THE ANGLO-SAXON HUNTING PARKS OF GLOUCESTERSHIRE

By

Neil Baker

Figure 1: A scene from the Bayeux Tapestry showing King Harold

hunting with a hawk and dogs.

Introduction

It has long been assumed that the medieval park ‘was essentially a Norman

creation’ (Cantor, 1982, 76). There is however, an increasing body of evidence

which suggests that organised hunting (Fig. 1) took place in Anglo-Saxon ‘parks’

called hagas. This essay is by no means an extensive study of Gloucestershire hagas,

but merely a preliminary exploration using evidence obtained from place-names

and charters. It shows that there is potential for a much more detailed examination

of not only the ‘parcaeology’ of Gloucestershire hagas, but those in other counties

too.

Study Area

Medieval Gloucestershire (Fig. 2) is an entity that no longer exists as a single county

but has since 1974, been subdivided into one county (modern Gloucestershire) and

two unitary authorities (South Gloucestershire and Bristol). It lies in the west of

England and can broadly be divided into three distinct geological zones. The

Cotswold Hills in the east consist primarily of oolitic limestone with some Oxford clay

deposits. The central Severn Vale is largely comprised of river gravels, alluvium, lias

clays and some outcrops of shale and sandstone. The geological deposits of the

Forest of Dean in the west of the county consist of coal, shale, limestone, and

sandstone (Finberg, 1955, 23-30).

Figure 2: Gloucestershire study area (Author, 2009).

Early Medieval Park Origins

The importance of hunting in Anglo-Saxon England has often been ‘under-

estimated’ and it has been falsely assumed that the medieval hunting park was

introduced to England by the Normans (Hooke, 1989, 122). The tradition of organised

hunting certainly dates back to at least the Anglo-Saxon period (Liddiard, 2003, 4-23;

Fletcher, 2007, 37-39). Then, the right of chase was often reserved to specific areas

close to Royal residences and important estates. These contained designated areas

of woodland or heath which contained enclosures which were used for both hunting

and retention of game during the Anglo-Saxon period (Cox, 1905, 4 & 133). A monk

Ælfric, writing in the tenth describes both the hunting of deer and wild boar (Hooke,

1985, 159 & 1989, 122). A charter from 855 AD exempted the minster at Blockley from

the ‘feeding and maintenance…of all huntsmen except only those who are in the

province of the Hwicce’ (Hooke, 1989, 125). One final mention that certainly alludes

to Anglo-Saxon hunting is that of the ‘Huntenaford’ (The Hunters Ford) mentioned in

a charter for Wootton under Edge charter of 940 AD (Grundy, 1936, 285).

We know that there were specific enclosures set aside for hunting prior to 1086. The

Domesday Book mentions two different types of hunting preserve which existed in

Gloucestershire: the park or parcus and the haga or its alternate Norman spelling of

haia which later became haye (Cummings, 2001, 57; Fletcher, 2007, 38). Recorded

are the ‘the king’s park at Sodbury’, together with three haia at Churcham and

Morton, two at Newent, and one at Hanley which is now in Worcestershire (Liddiard,

2003, 15; Morris, 1982, f163c 1-34, f163d 1-48, f165c 10-11 & 166a 16-1). The words

haga, or haia in their simplest form mean ‘hedge or enclosure’ (Clark Hall, 2006, 166)

or ‘earthen bank along which a timber palisade or hedge was laid’ (Hooke, 2001,

157). Both haga and haia are closely related to a second meaning of ‘haw’, the fruit

of the hawthorn and applied to land enclosed by a hawthorn hedge (Hooke, 1985,

159).

The term haga was used for land that was set aside for a particular reason such as

urban property divisions, linear boundary banks or defended enclosures (Hooke,

1990, 5). In more remote areas of countryside the haga appears to have been

‘enclosed land set aside for the hunting and retention of deer’ and the forerunner of

the Norman park, forest and chase (Hooke, 1990, 5, Fletcher, 2007, 38). They could

sometimes be temporary features, but by and large they were ‘fixed and valuable

possessions’ (Hooke, 1985, 160). It has been demonstrated that haga or haia was a

term used interchangeably with parcus by the Domesday Commissioners (Liddiard,

2003, 15). This suggests that that there was ‘little physical difference between the

two’ with the haga become ‘synonymous with the park’ but also pre-dating it

(Fletcher, 2007, 38; Liddiard, 2003, 21).

