But if

’

it be a slave of the wife whom the husband hastaken for hi s concubine, she will always be the property ofthe wife

,even after the death of the husband, and though

she may have had children by h im . The slave of the wife or ofthe husband and wife conj ointly must be liberated upon th edeath of the latter. And i f the woman have had a son bythe husband h e must also be liberated with his mother

,but

i f she has only had a daughter, then the daughter is madefree

,but the mother belongs to the husband .

t e irship s, and the se ven ways of dividing them among the

he irs.

The following are the cases provided for in this section .

How property is to be divided : 1 , after the death of the

BURMESE CODE 23 1

father, among the mother, the sons, and daughters ; 2, amongthe mother and daughters ; 3, after th e death of the mother,between the father and son ; 4, between the father anddaughter 5

,after the death of both parents

,among the sons

and daughters ; 6, what proportion of the sons of a formerhusband or 7, the sons of a former wife must receive.In the first case one of th e sons i s selected

,generally the

first-born, and h e is to succeed the father in h i s militaryposts and all his other honours ; the sword , horse, bed , andother utensils of his father belong to him

,and he m ay choose

one of the paternal fields for his share . All the other property i s divided into four parts

,of which three belong to th e

mother,and one to the ch i ldren . The j ewels, rings, and other

ornaments gi ven by the father to his children in his lifetime,

do not enter into the property to be divided. Th e slavesare divided according to the above proportion

,except that all

the women belong to th e mother.

In the second case,when the property is to be divided be

twee n the mother and daughter,th e latter retains all the j ewels

given her by her father,and besides receives a se t of slaves

,a

yoke of oxen,and a certain portion of rice. All th e rest goes

to the mother. The reason of this provision is that thedaughter remains in th e power of the mother who may evensell h er for a slave .

In the third case,that is

,after the death of the mother

,

when the d ivision is to be made between the father, and a sonresiding with his wife in a separate house, the father has aright to the whole inheritance ; but still he must give up tohis son one field and a yoke of oxen

,which

,however, he may

demand back again if he falls into poverty, provided they beino e xistence .

But when the father and daughter oi;i daughters have to shareth e property, the latter, besides the j ewels and ornaments theyhave already received

,may claim ten cows, twenty goats, and

232 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

all the female slaves employed in the domestic service of th ehouse. All the rest belongs to the father.

After the death of both parents,when the inheritance has

to be divided among the sons and daughters,the eldest takes

two parts,the second one and a half

,and th e youngest only

one part. And besides, the eldest son or daughter has an oxand a goat.

If,after th e death of his wife

,a m an marries again

,the pro

perty is to be divided after his death among the ch ildren of thefi rst marriage

,only the second wife receives one share. But if

there be no ch ildren,the surviving wi fe has all the inheritance ;

and if she dies before her husband, all her propert y belongs toh im .

But in cas e there be children from both these marriages,

the foll owing rules must be observed . If th e property has verymuch increased since the second marriage

,while before th i s was

not the case,i t must all be divided into eight parts

,of which

five are given to th e second wife,two to her children

,and th e

remaining one to the children of the former marriage. But i f,on th e contrary, the great increase took place before the secondmarriage

,and ceased with it

,after having set aside the five

parts belonging to the first wi fe,two are given to her chi ldren

,

and one to those of the second wife.

As after the death of the parents,the eldest son or daughter

naturally succeeds to their place, in order that they may alwaysk eep in mind the obligation they are under of taking care of

their younger brothers and sisters,the laws decree that to them

in particular a cow and a goat shal l be given .

When th e wife,after th e death of her husband

,contracts a

second marriage,her goods

,upon her death

,provided the

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234 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

to the younger son ; th e other eight parts are now againdivided as before

,one part is given to the eldest son, and the

remaining parts to the younger. But if there be more thanone younger brother

,the division must be made as prudence

may require.

If i t should happen that a woman,after giving birth to seven

daughters, should have a son , the inheritance must be dividedin the following manner. The son

,although th e last-born

,

must have the same as h i s eldest sister,the second and th ird

daughters have two shares each more than the fourth and fifth,

who have a share and a half more than th e sixth and seventhand the latter are to receive one share each .

In general,th e heirs who are on th e spot must claim their

share in an inheritance between the seventh and thirtieth dayafter the death of their relation

,and those who are at a dis

tance,within the space of three months ; after this period has

expired they can have no further claim .

When a father has given one of h i s sons a sum of money forcommerce

,this i s not mingled with the common stock at th e

death of th e father,but continues to be the property of th e

son .

"

When a gi rl contracts marriage contrary to, or without the

consent of her parents, her property does not go to her husbandat her death

,but to her parents . And if a woman has married

twice,once with and once without the consent of her parents,

her dower then belongs to the children of the first marriage, tothe exclusion of those of the second .

XIII.

If a man has had several wives,but only one son, his goods

At pre sent this is not the case . For now the gain alone be longs to the son,

but the capital must be re turned to the comm on inhe ritance .

BURMESE CODE 235

at his death go to this only son, and th e surviving wife has

nothing. When there is no surviving ch i ld the inh eritance i sdivided among the wives

,in th e manner before set down .

A hermaph rodite child cannot claim an equal share with theother brothers .

Of the div isions of inheritances among Talap oins.

IVhen a Talapoin dies,his relations can have no pretensions

to his goods . Upon the death of a great Talapoin,all his

furniture and utensils go to the next in digni ty,or to h i s suc

cessor ; the rest of h i s goods are divided into four parts, two ofwhich are given to the second Talapoin

,and th e other two

again divided into four parts,of wh ich one is gi ven to th e

Pazen, th e remaining th ree to the other persons constituting

the family.

Elder brothers have no right to anything that the youngergain by their industry or labour. When a husband dies without children, the wife has the whole inheritance. Before d-ividing a man’s property among his hei rs

,his wife must take out

suffi cient to pay his debts,and for alms .

If a son who has married dies before h i s father has made adivision of his property

,his children can claim no part of th e

goods of thei r grandfather ; though he may, with the advice ofsome prudent and aged persons

,give to them a small share.

Vol. I V.

There are four cases of fornication between a man and anunmarried woman . 1 . When the girl consents to the violation .

2 . “Then sh e refuses her consent. 3 . When, although she consents

,she i s not of the same caste or condition as the man . 4 .

When she consents,and i s of th e same class . In the last case,

236 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the parties ought to marry each other ; in the third they mustbe separated

,and the man must pay the price of the body of

the woman . If the violation has been forcible, the man mustbe punished in proportion to his crime ; and if death he theconsequence of his violence

,he must pay to the parents of th e

girl, ten times the price of her bodyf‘iBut if the girl has given

her consent, there is no punishment for the man , even thoughthe girl should die in consequence.Al l who co-operate in seducing girls are to be punished .

A man may punish his wife in the following cases . 1 . If sheis accustomed to drink wine. 2 . If she i s careless of he rdomestic duties. 3 . If she encourage any gallant . 4 . If sh e i sfond of running about to oth er people’s houses . 5 . If she isv ery often standing at the door or window of the house. 6 .

If she i s petulant,and quarrelsome with h er husband . In like

manner i t i s lawful for husbands to punish those wives who arevery e xtragavant i n dress or in eating, those who show a disregard of modesty

,or a too great curiosity in looking about

them,and those who

,by reason of th eir beauty

,or of the pro

perty they have brought for their dower,are proud and over

bearing. In these cases the h usband must at first bear with hiswife patiently

,and admonish her in the presence of others ; but

if she does not amend,h e may then punish her and even beat

her. If after this she still continue in her evi l courses, he mayput her away, making with her a division of the property.

Of buy ing and se lling .

There are two ways of selling anything. The first i s by aprivate agreement between the buyer and the seller ; the secondi s for some third person

,having a competent knowledge of the

th ing to be sold,to determine a price. The following articles,

however, cannot be lawfully offered for sale. Things that are

At pre sent, de ath is the punishm e nt in this case .

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238 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

obliged to swear ; and when he takes the oath, he i s not obligedto produce a witness . If a m an before j udgment has been pronounced goes to the house of the witness he loses his cause .

Of the crime s a m an m ay be guilty of towards married wom en,and the ir penaltie s.

If a man touch another’s wife with his hands, or if he go tovisit her when her husband is not at home, or walk with her inlonely places, or talk much with her, or place himself i n thedoor-way

,or on the stairs

,or go into her bedchamber, he may

be made to pay the half of the fine attached to the actual commission of adultery.

-But still i t must be observed , that theremust have been something in the character of the man to e xc1tesuspicion .

If a husband surprise a man in adultery with his wife, he maylawfully kill him . But if he have time to fly

,and has got as

far as the stai rs,the husband cannot lawfully kill h im ; and if

he does,he is guilty of murder.

If a man find that a person,whose character warrants sus e

picion, i s accustomed to give betel and make other presents tohis wife

,or passes j okes with her

,he may bring him before a

j udge, and force him to pay half the fine for adultery.

The husband may command his wife not to visit at certainhouses, not to frequent lonely places, etc., and if she will notobey, he may accuse her as guilty of a crime.When a man is guilty of adultery with another’s wife

,and i t

i s proved to be th e first time,he must pay the ordinary fine

for adultery ; but for the second offence he is only to pay halfthe fine ; and if he i s guilty a third time, he i s free from allpenal ty.

BURMESE CODE 239

VIII .

When a woman accuses a man of having violated her person,

and h e denies it,he must be made to take the oath . If within

seven days after no one of th e misfortunes described in theoath befalls h im

,he is acquitted

,and the woman must pay a

certain sum in punishment for th e calumny. But i f both taketh e oath

,neither of them must be reputed guilty

,only they are

bound to pay the expenses of the trial .It must h ere be observed that th e trial by water

,described in

the chapter on government,is not proper to be forced upon

women in these cases,as men are generally more expert at it

than women .

If a man carries away a married woman, and after the deathof her husband sells he r

,he must give her th e price he has

received,and

,moreover

,pay the fine of adultery. If he drives

he r out of h i s house, he must pay only the half ; and as he hasdeceived her he has no right whatever over her.It i s not reckoned a crime for a married woman to revile or

even to beat a man who by promises or blandishments attemptsto draw her to sin ; and i f the man retorts he may be condemne d to pay the woman th e usual fine .

If a rich man violates the wife of a poor man,he m ust pay

the ordinary fine ; but if a poor man violates the wife of a richman

,the penalty will be the forfeit of his liberty.

If a man,after committing adultery with the wife of a respect

able person,fl ies

,his wife must give ten slaves to the inj ured

person or their equivalent in money .

If a drunken m an sleep upon the bed of another man’s wife,but without being guilty of any indecency towards her

,he can

not be punished in any way ; but if he takes any liberties withher, h e may be condemned in the ordinary way.

Q

If a slave forms a connection with another slave he must be

240 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

punished as a slave but if th e woman he the slave of a brotheror near relation to the master of the man

,there is no penalty

because the slaves of brothers and near relations are supposedto be members of the same family .

It is no crime for a slave to have a connection with a freewoman if she consents to it ; but if a free man forms a conne ction with the female slave of another, h e must pay th e valueof the woman to her master.

If a woman by deceit induces a boy of thirteen or fourteento sin with her

,she alone is reckoned guilty. When a slave

violates a female slave of h i s master,and she dies in child-birth

,

the violator must pay the customary fine .When the adulterer is not able to pay th e fine

,he must

become a slave to the man he has inj ured ; but at the deathof the wife he regains his liberty. If a son should be the fruitof this connection

,he i s free.

XIII.

The fine for the violation of a female slave i s the value of aslave ; for the violation of a poor woman it i s the value of twoslaves ; for the violation of a woman of th e class of husbandmen

,the value of three slaves ; for the violation of the wi fe of

a merchant,th e value of four slaves ; for th e violation of the

wife of a physician,the value of five slaves ; for th e violation

of the wife of a wise or rich man,the value of eight

,or if h e

be a person of consequence,of twelve slaves ; for the violation

of the wife of a lesser Mandarin, the value of fifteen slaves, buti f he be a Mandarin of the higher clas s

,of twenty or thirty

slaves . When the women thus violated were not wives butonly concubines

,the fine is diminished one-half.

If a man has insulted , or struck , or wounded others, or dishonoured another’s bed, he alone, but not his wife or children

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242 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

must pay who insult, or strike, or wound persons in conditionssuperior to their own.

If any one in the public streets lays hands upon another ofequal condition with himself

,he must pay the value of two

slaves . Then the different parts of the body are enumeratedwhich may be wounded in quarrels, and according to the dangeror size of th e wound the fine i s regulated .

XVIII .

If a man,free-born and of a respectable state in life

,kills a

poor man,he must pay the price of ten slaves ; and the fine

i s the same in case a poor man kills a slave ; but if he k ills aperson superior to himself he must pay the value of seventyslaves ; for killing the slave of a Mandarin the fine is the valueof fifteen slaves . The murderer of a Talapoin or a Brahminmust pay a fine of fifty ounces of gold .

"6

XIX.

If two persons quarrel and fight,and one of them i s ki lled ,

there is no penalty ; but if a third person interfere, and he killsone of those engaged in the quarrel

,he must pay the ordinary

fine for murder ; but if he himself is killed, the other two aresubj ect to no penalty.

If any one accepts a commission to murder another,even

though the crime is not committed,both he and the person

giving th e order must pay the full fine of murder.When two persons mutually insult or strike each other

,i f

they are both of equal condi tion,each must pay the usual

fine, but if one i s supe ii or to the other, the fine i s increasedor diminished one -fourth

,according to their respective states

in li fe.

It i s no crime for children not more than ten years old tostrike or insult any one . When Talapoins

,or Brahmins

,or

At present m urder is punished with de ath.

BURMESE CODE 243

Mandarins, or old men, or children , or m ad or sick people beatany one

,they are guilty of no crime, even though death should

be the consequence of the blows, since i t i s supposed th ey didnot do i t with the intention of murder, but only of correction .

