Stretching the Cloth

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Stretching the Cloth: Hybrid Meanings, Styles, and Gender Structures in Maisin Barkcloth Author(s): Anna-Karina Hermkens Source: Pacific Arts, New Series, Vol. 3/5, HYBRID TEXTILES: PRAGMATIC CREATIVITY AND

AUTHENTIC INNOVATIONS IN PACIFIC CLOTH (2007), pp. 104-114Published by: Pacific Arts AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23412059Accessed: 07-12-2015 02:51 UTC

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104 NS i»!s. 3-5, 2007

Stretching the Cloth: Hybrid

Meanings, Styles, and Gender

Structures in Maisin Barkcloth

Anna-Karma Hermkens, Radboud University

The hybrid object has traditionally been associated with stylis

tic degeneration, commodification, and inauthenticity. But while

the arguments used to sustain the (anthropological and art-his

torical) aversion to hybrids have become exposed and untenable

(for example Philips and Steiner 1999), few scholars have yet

addressed the essential character of all objects as being intrinsi

cally hybrid creations. In drawing upon the work of Jehanne

Teilhet-Fisk, I argue that things are both the outcome of, and

provide space for, dynamic interactions between various peoples

and processes, grounded within but also permeating specific cul

tural and historical settings. As is shown, hybridity is embedded

within Maisin barkcloth, especially with regard to its gendered

production, meanings, styles, uses, and its commodification.'

For the Maisin people, living along the coast of Collingwood

Bay located in the Papua New Guinean Oro Province (Fig. 1),

barkcloth, locally referred to as tapa, is important. Having no

elaborate wooden sculptures or other three-dimensional 'arts',

social and individual expression in Maisin is largely conveyed

through 'body art'. The most conspicuous components of these

ornaments are the decorated barkcloth loincloths, worn by both

men and women. In addition to their use as male dress (koefi)

and female dress (embobi), they are displayed on respectively male

and female graves, and used to wrap up the deceased body.

Furthermore, it is used as a gift in various informal and formal

exchanges, and, as a commodity, barkcloth enables access to

money, and, as a result, access to other externally and locally pro

duced goods. In short, the production and use of barkcloth con

stitutes various identities and relationships (Hermkens 2005).

The importance of barkcloth is exemplified by the phrase

"Maisin is tapa," which was often expressed as 1 tried to find my

way through the meanings of barkcloth among the Maisin. And

Figure 1 : Map of Collingwood Bay, showing Maisin, Wanigela, Miniafia, and

Korafe villages (based on drawing by Dutton, J 971).

indeed, especially in the village of Airara where 1 did my

research, it was evident that barkcloth is not just a traditional

garment; it provides a link with the past and dreams for the

future. Since barkcloth is believed to manifest ideas about Maisin

culture and identities, "the important question arises: who makes

these objects and whose ideas are represented?" (Teilhet-Fisk

1983:45).

Arifama-Miniafia Mt Brittania

Ganjiga

t Mission (Station) Airplane strip

Onlob Language group Rivers «Villages

Dyke Ackland B'y,

Nelson

Korafe

Maisin Kosirava

r—

Musa River < ITaplotti River) ( (Kerova)

Arifama-Miniafia

'fv f S

Maisin Uwe *

Wanigela Collingwood Bay

Yuayu Maisin

Maisin Research Location

Airara if Marua Point

- Marua Mango Sinapa Marua Man Sinipara \ ) Rp___ Koniasi } \Keaga Oomam

Bay \ Gegerau XE

Arifama-Miniafia

Figure 1: Ma/) of Collingwood Bay, showing Maisin, Wanigela, Miniafîa, and

Korafe villages (based on drawing by Dutton, 1971).

104 NS wis. 3-5,2007

Stretching the Cloth: Hybrid

Meanings, Styles, and Gender

Structures in Maisin Barkcloth

Anna-Karina Hermkens, Radboud University

The hybrid object has traditionally been associated with stylis

tic degeneration, commodification, and inauthenticity. But while

the arguments used to sustain the (anthropological and art-his

torical) aversion to hybrids have become exposed and untenable

(for example Philips and Steiner 1999), few scholars have yet

addressed rhe essential character of all ohiecrs as heinp intrinsic

cally hybrid creations. In drawing upon the work of Jehanne

Teilhet-Fisk, I argue that things are both the outcome of, and

provide space for, dynamic interactions between various peoples

and processes, grounded within but also permeating specific cul

rural and historical settings. As is shown, hybridity is embedded

within Maisin barkcloth, especially with regard to its gendered

production, meanings, styles, uses, and its commodification.'

For the Maisin people, living along the coast of Collingwood

Bay located in the Papua New Guinean Oro Province (Fig. 1),

barkcloth, locally referred to as tapa, is important. Having no

elaborate wooden sculptures or other three-dimensional 'arts',

social and individual expression in Maisin is largely conveyed

through 'body art'. The most conspicuous components of these

ornaments are the decorated barkcloth loincloths, worn by both

men and women. In addition to their use as male dress (koeji)

and female dress (embobi), they are displayed on respectively male

anu lciiidic giavca, anu uscu lu wiajj up uic uccca&cu uuuy.

Furthermore, it is used as a gift in various informal and formal

exchanges, and, as a commodity, barkcloth enables access to

mnniiu or»<1 oc n ruciilr orrpcc t-/-» r\fK<»r PvtornilKt onil Irwallw r\rr\

dùced goods. In short, the production and use of barkcloth con

stitutes various identities and relationships (Hermkens 2005).

The importance of barkcloth is exemplified by the phrase

"Maisin is tapa," which was often expressed as I tried to find my

way through the meanings of barkcloth among the Maisin. And

indeed, especially in the village of Airara where I did my

research, it was evident that barkcloth is not just a traditional

garment; it provides a link with the past and dreams for the

future. Since barkcloth is believed to manifest ideas about Maisin

culture and identities, "the important question arises: who makes

these objects and whose ideas are represented?" (Teilhet-Fisk

1983:45).



NS vols. 3-5, 2007 105

Producing the Cloth: Conceiving Maisin

Among Maisin, women are traditionally responsible for the

manufacturing of barkcloth. Even women from the outside -

those coming from neighboring Miniafia or Korafe villages, but

also from other areas of Papua New Guinea and married into

Maisin, are expected to learn how to beat, design and paint bark

cloth. Women invest time, but also artistry in the production of

embobi and koefi. As such, these cloths embody both women's

skill and creativity.

As in other areas of the Pacific, Maisin women make barkcloth

from paper mulberry trees, called ufuu>usi, although in the past

barkcloth was also made from wild ficus tree species. In Airara,

barkcloth trees are planted in the gardens, which are approxi

mately two hours' walking distance from the village, but some

people have planted a few barkcloth trees at the back of their

houses. In the garden, plots of wuwusi are planted between crops

such as sweet potatoes and taro, which in addition to bananas,

fish and sometimes pig, make up the main diet of Maisin people.

Women plant and maintain the wuwusi, although some men help

their wives plant the seedlings. Women decide when wuwusi are

mature enough to be harvested and they turn the tree-barks into

women's skirts (embobi) and male loincloths (koefi).

Depending on the type of barkcloth that is needed large u>uu>usi

are kept for manufacturing the long and narrow koefi, while

shorter and thicker wuwusi are used for making the quadrangular

shaped embobi. Whether long or short, the wuwusi is cut when its

diameter measures some five or more centimeters. Every Airara

woman has her own preferred time and space to perform the vari

ous stages involved in the manufacturing of barkcloth. These are

first, the scraping of the outer-bark, loosening it from its wooden

core, and subsequently beating and pounding the barkcloth. In a

following stage, a black design is drawn on the barkcloth and

finally parts of the design are painted red. Every stage demands its

own time and sequence, and a woman has to balance her other

time and activities to be able to work on barkcloth. She has to

make sure enough food is present in the house to feed her

extended family, or else she is not able to stay at home. As such,

it generally takes several weeks and sometimes even months

before a piece of barkcloth is completely finished.

In general, women start with the arduous beating of the bark as

soon as it has been removed from the tree-trunk. If the bark is

left too long it will dry out and consequently will have to be

soaked several hours before it is beaten. Beating and pounding

bark is a strenuous process that is performed by a single woman.

Sitting with her legs folded underneath her, she will beat, and

subsequently pound, the scraped bark on a heavy wooden log.

This position, which is maintained for several hours, poses con

siderable strain on women's bodies and especially their backs. In

addition, women need considerable strength to beat the bark

cloth.

The beating of barkcloth involves two phases, each of which

calls for a specific kind of mallet. During the first phase, a small

and narrow wooden mallet, called fisiga, is applied. These are sel

dom used today because women prefer the heavier and sharper

edges of metal beaters, like the blunt side of a large knife or some

other metal tool, as this facilitates the spreading of the coarse

bark fibers. Both the inner and outer sides of the bark are beaten

diagonally in order to make sure the fibers are crosscutting each

other. If the bark is too dry, causing bark fibers to break instead of

spreading out, women will sprinkle the bark with water.

As soon as the bark has flattened and turned smooth enough,

the bark is pounded by using the side edges of a larger and heav

ier wooden mallet, called fo. By using a specific technique of fold

ing and unfolding the barkcloth while pounding it, an evenly

thin and broad piece of barkcloth is obtained. Subsequently, it is

hung to dry in the shade after which its edges are cut straight and

the cloth is ready to be enhanced with the typical Maisin designs.

It can take several days or even weeks before a woman finds the

time or an occasion to start designing the cloth. In the mean

time, the barkcloth is kept within a folded pandanus mat. By

sleeping on the mat, the wrinkles in the barkcloth are removed

and as such 'ironed', but it also keeps the barkcloth smooth. So

women are not only connected with barkcloth through the

processes of beating, women's bodies actually straighten and soft

en the barkcloth by sleeping on it (see Young Leslie this volume

for a Tongan analogue). As one Uiaku woman expressed: by

sleeping on it we imbue the barkcloth with "a little part of our

selves" (Choulai and Lewis-Harris 1999:213). In a similar man

ner, each drawing that is applied on the barkcloth contains a part

of the woman who designed it.