Place-Name Evidence

In Gloucestershire there are a number of place-names which allude to the existence

of hagas, and features and activities related to them. Variations of the haga place

name thus far discovered include Haga (4), Hagan (2) Hage (1), Haeg (2), Hege (1)

Haggele (4), Hagloe (1), Hagley (1), Haw (7), Hay (10), Hayes (15), Heyes (1), Heys (1)

Haia (9) and Oridge (1) derived from ‘hagan rycg’ (Hagan Ridge) (Grundy 1935 &

1936; Hooke, 1989, Fig. 6 & 1990, 4; Smith, 1964, Parts 1-4) The place names of ‘Bosc

de Haga’, Wootton under Edge (1130) and ‘Haga’, recorded at Tirley (1169) and

Filton (1175) are very likely to have been the locations of former hagas (Smith, 1964,

Part 2, 257 & Part 3, 150). Others may have existed where there are mentions of

‘haggele’ at Alkington (1248), Cromhall (1287), Woodford (13th century) and

Blakeney (1270) (Smith, 1964, Part 2, 204 & 209, Part 3, 4 & 252).

Apart from the haia mentioned in Domesday, the cluster of haia place-names

recorded at Newnham from 1240; ‘Haiden, Haie Grove, Haie and Hagloe’ almost

certainly relate to a pre-conquest haga (Smith, 1964, Part 3, 252,253). Memories of

other Gloucestershire ‘haia’ may be found in the place-names recorded as ‘Ford

Haia’, North Nibley (1221), ‘Haia Brook’, Awre (1340) and ‘Haidon’, Hampney (1339)

(Smith, 1964, Part 2, 241, Part 3, 205 & 252). The ‘Haywode’ (wood with a hedge

round it) mentioned in 986 AD was an important feature of an estate boundary

perambulation of Littleton-on-Severn certainly had a haga like appearance (Grundy,

1935, 159). It may be that a proportion of many of the Haywood’s recorded

elsewhere in Gloucestershire also functioned in some capacity as a haga. The

‘Haywood’ at East Dean (1270) is a good candidate, as are many of the ‘Hayes’

place-names, particularly those with an early recorded date such as ‘Hayes Wood’,

Almondsbury (1250) (Smith, 1964, Part 3, 109 & 217).

Hagas, together with features and activities associated with them were often

important components of the Anglo-Saxon landscape of Gloucestershire. It is

generally accepted that most date to the 10th century although there are

exceptions (Cummings, 2001, 58). A charter of 931 AD relating to Cold Aston refers to

a ‘Heort Leage’ (hart or deer clearing) and an ‘Eald Hlipgeat’ (old leap gate) which

is also mentioned in a charter of the neighbouring estate at Pucklechurch dated to

950 AD (Grundy, 1935, 91, 94). Here it is known as the ‘Hundes Gate’ (Hound or Dog

Gate) while the same charter mentions another ‘Hlipiget‘(Grundy, 1936, 203, 205,

217). A ‘Deorham’ (the deer enclosure) which probably gave its name to the parish

(of Dyrham) also gets cited in the Pucklechurch charter, as well as its own charter,

dating to 972 AD (Grundy, 1935, 119 & 1936, 205). The leap gate makes another

appearance in a Bishops Cleeve charter of c.769-785 AD where one is recorded as

‘Hindehlypan’ (Hind or Deer leap) together with a ‘Rahhege’ (Roedeer Hedge)

(Grundy, 1935, 80, 84). The hedge presumably formed a haga boundary much like a

park pale with access controlled by a deep leap. Other animals could be hunted in

addition to deer and included ‘boar, wolves, foxes, beavers, hares and wildcats’

(Hooke, 1989, 122-3). ’Swinehay’ in North Nibley is a possible candidate for a ‘boar

haga’. The ‘Wulfputt’ (Wolf Pit) mentioned as being at Olveston c.955-999 AD and

the ‘Befer Pyttas’ (Beaver Pit) at Pucklechurch in 950 AD refer to specific animal traps

(Grundy, 1936, 186 & 213).

Haga Distribution

Using Domesday as a guide, it has been calculated that medieval Gloucestershire

once had a total area of 323886 hectares (800000 acres), with 42086 hectares

(103953 acres) recorded as ‘woodland’ (Grundy, 1936, 71). These areas were not

always densely wooded, and could be open glades with some tree cover (Hooke,

1998, 134). It has been noted in other studies that there is frequently a ‘marked

correlation’ between areas of woodland and the distribution density of haga’s

(Hooke, 1985, Liddiard, 2003, 9). The haga related place-names of Gloucestershire

have been plotted onto a distribution map (Fig. 3), so that their geographical

locations can be examined. The map is divided into the three major geological

areas of Gloucestershire; the Cotswolds, the Severn Vale and the Forest of Dean.

Figure 3: A distribution map of Haga and related place-names in

Medieval Gloucestershire (Author, 2009; Bazeley, 1921, 141; Grundy,

1936, 89; Hooke, 1978, 337 & 1989, 114-115; Rackham, 1999, 76, 80).