XXI.

If a man insult another,calling him a thief

,a wizard

,a vile

fellow,and such like

,h e must pay in penalty the price of a

man. And if a man in a passion shall tell another that he i sa murderer

,a killer of other men ’s oxen

,pigs

,etc .

,i f th is be a

calum ny,he must pay the price of ten men .

If any one insult hi s own parents, he must be stripped of allhis goods and expelled from his father’s house.

XXII.

If any one plays tricks upon a person of higher conditionthan himself

,or throws water or fi lth upon h im

,h e must be

punished with th e bastinado. When any one grievously insultsanother

,h e must pay the ordinary fine ; and if he be a poor

man,his face must be blackened with charcoal

,and he is to be

conducted in this state through all the streets of the city.

Vol. V.

This volume speaks of those who may act as j udges. Allpersons

,whether Mandarins or Brahmins

,or prudent or pious

men,m ay act in this capaci ty, provided they have those quali

ties which constitute a good j udge,which are specially these

to be considerate,prudent

,wise

,eloquent, and well versed in

the laws and statutes contained in thi s book . It then goes onto point out those who more commonly exerci se the office ofj udge, and these are the governors of ci ties

,and the chiefs of

the villages or thei r lieutenants,those whq have made a study

of the Dam asat, and arbitrators .After the ch i efs of the villages

,or the governors of towns

,

have given their j udgment in any cause,if the parties are dis

244 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

satisfied with the decision,they may have recourse to another

j udge ; and , i f this j udge has been chosen by consent of bothparties

,they must abide by his award .

There are four causes for arrest and imprisonment ; debt,quarrels

,enmity, and theft. A creditor may arrest his debtor

and keep him confined till he has paid him . If a creditortortures his debtor in such a m anner as to cause his death

,he

may be punished as a murderer. If a debtor wishes to prosecutehis creditor for th e vexations he has suffered from him

,he must

first pay the debt before he can begin the prosecution .

If the people of a village seize upon a robber,and in securing

him or conducting him to prison h e i s killed,they are not

subj ect to any penalty .

A debtor must be released when he promises that he willsubmit the cause to a j udge

,and abide by his decision .

If a person i s bail for another,who afterwards fl i es

,or refuses

to satisfy the claims upon him , the surety is bound to make allpayments good .

A man may suffer an inj ury in three ways in h is body,in his

possessions,or in both body and possessions at the same time.

And where an inj ury has been infli cted,reparation must be

made either by restitution or an equivalent .If a person is made to pay a fine unj ustly

,which ought to

have been paid by another person,he may exact a double fine

from the real offender.

Of inte rest on money .

When a person puts out his money to interest, i f he be apoor man

,he may receive monthly one per cent. ; two per cent .

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246 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

VIII.

If the near relations of a debtor, as hi s brothers or sons,should go to the house of the creditor, to entreat him torelease thei r kinsman who was in prison

,promising to arrange

things so that the debt shall be paid,and the debtor, upon his

release,fl ies or conceals him self

,these relations shall be answer

able for the debt. But this doe s not hold if the intercessorswere only friends or distant connections .

W hen‘

se ve ral persons stand surety for a debt,they are all

bound in solidum to payment, in case the debtor withdrawshimself from the country

, so that i f the creditor meets withone of the sureties

,he may exact from him alone the full pay

ment,provided he is not a poor person or slave.

The sureties however are only bound for the capital, but notfor the interest . If the creditor

,without advertising the

surety,arrests his debtor

,and he afterwards escapes from him

,

then the surety is no longer bound to anything,and the same

i s the case when the debtor makes his escape after he hasbeen consigned by the surety to the custody of his creditor.

When the interest in the space of two or three years comesto be equal to, or greater than the capital, the debtor is nolonger bound to restitution .

"

When a debtor runs away, all his property must be dividedamong his creditors in proportion to their respective credits.

In case of the denial of a debt,the j udge may administer

the oath to the party most illustrious for h i s family,or re

markable for his integrity. But if the litigants are equal in

To e lude this law cre ditors have now the practice of m ak ing the ir debtorsgive them new bonds e ve ry ye ar.

BURMESE CODE 247

these respects,he must require both to take the oath

,and the

one who refuses loses h is cause.

If a person lends money to a slave,not knowing him to be

such, the master i s bound to the payment ; but i f the lenderwas acquainted with the condi tion of the borrower

,the master

i s bound to nothing.

XIII.

If a person gives money with the condition of receiving ata stated period a quantity of rice, for example, and the articlei s not delivered as agreed , he may exact interest for his money .

A person who lends another a quantity of rice may at anytime demand its repayment

,even in a year of scarcity and he

may also require compensation for any damage he may havesuffered through the loan .

When two persons are j oint creditors of another, and one ofthem consigns the debtor to the custody of the other, if thisone , after receiving h i s share of the debt

,releases th e debtor,

he is bound to satisfy the claims of th e other creditor. If atthe time that a creditor holds hi s debtor in confinement

,

another creditor appears, and tells him to keep him safe, andif the prior creditor afterwards releas es the debtor, upon rece iv ing the payment of his own demands, he is obliged to giveto the other creditor one -half of th e sum he has received butif the other creditors do not come forth before his debt hasbeen paid

,he i s not bound to pay them anything. But if th e

credi tor, having been thus paid , persuades the debtor to runaway, he is then obliged to satisfy all the claims of any othercreditors who may appear.

If a person lends money to another,not knowing that he

was a slave,or if the borrower afterwards becomes a slave, and

he arrests him and tortures h im in such a manner as to cause

248 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

his death,he must pay to the master of the slave half his

value. But i f the slave only fl ies,and does not return to his

master’s house,the creditor i s under no obligation of restitu

tion of any kind .

But if he knew that the borrower was a slave, and he die inconsequence of the ill-treatment of the creditor

,the latter

must pay the full price of the slave to his master, or the thirdpart if be merely runs away.

XVI.

If a person accompanies another when he is going to sati sfyhis creditor, and the debtor runs away without paying, thecreditor may require the whole debt from his companion, or ifthe latter be the slave of the debtor

,he becomes the slave of

the creditor. These laws take place when a debtor has nochildren or near relations to succeed to hi s property .

XVII.

A creditor may arrest his debtor when he refuses to pay ;and if he perseveres in his refusal

,after three years he may be

sold for a slave by the creditor,who may thus pay himself out

of the price he receives for him . But i f he keeps the debtorin prison ten years and then sells him,

he may appropriate th ewhole price

,even though it exceed the original debt.

XVIII.

If a m an contracts a debt during the lifetime of h is first wife,and after death runs away from his creditor

,the latter can

have no claim upon the second wife.But though creditors are allowed thus to arrest and imprisontheir debtors

,they are nevertheless forbidden to punish or

torture them in the same way as criminals .

XIX.

A deposi tary ought to be a person of a respectable stationin life.

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250 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

if he does not pay it within ten years,the debt i s liquidated,

and h e i s not obliged to anything.

ale

Whoever steals a horse must restore two ; whoever stealsan ox

, must restore fifteen ; whoever steals a buffalo, mustrestore th i rty ; whoever steals a pig or a goat must restorefifty ; whoever steals a young goose or a fowl

,must restore

100 ; whoever steals a man must restore ten , or four if heonly conceals h im .

As for inanimate things,whoever steals anything, must

restore, if it be the property of the Emperor, the Brahmins, orthe Talapoins

,ten-fold ; i f of a Mandarin, five -fold ; i f of a

rich man,three-fold and if of a poor man

,two-fold what he

has taken .

Whoever secretly enters into another man’s house in thenight

,even though when he is caught he has taken nothing,

must pay the value of two men ; but if any stolen goods arefound upon him

,he i s fined in the value of four or five men .

If a man steals in a street or public place,and is caught by

the owner of the stolen property in the town where the robberywas committed

,he may be obliged to restore double what he

has taken . But i f he i s pursued,and taken in another town,

th e stolen goods must be sold in the place,and half the sum

arising from the sale be given to the chief of the towu .

‘

l‘

In conse quence of this law , m one y-lende rs am ong the Burm e se are ve ry solic itons to have the irm one y back be fore thre e ye ars are e xpire d and if the de btor

is unable to repay it, the y will m ake him give them a new bond, that thus the ym ay continue to re ce ive the inte re st of the m one y the y have le nt.1‘ At pre sent thie ve s, e spe cially if the y are old offende rs, are m ostly condemned

0 de ath.

BURMESE CODE 25 1

If,when two persons are living together

,one of them takes

away or hides anything from the other,he i s only obliged to a

simple restitution . Those who are watching in the house of adeceased person may lawfully m ake use of the food they findthere as also the inhabitants of one vi llage

,being invited by

those of another to a festival,may make use of anything b e

longing to the latter.

If a man lends a sword to one , who afterwards uses i t to killor wound some one, if he was ignorant of this evil intention atthe time he lent the sword

,he i s not guilty of any crime but

if he knew it,or ought to have known it, h e must pay a third

of the ordinary fine. When a thief has been pursued andtaken

,he must not be immediately put to death

,but consigned

into the hands of the j udge to be punished according to thelaw. But the master of an orchard or of a fi eld may kill ath ief

,whom he finds stealing there in the night . If, however,

a thief i s caught stealing fruit in the daytime,he must pay a

fine of the value of a man .

If a person should buy an old and worn-out boat from athief, and after hav ing mended it, should discover its owner,he i s only bound to make known the thief

,from whom the

owner must exact the fine as it i s presumed that he could nothave suspected it to be stolen property.

If two people together buy a stolen garden,and one of them

dies before th e owner has reclaimed his property,the other is

obliged to endeavour to discover the thief,but if he is unable,

to restore the whole garden to the true owner.

If a man , having stolen a boat, gives i t to a carpenter tomend, when the owner appears, five times the value of the boat

252 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

must be paid as a fine of which the carpenter must pay onethird

,and the thief the other two. If a slave turns robber and

i s taken,he must be condemned to death

,or else to pay the

usual fine for theft which must be paid to the j udge by himwho has received the thief into his house ; half the fine mustbe given to the master of the slave.

If a thief being discovered in the night,and closely pursued ,

leaves beh ind him the stolen goods,they are to be divided into

three parts ; one of which i s to be given to th e person who di scovered the thief

,one to the j udge

,and one to the feudatory

of the town . If anything is missed in a place near which anumber of people have been playing

,they are bound to pay its

value to the owner. In like manner, when anyth ing i s lost i na village

,th e inhabitants must m ake it good .

"

VIII.

W hoever appropriates to himself things found in the woodsor mountains is to be considered as a thief

,and treated as such .

On the contrary those who restore them untouched to theirowners merit great praise ; and moreover they are also to receivea thi rd part of the value of what they have restored, i f it i s notgold or silver

,as then only a sixth part is due to them . The

same law holds when any one finds a lost chi ld or slave, andthose must be punished

,who, instead of restoring them to those

to whom they belong, retain them in thei r own employ.

According to the rules of j ustice and honesty, a person whohas found anything should keep i t in his possession for threeyears, and then consign it to the chief of the town or city, whom ust restore it to the owner when he appears ; and if any onedeclares the thing to be his

,and i t i s discovered upon examina

The inhab itants of a town are also re sponsible for any e i irne , as, for e xam ple ,m urde r, which has be en comm itted in the ne ighbourhood.

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25 4 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

back,or to any similar trial of ski ll

,and any accident happens

to one of them,the other i s not bound to any penalty. In like

manner,i f a person

,seeing another’s horse or carriage approach

,

warns him to keep at a distance, but he notwithstanding willapproach

,and in consequence suffers some inj ury

,the latter

cannot institute a lawsuit on thi s ground.

If a person curses another and some evil happens to him whowas cursed, the other must pay twice the value of the evi l whichhas been suffered ; thus if the man dies, he must pay twice thevalue of a man .

It must here be observed that at the death of the Emperor,

a general pardon and remission of all crimes and fines i s gi ven,

excepting in cases of debt .

XVI .

If,while a stranger i s living in a house, a thief comes there to

steal,and the stranger pursues him and makes himself m aster

of h is clothes,they must be divided into two parts

,of which

the master of the house takes one and the stranger the other.

XVII.

When a stranger dies,all his goods belong to the master of

the house where he was residing. In like manner if a man,

who has been wounded by robbers, dies in another man’s house

,

his goods,together with the fine to be paid by the thieves

,go

to the owner of the house. If a woman is brought to bed inanother person’s house

,she must offer to the master one dress

for a m an and another for a woman, as also a sum of gold ifshe be able . When a sick man remains in another’s house tillh is death

,and receives all his food and medicine from his host

,

the latter must be repaid double what the sick man has consumed

,and four times as much if

,during the sickness

,he has

waited upon him .

BURMESE CODE 25 5

XVIII.

If a sick man,in offering rice or any other species of food to

the Nat of the woods or mountains,throws it near the steps of

another man’s house, h e is not gui lty of any fault ; but if hethrows it under his house, and any misfortune afterwards happens to its owner, as, for example, if he dies, the one who hasput th e rice there must pay the price of the body of thedeceased

,as well as for all the medicines that have been taken .

XIX.

If a sick man,i n warming himself, sets fire to another per

son’s house,he must pay to its owner the third part of the

value of h i s body. And a person who in any other way, as inlighting a lamp, sets fire to a house

,must pay the owner two

thirds of the value of his body. If the fire was caused by himwhilst he was drunk or in a passion

,he must pay the full value

of his body. If an inhabitant of a village,wh i lst carrying fire

in his hands,quarrels with the inhabitant of another village

,

and is th e cause of its taking fire,the inhabitants of the last

mentioned place may for vengeance se t fire to th e village ofthe incendiary

,without being liable to any prosecution .

