Regional competence: Changing patterns of the Basque regionalism

R.V.A.P. núm. 89-2011. Págs. 000-000ISSN: 0211-9560 209

Regional competence: changing patterns of the Basque regionalism in the EU (1)

Karolina Boronska-Hryniewiecka

Summary: I. Introduction.—II. Prerequisites for regional compe-tence: elements of the regional system.—III. Changing patterns of the Basque regionalism: responses to Europeanization. 1. Old regionalism. 2. New regionalism. 3. Postmodern regionalism. 4. Transnational regionalism.—IV. Conclusion: Basque regionalism at the crossroads.—V. Reference.

Laburpena. Hitz gakoak.—Resumen. Palabras clave.—Abstract. Keywords.

I. Introduction

Today’s regionalism should neither be praised as beneficial, nor damned as disintegrating, but rather judged from a pragmatic point of view, as being progressive or regressive in terms of its capacity to enhance successful implementation of the regional programme in the multi-level system of European governance. The ability of the regions (2) to actively use the window of opportunity presented by the European integration to internally secure democratic gains of decentralisation and to externally secure their prominence in the European policy-making is primarily shaped by their regionalist strategies and ability of their political elites to play the protagonist role both, domestically, as well as vis-a-vis the EU. There are certain relevant and meaningful indicators of paramount importance which inform policymakers where European regions stand

(1) This study is a side-effect of a 4-month research stay at the Deusto University in Bilbao which took place in the period March-June 2010. During that period the author conducted a series of interviews with representatives of the Basque Public Administration (Basque Government, Parliament, Basque Delegation in Brussels) as well as with Basque academics and scholars.

(2) The region is understood here as subnational entity of a decentralised state. This definition could be rendered more precise as: intermediate territorial level, between the state and locality (Keating 1998) or an administrative division of a country (…) nested territorially beneath the level of the state, but above the local or municipal level (Cooke 2005: 1134).

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Karolina Boronska-Hryniewiecka 210

on the path towards progress and growth, in Europe and worldwide. These are, among others: per capita GDP, social cohesion, science and technology, innovation or sustainable development. The Basque Country is an example of subnational region which has undergone profound transformation, both —in terms of its economic position, as well as its regionalist strategy to promote and protect its distinctive political and cultural attributes, and which in spite of the still pertaining problem of ETA’s terrorism remains one of the wealthiest regions of Spain and enjoys one of the highest quality of life in Europe. (3)

Based on theoretical tools provided by modern studies on regionalism (4), as well as empirical indicators, this article evaluates the changing nature of the contemporary Basque regionalism represented by the main Basque political parties, i.e: Basque Nationalist Party PNV (Partido Nacionalista Vasco) in power since 1980-2009 and the currently ruling Basque Socialist Party PSE (Partido Socialista de Euskadi). (5) The study focuses on the current developments and tendencies in the Basque regionalist strategies as a response to the intensifying European integration and the emergence of new modes of governance which have given the regionalists new possibilities of achieving similar goals. It explores the emerging hybrid type of the Basque regionalism consisting of the new, postmodern and transnational components which contribute to the regional competence excercised by means of a well applied regional programme.

II. Prerequisites for regional competence: elements of the regional system

Region as an action unit is a holder of regional competence which de-notes its ability to adequately use the prevalent resources and capacities, and to open up new ones for the realization of the regional programme (Schmitt-Egner 2001:182). A competent region is one where key actors are capable of realizing a vision of regional development, devise appropriate structures for implementing this vision and mobilize both, domestic and

(3) Based on calculation of HDI (Human Development Index)by EUSTAT in the year 2007, in: http://www.lehendakaritza.ejgv.euskadi.net/r48-3872/en/contenidos/informacion/06_revista_euskaletxeak/en_ee/adjuntos/81_04_05_i.pdf; http://www.eustat.es/indicadores/idioma_i/indictipo_2/ambito_99/temaseleccionado_48/indicadores.html

(4) The conceptual part of this study is based on definitions derived by Peter Schmitt-Egner in his work The concept of region: theoretical and methodological notes on its reconstruction which proved very helpful in creating a theoretical framework for the further empirical analysis.

(5) I refer to these two parties as the main actors shaping the direction of the Basque regional policy. Yet such distinction does not neglect the fact that the Basque political scene is much richer and includes a wide spectrum of political options, both of the nationalist and non-nationalist profile.


Regional competence: changing patterns of the Basque regionalism in the EU 211

external resources to pursue it. To this end, regions can construct out-ward-looking trade strategies, create incentives to make regional industry and products internationally competitive, and pursue active involvement in transnational and cross-border agreements.

Moreover, the more proactive the regional policy, the better, since in the current institutional setting of the EU the region is not just a passive implementer of the European norms and directives, but also an “input-giver” shaping the ascendent phase of the policy-making. While some 80% of the EU programmes and policies are managed and implemented by the regional and local authorities, cooperation with the regional scale during the early process of policy-formation based on the exchange of expertise, information and policy projects is essential and leads to readiness of the regions to take responsibility for certain, sometimes un-successful political decisions in which they were involved and to reduce possible failures in implementation. This way, the regions not only carry out strategies aimed at maximizing their influence, but they also act as stabilizing agents who take part in redefining and restructuring political space of the EU. In general, if the region contributes to the implementation of the regional programme, then we refer to the successful attainment of regional competence, and if such action does not strengthen or promote the preservation, control or development of the region, then we may refer to regional incompetence (Schmitt-Egner 2001).

To be able to analyse the changes in the regional structures that have direct influence on the development and execution of regional competence one needs to identify the elements of the regional system, being a locus of the aforementioned changes. After Schmitt-Egner, I describe the regional system as composed of: structure, actors, programme and environment (2001:182). To be effective, the system needs to show a substantial degree of coherence, endurance and complementarity between its components which in turn translates into an effective resource allocation and exchange vis-a-vis the central state and the EU.

The regional programme is based on regional objectives, means and rules which serve the regional actors to reproduce regional resources and develop the regional system. In the current European context, the Basque Country’s regional objective is to ensure a strong, competitive position of the region in Europe, effective representation of the Basque interests in the EU and a more efficient self-governance through par-ticipating in the European decision-making. In order to achieve it, the Basque government needs to ensure formal, material and symbolic reproduction of the regional system (Schmitt-Egner 2001:183).