The majority of place-name evidence referring to Gloucestershire haga’s lie in the

Severn Vale, the Western Cotswolds and the Forest of Dean. These are areas were

known to have once contained considerable tracts of woodland in the Saxon period

(Grundy, 1936, 72; Hooke, 1978, 341; 1989, 119 & 1990, 24). It should be noted that

they are also areas where there is a large survival of Anglo-Saxon documents and

charters. We must remember that in areas with little or no contemporary evidence

there is still the likelihood that more haga’s did once exist. The two Domesday haia

at Newent were most likely recorded only because the King had taken possession of

them and in all probability, many more were under-recorded (Morris, 1982, f166a, 16-

1; Liddiard, 2003, 14). The dearth of hagas in the eastern Cotswolds may reflect the

lack of woodland recorded in Domesday (Grundy, 1936, 73-74; Rackham, 1995, 47 &

1999, 76). However, some of the central, eastern portion of Gloucestershire bordered

what later became the royal forest of Wychwood in Oxfordshire and must have had

some concentrations of woodland (Hooke, 1989, 115).

From Haga to Park

A change in legal status after 1066 led to many areas containing hagas reverting

from private hunting grounds to Royal Forest, where hunting rights were reserved for

the king (Hooke, 1985, 137). The Royal Forests of Gloucestershire were not selected

randomly but utilised both existing Anglo-Saxon hunting grounds and other

unenclosed land (Cox, 1905, 5 & Hooke, 1998, 19). An increasing body of evidence

suggests that after 1066, hagas or haia were ‘frequently incorporated’ into medieval

parks (Hooke, 1985, 161; Liddiard, 2003, Fletcher, 2007). The granting of a licence to

empark after 1066 may indicate a Royal affirmation of what were already

considered to be ‘unofficial’ private hunting enclosures. So far, Gloucestershire has

not been subject to detailed scrutiny of the relationship between haga and parks

but a cursory examination shows that there is some evidence of continuity from haga

to park.

The Domesday haia at Hanley has been shown to have developed from a haga

recorded in 962 AD to become a medieval park associated with Hanley Castle

(Hooke, 1989, 126). The two Domesday haiae recorded at Newent must have been

associated in some way with the park recorded as being there in 1240 (Morris, 1982,

j166a, 16-1, Smith, 1964, Part 3, 179). At Wootton under Edge, a deer park known as

‘Haw Park’ was recorded in 1283 (Berkeley Muniments, BCM/A/1/54/1). The use of

the haga derivative ‘Haw’ suggests that there was likely to have been an Anglo-

Saxon predecessor. This was almost certainly the ‘Bosc de Haga’ first recorded in

1130 (Smith, 1964, Part 2, 257). Bosc is a Norman-French word which means ‘forest or

wood’, so ‘Bosc de Haga’ can be interpreted as either ‘The Haga Wood’ or the

‘Wood of the Haga’ (Barnhart, 1988, 110).

Pucklechurch first has a park recorded in the late 13th century but the Anglo Saxon

charter of 950 AD contains numerous mentions of earlier haga/park type features

(Grundy, 1936, 203, 205, 217). Continuity of the Pucklechurch haga through the

Norman period is emphasised by the mention of a ‘Horsehai’ (Horse Haga) and a

‘Hagehieta’ (Enclosure Gate) in 1189 (Grundy, Vol. 3, 67). The two ‘Haiae’ or ‘Hege’

recorded at Newent in 1086 must have been the forerunners of the medieval park

recorded c.1240 (Smith, 1954, Part 3, 179; Morris, 1982, 16/1). At Cromhall a park was

first recorded in 1287 but so was ‘Haggele’ a derivative of haga, this surely cannot

be a coincidence (Smith, 1964, Part 3, 4; Rudge, 1803, Vol. 2, 218). Oakley park at

Alkington was first recorded in 1239 but there is also a mention of both a ‘haggele’

and a ‘hagloe’ in 1248 (Berkeley Muniments, B/CM/A/1/66/1; Smith, 1964, Part 2,

209). Either an earlier pre-conquest haga once existed there, or the terms park and

haga were still being used interchangeably in the 13th century, at least in some parts

of Gloucestershire.

Conclusion

This essay has provided a platform from which the study of hagas in Anglo-Saxon

Gloucestershire can move forward, but it has only just scratched the surface, and

much work still remains. There is a strong likelihood that there are many examples of

forgotten hagas in Gloucestershire and work to rediscover them continues. Where

there is firm place-name evidence for a haga, its extent, if possible needs to be

better defined by detailed fieldwork. The continued development from haga to

park certainly warrants more in depth work. Preliminary results do show that there is

much potential, which may explain why the growth of Medieval Parks in England was

not mirrored in Normandy (Fletcher, 2007, 38).