If a person sets fire to a wood that does not belong to anyone

,and the fire is thence communicated to a neighbouring

garden,the owner may demand reparation for all damages .

If a young man, to induce a girl to marry him ,gives he r a

ring or any other pledge,but afterwards marries another

woman, he cannot demand back what he had given .

When a person deputes another to go into another townand contract for him a marriage with sa ~wom an, giving her atthe same time a pledge for the fulfilment of the contract

,if

when he goes himself to receive his bride he finds some defect

256 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

in her,as that she i s infected with the leprosy

,or has known

some other man, he may break off the contract and require thepledge to be given back . But this law does not hold when thewoman is of the same village as the m an

,or he has personally

been acquainted with her.If parents have promised a young man to give him their

younger daughter in marriage,but deceive him and give him

her eldest sister,and if he has consummated his marriage with

her,he may reta in the elder without losing any of h is rights

over the younger.

If a young man,after having given the usual dower required

for marrying a girl,has a connection with her sister

,the former

may,i f she pleases, break the contract, and the man cannot

demand the dower he brought with him .

A father-in-law may drive out of hi s house a son-in-law whoshows great inaptitude for labour

,and give his daughter to

another man . But he must give to his son-in-law the clothesof his wife

,if he i s going to marry another woman

,or half the

value of her body, if he i s going to remain single.

If,during the celebration of a marriage, the bride runs away,

h er parents must give their younger daughter in her place,if

they have one,or else restore the dower. But i f the bride only

hides herself in the house,and refuses to receive her husband

,

double the sum given as a dower must be paid to him .

If a man forcibly violates another’s daughter,he must

,if he

be a low person, forfeit all his.

goods in favour of the girl,and

moreover be puni shed by the j udge. But if he be of a morenoble condition, he must give her a dower corresponding tohe r state in life. If his condition be the same as the girl’s, hemust first be punished, and then must marry the girl, or elsegive her a dower, which must be equal to the value of her

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25 8 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

another man . She is also free if she hears nothing of her husband for six years, when he has gone out on a military expedition . But i f he i s travelling for obj ects of commerce she mustwait seven years

,and if from religious m otives, ten .

VIII.

A young man should look upon his father-ih -law as h isnatural father, and the father-in-law on his part should cons ider the former as his own child . If a son-in-law should dareto lift his hand against h is father-in-law

,upon being corrected

by him, he must humbly beg pardon, and according to thegreatness of the offence pay in forfeit the price of a slave or anox. But the father-in-law must use discretion in correctingh is son-in-law .

If a married couple,from their continual disagreements

,con

s ent to separate, each one takes his dower,and then whatever

has been acquired since their marriage is divided into threeparts of which the wife takes one and the husband two. But

if the husband brought no dower with him ,th e common gains

are equally divided between th em .

But if the separation takes place, not by common consent,but at the pleasure of one party alone ; then, i f i t be the busband who seeks the divorce, he must leave the property to thewife and go out of the house

,with only one suit of clothes ;

but if i t be the woman that wants to separate,the husband ,

besides taking all the property,may also sell her for a slave .

If a man buys a female slave to make her his wife, and afterwards repudiates her

,he does not thereby lose the right of

e xacting the price of her body. But this does not hold in theconverse case, when a woman has bought a man to make himher husband , for in case she afterwards separates herself fromhim

,she loses all right over him.

BURMESE CODE 25 9

Here there is an exhortation to j udges to punish husbandswho i ll-treat good wives ; as we ll as wives who revile and illtreat good husbands.

When a husband sets out for distant countries,leaving in

h is house everything necessary for the maintenance of his wife,

the latter may not leave the house and go to her parents .And if the husband is out on the service of th e Emperor

,or

from religious motives, she is not allowed to abandon the house,even if there be a want of necessaries . And if th e husbandupon his return finds his wife living out of his house

,he may

have satisfaction by sentence of a j udge,who may decree a

separation for three years,or

,if the husband demands it

,a

perpetual divorce.

Even if the husband goes to live with another woman,the

wife is not immediately to proceed to a divorce ; but shemust wait three years, after which time she i s free to do as shepleases . There are, however, causes for which a woman mayseparate herself from her husband ; as

,for example

,i f he i s

lazy,or unable to procure what is necessary for the family

,i f

he commits adultery, and some others ; but then the husbandhas still the right of retaining her dower. But sickness, old

age,deformity or any other bodily defect, are not considered

sufficient causes for a divorce. Those wives who,notwith

sta nding th e sickness or other defects of their husbands, attendto them

,and take care of them , and have patience with them,

as a sister does to a brother, or a scholar to his mas ter, deserveto be praised by all the Mandarins and j udges.

XIII .

If a husband has taken one of his own female slaves,or one

belonging to his wife,for a concubine

, and have a son by her,he may give h im as a slave to his wife

,but not to his eldest

daughter ; as in that case he would lose his right to half th evalue of the body of his son.

260 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

If a father sells his son i nto slavery,the price paid for him

must be taken from the inheri tance at the father’s death , andgiven to this son ; who, moreover, may claim two shares morethan any of his brothers or sisters in the paternal inheritance.Moreover, i f a brother sells h is younger brother for a slave,and dies without children

,all h is property goes to the one who

had been sold .

XIV .

The children of a first marriage cannot complain if theirmother

,having married a second time

,employs all the property

in keeping her husband . If he,after the death of hi s wi fe

,

marries one of her female slaves,the children do not lose thei r

right over her after his death ; as sh e always belongs to them ,

exce pt she has had a male child .

Parents, on their death-bed, cannot dispose of their propertyin favour of their friends or connections ; and even if they hadm ade them any presents

,which

,however

,have not yet been

consigned into their hands,the heirs may retain them after the

death of the parents.

If a father,in consequence of age or sickness

,gives up the

care of his property to hi s wi fe and son-in-law ; upon thedeath of the wife the administration does not pass to the headof the family

,as he cannot dispose of anything without the

consent of the son-in-law .

XVII.

When a married daughter,who has been living with her

husband,returns to her father’s house in her sickness and dies

there,half of her goods belong to her parents .

If a father-in-law has given money to h is son-in-law fortrade, he has a claim not only to the restitution of the original

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262 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the seller the price h e has paid . And if within ten days theslave falls sick of any foul malady

,the buyer may send him

back to the house of his old master,who i s bound to provide

him with food and medicine,and

,i f he i s cured

,to restore him

to the buyer.

When any one to obtain money gives in pledge h is son, ofan ox

,or anything else

,promising to redeem the pledge within

three months,i f he fails in his promise

,he loses h is pledge,

If any one in want of money sells h is slave who is involvedin debt or other em barrassments

,he, and not the buyer, i s

responsible for the debts of hi s slave .

When any one sells a slave who afterwards returns to hishouse, and is sold to another at a higher price, the surplus overthe first sale belongs to the man who then bought him .

A person who has sold a slave has the right before any one

else of repurchasing him .

When two slaves of the same master agree to run away together

,and one afterwards sells the other, and they divide th e

pri ce,and then the one who has been sold returns to his old

master, if the new master comes to claim him,the old master

must give him two slaves,unless he can swear or bring testi

mony that the whole transaction was without his advice,and

then he is only bound to give one .

When a slave, having run away from his lawful master, sellsh imself to another, but as soon as he has received the priceruns away again, and sells himself to a third, i f the first andsecond masters then discover the runaway

,they may sue the

last possessor for the restitution of the slave,and the reparation

BURMESE CODE 263

of all damages,unless h e can prove that he acted through an

involuntary ignorance, that he had examined the slave, andused all the necessary precautions

,i n which case he may de

mand reparation for what he has paid .

If a person hires a slave, and takes him with him to anothervillage

,where h e i s obliged to sell him

,and the slave then runs

away,the purchaser i s not bound to pay anything to his

original master,as he had bought him from one who had a

right over him ,since he had hired him .

If a slave who has been sent ' to war, or to conduct somebusiness for his master

,i s taken by the enemy

,but afterwards

escapes,and returns to his own country

,his master loses all

right over him .

VIII.

,A master may slightly punish a

i

slave ; but if he strikes orbe ats him violently, he loses a third part of the price of hi s

and if the slave dies from the beating,he must pay

'

the value of hi s body to the slave’s parents,or

,i f they

are not living, to the j udge. And if a slave runs away toavoid the cruelty of his master

,there 18 no penalty for any one

who receives him into his house.

The master of a runaway slave may exact from him, or fromthe

, person who has received h im,the gains he would haVe

derived from his services .If a son or a slave

,given in pledge

,dies in the house of the

creditor, the parents are not thereby freed from the debt,unless during the sickness they ask permission to take him intotheir own house, and were refused .

'

264 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

If any one hires a slave by the day or month,and he dies in

his service,the value of the slave must be paid to his master.

If a person,having taken a slave as a pledge

,becomes dis

contented with h im,and returns him to his master

,and shortly

after he runs away,the person who has had him in pledge

must seek after him and restore him .

If a father sells himself for a slave,and at the same tim e

gives his son in pledge to the same or any other master, i fthe son runs away

,hi s master may demand restitution from

the father ; and if the father runs away, his master may demand restitution from the son.

If a free man marries a female slave without the knowledgeof her master, the children all belong to the master of theslave

,i n the same way as a calf belongs, not to the owner of

the bull,but to the owner of the cow. But if the master of

the slave,in consideration of some present, has consented to

the marriage, then some of the children belong to the free manand others to the master of the slave. If a woman marry astranger

,not knowing that he was a slave, the children must be

d ivided between the mother and the master of the slave.

XIII.

If a new-born child i s given to a woman to nurse, and theparents do not ask for i t ti ll i t has arrived at puberty, thenthe value of i ts body i s d ivided into four parts

,of wh ich three

belong to the nurse and one to the parents. But i f the childwas not given into her care till i t could call upon its father andmother by name

,or get up the steps of the house

,then three

parts only are to be made of the value of the body,of which

two must be given to the woman and one to the parents . If,

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266 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

thing is found,half goes to the labourer and half to the owner

of the land .

XVIII.

If a man hires another man’s slave,who runs away after h e

hasreceived his wages, he is not bound to pay any fine to the‘master of the slave. But i f, knowing him to be a slave, he didnot ask the perm i ssion of his master

,then if the slave runs

away,or dies before he has received his wages

,the master may

claim th e value of his slave.

XIX.

If a Mandarin obliges a man to climb up a tree, and he fallsdown

,the Mandarin must pay double the value of his body if

he is killed,and the simple price if he is only bruised.

When a strange ox gets into a fold,the owner of th e fold

must give notice of i t to the chief of the village,who is to look

out for the owner of the ox, and restore i t to him . If an ox getsinto a field and eats or tramples down the crop, the first time,warning must be given to the owner of the ox, and if after that,the ox still continues to do the same damages, the owner of thefield may kill it

,and, giving half to the chief of the village ,

may keep the other for himself.If two oxen or two buffalos begin to fight

,and one of them

i s k illed,their owners are not subj ect to any fine ; but if a loose

ox kills one that is tied, then th e owner of the first i s bound topay the value of the other. When the masters of both incitethem to fight, and one of them i s killed

,the master of the

other i s bound to pay triple the value of the one that is killed .

For any other damage that these animals are th e cause of‘,their

respective masters are responsible.

XXI .

When a labourer who has been hired for six months demandshis wages at the end of three

,he loses all further right to it.

This custom is out of use at the pre sent day.

BURMESE CODE 267

When a man beats a woman or a child,or two men beat

one, in these three cases, by reason of the inequality of strength

in the parti es,the guilty must be condemned to pay a double

fine. If a woman through contempt throws women’s clotheson a man’s head

,she must pay fifteen ounces of silver. If any

one,~man or woman,pulls another’s clothes so as indecently to

expose his body,i f the offending party be poor

,the fine is an

ounce and a half of gold,and two ounces and a half

,i f rich .

W hen a lawsuit has been settled finally before a j udge, itmust not be renewed ; and the party seeking to revive it maybe '

puii ished'

with the lo '

ss'

of his tongue,and if he

'

obstinatelypersists in forcing hisadve rsary into litigation he ought a lso tolose his hand . But although this punishment be j ust, thej udge does not generally proceed to such severity. When alawsuit i s terminated

,the fortunate party requires from the

other the accomplishment of the sentence,for if he delays this

for t hree years, or till th e death of the Emperor,he can no

longer demand it.

When a poor man,or one of base condition

,insults or offends

a rich person, or one of a noble family,he must pay fifty

ounces of silver. But i f a rich man insults a poor man , he i sonly to pay three , ounces and a half.

If a person has given an ox or anything else to another insign of fri endship

,or i f he has given him one of his female

slaves for a concubine, and afterwards wishes to resume his gift,

he must still leave half what he has given , or half of its valueto his friends. In like manner i f a person has in thi s way

268 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

given, for example, a house to his friend, who, however, diesbefore him

,th e gift in this case does not go to the heirs, but

returns into the possession of the former owner. But this i snot the case with respect to things which are situated at somedistance

,and which the person to whom the present was made

has acquired with difficulty and danger,as the property then

descends to h is heirs .

When a master commands a slave to marry one of his femaleslaves, both are thereby made free.When a masterhas had a connection with one of his femaleslaves, he has no claim to the price of her body ; and if she wasa virgin, and born of honest parents, he must let her go wheresh e pleases.

When a lawyer promises his client to finish a lawsuit in acertain number of days or months

,and does not fulfil his

promi se, he must pay twice th e value of the fees h e hasreceived.

Whoever falsely asserts that another owes him a sum ofmoney, must pay to the person he has accused double the debth e had charged upon him .

And if a real debtor denies h is debt,he must pay double in

punishment.If a person dies in debt

,and religious and pious men chari t

ably defray the expenses of his funeral,they are not subj ect to

any claims from the credi tors ; but i f they were friends oracquaintances who performed this office

,they must pay a

quarter of the debts,and half of them if they were relations .