Formal reproduction, which entails both internal and external dimen-sions, ensures the region’s political and legal integrity as an action unit vis-a-vis the outside world. It decides about the political strategy and



image of the region either changing or sustaining certain values and practices embedded over time. Material reproduction focuses mainly on the socio-economic outputs and development of the region, decides about the nature of its economic restructuring and determines its domes-tic and international competitive position. Finally, symbolic reproduction, strongly embedded in ethno-cultural bases, represents the region’s ability to cultivate its own cultural identity (composed of regional language, customs and traditions) in the integrating Europe. As Schmitt-Egner notes (2001:183), those regions that can more effectively mobilize identity and cultivate a facilitating political culture —defined as strong and permanent emotional attachments— are advantaged.

The regional system is embedded in an environment that can be distinguished by its networks of vertical and horizontal relations (Schmitt-Egner 2001). As will be shown in the following part of this study, in the process of European integration, both in the vertical and horizontal dimensions, new vectors of power, opportunities, limits and forms of participation have arisen which decide about the direction in which the Basque regionalism evolves.

III. Changing patterns of the Basque regionalism: responses to Europeanization

Having defined the structural elements of the regional system and the notion of regional competence measured against the legal, political, economic and cultural reproduction of the region, we can move on to ana-lyse the nature of todays’ Basque regionalism. To do this, I use the typology proposed by Schmitt-Egner who distinguished five types of regionalism: the old, new, postmodern, transnational and international. Consequently, I will evaluate the Basque regionalism in the context of this typology making constant reference to the empirical indicators which illustrate the particular characteristics of the ideal types in the Basque case. (6)

1. Old regionalism

The Basque Country has been often described, quite reasonably, through the prism of ethno-nationalistic movement whose programme is dominated by politics of identity and separatist sentiments. This old type of regionalism organically linked with nationalism and separatism, is represented by the

(6) I purposely exclude the last type from the analysis, since international regionalism refers to nation states and international organizations as its main actors.



sector of the Basque society called the Basque Patriotic Left (Izquierda Abertzale), a left-wing radical-nationalistic platform encompassing political parties such as Herri Batasuna (7), EHAK (8) or ANV (9), as well as the socio-political movement MLNV (10). Major part of Izquierda Abertzale perceives the Spanish state as an iron cordon for Basque independence, has for a long time involved violent methods in its political strategy and agrees on ETA’s terrorist activity as a tool of political pressure. Although still present and operating in the Basque Country, such radical political stance whose concerns are more of cultural xenophobia and anti-Spanishness, enjoys the support of less than 12% of the Basque society and its representatives have been excluded from the political mainstream. (11)

It is important to notice that the Basque Country has always been, and continues to be, a pluralistic society where a variety of political options compete for authority and nationalism has never been the sole and exclusive master of the situation (Nordberg 2005; Amersfoort and Beck 2000; Ben-Ami 1991). Moreover, the Basque commitment to nationalism was never homogenous and therefore Basque nationalism should not be perceived as internally coherent political movement, a monolith with clear objectives and strategies. (12)

Only to recall, at the end of XIX century, Basque regionalism had undergone the first important transformation which was a result of the

(7) Radical Basque nationalist party, delegalised in 2004 for supporting terrosim and violent methods, regarded as a political wing of ETA. It is important to point out that after its delegalization in 2004 and with a changed name (EHAK) it presented itself in the regional election and counted with around 150000 votes which accounts for 12% of the all votes .

(8) The Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (Euskal Herrialdeetako Alderdi Komunista.) created in 2002 it substituted the belegalized Batasuna in 2005 regional elections. On September 18, 2008, the party was outlawed by the Spanish Supreme Court. According to the legal inquiry, EHAK was “instrumental in continuing the illegal action designed by ETA/Ekin/Batasuna”, rapidly losing its autonomy to replace Batasuna’s role in the institutional front of ETA’s activities

(9) Acción Nacionalista Vasca (Basque Nationalist Action)

(10) Movimiento de Liberación Nacional Vasco (The Basque National Liberation Movement) is an umbrella term that comprises all social and political and armed organizations orbitting around the ideas of ETA.The MLNV has suffered in the past decade a judicial persecution that has brought many of its members to jail and illegalized many but not all its elements. Generally the judicial actions were in connection with the direct links between ETA and many of these organizations

(11) In the regional elections of 2005, before the delegalization of EHAK and ANV, the radical nationalists obtained 12% of votes. In March 2009 regional elections the Basque izquierda abertzale was unable to present its candidate due to its delegalization for supporting violence.

(12) Currently there are 4 different nationalist parties in the Basque Parliament: PNV, EA, IU and Aralar. Since analysing their particular stances would extend the scope of this article, for more about political programmes of the Basque nationalist parties see: Acuerdo de coalición que suscriben los partidos políticos Eusko Alderdi Jeltzalea Partido Nacionalista Vasco (EAJ-PNV), Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) y Ezker Batua-Berdeak (EB-B) para la formación del Gobierno Vasco (VIII Legislatura), Vitoria-Gasteiz, 2005, see also an interview with the president of Aralar, Patxi Zabaleta in: http://www2.noticiasdegipuzkoa.com/ediciones/2008/10/12/politica/euskadi/d12eus18.1301901.php, accessed 12.05.2010



structural changes in the Basque society. Heavy industry and mining developed considerably, urban middle classes emerged with changing patterns of the economy and the migration brougth many newcomers to the hitherto purely Basque population. At the same time, the Basque Nationalist Party was founded in 1895, as the integrative expression of the Basque soul, culture and tradition. At first, it attracted a great number of people who wanted to fight industrialization seen as degeneration of virtues of traditional Basque rural life, as well as to stop the immoral immigration of ‘Spanish invaders’. Yet, as will be shown later, the PNV’s regionalism was rather ambiguous since the party never openly con-demned industrialization and consequently presented its economic gains as a proof of Basque superiority. It continued to protect the traditional branches of the Basque industry against the challenges of economic reconversion until the late 90s of the XX century (Nordberg 2005). The PNV defended Basque identity and nationhood, yet the internal divisions of the party have ranged from claims of a fully-fledged independence and national state to a wide reaching autonomy within the Spanish federa-tion. Besides, as a result of the influence of the Basque business elite and corporate life on the ideology and policy of the PNV, its regionalism was to a great extent economically oriented using its policies to facilitate and contribute to the development of capitalism, especially after establishing the Basque autonomy in 1979 and during the process of decentralization in Spain (Nordberg 2005; Zirakzadeh 1985).

