a r a mtrade routes & seafaring

in the ancient near east

-

the idumeans

and the nabateans

volume 27, 1 & 2 2015

ARAM 27:1&2 (2015), 431-439

NEW ASPECTS OF NABATAEAN COINS

RACHEL BARKAY (Hebrew University of Jerusalem)

Abstract In recent years, many previously unknown Nabataean coins have appeared in the markets. Careful study revealed some new types and new variants of coins, which resulted in new conclusions about certain issues. For example, one of the most prominent discoveries concerns the earliest Nabataean coins. It is a large group of anonymous coins which copied motifs from the coins of Alexander the Great. These coins were dated between the end of the second century BCE and the mid-first-century CE, or even later. Lately, many coins belonging to this group were found minted on Ptolemaic hosts. The details of the Ptolemaic coins, the verity of the Proto Nabataean types and variants, their worn state, as well as the archaeological context of some of them, resulted in new dating and classification. It seems that these coins started to be minted sometime around the mid-third-century BCE, a date which is much earlier than previously thought; on the other-hand it seems that their minting also stopped earlier than was suggested in earlier studies. There are some new descriptions on Nabataean coins which were not known before from the coins of later years. For example, under the reign of Obodas (c. 30-9 BC), two unique coins were issued, one showing a camel and the other showing the head of Zeus. The latter raises questions concerning the exact mythological place of this god in the framework of the Nabataean worship. New identified types and variants concerning the coins of the great Nabataean king Aretas IV (9 BC – AD 40) made it possible to find dates from periods that were considered to be gaps in his minting. Numerous changes of previous attributions are put forward – especially of the undated issues, which also lack the name or title of the king. Altogether there are many new coins which will make the numismatic picture of the Nabataeans clearer.

I. THE EARLIEST NABATAEAN COINS

One of the most prominent new discoveries concerns the earliest Nabataean coins.1 This is a group of anonymous bronze coins (fig. 1), which were identified as early Nabataeans by Robinson in the 1930s on the basis of provenance.2 On the obverse they bear a head of Athena facing right, wearing a crested Corinthian helmet; and on the reverse, Nike standing to left, holding a wreath, with the letter Λ in the left field, alone or with a crescent above it. These motifs are drawn from those of the gold staters of Alexander the Great,2 (fig. 2), which continued to be popular on gold coins into the third century BCE, and which were imitated by some Seleucid kings.3

1 Barkay 2011b, pp. 67-73, pls. 4-5. 2 Robinson 1936, pp. 288-91 2 See, e.g., Price, Alexander, p. 107, no. 164a. The suggestion of A. Houghton and C. Lorber, "Antiochus III in Coele-

Syria and Phoenicia", INJ 14 (2000-2), pp. 57-8, that a bronze series of Antiochus III was the prototype seems a less likely option, as on the Nabataean issues the hairstyle of Athena and the form of her Corinthian helmet, as well as the stiff pose of Nike, more closely resemble the Alexander staters.

3 See, e.g., Houghton 1983, nos 455, 638, 965, 1045. The types largely disappeared in the second century BCE, replaced by personal, dynastic, and civic motifs.

NEW ASPECTS OF NABATAEAN COINS

The anonymous Nabataean coins were found mainly in Nabataean territory, sometimes in hoards with later Nabataean coins.4 As these coins bear no inscriptions or ruler's portraits, it was difficult to date them. Robinson had suggested that they were minted by the Nabataean king Aretas II, that is, around the end of the second century or beginning of the first century BCE, an attribution that was generally accepted in the absence of a more plausible alternative. Meshorer suggested that the Λ on these coins was meant to be an A, the first letter of the name Aretas, written in Greek.5 As the coins were found in large quantities, he also assumed that they had continued to be minted by Aretas III, up to c. 62 BCE.6 Schmitt-Korte suggested that they had begun to be minted as late as under Aretas III (c.84-62 BCE) and continued at least until Aretas IV (9 BCE- 40 CE).7 In recent years, many early Nabataean coins have been identified as minted on Ptolemaic hosts (Fig. 3). Unfortunately, most of them are from the antiquities market.