VIII.

If a boat, laden with merchandise, goes down, and theowners mark the spot by a pole or some other sign any one ,afterwards recovering any part of the cargo, must be treated

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270 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

hand,

’ then in penalty of his deceit,h e must ' pay the half of

what he pretended to hold .

The obligation of debts contracted by betting does not passto a person’s heirs ; so that if the loser runs away or dies beforehe has paid

,the money lost cannot be exacted from his wife or

children,unless they have been surety for its payment.

When any one i s hurt in wrestling,or i n any other similar

game,he cannot claim damages from his opponent ; only in

case of the death of one of the parties,the other must pay the

value of his body.

When the winner in a wager pursues the loser,who i s run

ning away or hiding h imself,and upon overtaking him strikes

or wounds him ,he not only loses the bet

,but must also be

punished by the j udge.

Vol. X.

If a person buys another man’s daughter before she hasarrived at the age of puberty

,and afterwards

,when she has

reached it,makes her his wife or concubine

,without advertis

ing her father of it,the children of this marriage must be

divided between the master of the girl and her father. But

this does not hold when the girl had attained the age of

puberty at the time of the sale.

If a master pursues his fugitive slave,and finds him in some

village,he may not of hi s own authority seize him

,or bind h im

,

but he must give notice to the chief of th e place,who

,in virtue

of hi s office, i s obliged to seek out the slave, and consign himto his master.

If a man takes a fugitive slave for his companion in remoteand uninhabited places, but was ignorant that the man was aslave

,he i s not guilty of any crime : but if he was acquainted

with his condition , he may be accused of theft .

BURMESE CODE 271

A master may also accuse a person of theft,who

, being therelation of his fugitive slave, meets him in unfrequented placesand converses with him : but not if he does it in the publi c

If the relation of a fugitive slave receives him into his house,

and then conducts him back to a particular spot,he cannot be

treated as a thief, because he was the relation of a slave.

IVhen a slave,who has had several children during his cap

t ivity, desires to purchase his freedom ,he must pay twice the

value of his own body. Formerly he had, besides the value of

his own body, to pay that of all hi s children .

A master is not responsible for the crimes committed by hisrunaway slave and i f for his crimes the slave i s condemned tolabour

,the profits of i t must be divided between the j udge and

the master.

IVhen a person incites another to steal, and himself buys thestolen goods ; upon the appearance of the real owner, the thiefm ust restore what he has stolen, and the receiver i s to bepunished as the thief.Also when a man steals the female slave or the daughter ofanother

,and gives h er to another man to keep for him

,i f the

latter did not know that she was another’s slave or daughter,

he is not guilty of anything ; but i f he knew it, he must payhalf the accustomed fine

,and th e real thief the other half.

VIII.Q

If a man quarrels with a woman or a child,or two persons

with one i n a remote place, and the affair is brought before a

272 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

j udge, i f the persons inj ured depose to having been struck or

wounded,and can show any marks of it upon their body

,the

j udge must give credit to thei r assertion, even though no witnesses can be brought forward . But he must not believe a manwho says he has been struck by a woman or child

,even though

he may show marks of violence upon his body, unless he can

produce some testimony.

In cases of quarrels,that party must be thought guilty which

began with insults and blows,or which returned a slight insult

or blow with more serious ones.It i s not so unbecoming for a man to be first in abusing awoman or a ch ild

,but i t i s very unbecoming for a woman to

begin to rail at a man,or for a youth thus to offend an old

man ; a poor one , a rich one ; or a vulgar person, one morenoble and if in these cases the offended party

,unable to bear

the insult,slightly strikes th e offender, he must not therefore

be punished .

When two people of equal condition mutually insult orstrike each other in a quarrel

,neither of them can be con

side red guilty ; but if one of them calls in his slave to hi sassistance

,he may be fined by the j udge.

This paragraph contains th e regulations concerning appealsfrom one j udge to another. Wh en it i s evident that a j udgehas given an unj ust sentence

,an appeal may be made to a

superiorMandarin ; and if he also decides unj ustly, recourse maybe had to the queens, or to the heir to the crown from themthere i s an appeal to the Emperor ; and from the Em peror tothe Brahmins, Talapoins, and other j ust men , who must thengo to the Emperor and persuade him to rescind his unj ustdecision ; and the queens and the heir to the throne must likewise assist in this, when he is unwilling to retract h is sentence.

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274 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

XV I.

Whoever commits a nuisance within the enclosures of thePagodas, or Baos, or in any other place which ought to bekept clean

,must be punished by the j udge

,provided it was not

involuntary. They also must be punished who sit down orsleep in the places appropriated to the Talapoins

,the Brahmins,

or the Mandarins . Those too are liable to punishment whodare to put on the dress of a Mandarin

,unless in case of a war,

when thi s i s lawful .

XVII.

It i s not lawful for creditors to exact debts in the followingplaces : In those where the royal festivals are being celebrated

,

i n those where th e customary oblations are made to the Nat,

the guardians of the city or town,i n the places where the

Talapoins recite their prayers,finally

,in other people’s houses .

If a person offends against this law, he may be punished . Andif h e not only asks for his money

,but seizes and binds th e

debtor, he then loses the whole debt.

XVIII.

When a person discovers a treasure in the earth, if he i s arich man

,the treasure must be d ivided into twenty parts

,

eight belong to him and twelve to the Emperor ; if he is apoor man

,he must give two thirds to the Emperor

,reserving

only one for himself.

XIX.

If the contracts,made in the sale of slaves

,or i n concluding

any other bargain,which are generally cut upon a palm

leaf,become old and worn out, they cannot be renewed upon

another leaf by private authori ty ; and wr itings thus unlawfully renewed have no weight in a court of j ustice.

If a person who holds another’s money in trust puts i t outto interest

,and the owner after a short time demands back his

BURMESE CODE 275

money,he must immediately restore it

,togeth er w ith the

interest h e had received upon it ; but if he does not ask for h i smoney for a long time, the holder of the trust may lawfullymake use of the interest received .

When a brother takes his share of the paternal inheritancebefore the regular division has been made

,and engages in

trade with it,all the profit belongs to him alone

,and the

other brothers have not the least claim upon him .

XXII .

t en any one buys any merchandise with the promise ofpaying at a definite period

,i f he lets the time go by without

payment,th e creditor may exact the accustomed interest.

XXIII.

In any lawsuit where witnesses are required,those ought in

the first place to be chosen who are j ust, pious, and religious,who give alms

,and do other good works

,who are men of

honour,and conscientious

,or else ri ch men and those in digni ty.

But in case the transaction has taken place at a distance, wherewitnesses of this character were not to be found

,the testimony

of such as were present may be received .

XXIV .

The following persons must not be listened to by j udges,but

must lose their cause : 1 . Those who, after having taken theoath , of themselves bring forward witnesses 2 . those who having promised to produce witnesses

,are afraid to interrogate

them ; 3 . those who having promised to take th e oath,in the

act of taking it,put in words which do not signify what they

are swearing to ; 4 . those who, having pointed out a witness,will not permit him to be interrogated in the court

,but bring

276 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

XXV .

In this last paragraph the price of men and animals i s determined. A male child of free parents

,as soon as it i s horn

,i s

reckoned at four rupees ; a female child, at three a young manof free condition is valued at thirty rupees

,a girl at twenty

fiv e : and thus the value of ri ch men,Mandarins, queens, etc. ,

goes on increasing,each superior rank being valued at twice as

much as the one below i t.As for slaves : a new-born male infant ranks at three rupees,a female at two ; a boy i s worth ten rupees, a girl seven ; whenarrived at puberty a man is worth thirty rupees

,a woman

twenty. The value of the body of a dead slave i s ten rupees .With regard to animals ; an elephant i s worth 100 rupees,a horse fifty, a buffalo three, an ox two

,and a pig two. A

goat, a peacock, a dog, and similar animals are worth thequarter of a rupee

,and the price diminishes in proportion to

the smallness of the animal .A rupee of gold i s equal to twenty-five of silver ; and a rupee

of silver to fifty of lead .

The price for daily labour i s a quarter or the eighth part ofa rupee for a woman , and twice as much for a man . But atthe present day these prices have very much varied from theancient standard .

1

1 Se e Appendix III. for som e gene ral rem arks on the Burm e se Code . The

note s to this Chapte r, and e lsewhe re , m arke d w ith aste risks, are reprinted fromDr. Tandy’s translation.

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278 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

who, be ing a man of great eloquence, publi cly preached, w ith

great effect, th e doctrines of Chri st ian ity . Many churches werenow erected, and the Catholic worship publicly exerc ised ; funeralsand process ions m arched through the streets w ithout gi v ing theslightest offence . Upon the capture of the c ity of Siriam

, the

church es were ent irely plundered, and w ith d ifficul ty saved fromdestruct ion . In 1 745 , the Christ ians rece i ved a severe b low, bythe m assacre of the Bishop and two m iss ioners as th ey wereaccom panying some Dutch officers

,who had gone to court upon

a safe-conduct from th e Em peror h im self. The Christ ians wered ispersed ,

and F. Ne rini only saved h is life by flying to Ind ia.He returned to Siriam in April 1 749 . Be ing now in great favour,he erected th e first brick bu ild ing ever seen in that country.

This was a church, e ighty feet in length, and th irty-one in breadth ,w ith a large house adjo in ing for the res idence of th e clergy . One

Armen ian m erchant,who had no ch ildren

,contributed upwards of

7000 dollars to these p ious works.The follow ing are the princ ipal Chr ist ian establ ishments, exi st ing

or erected about th is t ime .In Ava was the first church

,destroyed afterwards when th e new

cap ital was erected. From a letter of F. Am ato in 1 822,it

appears that a church and house has been bu ilt in th is.At Siriam a house and church built under the d irect ion of F.

Galliz ia. Another church and house bu ilt by F. Ne rini . Acollege contain ing forty students . An establishm ent for orphangirls. This c ity is now nearly destroyed.

In the c ity of Pegu, a church and house.At Monla, a church , presbytery and college, erected in 1 770 .

The Talapoins claim ed the ground on wh ich this was bu ilt, and itw as consequently thrown down . A m uch larger one was accordingly bu ilt by F. Corte novis, who tells us he had fifty boysres id ing in i t.In the env irons of the c ity six other churches. In Subaroa

two churches.At Ch iam-sua—rocca are six churches, wh ich in 1 822 were served

by F. Amato.Finally, in Rangoon, a church and house, w ith a convent and

orphan school.Subsequently m any able m issionaries laboured in this country,among whom deserve not ice th e two Cort e novis, F. Sange rm ano,

author of the foregoing h istory, who returned to Europe in 1 808,

q

NOTES 279

and F. Amato, who was st ill ali ve and zealously exert ing h imselfat the close of 1 828, though seventy years of age . He was thenthe only European clergym an in th e country ; as

, in consequenceof th e d issolut ion of the religious congregat ions, under th e Frenchoccupat ion of Italy, the Barnab ite Fathers had not b een able tosupply the wants of the m ission . In 1 830 the state of th ism iss ion was taken into cons iderat ion by the Propaganda, and fourc lergym en of d ist ingu ished m erit, who offered th e ir services, wered e spatched thi ther. They all arri ved safe

,and a further supply

w ill perhaps b e furn ished b efore long.

NOTE B

SEE CHAPTER xv .

OUR readers w ill probably have observed the resemblance thatexists between the pract ices described in th e last chapter, and

som e of the inst itut ions of th e Catholic religion. In th e Buddhaism of Tibet

,wh ich is the same as the religion of the Burmese,

Godama only be ing another name for Buddha, th is resemblance isst ill more marked .

‘ The first m iss ionaries,’ says Ab el Rem usat

,

1

‘ were not a l ittle surprised to find in the heart of As ia, m onaste rie s, processions, p ilgrim ages, fest ivals, a pontifical court, acollege of superior lam as elect ing a chief, who was eccles iast icalsovere ign and Sp iritual father to all the Tibetans and Tartars. But

,

as good faith was a characterist ic of th e t im e,as well as the pro

fe ssion of these m en, they contented them selves w ith cons ideringth is Lam aism as a sort of degenerate Christ ian ity, and as vest igesof the form er settlem ent of Syrian sects in those countries .’

But th is resemblance was afterwards used as a controvers ialweapon, and the French Ph ilosophers pretended to find in Lam a

ism the origin of Christ ian ity. But the celebrated Orientalist justquoted has com pletely confuted these assert ions from the worksof nat ive authors. In h is m em oir he has m ade us acquainted w ith avaluable fragm ent preserved in the Japanese Encyclop edia, wh ichconta ins the true h istory of th e Lam aic h ierarchy. The first seat ofBuddhaism was Ind ia, wh ence its patriarchs m igrated to Tibet andthere established the ir religion, but st ill in dependence upon th ec i v il power of th e State, t ill th e house of Tchingkis Khan deliveredthem from it and invested them w ith dom in ion . It was th egrandson of the conqueror who first bestowed th is sovere ig nty onth e h ead of th e religion, who then took the t itle of Lam a

,which

s ign ifies a priest, as his p eculiar des ignat ion . The account given byAb el Rem usat of the origin of the Lam aic dynasty accords perfectlyw ith another interest ing document, brought to light, and translatedi nto Russ ian by th e Arch imandrite F. Hyac inth Pitchourinsky,2

and from Russ ian into French by M. Julius Klaproth .

3

At the t im e when th e Buddhist patriarchs first establishedthemselves in Tibet, that country was in immed iate contact w ithChrist ianity. Not only had th e Nestorians eccles iast ical settle

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N O T E C

By JOHN JARDINE, Esq ,H.M. Bom bay Civ il Service,

Pres ident of the Educat ional Synd icate of Brit ish Burm a.