Designing Barkcloth

The designing of barkcloth requires skills other than those used

in its preparation. One needs both creativity and technique (a

NS vols. 3-5, 2007 105

Producing the Cloth: Conceiving Maisin soaked several hours before it is beaten. Beating and pounding

bark is a strenuous process that is performed bv a single woman. Among Maisin, women are traditionally responsible for the

Sitting with her legs folded underneath her, she will beat, and manufacturing of barkcloth. Even women from the outside -

those coming from neighboring Miniafia or Korafe villages, hut subsequently pound, the scraped bark on a heavy wooden log.

also from other areas of Papua New Guinea and married into

Maisin. are exnerred ro learn how to hear, design and nainr hark

This position, which is maintained for several hours, poses con

siderable strain on women's bodies and especially their backs. In

addition, women need considerable strength to beat the bark

cloth.

cloth. Women invest time, but also artistry in the production of

embobi and koefi. As such, these cloths embody both women's

skill and creativity. The beating of barkcloth involves two phases, each of which

calls for a specific kind of mallet. During the first phase, a small As in other areas of the Pacific, Maisin women make barkcloth

from paper mulberry trees, called wuurusi, although in the past and narrow wooden mallet, called fisiga, is applied. These are sel

dom used today because women prefer the heavier and sharper barkcloth was also made from wild ficus tree species. In Airara,

barkcloth trees are planted in the gardens, which are approxi

mately two hours' walking distance from the village, but some

edges of metal beaters, like the blunt side of a large knife or some

other metal tool, as this facilitates the snreadine of the coarse

bark fibers. Both the inner and outer sides of the bark are beaten people have planted a few barkcloth trees at the back of their

diagonally in order to make sure the fibers are crosscuttine each houses. In the garden, plots or wuwusi are planted between crops

such as sweet potatoes and taro, which in addition to bananas, other. If the bark is too dry, causing bark fibers to break instead of

spreading out, women will sprinkle the bark with water. fish and sometimes pig, make up the main diet of Maisin people.

Women plant and maintain the wuivusi, although some men help As soon as the bark has flattened and turned smooth enough,

the bark is pounded by using the side edges of a larger and heav their wives plant the seedlings. Women decide when wuwusi are

mature enough to be harvested and they turn the tree-barks into

women's skirts (embobi) and male loincloths (koefi).

1er wooden mallet, called /o. by using a specific technique ot fold

ing and unfolding the barkcloth while pounding it, an evenly

Depending on the type of barkcloth that is needed large wuwusi

are kept for manufacturing the long and narrow koefi, while

thin and broad piece ot barkcloth is obtained, subsequently, it is

hung to dry in the shade after which its edges are cut straight and

the cloth is ready to be enhanced with the typical Maisin designs. shorter and thicker wuumsi are used for making the quadrangular

shaped embobi. Whether long or short, the wuurusi is cut when its It can take several days or even weeks before a woman finds the

time or an occasion to start designing the cloth. In the mean diameter measures some five or more centimeters. Every Airara

woman has her own preferred time and space to perform the vari time, une oancciotn is Kept witnin a roiaea panaanus mat. Dy

sleeping on the mat, the wrinkles in the barkcloth are removed ous stages involved in the manufacturing of barkcloth. These are

first, the scraping of the outer-bark, loosening it from its wooden and as such ironed , but it also keeps the barkcloth smooth. So

women are not only connected with barkcloth through the core, and subsequently beating and pounding the barkcloth. In a

following stage, a black design is drawn on the barkcloth and prucc^ci» ui ucaung, women & uuuici aciuaiiy biraigiueii anu bon

en the barkcloth by sleeping on it (see Young Leslie this volume finally parts of the design are painted red. Every stage demands its

own time and sequence, and a woman has to balance her other for a Tongan analogue). As one Uiaku woman expressed: by

sleeping on it we imbue the barkcloth with "a little part of our time and activities to be able to work on barkcloth. She has to

make sure enough food is present in the house to feed her selves" (Choulai and Lewis-Harris 1999:213). In a similar man

ner, each drawing that is applied on the barkcloth contains a part

of the woman who designed it.

extended family, or else she is not able to stay at home. As such,

it generally takes several weeks and sometimes even months

before a piece of barkcloth is completely finished.

Designing Barkcloth In general, women start with the arduous beating of the bark as

soon as it has been removed from the tree-trunk. If the bark is

left too long it will dry out and consequently will have to be

The designing of barkcloth requires skills other than those used

in its preparation. One needs both creativity and technique (a



106 NS tels. 3-5, 2007

steady hand). Maisin refer to these skills as mon-seraman, thereby

addressing both the mental (mon) and physical or technical (sera

man) capacities of making good barkcloth. Maisin acknowledge

that not everyone is as skilled as her neighbor. However, this is

something that is silently acknowledged but never publicly lived.

People recognize each other's work and have preferences, but it is

said that all women are equally capable of making and designing

barkcloth and no hierarchies exist between experienced and

'young' barkcloth designers. However, women uncertain of their

skills often will turn their work upside down when more experi

enced barkcloth designers come to have a chat and a look. This

behavior was recognized by both men and women and regarded

as a token of respect towards the visiting and more experienced

woman.

Before starting to draw, a woman has to create a design. This is

primarily done in the head, although women also draw designs in

the sand, testing them without spoiling valuable barkcloth. Most

women create a mental picture and subsequently draw it with

four fingers on the barkcloth surface. The four fingers stand for

the four black lines that meander and curve parallel to each

other, creating three 'veins' of which the central is left white and

the outer two are filled up with red pigment. The result is often a

very lively and dynamic display of curvilinear lines.

The black designs are drawn with mi, a black pigment made

from river clay (yabu mi) and leafs from a creeper (Cucumoya

species), called wayango. Sometimes burned coconut husk or the

ink of an octopus is added. These ingredients are mixed with

water and can be kept for quite a long while, its odor of decaying

organic material becoming stronger each day. The mi is applied

with a little stick called nasa that is broken off from the dry fila

ment of the white palm, and sharpened to obtain a better draw

ing point. In general each woman has her own bowl of mi and

nasa sticks that vary in thickness as to be able to make both thin

and broader lines. Women draw the black lines by either support

ing their drawing-hand with one finger, or keeping the hand from

resting on the cloth, only letting the nasa touch it.

After the design is drawn on the cloth, small dots and geometri

cal figures are applied. Black dots, called supfifi, are added with a

somewhat smaller nasa. They accentuate the parts that are going

to be left unpainted, and those lines and spaces that are to be

painted red. In addition to the supfifi, little black geometrical fig

ures, called sisimbi, are applied. As several women argued: "with

out sisimbi, a tapa doesn't look good." When the design is com

plete, the barkcloth is hung to dry in the sun. Subsequently, it is

put under a sleeping mat where it stays until sufficient barkcloth

has been designed, and an order or other occasion appears for

which the barkcloth is needed. As soon as this is the case, the

final stage of designing barkcloth comes to the fore, the applying

of the red pigment dun (also known as tambuta). Before turning

to this final stage, I elaborate on the various styles and types of

barkcloth designs.

Styles and Types of Design

Every woman has her own style of designing, and women from

one village can easily recognise each other's work. Most women

create their own designs, but some apply somewhat more prag

matic forms of creativity by copying images from magazines.

Besides individual style differences, regional differences occur.

Women from the southern villages Airara and Marua developed a

somewhat different style than women from the central Uiaku and

Ganjiga villages. When for instance a Ganjiga woman marries

into Airara village, her style of design will slowly be altered until

it fits into the southern style of designing.

In addition to individual and regional style differences, different

types of designs exist. A distinction can be made between clan

designs, general, and Christian designs. Each patrilineal clan has

its own clan designs, called evovi. These are often figurative

depictions, representing various animals, plants, and clan objects.

Evovi have their own name, which refer to the clan ancestors

travelling down from the Lower Musa River to Collingwood Bay.

In cases were people dress up in clan designs they are not entitled

to wear, clan disputes and sometimes even violent outbursts

occur. As several Maisin men stressed, wearing someone else's

clan design may result in him being killed.

Evovi are handed down from generation to generation, in own

ership from father to son, in 'craft' from mother to daughter, and

from mother to daughter-in-law. Although various generations of

women apply and have applied the evovi, the designs are fairly

rigid and hardly change. Some evovi that were used more than

one hundred years ago, and subsequently collected by missionar

ies and other collectors, are still in use today (Hermkens 2005).

But some clan designs were created more recently. Women who

have a strong vision, or a re-occurring dream of a particular

design may submit their design to the clan elders. If the clan eld

106 NS vols. 3-5. 2007

out sisimbi, a tapa doesn't look good." When the design is com

plete, the barkcloth is hung to dry in the sun. Subsequently, it is

put under a sleeping mat where it stays until sufficient barkcloth

has been designed, and an order or other occasion appears for

which the barkcloth is needed. As soon as this is the case, the

final stage of designing barkcloth comes to the fore, the applying

of the red pigment dun (also known as tambuta). Before turning

to this final stage, I elaborate on the various styles and types of

barkcloth designs.

Styles and Types of Design

Every woman has her own style of designing, and women from

one village can easily recognise each other's work. Most women

create their own designs, but some apply somewhat more prag

matic forms of creativity by copying images from magazines.

Besides individual style differences, regional differences occur.

Women from the southern villages Airara and Marua developed a

somewhat different style than women from the central Uiaku and

Ganjiga villages. When for instance a Ganjiga woman marries

into Airara village, her style of design will slowly be altered until

it fits into the southern style of designing.

steady hand). Maisin refer to these skills as mon-seraman, thereby

addressing both the mental (mon) and physical or technical (sera

man) capacities of making good barkcloth. Maisin acknowledge

that not everyone is as skilled as her neighbor. However, this is

something that is silently acknowledged but never publicly lived.