The transition period specifically showed how skifully the PNV was able to re-direct its policies from ideologically and historically argumented to more pragmatic and economically oriented. The pragmatism and ability to deliver realpolitik in its decisions and behaviour was reflected in the process of obtaining fiscal autonomy by the Basque Country (Nordberg 2005). The political-economic powers given to the region in form of con-cierto economico (13) made a long term economic and fiscal policy and

(13) During the Spanish democratic transition and decentralization, one of the prime objectives of the PNV was to achieve the economic agreement for the Basque Country, a recognition of the historic right of the territorios forales (fuero) —the financial autonomy— which was described as a lifeline for the Basque economy at the time of economic crisis. In its own statements, the PNV capitalized on the fact that the Basque taxpayers money was not returned to the region in the form of public investment.The region was a net payer to the Spanish budget. The rapid economic decline at the end of the 1970s and early 1980s consolidated the view among the nationalists that the Basque Country was economically discriminated against, see: (I.Nordberg 2005). As a consequence, the Basque Country and Navarre as the only CCAA obtained full fiscal autonomy which allows them to raise their own taxes. All taxes levied under the Basque system are managed and collected by the foral (provincial) Treasuries as stipulated in the Economic Agreement. As far as direct taxation is concerned, the Basque Country has its own IRPF or Income Tax, and its own Company of Corpora-tion Tax (Impuesto de Sociedades), as well as its own wealth and capital transfer taxes. At the same time both of these regions have to deduct a certain amount of money (i.e. annual quota) from their tax income to be transfered to Madrid to pay for services delivered by the state.



management of public finances possible and regionally profitable. The PNV saw this as a way of stressing the “unique” role and differential status (hecho diferencial) of the Basque Country in comparison with other CCAA in terms of a lesser dependence on Madrid.

Another change to the old regionalism came after the Spanish accession to the EU in 1986 when the new objective of the nationalist-led Basque government became to successfully secure a growing role for itself as sub-national actor in the process of European integration and policy-making. By communitising a wide range of policies, the EU has modified the state-region relationship giving Madrid the possibility to centralize a wide scope of decision-making otherwise entrusted to regional competence. In a response, the subnational Basque government emerged as a lobbying agent insisting on being included in the national negotiations with the EU, as well as on representation in the EU institutions. Due to reluctancy of Spanish government to enable regional participation in European affairs, the region intended to bypass Madrid in its contacts in Brussels. However, as the process of Europeanization of the Spanish state advanced, the auto-affirmative strategy of circumventing the central government was loosing its impetus and a more pragmatic and cooperative stance was enhanced at the regional level. The Basque regionalists realised that the EU offers the regions new channels of influence on its policies, yet with the consent and in cooperation with national governments.

2. New regionalism

As a response to the evolving system of the European governance, where power has been dispersed away from central governments upwards to the supranational level, downwards to subnational jurisdictions and sideways to public and private networks of non-state actors (Finke 2007; Kohler-Koch 2005; Kohler-Koch and Eising 2002; Hooghe and Marks 2001) regionalism acquires new forms and defines new strategies. As opposed to national (domestic) regionalism aiming at emancipation from the centralized state, the new regionalism is concentrated on rising significance of the region as an actor of European politics and operating at the different levels of the European polity (i.e. national, supranational and subnational). In this context, the state ceases being the only point of reference in terms of securing and articulating its own interests, as its effective policy requires more and more wide-reaching consultations including regional voice, expertise, programming and monitoring at the different stages of the European policy-making. At the same time, regional elites —as carriers of regionalism— need to define themselves in a wider, multilevel framework of the emerging interdependencies.



The new way of looking at regional position in the EU is one of the main characterisctics of the new regionalism (Schmitt-Egner 2001; Keating 1998; 2004; Keating and Loughlin 1997). According to representatives of the new regionalism, the need for a greater control of the regions over the economic, political and social affairs is impelled by a functional pressure, producing new territorial hierarchy and new systems of action (Keating 1998 (14)). According to the new regionalism, in the new multi-layered European institutional setting it is the regional community that fulfills the best the objectives of sustainable development, because of its knowledge of the territory and responsivness to social needs. The states are no longer regarded as the all-encompassing political units, but the most important pieces of the European puzzle (Hooghe and Marks 2001: 3), whereas regions assume newfound prominence as resourceful actors competing with each other to attract inward investment and promote economic development (Keating 1998).

At the end of the XX and the beginning of the XXI century, the new re-gionalism has become a significant component of the political programme of the PNV which has seen the growing importance of the sub-national scale, not so much in assuming more formal powers, though this might also be the case, but because it is in the regional governance scale where a wide array of policies are actually implemented and realized. In economic terms, Spanish membership in the EU sealed the process of the Basque economic restructuring. The Basque regionalism started to change from being encapsulated exclusively within the Spanish economy to increasingly projecting itself towards Europe. The imminent consequence of the EU membership for the regional system was the need to adapt its production structures to the new reality of fiercer competition in many sectors of economy —result of the disappearance of border tariffs. The industry of the Basque Country, which at that time relied to a large extent on export products, but which was not used to competition, found it an additional problem. The change was particularly hard, first of all, because its production structures were unbalanced. They concentrated on metallurgy and were dependent on highly standardized products. Moreover, the local industry used old-fashioned technology, and research and development was limited. The service sector was under-developed and a large number of small enterprises had little investment capacity.

(14) In his work The New Regionalism in Western Europe, Michael Keating distinguishes several forces behind the new regionalism like: the changing dynamics of economical restructuring, the process of political decentralisation, revival of regional culture or redefinition of regional identity. According to Keating, all these factors have caused that from the late 1980s there has been an up-surge in regional ideology advocating more control by regions over political, economic and social affairs. The recourceful regions started to agressively take charge of their own development and political position in the process of European integration.



At the beginning of the 1990s the Basque Country was classified in the EU as a “regressive industrial region”; this, however, allowed it to receive structural funds. Yet, since the region possessed its own fiscal system and generated its own revenue, it actually financed a great part of its local investment for restructuring the economy from its own budget. (15) An increasing amount of local tax revenue remained in the region and ben-efited its economy through public investment in its own infrastructures. The treasury minister in the period 1994−1998, Jose Juan Ibarretxe, a PNV activist, expert in fiscal federalism and the future Basque president was given the task of modernizing and developing the horizontal economic and legal control in the regional government.