THE Right Reverend Mons ignor Bigande t, Bishop of Ram atha

and V icar Apostol ic, V ice-Pres ident of the Educat ional Synd icateof Brit ish Burm a, and author of The Legend of Gaudama, has putin m y hands an Italian book contain ing an account of th e originof the Italian m iss ion in Burm a, and w ith it m uch interest inginform at ion about th e earl iest inqu iries into Burm ese l iterature

,

and the earliest attem pts to g ive th e Burm ans and Karens th ebenefits of European teach ing and Europ ean m edic ine .It IS ent itled D e lla Vila da

'

Monsignor Gio. Maria Pe rcoto, of the

Congregat ion of St. Paul, Miss ionary in th e Kingdom s of Ava and

Pegu, V icar Apostolic and Bishop of Massula,written in three

books by Father D . M. Griffini of th e same congregat ion . It was

printed at Ud ine in Venez ia, by th e Frate lli Gallic i in 1 78 1 , afterapproval of the Inqu is itor-General of the Holy Offi ce at V en ice,and under th e licence of th e Reform ers of Stud ies at Padua. It

is ded icated to the Deput ies of the City of Ud ine,who are told

how Bishop Percoto, ‘ an intrep id sold ier of Christ, who throughlove to h is Prince had sailed th e storm y seas, crossed dreadfuldeserts, l i ved alone in barbarous lands, in dangerous clim ates, inthe m idst of t igers and of crocodiles, and, what is worse, am ong ap eople full of superst it ions and of v ice

,

’ was not only your fellowc it izen

,but

,what is more, was pup il and fru it of these schools,

wh ich are yours, and are kept safe under your guard ian care .’

The first book describes th e early l ife of Percoto. He was

born in 1 725 at Ud ine, of a noble fam ily of that c ity. Be ing drawnto the religious l ife from h is childhood, he entered th e Congregat ion of St. Paul at Monza, and, after taking the vows, spent som eyears in the study of ph ilosophy at M ilan, and of th eology inBologna. On b e ing called to the m iss ion, h e went to Rom e, and

NOTES

rece ived the bless ing of the Pope, Clem ent x11 1., before starting.

He sailed from Leghorn to Sm yrna and Aleppo : thence h etravelled on cam els through Dam ascus and Bagdad to Bussora,where h e found an Engl ish sh ip , wh ich took h im round CapeCom orin to Bengal. After stay ing four m onths at Chandernagorew ith th e Capuchins, h e sailed from Calcutta to Rangoon, wh ichh e reached in Octob er 1 761 , two years after leav ing Italy.

Th e second book opens w ith som e account of th e country and

the p eople . Rangoon is said to hav e becom e th e great portb ecause of the fall of Syriam . Crocod iles and elephants werecommon ; and p eople bu ilt the ir houses on p iles, not because ofthe waters, but for security against t igers. Instead of m ed ic ine,the people had an infin ity of fool ish superstit ions, for wh ichreason the m iss ionaries usually m anaged to bring som e one who

knew med ic ine and surgery, and in this way attracted th e p eopleto hear th e gospel. The d isl ike to killing an im als was general,and th e Europeans were known as th e killers of fowls.After this descript ion of the country the writer describes th eorigin of the m iss ion . In 1 720 there were two Portuguese priests,one at Syr iam and one at Ava ; but in 1 72 1 the Propaganda sentFathers Calch i and V itton i to supersede them . They were welltre ated by the King of Ava, and helped by the Arm en ians . Calch ibu ilt a church at Ava and d ied there in 1 728. After two month sPadre Galliz ia arrived, and was m ade Bishop of Elism a and V icarApostol ic . After h im cam e Father Ne rini, who had taught in theschools at Milan, and, am ong others, Brother Angelo Capello, ‘ ac lever chem ist, skilful in surgery and m ed ic ine. ’ The z eal of

Ne rini took h im am ong ‘som e savage populat ions who l i ved

separate from others in full l ib erty, and are called Karens ’

(Carian i) . All the funct ions of th e Church were allowed w ith full

publ ic ity, and schools were established at Syriam . In 1 74 5 theresuddenly appeared at Syriam e igh t sh ips, w ith a l ittle squadron ofsold iers, com m anded by the Cavalier di Sconem ille , Governor of

Bankibazar, a c ity b elonging to th e Germ ans (Alem ann i) 0 11 th e

Ganges. The Governor of Syriam under th e King of Pegu sentN e rini on board

,and they told h im they had been driven out of

Bankibazar by th e Moors, and had come to se ize Syriam ,and

hand it over to th e King of Ava . Ne rini d issuaded them ,and

they cam e ashore and l i ved peaceably . Mter th is they w ent w ithsom e of th e m iss ion to Pegu to ge t leave to establish a Europ eancolony on arrival th ey were told that the king had gone to hunt

284 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

elephants, and that they could only be rece ived in aud ience two at at ime w ith h eads uncovered an

'

d barefooted. The Caval ier suspectedtreach ery, and refused to comply w ith such d isgraceful condi t ions.The Bishop and th e Fathers Mondelli and Conte advised themnot to trust the short faith of th e barbarians, but to ge t back toSyriam . They agreed to do this ; but on start ing they weretaken by surprise and killed .

‘ They had hardly entered into th esh ip when out of th e th ick bush es that border on the river therecame an ant’ s nest of sold iers, some on horses, but th e most parton foot : and immed iately th e m arsh was covered w ith armedm e n, crying for the ir death

,and stopp ing the ir way w ith stones

and arquebuses.’ Th e ship could not go fast as the water was low

and the t ide on th e e bb ; the Cavalier and h is m e n took to the

shore, but made l ittle sp eed in the th ick jungle. ‘After m any

confl icts they were b eaten, and alm ost all were killed w ith theCaval ier, and only four crossed those savage places and reachedSyriam to tell th e sad news.’ The b ishop and th e two priestswere all killed in this slaughter.

Father Ne rini thought it necessary to obey orders and put th emi ss ion in safety. He sent off Father Angelo to India, and soonfollowed viii th e Siam ese port of Mergu i to Pond ich erry and Chande rnagore . Ne rini returned to Syriam in 1 749 ; and—a richArmen ian and his w ife find ing the money—h e bu ilt ‘ a splend idchurch

,w ith only one nave adorned w ith arches and columns

w ith in and w i thout,

’

and w ith a bell-tower so h igh as to m ake th ePeguans marvel. A Lat in inscript ion of 1 75 0 comm em orated theArmen ians

,whose nam es were N icholas de Agu ilar, and Margarita,

his w ife . ‘ Th e p eople m e t in the church at th e sound of the

bell ; bapt ism s were p erformed w ith solem n ity ; they m ade proc ess ions, and went s inging psalm s through the squares and the

streets, and everything was done as in Italy. For the boys m anyschools were made of geography, arithm et ic, navigat ion, and suchsc iences and arts as m ight b e useful to them,

and over all FatherNe rini pres ided, unt iring, day and n ight.

’

The King of Tavoyhad sent for one m iss ionary, and prom ised to bu ild a church at h isown expense ; another was to go to Peguto re -open the churchthere

,and a th ird to th e new English colony at Negrais. The

Pope had m ade Ne rini a b ishop and he was hard at work m akinggram m ars of the Burm an and Pegu languages, d ict ionaries, and

prayer-books. Every day seemed a thousand years to h is ardentdes ires .

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286 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

about rep eat ing words t ill h e becam e a master of the language.H is account of th e Buddh ist religion is inserted ; h e wrote ad ialogue b etween a Christ ian and a pongyi . He translated the

Gospel by Matthew,the Book of Genesis

,and the story of Tob it

,

wh ich latter delighted the king. After th is he translated theGospels, the m ass and prayers, and m ade catech isms in Burm ese .Another instance of h is energy consisted in h is m aking a com pletetri—l ingual d ict ionary in Lat in

,Portuguese, and Burm ese

,thus

carry ing into execut ion the idea of Calch i,Mondelli

,and Ne rini .

Besides th is h e m ade translat ions of the sacred books of the

Buddh ists into Ital ian .

In th e m eant im e the Fathers Ave nati and Galliz ia d ied,and

Percoto w as left alone . He followed th e king to the royal c ity(Sw e m iudo), where h e taught Lat in and Portuguese in h is schools .In 1 767 Carpan i and other priests cam e to th e country. After h iselevat ion to th e ep iscop ate, Percoto a ided in start ing a sem inaryfor young Burmans asp iring to th e priesthood at Monla underFather Cortanovis. There was some oppos it ion from the pongyis,

but the king decreed in favour of th e m iss ion, b e ing influenced by

a Frenchm an in h is serv ice nam ed Millard . There were som econtent ions w ith th e Portuguese, who had a church of the ir own

in Rangoon, wh ere also Carpan i had a beaut iful church, and

employed h im self in t each ing, and in pract is ing med ic ine . Th ispadre was appointed Judge of d isputes am ong the fore igners there .W hen he left

,a Chri st ian Burman was found who had som e skill

in med ic ine.Leav ing Rangoon, wh ere he was d isturbed by some consp iracy

against th e king,Bishop Percoto cont inued h is v isitat ions, and at

Monla returned to work at h is great d ict ionary. The c lim ate was

aga inst h im and h e worked too hard h e s ickened, and soon afterreach ing Ava entered into h is everlast ing rest, on the 1 2th Decemb e r 1 776, in th e forty-e ighth year of h is age . The CavalierMillard p erform ed the funeral w ith som e pom p . A stone slabw ith a Lat in inscript ion was placed over h is grave, and was disinterred m any years afterwards by Bishop Bigande t and Sir

Arthur Phayre . Percoto was succeeded in the ep iscopal office byPadre Cortanov is.

The th ird part of Father Gri ffim s book is a treat ise on thev irtues of Mons ignor Percoto, written for the e dification of the

p ious. It conta ins a statem ent that when in Calcutta w ith PadreAve nati, h e presented a lette r of introduct ion to Lord Cleves (sic)

NOTES 287

from Lord.

Pitt, Engl ish Min ister at Turin : th e English ruleroffered him a large am ount of rupees, and was greatly surprised at

his gift not be ing accepted . All th e m iss ionary asked was a letterto Capta in Dundas, then living at Rangoon .

The Vita di Monsignor Pe rcoto is wr itten in a beaut iful and

reverent sp irit, wh ich it is im poss ible to reproduce in a mereabstract of facts. Som e day the h istory of educat ion in Burm a w illbe written, and perhaps th is note w ill gu ide Engl ish readers tothe perils and sufferings, labours, m artyrdom s

,and successes sus

taine d by th e accom pl ish ed and ardent Italians who precededSange rm ano. The latter had a church at Rangoon ded icated toSt. John

,wh ere the convent stands now . Bishop Bigande t has

seen the foundat ions. Sange rm ano,l ike Herodotus, i s usually

correct in what h e describes of h is own knowledge, but like th eGreek h istorian h e som et im es m akes m isstatem ents when h e goesb eyond it

,as for exam ple when he rem arks that the Burm ese and

Arakanese language d iffer greatly from each other. It is probablethat a research am ong the m anuscripts in th e college of the Pro

paganda at Rom e would gi ve results of value to both the m is

sionary and the educat ionalist,and throw light on the Burmese

h istory of the e ighteenth century .

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29 0 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

The next d ivision, accord ing to language, of the Tibeto-Burmanstock is the Chin-Lushai or Chin group , contain ing th e follow ingSouthern Chin

,Pallaing, Kun, Daigne t,Thet,An, Mro

,Kam i

,Haka

or Baungshe, Siyin, Shandu, Kyau, Lushai . These are mostly h illtribes

,and aggregated of whom were returned as

Buddh ists, and the rest as Nat-worshippers. For som e accountof Chin Law and Custom ,

’ see Forchham m e r’

s Jardine Prize Essay ,

Rangoon, 1 885 , and m y ed it ion of Maung Te t Pyo’

s Customary Law

of t/wG/zin Tribe , a curious book, wh ich, Sir H . S . Maine told me,was useful as help ing h im to understand the origin of the customsmade law in the fam ous Code of Manu .

The next group contains the Kach in-Naga tribes,Kach in

,

Lishaw,and Sak or Thet. They are found on the borders of

Assam,Yunnan

,and Burma. A gram m ar has been com p iled by

Mr. Andrew Sym ington, Extra Assistant Com m iss ioner,Burma

Com m ission,and a long account of these p eople by Mr. Ge orge

is appended to the Census Report .

Leav ing the Tib eto-Burman class,Mr. Eales says th e next m ost

important is th e Karen class,of wh ich the princ ipal variet ies are

the Sgau, the Pwo, which includes Taungthu, and the t ai or

Bw e , wh ich includes Karenn i or Re d Karen . The num bers inBurm a speaking these languages are above half a m illion, m ostlyBuddh ists

,w ith above Christ ians

,belonging ch iefly to the

Am erican Bapt ist Miss ion, wh ich has done m uch to raise themfrom the despised state they h eld under the Burm ans

,and has

checked later Burm ani sing tendenc ies . In 1 834 this m iss ion supplied the Sgaus and Pwos w ith a written language, adapt ing theBurm ese alphabet. The present tendency is

'

to coalesce into aKaren nat ion . Th e languages are thought by Forchham m e r to beconnected w ith those of Northern China and M. de la Coup e rie

’

s

researches point to the Karens be ing a pre -Chinese race,driven

southward into Burm a by th e pressure of the Ch inese.The next polytoni c class is th e Taie-Shan

,sub—d i v ided by Mr.

Eales as follows

NORTHERN,

INTERMEDIATE,

SOUTHERN,

Ahom (near Assam—ext inct) .Kham t i .Chinese Shans

,Maingtha.

Burm ese Shans.

Khun .

Lu .

Laos or Yun .

Siam ese.