Only one originated from an archeological dig – from Beersheba excavations.8 Two coins from the antiquities market were published by Schmitt-Korte and regarded by him as exceptional, without further explanation.9

The number of specimens—over 50—recorded by us suggests an organized, deliberate issue. The Nabataeans presumably used Ptolemaic coins as flans in order to save the effort of producing new flans. In addition, obliterating the Ptolemaic originals probably constituted a pro-Seleucid statement. The dies for the over-struck group are of higher quality than those used for the other coins, but as the Ptolemaic hosts were not properly prepared for re-minting, the original Ptolemaic motifs in most cases were not fully obliterated, either because the coins were not heated enough before re-minting, or

4 Kirkbride 1937, pp. 256-7; Meshorer 1975, pp. 85-6, nos 1-4; Schmitt-Korte 1990, pp. 125-6; Bowsher 1990, pp. 221-8. 5 Meshorer 1975, pp. 10-11. He also based this attribution on his type no. 4, on which he identified instead of the Λ an

Aramaic ח and interpreted it as the Aramaic name of Aretas. Close examination of this coin indicates that it is a regular type of our second group, see below.

6 Meshorer 1975, pp. 10–12. Two lead coins attributed by Meshorer (pp. 85-6, pl. 1 no. 3, sup.1) to the early Nabataean group, were rightly attributed by Hoover 2006 (p.106, Group B no. 2 and Group C no. 13, pl. 27) to latter issues of lead coins minted by Obodas III and Aretas IV, and thus they do not belong to the early Nabataean bronzes discussed here.

7 Schmitt-Korte, pp. 125-6. 8 Kushnir-Stein and Gitler, pp. 18-19, pl. 2, no. 42. 9 Schmitt-Korte, nos. 5-6. He published a third example of a coin struck on Ptolemaic host, which was not identified as

such (pl. 10:2); the central cavity is clearly seen on Nike's stomach. This type is without a crescent on the reverse, as is typical of the over-struck issues (see below).

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Fig.3

Fig. 1 Fig. 2

RACHEL BARKAY

because the punch was not strong enough. In many cases the Ptolemaic coin is smaller in diameter than the Nabataean die, so that parts of the motif are off-flan. Although nearly all the over-struck coins preserve parts of the Ptolemaic design, in most cases the traces were not enough to identify the original coin with certainty. Catharine Lorber, an expert on Ptolemaic coins, kindly checked some over-struck specimens for this study. She found that most identified originals were of Ptolemy II (between 295 and 261/0 BCE) and Ptolemy III (246-222 BCE). The latest are from the second half of Ptolemy III's reign (c.234-222 BCE) and they provide the terminus ante quem for the Nabataean issue. The almost uncirculated condition of the Ptolemaic under types suggests that they were issued not long before the Nabataean overstrikes.