People recognize each other's work and have preferences, but it is

said that all women are equally capable of making and designing

barkcloth and no hierarchies exist between experienced and

'young' barkcloth designers. However, women uncertain of their

skills often will turn their work uDside down when more exneri

enced barkcloth designers come to have a chat arid a look. This

behavior was recognized by both men and women and regarded

as a token of respect towards the visiting and more experienced

woman.

Before starting to draw, a woman has to create a design. This is

primarily done in the head, although women also draw designs in

the sand, testing them without spoiling valuable barkcloth. Most

women create a mental picture and subsequently draw it with

four fingers on the barkcloth surface. The four fingers stand for

the four black lines that meander and curve parallel to each

other, creating three 'veins' of which the central is left white and

the outer two are filled up with red pigment. The result is often a

very lively and dynamic display of curvilinear lines.

In addition to individual and regional style differences, different

types of designs exist. A distinction can be made between clan

designs, general, and Christian designs. Each patrilineal clan has

its own clan designs, called evovi. These are often figurative

depictions, representing various animals, plants, and clan objects.

Evovi have their own name, which refer to the clan ancestors

travelling down from the Lower Musa River to Collingwood Bay.

In cases were people dress up in clan designs they are not entitled

to wear, clan disputes and sometimes even violent outbursts

occur. As several Maisin men stressed, wearing someone else's

clan design may result in him being killed.

The black designs are drawn with mi, a black pigment made

from river clay (yabu mi) and leafs from a creeper (Cucumoya

species), called wayango. Sometimes burned coconut husk or the

ink of an octopus is added. These ingredients are mixed with

water and can be kept for quite a long while, its odor of decaying

organic material becoming stronger each day. The mi is applied

with a little stick called nasa that is broken off from the dry fila

ment of the white palm, and sharpened to obtain a better draw

ing point. In general each woman has her own bowl of mi and

nasa sticks that vary in thickness as to be able to make both thin

and broader lines. Women draw the black lines by either support

ing their drawing-hand with one finger, or keeping the hand from

resting on the cloth, only letting the nasa touch it.

Evovi are handed down from generation to generation, in own

ership from father to son, in 'craft' from mother to daughter, and

from mother to daughter-in-law. Although various generations of

women apply and have applied the evovi, the designs are fairly

rigiu anu naruiy ciiange. oome evuvi mai were uêu more inan

one hundred years ago, and subsequently collected by missionar

ies and other collectors, are still in use today (Hermkens 2005).

But some clan designs were created more recently. Women who

have a strong vision, or a re-occurring dream of a particular

design may submit their design to the clan elders. If the clan eld

After the design is drawn on the cloth, small dots and geometri

cal figures are applied. Black dots, called supfifi, are added with a

somewhat smaller nasa. They accentuate the parts that are going

to be left unpainted, and those lines and spaces that are to be

painted red. In addition to the supfifi, little black geometrical fig

ures, called sisimbi, are applied. As several women argued: "with



NS vols. 3-5, 2007 107

ers approve of her design and its

meaning, it may be accepted as evovi.

So women can be more then just the

transmitters of clan knowledge and

identity as embedded within evovi,

they can create it as well.

In addition to the rather static clan

designs, Maisin women deploy two

styles of 'general' designs, which are

referred to as "a moi kayan" ("just a

design"). These are the so-called

'panel' designs and 'continuous', or

gangi-gangi designs. The prior consists

of one design that is repeated four

times on embobi and in general six

times on koefi. The cloth is folded in

respectively four or six parts and the

same design is drawn on each of the

panels separately, often without look

ing to the previously drawn panel.

This style of designing is also always

applied with clan designs. In contrast,

gangi-gangi designs, which is Maisin for

twisted or meandering, 'flow' freely

over the cloth and are not bounded by

borders or panels. Though symmetrical

panel designs seem to be preferred,

much depends on the size of the bark

cloth. In fact, gangi-gangi designs

appear to be a more recent develop

ment enabling artists to decorate

pieces of barkcloth that are too small

to accommodate a panel design. This development is probably

linked with the commercialization of barkcloth, which makes it

worthwhile to decorate even the smallest pieces of barkcloth.

The third type of designs that are applied on barkcloth are

Christian designs. Since the advent of Anglican missionaries in

Collingwood Bay in 1890, Anglican worship and emblems have

been appropriated and incorporated into Maisin ways of life.

Barkcloth played a crucial role in these appropriations as almost

all missionaries stationed in Collingwood Bay collected artifacts

like barkcloth, and some of them even decorated their houses

and tables with pieces

of decorated bark

cloth. Missionaries W.

Abbot and P. Money,

who were stationed in

Collingwood Bay

between 1898 and

1910, collected vari

ous pieces of decorat

ed barkcloth. Their

successors facilitated

the collecting of bark

cloth by fellow con

federates, as well as by

scientists, such as

C.G. Seligman, R.

Poch, and A.B. Lewis

(Hermkens 2005).

Sister Helen Roberts

(1920-1992), who was

stationed in

Collingwood Bay for

no less then 45 years,

continued these

Anglican attempts to

commercialize and

incorporate barkcloth

in the Christian way

of life and worship.

She organized to sew

the Archbishop of

Canterbury's cape and

mitre, which he received upon the Church's centenary celebra

tion. In 1991, he wore this barkcloth outfit on the procession at

Dogura, the Milne Bay village where the first Anglican mission

aries landed. Today, almost all Anglican churches in the area are

decorated with barkcloth, including non-Maisin churches.

Religious scenes are displayed on barkcloth, as well as the more

traditional designs. Bibles are wrapped in pieces of barkcloth, and

the Mothers Union (MU) logo is painted on embobi (female loin

cloths), which are worn by the MU-women during the many

yearly church festivals.2

Figure 2: Contemporary Airara women painting general tapa designs ("a moi

kayan") with dried pandanus fruit. Notice the presence of children and cooking pots which were, in the past, prohibited from association U'ith the red dye (dun) (Airara

village, 2001 ; all photos by the author).

Figure 2: Contemporary Airara women painting general tapa designs ("a moi

kayan") with dried pandanus fruit. Notice the presence of children and cooking pots which were, in the past, prohibited from association U'ith the red dye (dun) (Airara

village, 2001 ; all photos by the author).

NS vois. 3-5, 2007 107

ers approve of her design and its

meaning, it may be accepted as evovi.

So women can be more then just the

transmitters of clan knowledge and

identity as embedded within evovi,

they can create it as well.

In addition to the rather static clan

designs, Maisin women deploy two

styles of 'general' designs, which are

referred to as "a moi kayan" ("just a

uebign ). i nebe are ine so'caiicu

'panel' designs and 'continuous', or

gufigi~gurig( ucMgna. i ne jjiiui cuiu>isu>

of one design that is repeated four

rimpe r\r» />mlviAi anil in rrpnpral civ

times on koefi. The cloth is folded in

respectively four or six parts and the

same design is drawn on each of the

panels separately, often without look

ing to the previously drawn panel.

This style of designing is also always

applied with clan designs. In contrast,

gangi-gangi designs, which is Maisin for

twisted or meandering, 'flow' freely

over the cloth and are not bounded by

borders or panels. Though symmetrical

panel designs seem to be preferred,

much depends on the size of the bark

cloth. In fact, gangi'gangi designs

appear to be a more recent develop

ment enabling artists to decorate

pieces of barkcloth that are too small

to accommodate a panel design. This development is probably

linked with the commercialization of barkcloth, which makes it

worthwhile to decorate even the smallest pieces of barkcloth.

The third type of designs that are applied on barkcloth are

Christian designs. Since the advent of Anglican missionaries in

Collingwood Bay in 1890, Anglican worship and emblems have

Deen appropriated ana incorporated into Maisin ways ot lire.

Barkcloth played a crucial role in these appropriations as almost

et 11 illldoIUlidl IC3 oldllVJl IvU III V^JIIlilgWVJVJU Udy V.U1ICCICU dILIlCtV.Ld

like barkeloth, and some of them even decorated their houses

and tables with pieces

of decorated bark

cloth. Missionaries W.

Abbot and P. Money,

who were stationed in

*ôuingwooa Day

between 1898 and

1910, collected vari

ous pieces of decorat

ed barkcloth. Their

successors facilitated

the collecting of bark

cloth by fellow con

federates, as well as by

scientists, such as

seugman, k.

Poch, and A.B. Lewis

(Hermkens 2005).

Sister Helen Roberts

(1920-1992), who was

stationed in

Collingwood Bay for

no less then 45 years,

continued these

Anglican attempts to

commercialize and

incorporate barkcloth

in the Christian way

of life and worship.

She organized to sew

the Archbishop of

Canterbury's cape and

mitre, which he received upon the Church's centenary celebra

tion. In 1991, he wore this barkcloth outfit on the procession at

Dogura, the Milne Bay village where the first Anglican mission

aries landed. Today, almost all Anglican churches in the area are

decorated with barkcloth, including non-Maisin churches.

Rflioiniis srpnes are HisnlaupH nn harlrrlnflv u/f»II a<; rhp mnrp

traditional designs. Bibles are wrapped in pieces of barkcloth, and

the Mothers Union (MU) logo is painted on embobi (female loin

cloths), which are worn by the MU-women during the many

yearly church festivals.2



108 NS vols. 3-5, 2007

Making the Barkcloth Alive: Applying Dun The interrelatedness between women and barkcloth becomes

especially clear when we turn to the final stages of making bark

cloth, the application of the red pigment called dun. Dun is made

out of three components: the bark of a Paraspcmia species tree,

locally called saman (bark), the leaves of a Fians Subcuneata,

named dun fara (/ara = leaves), and water. In contrast to the

black paint, the ingredients for the red paint have to be boiled.