As a response to external challenges to the Basque economy the con-servative policy of PNV based on protection of traditional branches of the Basque industry and inward-oriented economic strategy started to change towards more openness. The process of openning of the regional econ-omy and industry accelerated during the 1990s as a result of the Monetary Union. Economic restructuring towards competitiveness involved efforts of coalition building between different regional actors (i.e. political par-ties, business elites, trade unions, industrial and environmental lobbies) cutting across socio-economic cleavages to promote pragmatic interests of the region. The regional administration was able to effectively carry out public-private cooperation thanks to which in the period 1988-1999 the Basque export tripled. The rapid growth in Basque foreign trade has been also reflected in relatively high entry and penetration rates. Due to its smart economic policy, the Basque Country has evolved from an over -polluted industrialized ‘forgotten land’ to an attractive tourist destination offering beautiful landscapes and advanced urbanistic and architectural solutions. One of the most spectacular regional undertaking has been the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao illustrating the relationship between the economy and the political leadership of the regionalist party. Since its inauguration in 1997 it stands out as a significant and incredibly successful public investment project, described and analyzed as “Guggenheim effect”. Moreover, the cultural expansion of the city of Bilbao serves as an exam-

(15) Generally, the Basque Country did not profit from the Community funding in the same way as the poorest regions in Spain did. In the years 1986-2006 the Basque County received €3,845 million in cohesion and structural funds, which accounts for 3.25% of the total funds received by Spain. Just to compare, the population of the Basque Country accounts for 4,67% of the total Spanish population. This shows that the Basque region received relatively less money in relation to popula-tion than other regions. On 28 November 2007, the European Commission approved an operational programme for the Autonomous Community of Basque Country covering the period 2007-2013. This operational programme comes under the “Regional competitiveness and employment” objective and has a total budget of around €500 million. The assistance provided by the European Union via the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) amounts to some €241 million, repres which represents about 0.7% of Community contributions in Spain under the cohesion policy 2007-2013.



ple of reorientation of regionalist strategy from provincial traditionalism towards postmodern thinking. (16) In terms of infrastructure, apart from the fact that the region enjoys a dense network of prime quality highways with multiple access routes to larger towns, an excellent metro line passing through Bilbao and its coast, as well as a well designed railway network, the Basque government is currently embracing on one of the most important rail projects ever undertaken, the high-speed train, know also as “Y Vasca” which will join the three Basque capitals with Portugal, Madrid and other European cities. This project meets however strong criti-cism from the radical Basque nationalists condemning it as anti-social, anti-ecological, wasteful of resources and inappropriate for the Basque Country. In December 2008, Ignacio Uría, the owner of a construction company working on the project, was shot dead by ETA.

The change from old to new might also be seen in the changing character of social relationships in the Basque Country and the way the political elite frames important issues in the regional perspective. In this regard, the attention should be paid to the fact that during the last years the Basque Nationalist Party has changed its attitude towards violence and stopped “rolling its eye” over ETA and Batasuna. After the regional elections of 2005 the winning PNV decided to create a minority coalition with Eusko Alkartasuna and Izquierda Unida based on pluralism and mutual respect than to ask for support of the radical EHAK. After forming the government, the president of PNV, Josu Jon Imaz expressed for the first time his will to cooperate with the Spanish prime minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in a united spirit to fight ETA. (17) What’s more, in 2007 the first public condemnation of violence and apology to the victims of ETA’s terrorism was openly given by the Basque president Jose Juan Ibarrexte. In a celebration organised in Palacio Euskalduna in Bilbao in tribute to the victims of terrorism, Ibarretxe admitted that there was no justification for the injustice that ETA’s victims had suffered accompanied by the silence of the Basque society. (18) At the same time a certain moderation of the pro-independent strategy could have been noticed in the PNV’s lines, a twist that was not welcomed well by the coalition party, EA. In fact, during the years 2005-2009 the roads of the two parties diverged. In the Basque regional elections of March 2009,

(16) Recent urbanistic developments include the Bilbao’s riverside transformation, the new library of the University of Deusto, as well as the newest city project Alhondiga, a multi-functional cultural and sport centre situated in a restaurated 19th century building. The project was carried out by a famous architect, Phillippe Starck.

(17) http://www.elpais.com/articulo/espana/ETA/solo/tiene/destino/fin/elpepuesp/20070114elpepinac_ 1/Tes, accessed 20.06.2010

(18) http://www.elpais.com/articulo/espana/Ibarretxe/pide/perdon/victimas/terrorismo/etarra/elpepuesp/20070422elpepunac_2/Tes, Accessed 13.06.2010.



the PNV and EA did not present themselves in coalition, but separately for the first time since 1999.

The analysis of the changes on the Basque political scene in the period 1998-2009 points to certain moral regeneration of the nationalist political elites, a qualitative transformation which projects itself onto the social tissue. After the break of ETA’s ceasefire in 2006 and a deadly bombing attack in the Madrid’s airport Barajas, PNV has come to terms with the fact that ETA’s and Batasuna’s nationalist strategy is a lie and a destructing one for the region. (19) Since then, PNV has made it clear that no collaboration with Izquierda Abertzale is possible in the situation of lack of condemnation of violence. Moreover, in April 2010, the PNV’s spokesman in Cortes, Josu Erkoreka, warned its old coalition partner EA against the potential political pact with Batasuna in the future municipal elections. (20) Such change in the political language of PNV constitutes a part of the party’s regionalist strategy, most probably as a response to the wide social disapproval of ETA’s actions, the need for political normaliza-tion in the region and creating a positive image of the Basque Country in the EU.