THE POLITICAL CIRCUMSTANCES

The Third Syrian War (246-241 BCE) marks a high point of Ptolemaic power and prestige, but from then until the death of Ptolemy III (222 BCE) little is known about the Syro-Phoenician area. The lack of evidence for Ptolemaic rule over Arabia at this time could indicate a change in the political relationship between Egypt and the Arabs under Ptolemy III.10 Polybius (5.82.12) mentions that Arab (perhaps Nabataean) allies fought for Antiochus III against the Ptolemaic forces in the battle of Raphia in 217 BCE during the Fourth Syrian War. Who might have been the Nabataean ruler around 234-222 BCE when the over-striking operation presumably took place? A Nabataean king from this period is mentioned in a few written sources. One is a papyrus from Egypt kept in Milan11 comprising epigrams written by the poet Posidippus of Pella during the reign of Ptolemy II (286-246 BCE).12 It mentions a Nabataean king described as the commander of a powerful ‘Arab cavalry force’. The word Ναβαταĩοc (Nabataean) stands alone and its continuation (on the next line) is with a missing word starting with the letter M. There are a few options for filling the gap after 'Nabataean',13 one of them is the name of the king Malichos (μ[άλιχoc ὢ]ν), a traditional name of Nabataean kings known from later periods. The fixed date of 248/247 BCE was given by an epigram celebrating the Olympian victories by Berenice II, daughter of Ptolemy II and wife of Antiochus II of Syria. Another source mentioning a Nabataean king in this period is a basalt Nabataean inscription in the Archaeological Museum of Damascus which mentions a ‘king of the Nabataeans’. The inscription was dated to the third century BCE. Its provenance is not known, but it has been suggested that it originated in Bostra.14 The king mentioned in the Damascus inscription could be the same as the one mentioned in the Milan papyrus, and the one to produce the first anonymous Nabataean coins minted on Ptolemaic hosts. A third source is Strabo. He states that the Nabataean kingship was old and traditional, and it is noteworthy that his description of Arabia and its peoples (Geography 16.3-4) derives ultimately from reports by Ptolemaic officials and explorers who journeyed south and east of Egypt in the 3rd century

10 A recent hoard from Jordan may indicate that Ptolemaic authority over some parts of Nabataean territory did not end until the late 220s BCE. Hoover and Barkay 2010, p. 199 note 5.

11 Thanks to Dr. Uzi Avner from the Arava Institute for Environmental Studies, for pointing out this papyrus to me. 12 G. Bastianini and C. Gallazzi (eds), with the collaboration of C. Austin, Posidippo di Pella: Epigrami (P. Mil. Vogl.

VIII 109). Papiri dell'Università degli Studi di Milano-VIII (Milan: LED - Editioni Universitarie di Lettere Economia Diritto = [editio princeps] 2001. See also Graf 2006, pp. 47-68; the dating of the Milan papyrus to the late third century BCE is based also on the paleographical analysis of the professional scribe. The information here is largely based on Graf's article.

13 B. Acosta-Hughes, F. Angiò, M. Cuypers and E. Kosmetatou, New Poems Attributed to Posidippus, The Center for Hellenic Studies, version 9.0, July 2007, p. 11, II, 10b (16). http://www.chs.harvard.edu/publications.sec/classics.ssp/issue_i_posidippus.pg

14 J. T. Milik, Une bilingue arameo-grecque de 105/104 avant J.-C., Appendic, inscription nabatéenne archaïque, Hauran II: Les installations de SI، 8, I, (2003), p. 275.

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NEW ASPECTS OF NABATAEAN COINS

BCE.15 The conclusion is that the Nabataean economy and political regime were in existence by the third century BCE. Based on the new material, and with restudying these coins, we suggest a new classification for the earliest Nabataean coins, as follows: The First Group is the most beautifully executed one presented on the overstrikes on Ptolemaic hosts (Fig. 4). The motifs are closest to those of the Alexander staters:

Notice the helmet with an open crest and two long strings hanging from it, from above and from below. The thin strings are curved in a rope shape, and their ends are turned upwards to the left in a delicate wavy line. The helmet was most probably decorated with a snake, as it appeared on the Alexander coins and on our second group. The hair of Athena falls in three long vertical curls, depicted in the same rope shape as the strings hanging from the crest. On the reverse, Nike stands to left, wearing a peplos. Her wings are open and delicately executed with small lines for the upper feathers and three long lines for the lower. In some cases, the mast (stylis) is visible in her left hand though its upper part is always off-flan. In her outstretched right hand Nike holds a wreath, from which small diagonal lines protrude. The letter Λ can be seen in the left field under the palm of Nike's right hand. The die diameter of this group is the largest and reaches c.20-21 mm; since most of the host coins are smaller than that, parts of the motifs are off-flan. Many coins of this group are worn from circulation. The Second Group (Fig. 5) is very close to the first in the high quality of execution and general appearance of Athena and Nike, but the coins are now minted on newly made blanks.