The bark and leaves are put in layers in a cooking pot, until the

pot is filled up. Water is added and the fire is heated up to boil

the mixture for an hour or so. When painting the barkcloth with

the red substance, the pot is kept on the fire so as to make sure

the pigment is applied while it is hot. This is done with the dried

fruit of the pandanus, which is called imungiti. In contrast to the

black dye, the red paint cannot be kept. Women often share their

dun with female relatives or friends and it is a common sight to

see several women gathered around a heated pot of dun. While

painting, the women share not only dun but also their thoughts

and gossip (Fig. 2).

In most Oceanic cultures the manufacturing of pigment is "a

magico-symbolic process" (Teilhet-Fisk 1983:49). Among the

Maisin, the production and application of dun has been histori

cally bounded by rules and taboos. The red paint was mixed and

boiled inside the house in a separate clay pot, which was not to

be used for cooking as this would contaminate the food. Little

children and men were not allowed to look at it, come near, or

even allowed to make any noise. The women working with the

dun had to speak quietly as well. In addition, they were not

allowed to eat and drink while handling the red substance and

were restricted from having sexual intercourse (John Barker: per

sonal communication). When the women had finished their

secret work and the barkcloth was complete, they would hang it

outside to dry and thereby expose their completed work to the

other clan and village members.

When the dun was inside the house, men were not allowed to

enter the house, only women working on the dun, or tambuta as

it was called when it took the form of red pigment. As such, the

female body was physically secluded from society while the bark

cloth was being painted, thereby connecting it with the red paint

and the barkcloth. Men were secluded from the process because it

was feared their substances would "spoil the paint," by making it

"less red" or "dry up." As a consequence men had to be excluded

from its production and use, which, as a result, took place in

secret. The prohibition of having sexual intercourse prior to the

preparation and application of dun probably had the same effect:

weakening the red pigment. The same thing would occur if one

would say the name 'dun' aloud while making or working with it.

Out of respect and fear of 'spoiling' the paint, people would

therefore call it tambuta, which means 'red blood'.' Seen in this

light, the red lines could be regarded as veins depicted on the

cloth or skin, 'running' in meandering ways and making life.

Since the dun has to be applied while it is hot or warm, resulting

in a bright red color that becomes duller as the barkcloth ages,

the connection with living blood becomes even stronger.

But whose 'blood' is it that was applied on the barkcloth? The

designs depicted in the past may be of help to provide answers to

this question. Barkcloth collected around the turn of the 20*

century reveals predominantly clan designs and less frequently

the general designs as we see today. Although the patrilineal

clans own these clan designs, women make them, and they are

held responsible for their continuation. If women do not pass

their knowledge down to the next female generation, the clan

designs and how they should be depicted will disappear. So the

survival of a clan's emblems and its identity lies in female hands.

As such, Maisin women can be regarded as producers of life con

tinuing and reproducing the patrilineal clan by means of clan

barkcloth. This process of creation is reminiscent with another

form of reproduction: the creation of children (see also Hoskins

1989).

Maisin believe both male and female substances are necessary

to conceive a baby. According to some informants, men con

tribute semen (voto), while women contribute blood (taa). Other

informants stress that both male and female blood is necessary for

conception. As soon as the baby is born, male substances become

dangerous for the breast feeding child. In order to avoid these

substances entering the child via the mother, sexual intercourse

must be avoided. So male substances make the blood of their

children and also the 'blood' of their clan designs weak. As such,

women are the ones who contain, control and reproduce the

blood, or red pigment, that gives life. "Without children the fam

ily line dies;" without clan designs the ancestors disappear as well

and the "continuity between the present and past is broken"

(Teilhet-Fisk 1983:53).

For unknown reasons the relationship between tambuta and dun

108 NS vols. 3-5, 2007

Making the Barkcloth Alive: Applying Dun The interrelatedness between women and barkcloth becomes

especially clear when we turn to the final stages of making bark

cloth, the application of the red pigment called dun. Dun is ma

out of three components: the bark of a Paraspcmia species tree,

locally called saman (bark), the leaves of a Fians Subcuneata,

named dun fara (/ara = leaves), and water. In contrast to the

black paint, the ingredients for the red paint have to be boiled.

The bark and leaves are put in layers in a cooking pot, until thi

pot is filled up. Water is added and the fire is heated up to boil

the mixture for an hour or so. When painting the barkcloth wi

the red substance, the pot is kept on the fire so as to make sure

the pigment is applied while it is hot. This is done with the dri

fruit of the pandanus, which is called imongiti. In contrast to th

black dve. the red nainr cannot he kenr. Women often share th

dun with female relatives or friends and it is a common sight to

see several women gathered around a heated pot of dun. While

painting, the women share not only dun but also their thought;

and gossip (Fig. 2).

from its production and use, which, as a result, took place in

secret. The prohibition of having sexual intercourse prior to the

preparation and application of dun probably had the same effect:

weakening the red pigment. The same thing would occur if one

Out of respect and fear of 'spoiling' the paint, people would

therefore call it tambuta, which means 'red blood'.' Seen in this

light, the red lines could be regarded as veins depicted on the

cloth or skin, 'running' in meandering ways and making life.

Since the dun has to be applied while it is hot or warm, resulting

in a bright red color that becomes duller as the barkcloth ages,

the connection with living blood becomes even stronger.

But whose 'blood' is it that was applied on the barkcloth? The

designs depicted in the past may be of help to provide answers to ... .. . .. . . _ .di

tnis question. Dancciotn couectea arouna tne turn or tne zu

centurv reveals predominantly clan designs and less frequently

the general designs as we see today. Although the patrilineal

clans own these clan designs, women make them, and they are

held responsible for their continuation. If women do not pass

their knowledge down to the next female generation, the clan

designs and how they should be depicted will disappear. So the

survival of a clan's emblems and its identity lies in female hands.

As such, Maisin women can be regarded as producers of life con

tinuing and reproducing the patrilineal clan by means of clan

barkcloth. This process of creation is reminiscent with another

form of reproduction: the creation of children (see also Hoskins

1989).

In most Oceanic cultures the manufacturing of pigment is "a

magico-symbolic process" (Teilhet-Fisk 1983:49). Among the

Maisin, the production and application of dun has been histori

cally bounded by rules and taboos. The red paint was mixed and

boiled inside the house in a separate clay pot, which was not to

be used for cooking as this would contaminate the food. Little

children and men were not allowed to look at it, come near, or

even allowed to make any noise. The women working with the

dun had to speak quietly as well. In addition, they were not

allowed to eat and drink while handling the red substance and

were restricted from having sexual intercourse (John Barker: per

sonal communication). When the women had finished their

secret work and the barkcloth was complete, they would hang it

outside to dry and thereby expose their completed work to the

other clan and village members.

Maisin believe both male and female substances are necessary

to conceive a baby. According to some informants, men con

tribute semen (voto), while women contribute blood (taa). Other

informants stress that both male and female blood is necessary for

conception. As soon as the baby is born, male substances become

dangerous for the breast feeding child. In order to avoid these

substances entering the child via the mother, sexual intercourse

must be avoided. So male substances make the blood of their

children and also the 'blood' of their clan designs weak. As such,

women are the ones who contain, control and reproduce the

blood, or red pigment, that gives life. "Without children the fam

ily line dies;" without clan designs the ancestors disappear as well

and the "continuity between the present and past is broken"

(Teilhet-Fisk 1983:53).

When the dun was inside the house, men were not allowed to

enter the house, only women working on the dun, or tambuta as

it was called when it took the form of red pigment. As such, the

female body was physically secluded from society while the bark

cloth was being painted, thereby connecting it with the red paint

and the barkcloth. Men were secluded from the process because it

was feared their substances would spoil the paint, by making it

"less red" or "dry up." As a consequence men had to be excluded For unknown reasons the relationship between tambuta and dun



NS vols. 3-5, 2007 109

lost its power. The strict ritualised production and use of

dun was still practiced two or three generations ago, but

soon afterwards lost its ritual character. Why and how this

occurred is difficult to tell. It seems that men were gradual

ly allowed to witness women making dun and today men

theoretically are allowed to paint as well, although they

rarely do, leaving this work as well as the beating to female

relatives. As such, it seems that although men are entering

the production of barkcloth, they in general still avoid

processes involving dun (see also Forshee 2001:32).

Moreover, only women have the prerogative on drawing

and painting clan designs. As such, the symbolic signifi

cance of women reproducing the clan by drawing and

painting clan designs on barkcloth still exists.

Summarized, the making of barkcloth simultaneously

shapes the women who create this object, a process which

is embedded within the specific setting of Maisin historici

ty and gender relations. The female body is through its pro

duction of barkcloth physically intertwined with the mate

rial, both in women's appropriation of skill and techniques

{seraman), as well as in their reciprocal relationship with

the handling of the material, which affects women's bodies.

Since designs evolve out of women's creativity, women's

minds (mon) are equally connected with the making of

barkcloth. The social relationship between women and

barkcloth becomes apparent when one considers how both

men and women stress the responsibility of Maisin women

to make it, both in cultural and economic terms. Finally,

due to women's symbolic relation with the production and

application of the red paint, they are ritually connected

with barkcloth. This entanglement between women and

barkcloth becomes equally clear in the context of perform

ances.

Figure 3: A bride, Georgina, dressed for a customary marriage in her father's clan regalia which includes a tapa skirt (embobi) with her father's clan design (evovi), armlets, neck

laces, and feathers. At future occasions, Georgina will be expected to wear her husband's

clan emblems (Uiaku village, 2001).

Performing the Cloth

Since there was no Anglican policy to convert Papuans by

means of dressing them up in Western clothes, inhabitants of

Collingwood Bay, especially Maisin people, kept wearing their

decorated koefi and embobi for rather a long time. This is remark

able, especially in comparison with other areas in New Guinea

where traditional clothing was rapidly replaced by Western dress

as soon as European missionaries, colonists, and traders made

their appearance (see Eves 1996). However, "the missionaries

who clothed Papuans were the exception rather than the rule;

and Anglican missionaries more frequently lamented the desire of

Papuans for European clothes than complained about immodest

dress" (Wetherell 1977:202). "This provided a social and cultural

context wherein barkcloth was used as the principal garment up

until some years after World War II.