In the context of the EU, the new Basque regionalism has been re-flected mainly in the political and institutional effort to stress the Basque presence at the European level, by setting up Basque Delegation in Brussels, as well as by gaining direct access to the EU institutions. Yet, while before entering to the EU the PNV had expected to use the integration process to achieve full recognition for the independent representation and contacts with Brussels, the first years of Spanish membership have disillusioned the regional government. The strategy to bypass Madrid by informal, bi-lateral contacts with Brussels had little effect in preventing the centraliza-tion of regional competencies both in making, as well as in implementing European law. Besides, EU institutions were showing their cautious and restrictive attitude towards an ‘unauthorised’ attempts of the regions to circumvent their national governments. The European Commission had made it clear that it would not establish official contacts with regional authorities if it did not have the consent of the central government (EC 2416/1990, OJC 227, 31.8.1991 in: Börzel 2002). Moreover, bypassing the state often produced intergovernmental conflicts and found settlement in the Constitutional Court, which initially supported Madrid, presenting the central state as the ‘interlocutor único’ (exclusive negotiator) vis-a-vis

(19) A clear expression of such stance was an open objection of PNV to allow another legalization of Batasuna in 2006 after the break of ETA’s ceasefire and lack of condemnation of violence from IzquierdaAbertzale. In a peace rally in Bilbao in 2007 Josu Jon Imaz called ETA and Batasuna bitter words and gave them alternative to either condemn violence or to leave the political life for good.

(20) El PNV recomienda a EA desconfiar de la izquierda abertzale, Diario Vasco, 15.02.2010



the EU. With time, mechanisms of cooperation, representation and sharing of responsibilites have been established between the region and the state (Börzel 2001).

As a part of Basque lobbying to establish an effective regional partici-pation in the European affairs, PNV stressed that the Spanish regions did not acquire the same means to influence the state’s position in the policy-making process at the EU level as, for example, the German Länder or the Belgian regions (21) and outspokenly advocated more direct representa-tion of the Basque Country in Brussels. This was a part of a collective strategy of all the CCAA pressuring the central state in facilitating the access to the EU institutions. It partly succeded only in 2004 when the Spanish government of Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero elected in March 2004 accepted the most called for and the longlasting regional demand of the Spanish regions: participation in the workings of the EU Council. In spite of the fact that it posed an unprecedented step in the Spanish policy towards the regions, the provision was limited to only certain Council configurations and therefore was not fully satisfactory for the Basque Country enjoying the widest scope of competencies. (22) The fact that the region lacks possibility to participate in the Council of Ecofin where fiscal and monetary policy is discussed, remains a major question on the PNV’s political agenda from 2004 onwards. (23)

Another important component of the EU-oriented Basque strategy has been enhancing the principle of subsidiarity through participation in subsidiarity monitoring networks of the Committee of the Regions which involved engagement of considerable human resources, expertise and horizontal coordination at the different levels of jurisdictions (i.e. Basque Government, Parliament, Delegation in Brussels). At present, after coming into force of the Lisbon Treaty, national parliaments have obligation to involve the regional legislatives in the monitoring of subsidiarity, but previously such activity was a purely regional initiative. (24)

(21) Unlike in Germany, where the Länder were granted formal participation in the formulation and representation of the national bargaining position (through Bundesrat) and regular access to the European decision-making bodies, the Spanish CCAA were not even able to obtain information on European affairs from the Spanish Permanent Representation in Brussels (Borzel 2002: 117).

(22) The new institutional arrangement within the CARCE (Conferencia de asuntos relacionados con comunidades auropeas), todays CARUE (Conferencia de asuntos relacionados con Union Europea) allowed including the regional observers (consejeros autonomicos) into the Spanish Representation in Brussels and the direct participation of sub-national ministers in sessions of the 4 configurations of the Council of Ministers (i.e. Agriculture and Fisheries, Environment, Employment and Social Policy, Health and Consumer Affairs and Education, Youth and Culture).

(23) For more about the Basque fiscality and the participation in Ecofin Council see: (M. Anton Zarragoitia 2007)

(24) The Lisbon Treaty identifies regional parliaments with legislative powers as new actors in the EU decision making process involving them in the subsidiarity monitoring known also as the



The most spectacular attempt to institutionalise the Basque participa-tion in the European policy-making was the project of New Political Stat-ute for the Basque Country, known also as the Ibarretxe Plan, presented by the regional government in October 2003. That controversial project involving the creation of Basque State ‘freely associated’ with Spain, was aimed at reassessing the relationship between the Basque region and the Spanish state vis-a-vis the EU. It is however important to point out that the provisions of the Plan regarding the Basque participation in the EU did not differ significantly from the solutions present in the recently reformed and accepted Statutes of Autonomy of the other CCAA. (25) Nevertheless, Ibarretxe Plan created new political dynamic in the region, by forcing not only politicians but also ordinary citizens to take position on a series of issues relating to nationality, sovereignty and democratic representation. In the end, although approved by the Basque parliament in December 2004, the Plan was definitely dismissed by the Spanish government as unconstitutional and rejected by the Spanish Cortes, on 1 February 2005. (26) It cannot be understated that the Basque pro-european stance included in the New Statute was motivated by the famous nationalist phrase: More Europe, less Spain. The call for “independence in the EU” appeared to substitute the the claim for independence per se, a develop-ment which, as some have argued, helped to improve the popularity of European minority nationalism (Keating and Jones 1995).

The present Basque government led by socialists expresses a slightly different position on the region’s participation in the European policy-making which is based on a closer collaboration and complementarity with the central government, a stance understandable from the political point of view. In the regional policy towards the EU, the protagonist role of the Basque Country is underlined in relation to new economic or cultural undertakings at the European level, rather than by demands for more formal participation in the EU. Within the frame of the 2010 Spanish Presidency in the EU, in February 2010 an informal meeting of the EU’s

“early warning procedure”. The Protocol on the Application of the principle of subsidiarity and proportionality specifies tha it will be for each national Parliament or each chamber of a national Parliament to consult, where appropriate, regional parliaments with legislative powers (art.6)

(25) During the last legislature of Jose Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (2004-2008) six of the CCAA had their statutes of autonomy reformed. First of them was the CA of Valencia (Ley Orgánica 1/2006, de 10 de abril), followed by Catalonia (Ley Orgánica 6/2006 de 19 de julio), Canary Islands (Ley Orgánica 1/2007, de 28 de febrero) Andalusia, (Ley Orgánica 2/2007, de 19 de marzo), Aragon (Ley Orgánica 5/2007, de 20 de abril) and Castilla Leon (Ley Orgánica 14/2007, de 30 de noviembre). The statutes now contain extensive provisions regulating the external relations and european affairs of the CCAA in question. For more information about the updated statutes, see: Pérez Garcia 2009.