APPENDIX I 29 1

There are about Shans in Burma, nearly all,except 400

Christ ians, be ing returned as Buddhists . Dr. Cush ing gi ves proofs

that these Ta i races cam e from South-W estern China, the m igrat ionbeg inning m any centuries ago. Forchham m e r states that m ostShan words can b e found under the sam e or nearly related lettersin th e d ict ionaries of the Amoy and Hok-Kyen d ialects. The

Burm ese Shans use an alphab et deri ved from the Burmans, supposed to have been devised 300 years ago. They hav e som ereligious literature. The Tai conta ins five tones in three series

,

so there are fifteen possible di fferent pronunc iat ions of a s inglesyllable.The rem aining polyton ic class is th e Mon Khm er or Mon

Annam group, conta in ing the Talaing or Peguan, the Palaungand the Kham u. The Talaings num b er abovethe ir language was d iscouraged by Alom pra ,

and furiously proscribed after 1 824 . There w as m uch Tala ing literature : manypalm -leaf manuscripts w ere h idden in the caves at Pagat, theb irthplace of King W égaru, som e of wh ich were procured by Dr.

Forchhamm e r,

and are now in th e Bernard Free Library at

Rangoon . Com plete sets are , it i s reported, preserved in the

King of Siam ’ s librari es at Bangkok . The Talaing nat ion is be ingm erged in th e Burm an and som e th ink the language w ill soond ie out . It resem b les the Cam bod ian . For the connect ions of theTalaings w ith that race and w ith the anc ient Hindu colon ies onthe Burman coast, th e reader is referred to Forchham m e r

’

s Notes

and Prize Essay . The op inion that the Talaings were connectedw ith Te lingana in Ind ia i s shown to b e baseless

,the name b e ing

a Burm an term of reproach , m eani ng people trodden under footIn the fifth century Buddhaghosa brought the Buddhist Scripturesfrom Ceylon to the Talaings . The Burm ans have rece i ved these,as well as the H indu Manu Code, from them , as also th eir alphabet,wh ich was ident ical w ith the Ind ian V engi characters of the

fourth century after Christ.The Palaungs are found near the Ruby Mines. The Kham us

are stragglers from a trib e beyond the Mekong Ri ver.

The Se lons or Selungs, sea-gypsies of the Mergu i Archipelago,are believed to b e Malays, and the ir language is not polyton ic .

Bes ides all these there are many immigrants from Ch ina,the

Straits Settlem ents, Bengal , Oude, the Madras Pres idency and

othe r parts.

A P P E N D IX I I

SEE CHAPTER XI

IN Craw furd’

s Journal, p . 287, under date 3rd D e c . 1 826, I find thefollow ing account of a fire at Ava

,whi ch caused loss to the w idow

of the King’ s tutor, who com plained to th e King that the m1n1s

ters,and espec ially Kaulen Mengyi , who was h e r husband’

s suc

cessor, and of whom sh e was very j ealous, were not at the ir postsfor it appears that it is th e ir spec ial duty to attend upon suchoccas ions. The King,

who was st ill v ery m uch out of hum our,

sum m oned the m im ste rs before h im : sent for a sword, drew it,

and ordered them ,one by one, to com e forward and swear upon

i t that they were present at the conflagrat ion and ass ist ing in e x

t inguish ing it. Kaulen Mengy i cam e forward and avowed thath e was not present but that h e had gone as far as the Rungdhau

,or town—hall, to gi ve th e necessary instruct ions upon the

occas ion . He was immed iately ordered to b e taken out of th e

Aud ience Hall ; and to avoid be ing dragged thence by th e hairof the h ead , accord ing to usage, voluntarily m ade as rap id a retreatas could b e expected from a m an b etween s ixty and seventy, andof a weakly const itut ion . An order was g i ven that h e should b epun ish ed after a m anner wh ich I shall presently describ e . The

other m in isters, none of whom were present at the fire,escaped

under various pretexts of business or s ickness. The pun ishm entnow awarded to the first m in ister is called in th e Burman language Nepu mka than the , or spread ing out in the hot sun . The

offender who undergoes it is stretched upon his back by the publicexecut ioners, and thus exposed for a gi ven num ber of hours

,in

the hottest part of the day, w ith a we ight on his breast, m oreor less heavy according to th e nature of th e offence

,or rather

accord ing to the King’ s op in ion of i t. It was at first thought

that the sentence, on the part of the King, was a m ere threat .

Not so ; the m ost faithful and z ealous of his m in isters underw ent the pun ishm ent th is afternoon from one to three o’clock,and not , as is custom ary on such occas ions w ith culprits of dis

t inct ion, w ithin th e palace enclosure, but in th e public road b e

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29 4 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the cruel suggestion of the successor of Bandula in the com m andof th e army retorted on h imself. Phayre

’

s account agrees w ithMrs. Judson’ s . The Pukhan Prince had been in di sgrace, and

was for som e t im e in prison, along w ith th e Europeans. He was

a man of relentless cruelty. On be ing appointed comm ander-inch ief, h e determ ined to inaugurate th e assum ption of h is h ighoffice by putt ing the European prisoners to death—a horriblesuperst it ion, altogeth er outs ide and opposed to th e nat ionalrel igion . Th e prisoners were sent to Aungpenglé, where thisdreadful act was to b e p erpetrated. But the Pukhan Wungyi hadm any enem ies. Hav ing b een tw ice pun ished by the king, it wassuggested that he des igned to raise h imself to the throne. Th edark deed h e m ed itated s eem s to show a deeper des ign than thatof success in the field. H is house was searched, and i t was saidthat royal insign ia were d iscovered. He was trodden to death byelephants.

’

-Phayre , p . 2 5 1 . At th is p eriod th e queen , who was

of low b irth, had gained such ent ire influence over th e king, thatsh e was known as the sorceress

,

’

it b e ing seriously beli eved thatsh e worked by w itchcraft. He r brother, once a petty fish

m onger, was then th e m ost powerful man in the kingdom. Mrs.

Judson writes : The king’ s moth er, s isters, and brother, each in

th e ir turn, exerted the ir influence 1 11 our favour,but so great was

the ir fear of the queen, that ne ither of them ventured to m ake ad irect appl icat ion to h is Maj esty.

’

In th e advert isem ent to Mrs. Judson 3 Account of the Am erican

Bap tist Mission, dated 1 827, I find th e follow ing notice of taxat ionand slavery

‘ Slavery is carried on, s im ilar, in m any respects, to that wh ichprevailed under th e Mosa1c d ispensat ion . W hen the father of afam ily is overwhelm ed w ith debt h e has recourse to th e sale ofh is w ife and ch i ldren ; and if the sum h e rece ives for them b e not

suffic ient, h e offers h im self in order to balance the account. Not

unfrequently, under th e despot ic governm ent of the em p ire, atax is lev ied on an ind i v idual far beyond h is ab ility to pay, and h eis put to the torture unt il h e has entered into an engagem ent to

produce th e sum requ ired ; th e sale of h is w ife and ch ildren takes

place for this purpose . Hence th ere are m ult itudes of slaves in theBurm an Em p ire. But those slaves whose s ituat ion is peculiarlycalculated to exc ite com pass ion, are ch ildren whose parents dieinvolved in deb t. The cred itor im m ed iately lays claim to the

h elpless orphans, and e ither reta ins them for h is debt,whatever

APPENDIX II 29 5

m ay be its amount, or sells them for an equi valent sum .

’

Mrs.

J udson proposed to apply the profits of h e r book to ransom som eof these orphan girls. Sh e describes the people as l ively, industrions

,energet ic, frank,

and candid, and ne ither pus illan im ous norrevengeful. When, in another passage, she ‘

presum es to say

that the re '

was not a s ingle Burm an who would not com m it theftor falsehood

, given a good opportun ity, th e statem ent appears toosweep ing, and to requ ire the qual ificat ions wh ich the great Ind ianstatesm an

,Mountstuart Elph instone, sets forth in the chapter in

his History of Ind ia, where h e treats of H indu character. Ali enm iss ionaries

, police magistrates, and tax collectors,h e rem inds

us, do not se e the m ost v irtuous port ion of a nation and under avi c ious governm ent th e lowest v illager is often obliged to res istforce by fraud. Such w as the case in Siam

,w here

,as Bishop

Pallegoix, writ ing about th e year 1 85 4, tells us, the people wh iled etesting theft, were robb ed by th e Mandarins of every grade.Falsehood was rare am ong equals ; but l ies were told to superiorsin order to escape pun ishments. The Siam ese

,h e says, are re

m arkably hum ane,affect ionate to parents, kind to w i ves, and good

to slaves, whom they treat better than servants are treated inFrance, and not like the negro slaves in other countries.A perusal of Elph instone

’

s well-known Report on the D eccan

Te rritorie s would enable an interesting com parison to b e drawnbetw een the Burm ese adm in istrat ion and that of a contem poraryInd ian monarch

,th e Brahm an Baj i Rao, last Peshwa or King of

Poona. Th e Maratha governm ent seems to hav e been by far th em ore excellent, v igorous, and just of the two.

Le av ing th e subj ect of adm in istrat ion for that of ph ilosophy,w hich has a w ide influence among the peoples of th e ‘ brood ingEast,

’

w e can supplem ent Bishop Bigande t’

s statem ent of Burm anBuddhist m etaphys ics in his chapter on th e Seven W

'

ays toN e ibban, by som e of the actual argum ents used by Judson

’

s

a cqua intance. Mrs. Judson calls th e Buddh ist system of eth icspure but powerless, ‘ like an alabaster im age, perfect and b eaut iful in all its parts, but w ithout l ife .

’

The Burm ans are styled anat ion of athe ists ; and I th ink that Sange rm ano in Chapter x1v .

is rather m islead ing, when h e uses the word ‘

god’

in translatingthe Burm ese term ‘ sup erior

’

or‘ h ighépst b

eing’

as appl ied to

Gandam a and other Buddhas. Th e people w ith whom Judsonargued about religion appear to have been startled by the conceptof .a suprem e and eternal intelligence, as contrary to the ir own

29 6 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

dogm a, wh ich subst itutes a law or princ iple in l ieu of a personali ty . The logic of one convert rem inded Judson of the Idealismof Berkeley and the Scept ic ism of Hum e. Anoth er inqu irerrej ected the argum ent that fixed fate im plies a be ing who fixes it.But by fate they m eant Karm a

,the influence of good and bad

deeds,under which th e pun ishment follows the crime as surely

as th e wh eel of a cart follows the footsteps of the ox. Bigande t

m ent ions,however

,that th e not ion of a suprem e Buddha, akin to

th e Ad i-Buddha of the Northern school, has taken root in th ephilosophy of Burma ; and s ince m y note at p . 1 03 went to the

press, Mr. Taw Se in-Ko has inform ed m e of h is own conj ecture thatwhat vague b elief in a suprem e intelligence i s d iffused in Burm am ay be a surv i val of a form of the relig ion brought into UpperBurm a from North ern Ind ia w ith the Sanskrit language, m anycenturies ago. Som e devout respect is also paid to Maitreya andoth er existing be ings now dwell ing in th e heavens, who are

dest ined to becom e th e Buddhas and sav iours of those worlds tocom e

,wh ich w ill take the place of the present un iverse.

The two most contrasted schools of Ind ian ph ilosophy are the

Sankhya and V edanta. Th e first m ainta ins the etern ity of m atter,and its princ ipal branch den ies the b e ing of God. The otherschool deri ves all th ings from God, and one sect den ies the realityof matter. Elph instone, from whom I am quot ing, says thatthe doctrines of th e Sankhya school seem reflected in th e

athe ism of th e Buddh ists. These speculat ions are rem ote fromthe ord inary thought of men

, but are com m oner in the Eastthan those who have never li ved th ere are aware. As instances am ong m y own friends I m ay c ite the late GokaljiJhala

,m ini ster of Junagadh, and Gauriashankar Udayshankar, the

dist ingu ished Regent of Bhavnagar, both Nagar Brahm ans, whofound repose in the Vedanta, am ong w e ighty cares and privateanxiet ies. Rhys Dav ids rem arks on the difli culty wh ich a m indim pregnated w ith Christ ian ideas finds in realising the Buddhisttenet that self or soul has no existence. The true Buddh ismalleges that man is never the sam e for two consecuti ve m oments,and that there is w ith in h im no ab id ing princ iple whatever.

The ph ilosophy is said to m it igate th e fervour of th e b eli evers ;and it is easy to indorse the observat ion in th e Census Report of1 89 1 , that such a m ovem ent as the Crusades in Europe, or a j ih adin Arab ia could never b e exc ited by Buddh ist m onks . No Bud

dhist could have written the Ge rusale mm e Libe rata, or drawn the

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A P P E N D IX I I I

SEE CHAPTER XXIV

IN sp ite of the absence of reasons based on theology, ph ilosophy,and gramm ar, the learned reader of Sange rm ano

’

s Burm ese code ,w ill, as not iced on pp . 87 and 22 1

,read ily recogn ise its general

resemblance to H indu law . As it is an ab stract and not a translat ion

,it is im poss ible to m ake a textual com parison w ith the

H indu codes and commentaries . Th is laborious work has, however

,b een done by Dr. Forchham m e r for the Wagaru Dham m a

that in h is Jardine Prize Essay, pp . 44-5 9 , where the paralleltexts in th e Inst itutes of Manu are given, as also the s im ilar d ictain Yajnyavalkya, Katyayana, Narada, e tc.,

wh ich cover a cons iderable num b er of rul ings of the Wagaru not found in Manu . Th esam e has also been done for a great part of th e W onnana Dhammathat

,com p iled by

'

,W anna Kyaw D in about the year 1 772 A.D .,

in m y Note s on Buddhist Law. But, as Forchham m e r thought itim portant to not ice, th e dev iat ions in th e textual word ing in th eSanskrit and Pal i orig inals are far greater than the d ifferences inth e two languages requ ire i f the latter w ere a translat ion of theform er, or based upon a corresponding Sanskrit vers ion, a con

side rably closer approach in the word ing of the texts would haveb een th e unavoidable result .’ Again, A m arked d ifference ,however, d ist ingu ish es th e Dham m athat of th e Talaing king fromthe H indu Sastras the total absence

,nam ely

,of all that app e r

ta ins to the V ed ic and Ne o-Brahm an ic cultus. The Wagarument ions ne ith er Brahm a

,nor the V edas, nor th e sacerdotal class,

and its innum erable rights and pri v ileges, nor the sacrific ial fire ,or any other point bespeaking th e influence of Brahmans and th e

religious and c i v il inst itut ions p ecul iar to Brahm an ic Ind ia.’ One

result in Burma is that m arriage i s not a sacram ent, but an inst itution based on legal contract . He irsh ip, again, is not dep endenton th e offering of th e funeral cake

,as in Ind ia. In the Wagaru

the d irect relig ious elem ent is alm ost absent but, as Forchhamm er explains at length, its pecul iar nature is neverth eless theresult of a relig ious tenet and that tenet is th e Buddh ist Karma,

APPENDIX III 29 9

or the efficacy of good and bad works, a doctrine inseparably boundup w ith that of transm igrat ion or renewed existence. Accord ingto Professor Jam es Gray, a s im ilar treatm ent has b een appl ied inBurma to the eth ical maxim s of the Sanskrit Manu found in th el iterature called Niti, or proverb ial ph ilosophy , to bring them intoaccord w ith Buddhist tenets.