The main events during which Maisin perform their decorated

bodies are life-cycle rituals, such as puberty rites, marriages (Fig.

3), and mourning rites (Fig. 4), clan feasts and church festivals

Figure 3: A bride, Georgina, dressed for a customary marriage in her father's clan regalia which includes a tapa skirt (embobi) with her father's clan design (evovi), armlets, neck

laces, and feathers. At future occasions, Georgina will be expected to wear her husband's

clan emblems (Uiaku village, 2001).

NS vols. 3-5, 2007 109

lost its power. The strict ritualised production and use of

dun was still practiced two or three generations ago, but

soon afterwards lost its ritual character. Why and how this

occurred is difficult to tell. It seems that men were gradual

ly allowed to witness women making dun and today men

theoretically are allowed to mint as well, althonph thev

rarely do, leaving this work as well as the beating to female

relatives. As such, it seems that although men are entering

the production of barkcloth, they in general still avoid

processes involving dun (see also rorshee ZUUliJZ).

Moreover, only women have the prerogative on drawing

and painting clan designs. As such, the symbolic signifi

cance of women reproducing the clan by drawing and

painting clan designs on barkcloth still exists.

Summarized, the making of barkcloth simultaneously

shapes the women who create this object, a process which

is embedded within the specific setting of Maisin historici

ty and gender relations. The female body is through its pro

auction of barkcloth physically intertwined with the mate

rial, both in women's appropriation of skill and techniques

(seraman), as well as in their reciprocal relationship with

the handling of the material, which affects women's bodies

Since designs evolve out of women's creativity, women's

minds (mon) are equally connected with the making of

barkcloth. The social relationship between women and

barkcloth becomes apparent when one considers how both

men and women stress the responsibility of Maisin women

to make it, both in cultural and economic terms. Finally,

due to women's symbolic relation with the production and

application of the red paint, they are ritually connected

with barkcloth. This entanglement between women and

barkcloth becomes equally clear in the context of perform

ances.

Performing the Cloth

Since there was no Anglican policy to convert Papuans by

means of dressing them up in Western clothes, inhabitants of

Collingwood Bay, especially Maisin people, kept wearing their

decorated koefi and embobi for rather a long time. This is remark

able, especially in comparison with other areas in New Guinea

where traditional clothing was rapidly replaced by Western dress

as soon as European missionaries, colonists, and traders made

their appearance (see Eves 1996). However, "the missionaries

who clothed Papuans were the exception rather than the rule;

and Anglican missionaries more frequently lamented the desire of

Papuans for European clothes than complained about immodest

dress" (Wetherell 1977:202). This provided a social and cultural

context wherein barkcloth was used as the principal garment up

until some years after World War II.

The main events during which Maisin perform their decorated

bodies are life-cycle rituals, such as puberty rites, marriages (Fig.

3), and mourning rites (Fig. 4), clan feasts and church festivals



110 NS oofs. 3-5, 2007

Figure 4: Ritual marking the end of a year-long mourning periixl (ro-babassi) during which Abraham (seated on tapa and other gifts received from his in-lau>s) has

not been allowed to cut or comb his hair. Abraham's hair is trimmed by one of his deceased wife's relatives and will be kept wrapped in a piece of tapa. He is dressed

up in new western clothes, but, 'traditionally', mourners are dressed up in embobi or koefi (Airara village, 2001).

(Fig. 5). During life-cycle rituals the body is either stripped of

decorations, for example during mourning, or decorated with

barkcloth and ornaments, by others. On these occasions, both

barkcloth and ornaments express the new social identity that is

'given' to the person being initiated. In contrast, during clan

feasts people decorate their own bodies, often in exuberant ways,

and dance both night and day until the feast ends. Clan feasts are

organized and performed by the two types of clans that, to a cer

tain extent, structure Maisin culture, the Kawo (peace) and Sabu

(warrior) clans. Since the hierarchical relation that exists

between the two types of clans is materialized in the clan

emblems that each of the 36 Maisin clans is entitled to use, the

Kawo or Sabu identity, as well as the individual clan identity of

each dancer, could be expressed through his or her decorations.

For clans to organize a ceremony or feast, months of preparation

and large amounts of money are required to feed and host all

guests. This implies the clearing of new gardens, and the hunting

and buying of many pigs. Due to the costs and work involved,

Maisin people do not wish to organize these happenings anymore.

As a result, life-cycle rituals, with the exception of mourning

rites (Fig. 4), and, especially, clan feasts have become rare. In

contrast, church festivals pose no strain on specific clans and

people, but involve the participation of the entire community.

Consequently today, these festivals form the major occasion for

'traditional' clothing, dancing, singing, and the playing of the

drums.

Since every church is named after a saint that is honored and

celebrated on a specific date, each year several church festivals

are held. During my stay among the Maisin, 1 witnessed six

church festivals in Collingwood Bay, and missed about three.

These festivals are a combination of Christian worship and tradi

tional dancing and singing. During the service, people dressed up

in their 'traditional' regalia will regularly sing and play their

drums, alternated by the priest's preaching and Christian hymns

sung by the church attendants. Prior to and after the service,

men and women dressed up in barkcloth and ornaments perform

various 'traditional' dances and accompanying songs.

The effect of dressing up in 'traditional' regalia is to "replicate

Figure 4: Ritual marking the end of a year-long mourning period (ro-babassi) during which Abraham (seated on tapa and other gifts received from his in-lau>s) has

not been allowed to cut or comb his hair. Abraham's hair is trimmed by one of his deceased wife's relatives and will be kept wrapped in a piece of tapa. He is dressed

up in new western clothes, but, 'traditionally', mourners are dressed up in embobi or koefi (Airara village, 2001).

110 NSvols.S-5,2007

(Fig. 5). During life-cycle rituals the body is either stripped of

decorations, for example during mourning, or decorated with

barkcloth and ornaments, by others. On these occasions, both

barkcloth and ornaments express the new social identity that is

'given' to the person being initiated. In contrast, during clan

feasts people decorate their own bodies, often in exuberant ways,

and dance botn night and day until the teast ends, t^lan teasts are

organized and performed by the two types of clans that, to a cer

tain extent, structure Maism culture, the Kawo ipeace; and babu

(warrior) clans. Since the hierarchical relation that exists

between the two types of clans is materialized in the clan

emblems that each of the 36 Maisin clans is entitled to use, the

Kawo or Sabu identity, as well as the individual clan identity of

each dancer, could be expressed through his or her decorations.

For clans to organize a ceremony or feast, months of preparation

and large amounts of money are required to feed and host all

guests. This implies the clearing of new gardens, and the hunting

and buying of many pigs. Due to the costs and work involved,

Maisin people do not wish to organize these happenings anymore.

As a result, life-cycle rituals, with the exception of mourning

rites (Fig. 4), and, especially, clan feasts have become rare. In

contrast, church festivals pose no strain on specific clans and

people, but involve the participation of the entire community.

Consequently today, these festivals form the major occasion for

'traditional' clothing, dancing, singing, and the playing of the

drums.

Since every church is named after a saint that is honored and

celebrated on a specific date, each year several church festivals

are held. During my stay among the Maisin, I witnessed six

church festivals in Collingwood Bay, and missed about three.

These festivals are a combination of Christian worship and tradi

tional dancing and singing. During the service, people dressed up

in their traditional regalia will regularly sing and play their

drums, alternated by the priest's preaching and Christian hymns

sung by the church attendants. Prior to and after the service,

men and women dressed up in barkcloth and ornaments perform

various 'traditional' dances and accompanying songs.

The effect of dressing up in 'traditional' regalia is to "replicate



NS vols. 3-5, 2007 111

Figure 5: Maisin people from Airara village dressed in a lapa with his or her clan design and dancing at a Church festival (Sefoa village, 2001 ).

the image of the ancestor as he or she emerged from beneath the

earth at the dawn of time" (Barker 2001:365). The barkcloth

clan designs and specific ornaments worn by each clan member

achieve this effect. While in the past these enactments of clan

identity took place during ceremonies and festivities organized by

particular clans, today these performances of tradition are pre

dominantly embedded in a context of the Anglican Church/

Seen in this context, the long lines of paired dancers (Fig. 5) not

only enact upon their "eternal clan identity," they also communi

cate their dedication to the church (Barker 2001:366).

The wearing of particular embobi and koefi provides an arena in

which various identities and messages may be visualised and for

warded. Women can design and wear both their father's and hus

band's clan designs, while men inherit only their father's designs.

So, women can choose which identity they want to embody and

represent. Although husbands stress the importance of their

wives wearing their clan designs and some even compel their

wives to do so, in some cases women decide upon wearing their

father's clan design either because they like this particular design

better or, more usually, because they feel more related to their

father's clan. Not only the patri-clan is enacted, gender identity

and personal affiliations may equally be expressed.

Dressed in a black and red designed embobi, wrapped around the

waist with a plaited girdle, a woman can send out various mes

sages. In case of a local church festival, a woman may decide

upon wearing a barkcloth decorated with the Mother's Union

logo, thereby visualizing and signifying her membership and iden

tity as a Mother's Union member instead of belonging to a partic

ular clan. Depending on the scale of the feast or happening, both

men and women can decide upon wearing a loincloth decorated

with general designs, thereby visualizing the craft, creativity and

style of the female barkcloth maker. These general designs are

predominantly worn during small-scale feasts where everybody

knows each other so the necessity of forwarding either a particu

lar clan or even Maisin identity is less important. When heading

for a large church festival in Sefoa near Tufi in 2001 (Fig. 5),

which was attended by diverse linguistic groups, Maisin coming

from various villages and clans all wore their clan designs so as to

Figure 5: Maisin people from Airara village dressed in a tapa with his or her clan design and dancing at a Church festival (Sefoa village, 2001 ).