15 Thanks to Prof. Israel Shatzman from the Hebrew University, for his help with the interpretation of Strabo's account; he will deal in detail with this topic elsewhere. The royal hypomnemata, official bulletins composed on the basis of those reports, were available to readers in the Library of Alexandria (Strabo 2.1, 5); they were used both by Eratosthenes (c.275-195 BCE) for his Geography, and by Agatharchides of Cnidus (first half of the second century BCE) for his On the Erythraean Sea. Strabo drew directly on Eratosthenes' work, and on Agatharchides via the geographer Artemidorus of Ephesus who derived the material for the account of Arabia in his geographical work (published c.100 BCE) from Agatharchides. In other words, when Strabo refers to Artemidorus as his source, he reflects third century BCE conditions. Thus for his account of Arabia and the Nabataeans he uses both Eratosthenes (16.4, 2-4) and Artemidorus (16.4, 5, 15, 16, 18-19). In his description of Petra, he states that it is always ruled by one of the royal family (16.4, 21), an assertion that isbased on these two sources. His portrayal of the Nabataeans and their kings as capitalistic (16.4, 26) is consistent withDiodorus Siculus' account of the Nabataeans’ customs in the late 4th century, once the distortions involved in that account arerealized; those distortions had originated with Diodorus' source, Hieronymus of Cardia (c. 360-c.260 BCE).15 The image of‘primitive’, liberty-loving nomadic Nabataeans is an invention by Hieronymus; they were organized enough to defeat or wardoff three expeditions sent by Antigonus I in 312/11 BCE, and skilled enough to establish a successful trade in spices andincense and to exploit the bitumen of the Dead Sea. They were considered by Diodorus as the richest of the Arabs of thedesert (19.94, 4-5).

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Fig. 4

RACHEL BARKAY

".

The die diameter is smaller and reaches 18-19 mm. Again, in many cases the flan was smaller than the die and parts of the motif are off-flan. On the obverse, Athena's helmet is clearly decorated with a snake and a crescent; the crest is smaller than on the first group and not as wide in its upper ends; on top of the helmet, the nose cover is rendered as a gamma shape. The threads hanging from the crest and the hair of Athena are depicted by dots rather than the delicate rope shape of the first group. On the reverse, Nike stands on a horizontal line, and in the left field a crescent was added above and left of the Λ. The wreath in Nike's right hand is the same as in the first group, but Nike's wings are less curved.

On one coin of this group, from the Israel Museum collection (Fig. 6), Meshorer16 identified instead of the Λ, the Aramaic letter "ח" and thus suggested that it is the first letter of the king's name -."חרתת" Rechecking this poorly preserved specimen, I found no "ח " or any other letter below Nike’s hand, where the Λ usually appears; yet above the hand, the wreath could have been mistaken rettel ciamarA eht rof "ח

".

The letter Λ appears on all three groups of these coins, yet on many coins it is quite often either off-flan or worn away. As it appears on all the types, which presumably were minted by more then one king, it seems that this letter Λ does not necessarily indicate the name of a king who issued the coins. Thus an attribution to Aretas II or III cannot be based on the ח" ro Λ srettel The Third Group (Figs. 1, 7): The motifs in this group are much more schematic and carelessly executed which resulted in a very rough style. The die diameter is even smaller—around 15.5 mm.—and the flans are even smaller then the dies.

The helmet of Athena looks rather like a pot and of the crest only a small ball remained; on the reverse, Nike's wings are crudely executed with fewer details, and the wreath in her hand looks like two branches. In this group, the crescent in the left field is always seen right above the Λ.