(26) For more about Ibarretxe Plan see: BORONSKA, K., Region baskijski w Unii Europejskiej. Kon-trowersje wokoł propozycji nowego statutu autonomocznego Kraju Basków, Wrocław 2008. The full text of the Ibarretxe Plan is available at: http://www..nuevoestatutodeeuskadi.net/



Competitiveness Council presided by the Basque lehendakari Patxi Lopez was being held in the Basque city of San Sebastian, which was an attempt to underline a protagonist role of the Basque innovation sector in the EU.

The fact that the nationalist and auto-affirmative elements present in the former regionalist strategy of PNV do not play a protagonist role in the current Basque European policy should not prejudge about a lesser regional activity at the European level and a weaker representation of the Basque interests in the EU bodies. Paradoxically, although it is only an assumption, this change might result in a more effective Basque par-ticipation in the European affairs, since now the Basque representatives work with the goodwill and expectable support of the sisterly PSOE, who as the current Spanish ruling party represents the main gate-keeper at the EU’s door. Moreover, as my current field research has shown, in spite of the change at the political level, the tecnical tissue consisting of the Basque personnel and experts on European affairs remained the same. This shows that the new government relies on a well founded experience and knowledge of the previous team.

3. Postmodern regionalism

As a result of the changes connected with Europeanization, another type of regionalist strategy has come into action in the Basque Country —the postmodern regionalism which seeks to use means of modern technology and innovation to strengthen the material competence and reproduction of the regional system (Schmitt-Egner 2001). It is based on the strategy of development requiring regional flexibility and responsive-ness to keep up with the rapid changes of globalization. Apart from the regional government, the main actors in this type of regionalism are in-dividual companies, as well as public and private technology and innova-tion centres operating in subnational industrial districts or technological parks. The external goal of this regionalism is improving competitiveness of regional companies and economic sustainability of the region.

During the last 25 years the Basque government has taken decisive steps towards transforming the Basque Country into an example of innovation in Europe. In its last two terms of office, innovation was one of the most important regionalist postulates of the PNV’s government which has spearheaded the design and launch of a powerful innovation-based process of transforming the economic and social fabric of the region. (27) Some of the examples of regional innovation networks are

(27) See: Speech by the Lehendakari, Juan Jose Ibarretxe, at the Basque Parliament General Policy Debate, 28 September 2007



the Basque Innovation Agency Innobasque (28) and Saretek (29) —non-profit institutions, created to co-ordinate and promote innovation in all fields of the regional activity. As wide co-operation platforms they com-prise Basque government, private and public companies, as well as all kinds of organisations related to innovation. They seek to stimulate and promote technological and non-technological innovation in the Basque Country by encouraging entrepreneurial spirit and creativity, in particu-lar, by improving Basque competitiveness in the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors.

In general terms, since entering to the EU, the Basque Country, and especially the business sector, has multiplied by 20 its economic effort in R&D activities, standing at about 1.65% of the GDP (2007), well above the Spanish average (1.2%) and with the aim of reaching the European average. (30) The Basque Country is a pioneer in the setting up of technological parks in Spain which combine the location of high-profile companies, universities, and research and technology transfer centres with environmentally high standards and sustainable development. (31) According to Eurostat, in 2008 the Basque Country held the 6th position in the EU concerning the Total Human Resources dedicated to Science and Technology (HRST), behind Central London, Oslo, Stockholm, Prague and Wallonia, and ahead of other Spanish regions, such as Navarre (20th) and Madrid (25th). (32) In terms of patent applications in 2004, the Basque Country situated itself on the second position in Spain, after Navarre (50-100 patents per 1mln inhabitants). (33)

One of the most important turning points in the Basque regional innovation policy came on 11 December 2008 when the central govern-ment transfered the long claimed competence of R&D+Innovation policy together with the necessary financial resources to the Basque region,

(28) For details about Basque Innovation Strategy see: http://www.innobasque.com/home.aspx? tabid=484

(29) The Basque Science, Technology and Innovation Network was founded in 1997, promoted by the Basque government to combine the efforts of all public and private entities that try to promote the use of Science Technology and Innovation to improve business competitiveness and contribute to the economic and social development of the Basque Country.

(30) The EU’s average is 1.83%, in: http://app3.spri.net/Investing/en/capitulo4.html, accessed 10.06.2010

(31) The Basque network of technological parks consists of: Technological Park of Zamudio in Biz-kaia, Technological Park of San Sebastian, Technological Park of Alava and The Mondragon Technology Park. For more information, see: http://www.rpte.net/castellano/presentacion.htm

(32) Equally, in 2008 the Basque Country was the leading European region, ahead of Central London, Brussels and Oslo, concerning HRSTE (Human Resources in Science and Technology - Education in relation to the labour force) and also ahead of other regions, such as Navarre (6th) and Madrid (8th). http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/cache/ITY_OFFPUB/KS-HA-09-001-08/EN/KS-HA-09-001-08-EN.PDF

(33) The most active patenting regions (with 100 to 300 applications and more than 300 applications per million inhabitants) are situated in the Nordic countries and in the centre of the EU-27



which posed a significant enhancement for the regional budget. In Sep-tember of the same year, the Basque government signed an agreement with the Arcelor-Mittal Group, the world leading steel manufacturer, to launch in Bizkaia an Excellence and Research Centre specialised in Steel —an investment of 100 million Euros which will foster a world-class steel industry in the region and consolidate it as a worldwide benchmark. (34) Furthermore, in November 2008 the world-class interdisciplinary research center on Applied Mathematics was opened in Bilbao by the Basque government. (35)

The Basque postmodern regionalism is characterized by versatility, reflected in combining the economic growth with ecological approach and sustainable development, the so-called “eco-innovation”. One of the examples of such policy can be a recently signed cooperation agreement between the Spanish oil company Repsol and the government of the Basque Country to set up a collaboration network for studying and im-plementing the technological options of recharging networks and quick-change battery services for electric vehicles. (36) Basque commitment to the design and production of electric cars is planned to be put into practice at the end of 2010, when Mercedes begins manufacturing electric vans at its site in Vitoria-Gasteiz. (37)

However, despite the industrial postmodern renewal and transforma-tion having been relatively successful, the process of transition from “medium prosperity and technological sophistication” to a “high finan-cial and technological capacity” has not yet been completed (Orkestra 2009). (38) Comparing the Basque competitiveness and innovation in the year 2008, the conclusion is that the region presents a “competitive paradox”: the level of innovation, measured by the European Commission Scorebord was lower that might be expected from the per capita income (55th out of 202 European regions, whereas the GDP per capita is 30th out of 202). According to the report of the Basque Institute of Competitive-ness one explanation for the Basque relatively strong GDP performance despite relatively low innovation performance compared to Europe is

(34) The creation of this Centre will act as a catalyst for the Basque Government and ArcelorMittal, to each invest the sum of 50 million euros in R&D activities over the period 2008-2012.