NS vols. 3-5, 2007 111

the image of the ancestor as he or she emerged from beneath the

earth at the dawn of time" (Barker 2001:365). The barkcloth

clan designs and specific ornaments worn by each clan member

achieve this effect. While in the past these enactments of clan

identity took place during ceremonies and festivities organized b\

particular clans, today these performances of tradition are pre

dominantly embedded in a context of the Anglican Church.'

Seen in this context, the long lines of paired dancers (Fig. 5) not

only enact upon their "eternal clan identity," they also communi

cate their dedication to the church (Barker 2001:366).

The wearing of particular embobi and koefi provides an arena in

which various identities and messages may be visualised and for

warded. Women can design and wear both their father's and hus

band's clan designs, while men inherit only their father's designs.

So, women can choose which identity they want to embody and

represent. Although husbands stress the importance of their

wives wearing their clan designs and some even compel their

wives to do so, in some cases women decide upon wearing their

father's clan design either because they like this particular design

better or, more usually, because they feel more related to their

father's clan. Not only the patri-clan is enacted, gender identity

and personal affiliations may equally be expressed.

Dressed in a black and red designed embobi, wrapped around the

waist with a plaited girdle, a woman can send out various mes

sages. In case of a local church festival, a woman may decide

upon wearing a harkcloth decorated with the Mother's Union

logo, thereby visualizing and signifying her membership and iden

tity as a Mother's Union member instead of belonging to a partie

ular clan. Depending on the scale of the feast or happening, both

men and women can decide upon wearing a loincloth decorated

with general designs, thereby visualizing the craft, creativity and

style of the female barkcloth maker. These general designs are

predominantly worn during small-scale feasts where everybody

knows each other so the necessity of forwarding either a particu

lar clan or even Maisin identity is less important. When heading

for a large church festival in Sefoa near Tufi in 2001 (Fig. 5),

which was attended by diverse linguistic groups, Maisin coming

from various villages and clans all wore their clan designs so as to



112 NS vols. 3-5, 2007

depict both their particular clan, but more importantly, their

identity as one linguistic and cultural group, as Maisin people.'

Although today Maisin barkcloth has ceased to be a garment

for daily use, and part of its production is intended for sale, it is

still used in ceremonial and barter exchanges and is worn during

festivities. Moreover, other linguistic and cultural groups also use

Maisin barkcloth. Neighboring and adjacent cultural groups who

have stopped manufacturing barkcloth, and also people who have

no tradition of wearing such textiles, use Maisin barkcloth as a

'traditional' garment. Maisin barkcloth is therefore crossing cul

tural boundaries and acquiring new value as a neo-traditional

symbol of cultural identity.

Commercializing the Cloth

By the end of the 1950s, Maisin women and men had stopped

wearing their embobi and koefi in daily life. Soon after, Maisin

barkcloth was 'promoted' by Sister Helen Roberts, and in the late

1960s, two Uiaku man started to collect barkcloth in order to

sell. In the subsequent years, Maisin, especially through the trav

els of one man, were able to promote themselves via the display

and exhibition of barkcloth. From the 1980s onward, several

international art festivals were held, which included a Maisin

representative. At these festivals, decorated barkcloth was

designed and sold to an international audience. In Edinborough,

two pieces of barkcloth were handed over to Prince Charles and

Princess Diana, thereby incorporating Maisin barkcloth in the

Royal collection of Westminster Abbey. It is striking that except

for one festival, all others were attended by a male Maisin repre

sentative, who displayed the art of barkcloth-making and its use.

This local male and also foreign domination with regard to the

commercialization of barkcloth is still present today.

In the mid-1990s, the Maisin came to the attention of environ

mental activists when villagers launched a public campaign to

prevent the national government from permitting commercial

logging on their ancestral lands. In their struggle, the Maisin

received support from Greenpeace, who actively used Maisin

barkcloth in the promoting of support and the fight against log

ging. "Painting a Sustainable Future. Maisin Art and Rainforest

Conservation," was the heading of an international campaign. It

presented the Maisin as a tribal people whose ancestral barkcloth

art could save the rainforest and, at the same time, would bring

development to their lives. Environmentalists were, as John

Barker (n.d.) formulates, effectively "kayapoing" the Maisin, mak

ing them a famous tribe by printing barkcloth designs on t-shirts

and cups. In this process, Maisin were encouraged to run an

"integrated conservation and development" (ICAD) organiza

tion, in order to prevent extensive logging in their area. The idea

was to set up national and international barkcloth markets to sus

tain the organization, but people more and more depended on

M1CAD (Maisin Integrated Conservation And Development) to

provide alternatives ways of development, which implied the pos

sibility to sell barkcloth.

MICAD should have become one of the major buyers of bark

cloth from the villagers. However, at the same time that

Greenpeace pulled out, the international markets collapsed.

Today, MICAD has trouble finding buyers and, as a consequence,

is not able to buy large quantities of barkcloth. Thus, although

the Maisin people won their court case against the state and they

are globally known via the Internet, the 'green' barkcloth has not

brought the development people hoped for. Although Maisin

stress the commercial value and importance of barkcloth, the suc

cess of the barkcloth business is disappointing and troublesome.

There is virtually no tourism and markets are scarce and predom

inantly out of reach. There are no roads and transport is limited

due to the high plane fares, irregular flights and high costs

involved with transport over water.

Besides foreign and local attempts to commercialize barkcloth,

the Anglican Church and especially the former priest stationed

in Uiaku, try to open up new markets and outlets to sell bark

cloth. Since the Mothers Union comprises a reasonably large

group of women, the Anglican Church encourages its members to

produce barkcloth for Anglican markets. The idea is to get

enough money to pay the priest's fee as well as to generate

income for the women themselves and their families. Unlike

many of the other MU activities, this Anglican commercializa

tion of barkcloth attracted the involvement of various men who

were either invited to give advice to the MU women concerning

the selling of barkcloth, or volunteered to do this. As such, even

within the MU context, which is in general dominated by

women's activities and decision-making, men are involved in the

Anglican barkcloth business. Up until now, many projects have

failed, for the barkcloth has been sold, but the priest and the

women have not seen their money yet.

The economic importance of barkcloth becomes clear when

112 NS vols. 3-5, 2007

depict both their particular clan, but more importantly, their

identity as one linguistic and cultural group, as Maisin people.5

Although today Maisin barkcloth has ceased to be a garment

for daily use, and part of its production is intended for sale, it is

still used in ceremonial and barter exchanges and is worn during

festivities. Moreover, other linguistic and cultural groups also use

Maisin barkcloth. Neighboring and adjacent cultural groups who

have stopped manufacturing barkcloth, and also people who have

no tradition of wearing such textiles, use Maisin barkcloth as a

'traditional' garment. Maisin barkcloth is therefore crossing cul

tural boundaries and acquiring new value as a neo-traditional

symbol of cultural identity.

Barker (n.d.) formulates, effectively Mkayapoing'1 the Maisin, mak

ing them a famous tribe by printing barkcloth designs on t-shirts

ctiiu t-upa. in luis piuccsa, maiMii wcic cncuuiagcu lu run an

"integrated conservation and development" (ICAD) organiza

tion, in order to prevent extensive logging in their area. The idea

was to set un national anil infernarinnal KarWrlnrh markers rn sus

tain the organization, hut oeoole more and more depended on

MICAD (Maisin Integrated Conservation And Development) to

provide alternatives ways of development, which implied the pos

sibility to sell barkcloth.

MIC AD should have become one of the major buyers of bark

cloth from the villagers. However, at the same time that

Greenpeace pulled out, the international markets collapsed.

Today, M1CAD has trouble finding buyers and, as a consequence,

is not able to buy large quantities of barkcloth. Thus, although

the Maisin people won their court case against the state and they

are globally known via the Internet, the 'green' barkcloth has not

brought the development people hoped for. Although Maisin

stress the commercial value and importance of barkcloth, the sue

cess of the barkcloth business is disappointing and troublesome.

There is virtually no tourism and markets are scarce and predom

inantly out of reach. There are no roads and transport is limited

due to the high plane fares, irregular flights and high costs

involved with transport over water.

Commercializing the Cloth

By the end of the 1950s, Maisin women and men had stopped

wearing their embobi and koefi in daily life. Soon after, Maisin

barkcloth was 'promoted' by Sister Helen Roberts, and in the late

1960s, two Uiaku man started to collect barkcloth in order to

sell. In the subsequent years, Maisin, especially through the trav

eu> 01 one man, were aDie 10 promote tnemseive^ via me uispiay

and exhibition of barkcloth. From the 1980s onward, several

intf»rr»arirmal art" fpctivalc w#»r#» KpM u/KirK inrln/^prl a icin

representative. At these festivals, decorated barkcloth was

designed and sold to an international audience. In Edinborough, r i l i . i i ii r\ • /-*i i i

IWU Ul UdlNCKHIl WCIC lictUUlU UVCl LVJ 1 ill ICC VÎlctllC.> ctilU

Princess Diana, thereby incorporating Maisin barkcloth in the

Royal collection of Westminster Abbey. It is striking that except

for one festival, all others were attended by a male Maisin repre

sentative, who displayed the art of barkcloth-making and its use.

This local male and also foreign domination with regard to the

commercialization of barkcloth is still present today.