The Menu Kyay collect ion of laws,com p iled about 1 75 6 A.D.

by order of the Em peror Alom pra, introduces religious reasonsfreely, includ ing long quotat ions from the sacred l iterature of theBuddhists, of wh ich som e spec imens are gi ven 1n th e Note s on

Buddhist Law. Th e jurist went to the Suttap italcam for the dis

course of Yasodhara, th e w ife of Gandama, b efore h e b ecame aBuddha, on the seven kinds of w ives, those who are respect ivelylike an execut ioner, a th ief, a ruler

,a m other, a s ister, a faithful

friend,and a slave. In anoth er passage, th e princ iple of govern

ment, that ‘all m e n whatev er

,even of th e m ost degraded class,

are worthy to b e raised to rank and stat ion if th e hab its are

good,’ is enforced by th e story of Gaudam a

’

s success in woo ingand w inn ing a lady of h igh degree, although in that form ere xistence th e embryo Buddha was ve iled in th e fam ily scavenger.

It i s not easy to avo id suspect ing that the Buddh ist jurist, l ike h isBrahm an prede cessors in India, found a num b e r of comm on secularc ustom s

,and suppl ied religious reasons for them . In m y preface to

the Customary Law of the Chin Tribe , I have drawn attent ion to theresem b lance of th e rules of Burm ese law to those of the Thesa

ivalam e,wh ich is a com p ilat ion, m ade by the Dutch Governm ent

of Ceylon in 1 707, of the law of th e Tam il H indus of Jaffna, andwhich that great authority, Mr. J . D . Mayne, th inks m ay b e takenas a fair statem ent of th e H indu law of Southern Ind ia before theEngl ish Courts w ith the ir Brahm an assessors b egan to apply the

rules of th e Sanskr it books. I m ust add that the religion of th eJains of Ind ia is

,l ike Buddh ism

,opposed to Brahm an ism . Ye t

they are governed by th e ord inary H indu law . H ith erto, I hav efound no trace of a spec ially Jainist law-book.

Th e greater port ion of the Burm ese law is now abrogated.

Br it ish Ind ian statutes of general inc idenc e m ake up the law of

crim es, procedure, ev idence, contract, and relief in equ ity. Tortand dam ages are dealt w ith on English rinciple s. Adultery is apenal offence, and slavery is abol ished. rivile ge s and sum ptuarylaws are done away w ith . But our Courts are requ ired by statuteto adm in ister to the Buddh ists the ir own laws about m arriage,

300‘

DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

inheritanc e,and adOption : and th e Dham m athats regulate these

important matters, w ith the general assent of th e people, g ivenbecause of the conformity of the rules to Buddhist eth ics. Thuswomen are placed in a favourable legal pos it ion, property isdivided alm ost equally am ong th e ch ildren

,and husband and

w ife both retain rights over the property gained by the ir jo intlabour or cap ital. The contract of marriage now generally followsth e consent of th e part ies them selves

,and not that of th e parents ,

as in older t im es,and am ong the H indus st ill. The Engl ish rulers

have found alm ost noth ing to rep eal in these prov isions of the law :

and th e tendency of the nat i ve judges is to reverence th e Dhamm athat, as was shown in th e ir obj ect ions to a proposed statute of

d istribut ions as unnecessary. One judge called th e Dham m athat

th e Great Will. Another wrote It i s very just, very subtle,very good, and very clear. All d isputes on such m atters can b e

settled by it. It is a second sun to the earth . Where then isthere a Buddh ist who can renounce the Dhamm athat

The apparent l ikeness to the H indu law is thus varied bym eans of Buddh ist op in ions, and also by th e ex istenc e of Burm eseand other custom s, wh ich are incorporated in these codes . It is,

‘

for exam ple, a. com m on pract ice for a young m arried pair to dwellw ith th e bride’ s father (se e pp . 228, 2 5 7, 2 5 8, th e youthful w ife is thus ensured m ore cons iderat ion and protect ion than inInd ia and Ch ina. At p . 2 5 5 , sect ions 1 8 and 1 9 , w e find recognit ion of damage caused by an unfriendly sp iri t, and a sanct iongiven to private war and revenge . These sent im ents belong to

a lower stage of c i v ilisat ion,like that of th e Kachin and Hpun

tribes,as appears from the h ighly interest ing reports on them from

th e p e n of Mr. George, D eputy Com m iss ioner of Bham o, appendedto th e Census Report of 1 89 1 . He states that am ong the Kach insthe law of reprisal is the only one to wh ich ult im ate appeal ism ade

,and that slavery is prevalent. Mr. George quotes inform ants

who say that am ong the Kalangs, Kanons, or Kam ans, and theL ings or L iangs, the old m e n and women are got rid of by b e ingkilled, cooked, and eaten . For a m iddle stage of c ivilisat ion,

’

the

Customary Law of the Chin Tribe m ay b e consulted . No attem pthas ye t b een m ade to collect the tribal laws of the Karens and th eShans. Much informat ion about th e w ilder trib es is to b e foundin Mr. A. R. Colquhoun

’

s work,ent itled Amongst the Shans, to

wh ich M. de Lacoupe rie has written an introduct ion .

It rem ains to add that,accord ing to Dr. Rost

,

'

the law of

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APPEND IX IV

SEE CHAPTERS XIV, XVII, AND XIX

DR. RHYs'

DAvm s, in h is work on Buddhism,writes—‘ It is probable .

that the idea of transm igrat ion first originated in that curioustrick of the mem ory, by which w e som et imes feel so sure thatsensat ions we are experienc ing have b een experi enced by us before,and ye t w e know not how or when. Several interesting instancesof th is are gi ven by sc ient ific psychologists. See the cases quotedby Dr. Carpenter, Menta l Physiology, p . 430

,e t seq., and Sir B.

Brod ie, Psychologi cal Inquiries, Second Series, p . The m ysteryof Karma, on wh ich th e Buddhist dogma of transm igrat ion is based,has

,he th inks, th e sam e foundat ion of truth wh ich l ies at the

bottom of the w idely prevalent belief in fate and predest inat ion .

The anc ient Egyp t ians believed in transm igrat ion and the Greeks,

accord ing to Herodotus, derived the doctrine from them . The

poet Enn ius introduced it among th e Rom ans . See Dr. Pale y’

s

article on ‘Metem psychos is’

in the Encyclop cedia Britannica andGrote

’

s Plato. There are traces of it in the Apocrypha ; and it washeld among th e Gnost ics. Origen adopted the beli ef as theonly m eans of explaining som e scriptural d ifficulties, such as the

struggle of Jacob and Esau b efore b irth, and the selection of

Jerem iah (Je r. i . Less ing taught it, and it forms part of

Swedenborg’ s system . Monta igne in h is essay on ‘ Raymond

Se bond’

calls it ‘the most un i versal and rece ived phantasy, and

wh ich endureth to th is day,’

and goes on to quote Pythagoras ,Plato, and the rest of the anc ient believers .While there i s abundant literature about the doctrine of transm igrat ion in its various form s

, I can find no not ice of the ej e ct oncharacter and conduct of th is great tenet of the Brahm ans

, the

Jains,and th e Buddh ists . Th is is one reason for my insert ing

h ere the follow ing est im ate of its influence on the people of

Burma, gi ven m e by an officer, who, from long serv ice in thatcountry, has had m any opportun it ies of studying the ir character

‘ The b elief,most truly held by the Burman Buddh ists, that the

APPENDIX IV 303

p resent earthly life is but one of m any that have passed, and of

m any that are to com e, in wh ich th e ind i v idual has had and w illhave a place and a share, has a d ist inct influence on the personaland nat ional character. It enters into every thought of the irpast, present, and future cond it ion and produces in them a fram eof m ind affect ing the ir whole life w h ich it is difli cult for thoseouts ide th e faith to understand. The fact that, to them , th e

exist ing life is only a sm all port ion of the ir experience of the

earthly world, so enters into the ir est im ate of l ife and character,that they m ay be sa id to find in it the m ost powerful factor inthe ir acts as well as the ir thoughts.

‘That the ir past m ust influence the present is to them a l ivingtruth, and th e w ide results that flow from th is cannot b e eas ilydescribed or realised . The first thought of a mother

,w ith he r

new-born ch ild, is turned to the unknown past whence i t hasbrought into th is world a legacy of merits or dem erits . She iscerta in that th e course of its l ife depends on the deeds of form erdays

,and sh e anxiously watches for sym ptom s that m ay ind icate

whether these have b een good or ev il. If the ch ild develops abad d ispos it ion, sh e w ill conclude that its dem erits are great : if agood d ispos it ion, she rejoices that its merits preponderate for sheknows that all she m ay do for h e r offspring w ill profit l ittle aga instthe resul ts of its previous ex istences.

‘,But the acceptance of th is truth does not lead to apathy or

despair : on the contrary, there are no people who more thoroughlyindulge in the constant exp ectat ion of som e sudden reward accruing to them from th e accum ulated m erit w ith wh ich they m ay be

endowed. Th e prospect of this happy turn wh ich w ill bring w ithit an im proved worldly pos it ion, or, b etter st ill, a step towards thegreat deliverance, is far m ore potent than any feeling of d e pre s

s ion on the prospect of suffering in th is life the burden of demerit .

As between the two alternat i ves,the Burman Buddh ist looks

rather to th e better issue.‘The m erit wh ich follows a good deed w ill certa inly bear fru it.

Hence a h idden hope always rests in th e m ind of the am eliorat ionof present trouble. The hope of a b etter l ife is never absent fromthe thought of a Burm an Buddh ist.

The knowledge that the vic ious acts, or the m isfortunes of ind iv iduals in the ir present cond it ion, are not solely due to the ex isting faults of character, but rather that these faults are the resultsof form er m isconduct, leads to a len ient v iew of a fellow-creature’s

304 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

apparent w ickedness, and from thi s comes the marked toleranced isplayed by the Buddhist.

‘ One result of th e bel ief in success ive b irths is the consequentfeeling of th e comparat ively un im portant nature of th e presentexistence. It is natural

,to those who look on the narrow span

allotted to man as h is one and only ex istence on earth, to attacha suprem e importance to the conduct of th i s l ife . But thi s is acond it ion of m ind very little experienced by th e Burman Buddhist.He th erefore takes l ife m ore eas ily, and exh ib its a light-heartedness which is th e spec ial characterist ic of th e race.In add it ion to th e bless ings of a tolerant m ind and light h eart,

the Burman Buddhist possesses the further v irtue of be ing op enhanded . By th e eth ical teach ing of h is faith h e is im pelled to

generos ity and cons iderat ion for others,and h e i s also influenced

by th e assurance that th e exerc ise of these v irtues w ill bring its

reward. From th is Springs th e current admon it ion, “Before youare old, before you are s ick, before you d ie, perform good deeds,and so lay up merit .

”

Th e Parables of Buddha-gbosa (wh ich are

supposed to have been uttered by Gotam a,the founder of th e

Buddhist religion) show how deeply interwoven into the ord inaryevents of l ife are the results of former good or ev il deeds

,and

prove how powerfully th e Buddh ist m ind must b e influenced,

even in sm all m atters, by th e b el ief in success ive existences onth is earth, and by the relat ion wh ich these bear to one another.

‘ From th is belief can be traced th e sal ient points in the Burm anBuddhist’ s character and impulses, as seen now am ong the people .Th ere m ay st ill b e found th e l ight heart and the open hand, thegenerous view of others’ faults— the tolerance towards all creeds,and th e hopeful sp irit wh ich spreads a ch eerfulness over th e irwhole life.’

Anoth er reason for present ing th is un ique inspection of one ofth e great factors of character i s connected w ith the V iew takenby some writers that the religion is w ithout l ife and power, or at

most only a ‘ th in v eneer spread over the real bas is of older sup erstitions a v iew that seem s wholly at variance w ith th e abov e.(See p . xiv.) S ir Jam es Mackintosh, the h istorian of Eth icalPhilosophy ( in h is Note on Jonathan Edwards) lays great stress onthe religious op in ions of August ine and Calvin about predest inat ionas a powerful influence in the m oral educat ion of the Scots

,the

Dutch, and the people of New England. Th e two influencesof dogmat ic religion and em p iric superst ition exist together in

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306 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

Anoth er proof of the close and general influence of Buddhism in

Burma is found in the constant read ing and teach ing of the N it iliterature, the system of prudence and morality found in proverb sand aphorism s. Professor Jam es Gray, the translator of theseworks

,tells us of th e charm they have for the Buddh ists, as gu ides

to good conduct in this l ife, and thus helps to a better life beyond .