(35) http://www.bcamath.org/public_home/ctrl_home.php, accessed 12.06.2010.

(36) El País, in: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/pais/vasco/Repsol/montara/Euskadi/primera/red/electrolineras/elpepuespvas/20091030elpvas_9/Tes, accessed 1.11.2009.

(37) In: http://www.eitb.com/news/technology/detail/351528/san-sebastian-summit-studies-potential-of-electric-car/, accessed 12.06.2010. For more detailed account of the Basque Country’s investments in the year 2009 see: http://www.basques.euskadi.net/t32-7872/en/contenidos/noticia/inversiones_08/en_inver_ex/adjuntos/pays_basque_investments_2009.pdf

(38) The Basque Country places itself among the regions of Aquitaine, Catalonia, Trento, Tuscany and Wallonia and pretends to evolve towards: Lower Saxony in Germany or Limburg in Netherlands.



that many Basque firms innovate through experiential learning and net-working between public and private sector rather than R&D expenditure. The main hitherto driver of the Basque competitiveness has been an experienced-based clustering, which has taken place with the support of the Basque government. Yet, to achieve full technological sophistication, cooperating with members of the regional cluster needs to be comple-mented by creating international networks of knowledge transfer, so that the local buzz is enriched and strengthened with the global pipeline (Orkestra 2009:77).

4. Transnational regionalism

With this end in view, without abandoning the postmodern cluster-based interaction, the Basque Country gets involved in transnational regionalism, directly connected with the regional participation in the process of the European integration and especially salient in the EU tran-snational research and supranational regional initiatives. Apart from the postmodern qualities transnational regionalism includes the goals of sym-bolic and formal reproduction as well (Schmitt-Egner 2001:190). It aims at promoting internal regional programme by external (i.e.transnational) cooperation, networking and exchange. With this concept Schmitt-Egner attempted to find a comprehensive theoretical approach to cross-border cooperation and alliances between regions without the interposition of the respective nation states. Such cooperation is a fruit of bilateral and multilateral contacts established between non-central governments to face common problems and develop common stategies. Moreover, by means of transnational joint projects regional actors acquire the so called European competence, understood as capability of a region to shape and to use the process of European integration as an arena of transnational learning to foster its own development in the field of research, knowledge transfer and innovation (Schmitt-Egner 2002).

Some of the examples of transnational initatives in which the Basque Country actively participates are: Network of Regional Governments for Sustainable Development (nrg4SD), Network of Local Authorities for the Information Society (IT4ALL), transfrontier cooperation Euskadi-Aquitaine or transnational cooperation within the scheme of INTERREG. For some years now, the Basque Country has been making a major effort, in terms of financial resources and personnel, to become a strong reference point in the EU for investigation and technology, by promoting the R&D of the region. An example of this might be cooperation in research and techno-logical development between companies, academia and other organiza-tions within Basque programmes for the Competence Research Centres,



coordinated by COMPERA (39) and supported by the ERA-NET scheme of the European Commission. (40)

In relation with the formal reproduction of the region, the transnational regionalism helps the regional governments and parliaments to play an active role in the European affairs by keeping them informed about the legislative developments at the supranational level and enabling them to voice their opinions on the applicability of the European projects at the regional level. In other words, through transnational regionalism the regions might participate in the control of the European policy creation (CEuS Working Paper 2002/8, Regional Parliaments and Good Governance in the EU). To this end, the Basque Country, as a holder of legislative powers, forms partnerships or networks with other European regions to secure common regional interests. Two of the most important examples of transnational political cooperation are RegLeg (41) and CALRE (42). Both of them have been initiated by the regional grassroots movement and are examples of the ‘bottom-up’ Europeanization. (43) Through these two bodies the regional entities intend to enhance the regional participation in the formulation, implementation and monitoring of the EU regional policy and to enforce the principle of subsidiarity. CALRE, RegLeg and the CoR undertake common steps to organize transnational debates on the the EU-connected subjects as a way of bridging the gap between the citizens and the European institutions. (44)

Moreover, in the process of Europeanization, the regions have mo-bilized to enhance their symbolic reproduction at the European level

(39) http://www.competence-research-centres.eu/uploads/media/COMPERA-brochureFinal.pdf

(40) Two of the programmes are: SAIOTEK and ETORTEK. Other bodies participating in the network are: Basque Agency for the Promotion of International Research, Development and Innovation, Eurobule-goa, Innobasque, as well as Industry, Trade and Tourism Department of the Basque government.

(41) Group of Regions with Legislative Powers, RegLeg is a political network of interregional cooperation between regional governments committed to raising the level of active participation of the regions with legislative power in EU policy formation in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity. It is made up of 73 European regions representing more than 250 millions of European inhabitants

(42) Conference of the European Regional Legislative Parliaments, CALRE is the conference of chair-men of the regional parliaments from decentralized states of Europe created in 1997. It is composed of 74 regions from 8 countries. In 2007/ 2008 the president of CALRE was Izaskun Bilbao, the chair-man of the Basque Parliament. The main aims of CALRE are to minimize the democratic deficit at the regional level, act as a stimulus of parliamentary control on European affairs and to be a forum for the exchange of knowledge and information between CALRE members, national parliaments and the European Parliament. CALRE carries out its activities mainly through active lobbying —i.e. channeling contacts with the EU high officials and cooperation with the CoR together with the successful implementation of the common action plans.

(43) See my paper on Europeanization of the Spanish State of Autonomies in ECPR Dublin Conference 2010, Section: EU Politics, Panel Europeanization, Paper ID:300.