Besides foreign and local attempts to commercialize barkcloth,

the Anglican Church and especially the former priest stationed

in I Ji'.îL'ii frv rn nnpn iin npui marlrpfç anil miflpfc fn «pli Karl-..

cloth. Since the Mothers Union comprises a reasonably large

group of women, the Anglican Church encourages its members to

produce barkcloth for Anglican markets. The idea is to get

enough monev to pav the priest's fee as well as to generate

income for the women themselves and their families. Unlike

many of the other MU activities, this Anglican commercializa

tion of barkcloth attracted the involvement of various men who

were either invited to give advice to the MU women concerning

the selling of barkcloth, or volunteered to do this. As such, even

within the MU context, which is in general dominated bv

women's activities and decision-making, men are involved in the

Anglican barkcloth business. Up until now, many projects have

failed, for the barkcloth has been sold, but the priest and the

women have not seen their money yet.

In the mid-1990s, the Maisin came to the attention of environ

mental arrivicfc v\/hf»n viltaofrc Innnrhf»r1 a mihlir rammion fn

prevent the national government from permitting commercial

logging on their ancestral lands. In their struggle, the Maisin

received support from Greenpeace, who actively used Maisin

barkcloth in the promoting of support and the fight against log

ging. "Painting a Sustainable Future. Maisin Art and Rainforest

Conservation," was the heading of an international campaign. It

presented the Maisin as a tribal people whose ancestral barkcloth

art could save the rainforest and, at the same time, would bring

development to their lives. Environmentalists were, as John The economic importance of barkcloth becomes clear when



NS vols. 3-5, 2007 113

one considers the few alternatives for generating an income. In

addition to markets at which women sell their garden produce,

prepared dishes and pandanus mats, and the small trade-stores

where men sell goods like kerosene, rice, sugar and salt, the sell

ing of barkcloth provides one of the few means to get access to

money. Since predominantly women make barkcloth, households

depend on wives and mothers to produce this special kind of cash

crop. This has lead to an increase in production, and as a conse

quence to an increase of women's labor.

Attracted to the revenues, a few men have started to design

pieces of barkcloth, thereby crossing the boundaries of this gen

dered production, which was made possible due to fading symbol

ic meaning of the red pigment dun. Several women welcomed

this advent of male designers, as "men should not be lazy while

we [women] do all the work." Nevertheless, the number of men

actually making and applying designs on barkcloth is still very

limited.

The symbolic and economic changes in barkcloth are not only

the result of ongoing external and local socio-cultural dynamics,

they also have an impact on local gender relations. Women are

losing their 'monopoly' on the production and especially destina

tion of and income from barkcloth, while their work and respon

sibility as a cash provider for the family have increased. Due to

the foreign interest in barkcloth, stressing the importance of

women's involvement as the main producers of barkcloth, gender

structures have been put under strain. With the establishment of

MICAD, women were suddenly allowed to attend meetings and

speak up, which before was prohibited. Much to the disapproval

of many Maisin men, women were invited to demonstrate their

barkcloth skills abroad, and to participate in exchange programs.

This participation resulted in hybrid forms of barkcloth, as bark

cloth designs were printed on fabrics such as rugs and umbrellas.6

Eventually, the processes of integrating women in local deci

sion-making policies and foreign exchanges backfired. While in

the 1990s women would regularly attend MICAD meetings and

express their opinions, this was no longer the case in 2000 (John

Barker, personal communication). As I also noticed in 2001 and

2004, women predominantly sit outside the meeting platform on

the ground below, thereby not being able to participate in the

discussions and decisions being made by Maisin men. As such,

the social and symbolic transformations and in particular the

commodification of barkcloth does not, as Teilhet-Fisk argued,

"reflect a change in gender structure that correlates with social

reforms" (1995:125), but predominantly evoked an emphasis on

conservative gender and power relations whereby men try to

dominate the exchange of and income from this 'traditionally'

female produced object, thereby stretching the cloth into hybrid

forms of meaning and use.

Stretching the Cloth

The recent history of Maisin barkcloth shows how especially

the Anglican Church is intertwined with its initial commercial

ization and use in religious practice and church festivals. The

'traditional' uses of Maisin barkcloth as clothing, gift, and object

of barter, have been extended towards an Anglican context in

which both with regard to style and use, hybrid forms of bark

cloth came into existence. Since Anglican religious life is so

much intertwined with Maisin life (Barker 1985), these hybrid

forms are not considered as 'strange' or inauthentic but rather as

intrinsically part of Maisin life.

As we have seen, the various meanings and uses of barkcloth

crosscut local and regional boundaries, in which its meanings and

values depend upon the occasion in which it is used. As a gar

ment and decoration on graves, it signifies a person's gender and

clan identity. In a context of performance (ceremonies, festivals),

the wearing of barkcloth creates space for female agency, expres

sion, and dialectic between the sexes and between clans. In a

more regional context, the wearing of barkcloth visualizes the

identity of the Maisin as a cultural group, while in other cases it

is used by non-Maisin to present themselves as traditional people,

wearing 'traditional' barkcloth loincloths. The use of barkcloth as

both gift and commodity creates hybrid forms of meanings, as

well as value. Tensions arise with regard to its appropriation and

valuation by others, but also in prevailing gender relations

whereby men seek to control and dominate in particular women's

production of general barkcloth. Seen in this light, barkcloth is

both the outcome of dynamic interactions between various peo

ple and processes, but it also provides space for these interactions,

which are grounded within but also permeating specific cultural

and historical settings. In short, barkcloth can be seen as a

metaphor for society (Schneider and Weiner 1989:2), which is

changeable and inscribed with various social, economical and

political relationships and processes.

As such, hybridity is embedded within Maisin barkcloth. Since

NS vols. 3-5, 2007 113

one considers the few alternatives for generating an income. In

aHHiHnn rn marLrpfç at vvhirh wnmpn çpll rhpir aarilpn nrrJurp

prepared dishes and pandanus mats, and the small trade-stores

where men sell goods like kerosene, rice, sugar and salt, the sell

ing of barkcloth provides one of the few means to get access to

money. Since predominantly women make barkcloth, households

depend on wives and mothers to produce this special kind ot cash

crop. This has lead to an increase in production, and as a conse

quence to an increase of women's labor.

"reflect a change in gender structure that correlates with social

rpfnrmc" f Kiif- nro/l/Mninont'lii «-»*-» amnkicic r-\t

conservative gender and power relations whereby men try to

dominate the exchange of and income from this 'traditionally'

female produced object, thereby stretching the cloth into hybrid

forms of meaning and use.

Stretching the Cloth

The recent history of Maisin barkcloth shows how especially

the Anglican Church is intertwined with its initial commercial

I7afir>n ar»rl iicp ir\ irrirtiic nrorfirp fpcri\rolc TKp

'traditional' uses of Maisin barkcloth as clothing, gift, and object

of barter, have been extended towards an Anelican context in

which both with regard to style and use, hybrid forms of bark

cloth came into existence. Since Anglican religious life is so

much intertwined with Maisin life (Barker 1985), these hybrid

forms are not considered as 'strange' or inauthentic but rather as

intrinsically part of Maisin life.

Attracted to the revenues, a few men have started to design

pieces of barkcloth, thereby crossing the boundaries of this gen

J 1 1 L 1 :L1_ J - _ r_ J: L .1 VJV.1VU J-'l VAIUVIIUI 1} III1IV.II »» (l.l IIIUUV ^'V'JOIUIV UUV> IV/ K1VJII 1^ o y 111 UV1

ic meaning of the red pigment dun. Several women welcomed

this advent of male designers, as "men should not be lazy while

we [women] do all the work." Nevertheless, the number of men

actually making and applying designs on barkcloth is still very

limited.

The symbolic and economic changes in barkcloth are not only

the result of ongoing external and local socio-cultural dynamics,

they also have an impact on local gender relations. Women are

losing their 'monopoly' on the production and especially destina

tion of and income from barkcloth, while their work and respon

cikilifir oc i rick nrrwri/l/^r for fUo f-imilu kuro inrroictKl Tî ia #■/-*

the foreign interest in barkcloth, stressing the importance of

women's involvement as the main producers of barkcloth. ceniler

structures have been put under strain. With the establishment of

MICAD, women were suddenly allowed to attend meetings and

speak up, which before was prohibited. Much to the disapproval

of many Maisin men, women were invited to demonstrate their

barkcloth skills abroad, and to participate in exchange programs.

This participation resulted in hybrid forms of barkcloth, as bark

cloth designs were printed on fabrics such as rugs and umbrellas.6

As we have seen, the various meanings and uses of barkcloth

crosscut local and regional boundaries, in which its meanings and

values depend upon the occasion in which it is used. As a gar

ment and decoration on graves, it signifies a person's gender and

clan identity. In a context of performance (ceremonies, festivals),

the wearing of barkcloth creates space for female agency, expres

sion, ana dialectic Detween tne sexes and Detween clans, in a

more regional context, the wearing of barkcloth visualizes the

identity of the Maisin as a cultural group, while in other cases it

is used by non-Maisin to present themselves as traditional people,

wearing 'traditional' barkcloth loincloths. The use of barkcloth as

both gift and commodity creates hybrid forms of meanings, as

well as value. Tensions arise with regard to its appropriation and

valuation by others, but also in prevailing gender relations

whereby men seek to control and dominate in particular women's

J'lUUULllWII Ul gCIICldl lull KL H 111 1. OCCll III LI lid IIÎIL, lUtlNllUlll Id

both the outcome of dynamic interactions between various peo

pic anu processes, Dut 11 aiso proviues space ror tnese interactions,

which are grounded within but also permeating specific cultural

and historical settings. In short, barkcloth can be seen as a

metaphor for society (Schneider and Weiner 1989:2), which is

changeable and inscribed with various social, economical and

political relationships and processes.