The place-name evidence collected from Gloucestershire so far certainly backs up

claims that purpose-built hunting parks known as haga or haia were in existence prior

to the Norman Conquest. The analysis of the place-name distribution map suggests

that there are specific areas of Gloucestershire that were favoured for haga

creation. These are for the most part, those which were known to have contained

woodland during the Anglo-Saxon period. It appears that the haga, like the park

was once a commonplace feature of the landscape of Anglo-Saxon

Gloucestershire.

Bibliography

Baker, N. 2009. Lost and Found; An investigation into the forgotten medieval parks of

Gloucestershire. University of Bristol: Unpublished dissertation.

Barnhart, R (ed.) 1988. Barnhart Dictionary of Etymology. New York: H. W. Wilson

Publishing.

Bazeley, M. L. 1921. The Extent of the English Forest in the Thirteenth Century. In

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th Series, Vol. 4, pp. 140-172.

Cantor, L. M. 1982. The English Medieval Landscape. London: Croom Helm.

Cox, C. J. 1905. The Royal Forests of England. London: Methuen.

Clark Hall, J. R. 2006. A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Toronto: Toronto University

Press.

Clifford Darby, H. & Terrett, I. B. 1971. The Domesday Geography of Midland

England. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Cummings, J. 2001. The Hound and the Hawk: The Art of Medieval Hunting.

London: Phoenix.

Finberg, H. P. R. 1955. Gloucestershire; An Illustrated essay on the history of the

landscape. London: Hodder & Stoughton.

Fletcher, J. 2007. ‘The rise of British deer parks: their raison d’être in a global and

historical perspective’. In Rotherham, I. D. (ed.) 2007. The History, Ecology, and

Archaeology of Medieval Parks and Parklands. Landscape Archaeology and

Ecology, Vol. 6, 2007. Sheffield; Windtrack Publishing.

Grundy, G. B. 1935. Saxon Charters and Field Names of Gloucestershire; Part 1.

Bristol; Council of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society.

Grundy, G. B. 1936. Saxon Charters and Field Names of Gloucestershire; Part 2.

Bristol; Council of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society.

Grundy, G. B. 1936. ‘The Ancient Woodland of Gloucestershire’. In Transactions

of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, Vol. 58, pp. 65-155.

Hooke, D. 1978. ‘Early Cotswold woodland’. In Journal of Historical Geography, Vol.

4, No. 4, pp. 331-341.

Hooke, D. 1985. The Anglo-Saxon Landscape: The Kingdom of Hwicce. Manchester;

University Press.

Hooke, D. 1989. ‘Pre-Conquest Woodland: its Distribution and Usage’. In Agricultural

History Review, Vol. 37, pp. 113-129. London; British Agricultural History Society.

Hooke, D. 1990. The Anglo-Saxon Landscape of North Gloucestershire; The Seventh

Deerhurst Lecture. Deerhurst; Friends of Deerhurst Church.

Hooke, D. 1998. ‘Medieval forests and parks in southern and central England’. In

Watkins, C. (ed.) European Woods and Forests: Studies in Cultural History, pp. 19-38.

New York: CAB International.

Hooke, D. 2001. The Landscape of Anglo-Saxon England. London; Leicester

University Press.

Liddiard, R. 2003. ‘The Deer Parks of Domesday Book’. In Landscapes 2003, Vol. 4,

No. 1, pp. 4-21. Macclesfield; Windgather Press.

Morris, J. (ed.) 1982. Domesday Book Gloucestershire. London; Phillimore.

Rackham, O. 1995. Trees and woodland in the British landscape. London;

Weidenfeld & Nicholson.

Rackham, O. 1999. The History of the Countryside. London; Phoenix.

Rudge, T. R. 1803. The History of the County of Gloucestershire Compressed and

brought Down to the Year 1803, Vol. II. London; Longman.

Smith, A. H. 1964a. The Place-Names of Gloucestershire. Vol. XXXVII, Part I. The River

and Road Names of the East Cotswolds. Cambridge; University Press.

Smith, A. H. 1964b. The Place-Names of Gloucestershire. Vol. XXXIX, Part II. The North

and West Cotswolds. Cambridge; University Press.

Smith, A. H. 1964c. The Place-Names of Gloucestershire. Vol. XL, Part III. The Lower

Severn Valley, The Forest of Dean. Cambridge; University Press.

Smith, A. H. 1964d. The Place-Names of Gloucestershire. Vol. XLI, Part IV.

Introduction, Bibliography, Analyses. Cambridge; University Press.

Other Resources

Berkeley Muniments, 2009;

BCM/A/1/54/1

B/CM/A/1/66/1