(44) Such initiative took place on the occassion of the European elections 2009 on Schuman’s Day of 9th May.



and have used their potential in developing the EU supported networks of regional and minority languages promotion. The Basque Country has long lobbied at the supranational level to incorporate euskera as a working language of the EU institutions. As a result, within the legal framework established by the European Council in 2005 (45) the official use of euskera has been made possible in the communication with the EU institutions, however in a limited scope. (46)

IV. Conclusion: Basque regionalism at the crossroads

Making a historical balance of the political actions of the Basque govern-ments over the last 30 years we can say that they acted as catalizators of transformation and that today’s Basque Country is the result of successful structural adjustments to the challenges of the European integration which have taken place down through the years. The contemporary Basque regionalism is modernizing and forward-looking, in contrast to the older provincialism resistant to change. Thanks to the Basque regionalist strategy and despite the economic problems which the region experienced in 1990s, the Basque Country remains one of the wealthiest regions of Spain and placed well above the majority of the regions in the EU. The Basques are now a society accustomed to comfort, good quality of life and an ecologically sensible one —a society holding an excellent position in Europe and the world. According to Human Development Report, in the year 2007 the Basque Country occupied the third position in the ranking of the Human Development Index (HDI) (47), behind Iceland and Norway. (48) No wonder why some of the visitors say that they feel in the Basque Country like in Scandinavia with southern climate.

In relation to the political vision, a significant part of the Basque re-gionalists support the idea of maximizing the regional autonomy through

(45) See: Council Regulation on the official use of additional languages within the Council and possibly other Institutions and bodies of the European Union: (EC) No 920/2005 of 13 June 2005 (OJ L 156, 18.6.2005, 3).

(46) The European Commission is supporting and funding the NGO European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages and other initiatives from which the Basque Country has received funding for projects to protect and promote the Basque language. For more about the situation of the Basque language in the EU, see: MILIAN-MASSANA, A., Recognition of the Basque Language in EU Law: A Pending Issue?[in:] http://www.basqueed.org/ENE2008/ene093114.pdf, accessed 3.11.2009.

(47) The HDE, defined and calculated for 178 countries by the Office for the United Nations Develop-ment Programme (UNDP), is designed as a synoptic measurement of the achievements of a country in three basic dimensions: A long and healthy life, measured by life expectancy at birth; a high level of knowledge —measured by the combined gross school enrolment rate and by the adult literacy rate— and a decent standard of living —per capita GDP.

(48) http://www.eustat.es/elem/ele0004300/not0004395_i.pdf, accessed 3.11.2009



further decentralization, possibly federalization, without embracing the call for separation. The new, postmodern and transnational components of the Basque regionalism contain the pro-European element which is a present-day ideological substitute for the traditional nationalist objectives of transforming the Spanish state and self-determination. As a result of the unprecedented political change which took place in March 2009 the Basque Country is ruled by the first non-nationalist govern-ment in 30 years. The Basque regionalism is passing through a stage of ‘political revaluation’ where new political elites stress complementarity of the Basque regional policy with the central government. The nationalist competitive discourse and, for many years, ambiguous attitude towards ETA has been replaced by loyalty to the central state and ‘zero tolerance towards terrorism’, a situation long unthinkable in the Basque political scene.

The Basque president Patxi Lopez has described the Basque society as: open and comprehensive to cultures which adapts to the times by reusing available resources in order to face new challenges. (49) The actual challenge for the Basque Country is the world economic crisis over-whelming the Spanish economy and the bitterly criticised government of Zapatero to the point that the country might share the fate of Greece. Fortunately, due to its own fiscal system and efficient economic policy, the Basque economy is less affected by the state’s financial breakdown and the infamous cuts in public spendings. Moreover, the regional growth in the recent years has been less dependent on the property market and low-skilled immigrant labour than the rest of Spain. Nevertheless, the regional indicators of employment and financial debt do not encourage optimism and the Basque economy will have to meet challenges of dealing with the crisis on its own playground.

Although it is still too early to assess the effectiveness of the regionalist strategy of the current Socialist government in a long run, there are voices that the region might lose on the current PSE’s policy. Some claim that in the field of economic policy the cabinet of Patxi Lopez acts as a subsidiary of Zapatero’s government and does not take the necessary anti-crisis measures. On the other hand, some reproach the new lehendakari with his weak euskera performance (he is just learning Basque language) stating he is not “Basque enough” to lead the Basque region. As a matter of fact, the new government plans to undertake steps to decrease the significance of euskera as a merit in applying for some public positions.

These and other controversies connected with the political change in the Basque Country will surely become subject of the future academic

(49) http://www.eitb.com/news/technology/detail/351528/san-sebastian-summit-studies-potential-of-electric-car/, accessed 20.06.2010



analysis. Considering the hitherto achievements of the past nationalist governments, as well as the changing patterns of the Basque regionalism as a response to Europeanization, an interesting research question arises of whether nationalism is an indespensable key component of an effective regionalist strategy, which ensures growth, progress and protagonism. Although the answer to this question will have to wait some time to be objectively evaluated, looking at the peculiarities of the Basque regional system, one has to agree with Keating (1998:73) that the old and new regionalism continue to coexist in uneasy partnership seeking a new syn-thesis of the universal and the particular. This fact however, should not be taken as a disadvantage since, as Patxi Lopez pointed out in his recent speech on the region’s competitiveness, the transforming combination of past and future is surely our best selling point. (50)

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LABURPENA:

HITZ GAKOAK:

RESUMEN:

PALABRAS CLAVE:

ABSTRACT: Today’s regionalism should neither be praised as beneficial, nor damned as disintegrating, but rather judged from a pragmatic point of view, as being progressive or regressive in terms of its capacity to enhance successful implementation of the regional programme in the multi-level system of European governance. This paper seeks to analyse the changing nature of the Basque regionalism as a response to the intensifying European integration as well as the emergence of new modes of governance which have given the regionalists new possibilities of achieving similar goals. Based on theoretical tools provided by modern studies on regionalism, this paper explores the emerging hybrid type of Basque regionalism consisting of the new, postmodern and transnational components. The new regionalism sees the growing importance of the sub-national scale, not so much in assuming more formal powers and without embracing the call for separation, but through increased decentralization and fostering regional governance where a wide array of policies are actually implemented and realized. Postmodern regionalism seeks to use the means of modern technology and innovation to strengthen the economic competence and reproduction of the regional system, as well as to improve regional flexibility and responsiveness to keep up with the rapid changes of globalization. Finally, the transnational regionalism, especially salient in the EU regional research, aims at promoting regional programme by external cooperation, networking and exchange. All those types of the Basque regionalism contain the pro-European element which is a present-day ideological substitute for the traditional nationalist objectives of transforming the Spanish state and self-determination.

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Regional competence: Changing patterns of the Basque regionalism