Eventually, the processes of integrating women in local deci

sion-making policies and foreign exchanges backfired. While in

the 1990s women would regularly attend M1CAD meetings and

express their opinions, this was no longer the case in 2000 (John

Barker, personal communication). As I also noticed in 2001 and

2004, women predominantly sit outside the meeting platform on

the ground below, thereby not being able to participate in the

discussions and decisions being made by Maisin men. As such,

the social and symbolic transformations and in particular the

commodification of barkcloth does not, as Teilhet-Fisk argued, As such, hybridity is embedded within Maisin barkcloth. Since



114 NS vols. 3-5,2007

it was collected around the turn of the 20th century, and proba

bly prior to colonial influence as well, pragmatic creativity and

innovations resulted in various forms of hybridity, both locally

and internationally. The Bishop's cape and mitre, the use of bark

cloth as tablecloths by both missionaries and Maisin and bark

cloth designs printed on t-shirts, cups and rugs, are examples of

this creativity and hybridity. In this paper, these hybrid forms of

Maisin barkcloth have been described without focusing on the,

often, negatively perceived (stylistic) connotations, but on the

vibrant and dynamic social meanings of barkcloth and its innova

tive forms of gendered production. [Z3

Acknowledgements The field research was part of a research project financed by The Netherlands

Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research (NWO-WOTRO), and the Centre of Women's Studies at the Radboud University of Nijmegen, Netherlands. With thanks to Professor John Barker, for providing useful comments on an early draft of this paper.

Notes 1 Fieldwork was primarily done in the village of Airara, from February 2001

through March 2002, and during a short period in 2004.

: In 1845, the Mothers Union was established in England by Mary Summer, the wife of a priest, because she wanted to discuss family matters with other wives and mothers.

'Ta means "blood," and buta is another word for mu, which means "red" or "ripe."

4 According to Barker (2001:366), church festivals are no longer the main occa

sions during which Maisin perform their dances. Maisin perform for visitors such as

film crews and other groups interested in Maisin and their cause. However, it seems that especially Maisin living in Uiaku and Ganjiga deal with these audiences. For

people living in the Southern villages like Airara, the almost monthly occurring church festivals remain important events for which they dress up and wear their tapa loincloths.

' In addition to tapa clan designs, each clan claims particular shaped necklaces and armlets, as well as particular shells and colored feathers. Due to a mutual migra tion history, some clans share certain clan emblems.

"The Fabric Workshop in Philadelphia initially invited three Papuan leaders and

two female artists to visit Philadelphia in order to experiment with new ways of

interpreting tapa. During a next visit three women travelled to Philadelphia. In June 2001, a delegation of seven Maisin, consisting of five men and two women, trav elled to Canada in order to spent two weeks with the Stolo (First Nation people), who had previously visited the Maisin. The initial request of the organizers was to

have a Maisin delegation of three men and three women. But Maisin men protested and decided that only two Maisin women were allowed to travel abroad.

References

Barker, John. 1985. Maisin Christianity: An Ethnography of the Contemporary Religion of a Seaboard Melanesian People. Ph.D.diss., University of British

Columbia, Vancouver. -. 2001. Dangerous Objects: Changing Indigenous Perceptions of Material

Culture in a Papua New Guinea Society. Pacific Science 55(4):359-375. -. n.d. (in press). "Kayapoing" the Maisin: Environmental Protection and

Celebrity in a Papua New Guinea Village Society. In The Integrated Conservation and

Development Movement m Papua New Guinea, ed. Colin Filer. Canberra: Australian National University.

Choulai, Wendy and Jacquelyn Lewis-Harris. 1999. Women and the Fibre Arts of

Papua New Guinea. In An and Performance in Oceania, ed. Barry Craig, Bemie Kernot and Christopher Anderson, 211-217. Bathurst: Crawford House.

Dutton, T. E. 1971. Languages of South-east Papua: A Preliminary Report. In

Papers in New Guinea Linguistics, Pacific Linguistics Series A, 14(28):6-46. Canberra: Australian National University.

Eves, Richard. 1996. Colonialism, Corporeality and Character: Methodist Missions and the Refashioning of Bodies in the Pacific. History and Anthropology 10(1):85-138.

Forshee, Jill. 2001. Between the Folds: Stories of Cloth, Lives and Travels from Sumba. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.

Hermkens, Anna-Karma. 2005. Engendering Objects: Dynamics of Barkcloth and

Identity in Papua New Guinea. Ph.D. diss., University of Nijmegen, Nijmegen, The Netherlands.

Hoskins, Janet. 1989. Why Do Ladies Sing the Blues? Indigo Dyeing, Cloth

Production, and Gender Symbolism in Kodi. In Cloth and Human Experience, eds. Annette B. Weiner and Jane Schneider, 141-173. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Philips, Ruth, B. and Christopher B. Steiner. 1999. Art, Authenticity, and the

Baggage of Cultural Encounter. In Unpacking Culture. Art and Commodity m Colonial and Postcolonial Worlds, eds. R. B. Philips and C. B. Steiner, 3-19. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Schneider, Jane and Annette B. Weiner. 1989. Introduction. In Cloth and Human

Experience, eds. Annette B. Weiner and Jane Schneider, 1-29. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Teilhet Fisk, Jehanne. 1983. The Role of Women Artists in Polynesia and Melanesia. In Art and Artists of Oceania, eds. Sidney M. Mead and Bernie Kernot, 45-56. Palmerston North: The Dunmore Press.

1995. To Beat or Not to Beat That is the Question: A Study on Acculturation and Change in an Art-Making Process and its Relation to Gender Structures. In

Pacific Material Culture, eds. Dirk Smidt, Pieter ter Keurs, and Adelbert Trouwborst, 122-148. Leiden: Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde.

Wetherell, David. F. 1977. Reluctant Mission: the Anglican Church in Papua New

Guinea, 1891-1942. St.Lucia: University of Queensland Press.

it was collected around the turn of the 20th century, and proba

bly prior to colonial influence as well, pragmatic creativity and

Notes 1 Fieldwork was primarily done in the village of Airara, from February 2001

through March 2002, and during a short period in 2004.

: In 1845, the Mothers Union was established in England by Mary Summer, the wife of a priest, because she wanted to discuss family matters with other wives and mothers.

' Ta means "blood," and buta is another word for mu, which means "red" or "ripe."

4 According to Barker (2001:366), church festivals are no longer the main occa

sions during which Maisin perform their dances. Maisin perform for visitors such as

film crews and other groups interested in Maisin and their cause. However, it seems that especially Maisin living in Uiaku and Ganjiga deal with these audiences. For

people living in the Southern villages like Airara, the almost monthly occurring church festivals remain important events for which they dress up and wear their tapa loincloths.

® In addition to tapa clan designs, each clan claims particular shaped necklaces and armlets, as well as particular shells and colored feathers. Due to a mutual migra tion history, some clans share certain clan emblems.

"The Fabric Workshop in Philadelphia initially invited three Papuan leaders and

two female artists to visit Philadelphia in order to experiment with new ways of

interpreting tapa. During a next visit three women travelled to Philadelphia. In June 2001, a delegation of seven Maisin, consisting of five men and two women, trav elled to Canada in order to spent two weeks with the Stolo (First Nation people), who had previously visited the Maisin. The initial request of the organizers was to

have a Maisin delegation of three men and three women. But Maisin men protested and decided that only two Maisin women were allowed to travel abroad.

References

Barker, John. 1985. Maisin Christianity: An Ethnography of the Contemporary Religion of a Seaboard Melanesian People. Ph.D.diss., University of British

Columbia, Vancouver. 2001. Dangerous Objects: Changing Indigenous Perceptions of Material

Culture in a Papua New Guinea Society. Pacific Science 55(4):359-375. -. n.d. (in press). "Kayapoing" the Maisin: Environmental Protection and

Celebrity in a Papua New Guinea Village Society. In The Integrated Conservation and

Development Movement m Papua New Guinea, ed. Colin Filer. Canberra: Australian National University.

Choulai, Wendy and Jacquelyn Lewis-Harris. 1999. Women and the Fibre Arts of

Papua New Guinea. In An and Performance in Oceania, ed. Barry Craig, Bemie Kernot and Christopher Anderson, 211-217. Bathurst: Crawford House.

Dutton, T. E. 1971. Languages of South-east Papua: A Preliminary Report. In

Papers in New Guinea Linguistics, Pacific Linguistics Series A, 14(28):6-46. Canberra: Australian National University.

Eves, Richard. 1996. Colonialism, Corporeality and Character: Methodist Missions and the Refashioning of Bodies in the Pacific. History and Anthropology 10(1):85-138.

Forshee, Jill. 2001. Be tu t'en the Folds: Stories of Cloth, Lives and Travels from Sumba. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.

Hermkens, Anna-Karma. 2005. Engendering Objects: Dynamics of Barkcloth and

Identity in Papua New Guinea. Ph.D. diss., University of Nijmegen, Nijmegen, The Netherlands.

Hoskins, Janet. 1989. Why Do Ladies Sing the Blues? Indigo Dyeing, Cloth

Production, and Gender Symbolism in Kodi. In Cloth and Human Experience, eds. Annette B. Weiner and Jane Schneider, 141-173. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Philips, Ruth, B. and Christopher B. Steiner. 1999. Art, Authenticity, and the

Baggage of Cultural Encounter. In Unpacking Culture. Art and Commodity m Colonial and Postcolonial Worlds, eds. R. B. Philips and C. B. Steiner, 3-19. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Schneider, Jane and Annette B. Weiner. 1989. Introduction. In Cloth and Human

Experience, eds. Annette B. Weiner and Jane Schneider, 1-29. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Teilhet Fisk, Jehanne. 1983. The Role of Women Artists in Polynesia and Melanesia. In Art and Artists of Oceania, eds. Sidney M. Mead and Bernie Kernot, 45-56. Palmerston North: The Dunmore Press.

1995. To Beat or Not to Beat That is the Question: A Study on Acculturation and Change in an Art-Making Process and its Relation to Gender Structures. In

Pacific Material Culture, eds. Dirk Smidt, Pieter ter Keurs, and Adelbert Trouwborst, 122-148. Leiden: Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde.

Wetherell, David. F. 1977. Reluctant Mission: the Anglican Church in Papua New

Guinea, 1891-1942. St.Lucia: University of Queensland Press.



Documents

Stretching the Cloth