The Buddh ist, h e says, firm ly b elieves that h is future happ inessdepends upon h is behav iour in h is present l ife, and rel ies more onpract ical deeds rather than on the fa ith wh ich h is religiondem ands. In Chap . xx. Sange rm ano gi ves som e quotat ions fromthese aids to v irtue. The Lokaniti is st ill taught in alm ost everymonast ic school in Burm a.

Buddhaghosa’

s Parables, translated from Burm ese by Capta inT. Rogers, R.E.

, have been publ ished w ith an Introduct ion byProfessor Max Muller. Many of the stories relate to Gaudam a

’

s

former existences . It is in this Buddhist l iterature, the Jatakasespec ially (se e p. that m any of the nursery songs and thefairy tales

,th e com ic stories and the fables

,wh ich are now the

com m on property of Europe, are found in the ir oldest form . Th eBuddh ist dogm a d isappears under Western influence. Se e Max

Mii lle r on the Migrat ion of Fables, 1v. Chipsf rom a Ge rman W '

ork

shop , p . 1 75 . The same essay relates how the transm igrat ion of

Gaudam a Buddha h imself into th e Saint Josaphat of both the Greekand Lat in Churches cam e about, an interest ing story not ge nerallyknown to the Buddh ists of Burma now, nor to European scholarsbefore 1 85 9 , when the Lalita Vistara was pointed out as the sourceof the History of Barlaam and Josaphat, th e narrat ive of a herm itand an Indian king, written by Johannes Dam asc e nus early in thee ighth century . Thom asWarton had long before drawn attent ionto th is work as contain ing the originals of m any stories found in.th e Gesta Romanorum,

in Boccacc io and Gower, in Caxton’

s Golden.Legende , and elsewhere . Says Warton : As Barlaam

’

s fable isprobably the rem ote but original source of Shakesp eare

’ s “Caskets ”

in the Me rchant of Venice , I w ill give the readers a translat ion of

the passage in which it occurs, from the Greek original, never ye tprinted .

’ See Price’ s ed it ion of 1840 of Warton’ s History ofEnglish Poe try .

A P P E N D IX V

WHEN I wrote the Introduct ion to this Ed it ion, the long and

valuable essays by Franc is Buchanan, M.D ., on th e religion andliterature of the Burmans

,and by John Leyden, M.D .,

on the

languages and literature of th e Indo-Ch inese nat ions, printed inthe Asiatic Researches

,vols . v1 . and x.,

had not come under m ynot ice. They are not ment ioned by Card inal Wiseman or h iscolleagues . Dr. Buchanan had accom pan ied our envoy, MajorSym es, to Burma, where Sange rm ano gave Symes three treat ises,com posed by h im in Lat in, on Burmese Cosmography, the Religionof Gandam a

, and the Ord inat ion of Buddhist Monks. In Buchanan’ s

essay , English translat ions are given, wh ich contain substant iallythe informat ion given in th e present work . The d ialogue foundin Chapter x1v. is said to have been written by the king

’ s confe ssor ; and Leyden says th e obj ect of it was the convers ion of theEngl ish, Dutch, Arm en ians, and others to Buddh ism . Am ongm any other interest ing matters, Buchanan supplies a com parat i v evocabulary of languages, and an account of astronomy, w ith a fineengrav ing of th e s ixty-e ight constellat ions.Buchanan, at p . 304, makes the follow ing statem ent about th e

law l iterature of Burm aO11 law

,the Burm ans have many treat ises, both contain ing the

laws of Manu and cop ious com m entaries upon th ese. Wh etherthey st ill have any cop ies of th e law as originally im ported fromCeylon, I know not ; but I was told that the Dam athat-gye , or

Code in com m on use , has suffered several alterat ions and add it ionsm ade by the decrees of various princes .

’

Com pare Sange rm ano,

p . 223, Notes, pp . 87 and 22 1 , and Append ix 11 1. Leyden,whose

essay w as printed in th e Asiatic Re searches, vol. x.,in 1 8 1 1

, th e

y ear that he d ied, had read Buchanan’s art icle,and a num ber of

works written by old Cathol ic m iss ionaries in Burm a . He m ent ionsthe Code of Law,

and Sange rm ano’

s Otranp e ndium , but does notd iscuss its origin .

Probably when a pract ice became general, and had been recognise d as a custom

,it b ecam e incorporated in th e next ed ition of

308 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

the Code. One of the rules in Sect ion 8,on p . 228, is better

understood after read ing Buchanan’s account of th e phys ic ians.One curious custom ,

h e says,m ay b e ment ioned :

‘ If a youngwom an be dangerously ill, the doctor and h e r parents frequentlyenter into an agreem ent , the doctor undertaking to cure h e r. If

she lives,th e doctor takes he r as h is prop erty ; but if sh e d ies, he

pays h e r value to the parents ; for in th e Burm a dom inions noparent parts w ith his daughter, wh ether to be a wi fe, or to be aconcub ine, w ithout a valuable considerat ion . I do not knowwhether th e doctor is ent itled to sell the girl again, or if h e m ustretain her in h is fam ily ; but the num ber of fine young wom enwhi ch I saw in th e house of a doctor at Mye da m akes me th inkthe pract ice to b e very com m on .

’

John Leyden,better known to Scotsm en as the poet of Tev iot

dale and th e friend of Sir Walter Scott,sa iled in 1 802 for Madras,

as an assistant-surgeon . His health giving way, h e went to Penang,where h e stud i ed the Indo—Ch inese languages . He was afterwardsa professor, and then a judge at Calcutta. In 1 81 1 h e accom pan iedthe Governor-General to Java

,and d ied from a fever caught in the

bad air of a warehouse of books at Batav ia,which he had rushed to

exam ine. Sir John Malcolm and Sir Walter Scott both honouredLeyden’ s memory w ith not ices of h is gen ius.

Q uenched is his lam p of varie d lore ,That love d the light of song to pourA distant and a de adly shore

Has Le yden’

s cold rem ains. ’

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310 DESCRIPTION OF THE BURMESE EMPIRE

EARTHQ UAxEs, 1 6 1 . Language s of Burm a, 42-44, 1 78-181 ,

Ele phants, 76-80 , 2 0 6. 289-2 9 1 .

Elphinstone , Mountstuart, 2 85 , 29 5 , Le yden, John, 30 7-308.

2 9 6. Lite rature , xi. , xix. , 1 29 , 142 , 1 79Envoys, English, xxiv. 185, 2 9 1 , 30 5, 30 7.

Europe ans, xx. Lizards, 1 9 9 .

Evidence , 2 72 . See W itne sse s.

FACTORIES, xxi i i.Fitch, Ralph, xxi i .-xxi i i.Food, xxi. , 1 59 .

Forchhamm e r, Dr. E. viii. , xi . xv . ,

xix. , 2 2 1 , 289 , 2 9 8.

Fortune -te lling, xxiv. , 14 1 -147.Fre de rike , Caesar, xxi.Fune ral practice s, 1 2 2 , 1 60 , 1 74-1 77.

GAMES, 1 62 .

Gaudam a, xu.

-xvi. , 1 0 1 -1 1 2, 1 2 1 , 1 2 9

140 : 2 9 5 : 2 9 9 : 306°

Ge ography, 4.

Ge orge , Mr. x11. , 2 9 0 , 300 .

Golanagar, vii.Gour, vii. NATs, xi .-xv . ,

2, 1 3, 1 8-24, 1 6 1 , 1 72 .

Gray, Profe ssorJam e s, 2 9 9 , 306. Natural productions, 1 89 -20 7.Ne rini, Bishop, 283-285 .

HELLS,2 5 -32 , 140 . Nirvana, 9 , 32 , 4 1 , 1 0 6.

House s, 1 42 , 1 59 , 1 60 . N iti lite rature , 2 9 9 , 30 5 .

Hpagyidoa, King, 2 9 3.

Hsengbyusheng, King, 62 . OATHS, 87, 9 0 , 238Indian influence s, vi i.-xx. , 4, 33, Officials, 81 . 9 1 , 2 23. 24 1 -2435 2 , 76, 1 66, 180 , 2 2 1 , 2 9 6, 2 9 8. Om e ns, 1 4 1

-148.

Ordeals, 9 0 , 1 50 , 239INHERITANCE, xix. , 2 2 5 -2 27, 230 -235.Inse cts, 2 0 3-20 5 . 5 1 , 53’

Inte rlope rs, xxi ii.

Jo. S e e Yaw.

Josaphat, Saint, xvi . , 306.

Judson, Re v . A. and Mrs. A.H.,xxviii .

1 1 2 , 2 1 7, 2 9 3-2 9 6.

KACHINS, xii i. , 44, 2 9 0 , 30 0 .

Kadu, 44, 289 .

Karens, xii. , 44, 1 1 0 , 2 9 0 , 300 .

K ings of Burm a, 47-72 .

Kublai Khan, ix. , 53.

LAMAs, 280 .

MAHARAZAVEN, 46-60 .

Manne rs, 1 57-1 77.

Manu, xix. , xxiv. , 87, 2 2 1 , 2 9 8, 30 7.

Manufacture s, 1 85-1 88.

Marriage , xviii. , 1 64-1 66, 235, 238-240 ,2 55-26 1 , 300 .

Me asure s, 2 .

Med icine , 1 64-1 74, 308.

Menpiauk, K ing, 54.

Missionarie s, xix. xxiv. , xxxiv. , 1 1 1 ,

1 72 , 1 73, 1 9 5 . Se eAm e ricanBaptists,Catholic Church.

M6ns. See Talaings.

Murde r, 242 .

Myinsaing, 53.

PAGAN, V111 . , x. ,

Palaung, 44, 2 9 1 .

Pali language , 1 1 0 , 1 80 , 2 2 1 .

Pallegoix, Bishop, 2 9 5 , 30 1 , 30 5.Palm istry, xiv . 147.

Panja. S ee Panya.

Panya, vii i. , 53. 55.Pegh, vii . , ix. ,

xxi., xx11. , 2 77, 283.

Pe rcoto, Bishop, xxxv., 282 .

Phayre , SirA. , vi i i. , xi. xxiv. , 48.

Pinto, Fe rdinand Mende z, xxi.

Poppozorahen, King, 52 .

Portugue se , xxi . , 57, 9 8.

Prom e , viii . , 49 .

Prom ise s, 2 25 .

INDEX

Punishm e nts, 82 , 83-86, 100 , 2 9 2 . Se e

Puppa-tsau-Rahan , King, 52 .

Prum engfi. King. 5 1

RACEs of Burm a, 42-46, 289 -2 9 1 .

Rangoon, 9 4, 9 7, 1 9 8, 2 1 7, 2 20 , 283.

Rehatsek, xi l . , x1i 1 . , xv1.

Re venue s, 9 1 .

SAGAlNG, 53, 55 .

Samudrit, King, 5 1 .

Sange rm ano, xxi i i. , xxv n. , xxxi i i . ,xxx ix , 80 ,

2 2 1 , 287.

Santo, Ste phano, Hie ronim o de , xxi.Sarekittra. See Tharékhe ttara.

Satom enchin, King, 54.

Seasons, 2 10 -2 1 2 .

Se lons, 2 9 1 .

Se rm ons of Gaudam a, 1 2 9-140 .

Sham anism ,xi ii . , xv i.

Shans, vii i. , ix. , 43, 52 , 53, 2 9 0 ,-300 .

S iam , xxi i i. , 6 1 , 62 , 72 , 2 9 5, 30 1 .

Slave ry, xix. , xxvii. , 1 35 , 1 56, 2 30 , 240 ,248, 2 6 1 -265 , 2 68, 2 70 , 2 71 , 2 9 4.

Syke s, Colone l, 33, 1 04, 2 23.

Sym e s, Major Michae l, xxi ii . , xxiv. ,2 2 1 .

Supe rstitions, xi. -xiv. , 14 1-1 50 , 16 1 ,

TAGAUNG, viii . 48, 54.

Talaings, vii. , ix.-xi. , 42 , 5 1 , 2 2 1 , 2 9 1 .

Talismans, 148.

Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE , Printe rs to He r Maje sty ,

UZZANA, K ing, 53.

YAw, 43, 289 .

ZEMPIUSCIEN , King, 62 .

Zimm e, xxi ii . , 56.

Zodi se ct, 1 1 1 .

Zunit, K ing, 53.

at the Edinburgh Unive rsity Pre ss.

31 1

Tarukpyem ing, King, 53.

Tattooing, xx. , 1 48, 1 58.

Taungthu, ix. , 2 9 0 .

Taunu. S ee Toungoo .

Taw Se in-Ko, Mr. , xxix. , 1 50 , 2 9 6 .

Taxe s, 9 1 .

Thadom engbya, King, 54.

Tham m udari t, King, 5 1 .

Tharékhe ttara, 48, 49 .

That6n, viii. , x.The ft, 2 50 -2 53, 2 71 .

Thenga Raja, K ing, 52 .

Tibe t, vi ii . 280 , 289 .

T im e , 2 .

Torts, 2 53, 2 54, 265-269 .

Toungoo, 44, 57, 58.

Trab ia,King, 54.

Transm igration of Souls, 8, 1 1 1 , 1 54,

30 2-

306.

Tre e s, 1 9 3, 1 9 4.

WAGARU , x. , 2 2 1 , 285, 2 9 8.

Wage rs, 2 69 .

We ights, 2 .

W itchcraft, xiv ., 149 , 30 5.

Witne sse s, 237, 2 72 , 2 75 .

Wom en, xvii , xix, xxi. , 1 35 ,239 , 2 9 9 , 30°

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