16 Meshorer 1975, pp. 10-1, no. 4; Israel Museum no. 1439

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Fig. 6

Fig.5

NEW ASPECTS OF NABATAEAN COINS

DATING THE COINS:

Although detailed information on Nabataean history in the third century BCE is lacking, excavations show that Petra was a big city by then,17 while the Milan papyrus, the inscription from Damascus Museum, and Strabo indicate that the Nabataean kingdom was in existence. The name of the Nabataean king who minted the first anonymous coins is unknown, but it could have been M[alichus], as suggested by one of the interpretations of the Milan papyrus. The third group, with its inferior general appearance, was found at Tel Beersheba, where they had been dated to c.129/8-104 BCE.18 The excavations at Marisa where such coins were found, offered a clearer terminus ante quem of 111 BCE,19 so we suggest that this late group was issued during the second half of the second century BCE. The majority of early Nabataean coins belong to the second and third groups. Most of them are found in worn condition, in excavations as well as in hoards, where they appear with much later Nabataean coins.20 This indicates a long time in circulation side by side with the latter issues of Nabataean coins.

II. NEW COINS OF "OBODAS THE KING, KING OF THE NABATAEANS"

We bring here two new coins of king Obodas depicting two new unique motifs. In the third year of his reign (Fig. 8), Obodas issued a half drachm (2.70 gr.) with a new reverse motif, showing a camel to left,21 while all the other drachms, (c. 6.65 gr.) show the regular eagle to left.

17 Graf, Bedal and Schmid 2005, pp. 418, 436-7; Mouton, Renel and Kropp 2008, pp. 68-9. 18 Kushnir-Stein and Gitler, pp. 13-26. 19 Kloner et al. 2010, pp. 220-221. 20 E.g., A hoard in the Kadman Numismatic Museum, Tel Aviv: Meshorer 1975, pp. 10, 12. 21 Barkay 2006b, pp. 100-101, no. 3.

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Fig. 8

Fig. 7

RACHEL BARKAY

Around the borders the Nabataean legend reads: נבטו שנת תלת" –"עבדת מלכא מלך (Obodas the king, king of the Nabataeans, year three = 28/27 BCE). The camel, although identified with the Nabataeans, did not appear on any other Nabataean coin, yet it appeared 30 years before this coin, on Roman republican denarii minted by Scaurus in 58 BCE, depicting the surrender of Aretas III to the Romans. The king is seen kneeling, holding a camel and a branch. The camel appears later in the Roman period on city coins of Bostra22 and on rock carvings in Sinai,23 and on coins of Trajan with the legend ARABIA ADQUISTA,24 showing Arabia with a Camel.25 From Obodas' tenth year in reign (21/20 BCE) there is yet another totally new type of coin (Fig. 9). This is one drachm (4.52 gr.), showing on the obverse a bearded head of Zeus with a thunderbolt behind his neck. 26

22 Kindler 1983, pp. 105-106 nos. 1-5. 23 Barkay 2006b, p. 101, note 16. 24 The acquired Arabia 25 Mattingly 1936, p. 96 no. 474, p. 185 no. 878. 26 Hoover and Barkay 2010, p. 201, no. 24. 27 Such syncretism appears in the first century BCE Milesian inscription; Meshorer 1975, p. 37. see also: Hoover and

Barkay 2010, p. 201, note 11. 28 Patrich 1990, p. 30. 29 Patrich 1990, p. 109. 30 Barkay 2011a, pp. 52-56, pl. I. 31 Meshorer 1975, pp. 94-95, nos. 46-49A. 32 Schmitt-Korte 1990, pp. 116-117, no. 52; Meshorer, Y. (1975), p. 95, nos. 50-51.

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As Zeus appears on a Nabataean coin, he might be a representation of syncretism with Dushara,27 or Zeus Obodas28 or Zeus Hadad.29 There is no parallel to this image on any other Nabataean coin.

III. SOME COINS OF ARETAS IV

The last group belongs to the most dominant Nabataean king, Aretas IV, who ruled for 49 years (9 BCE–40 CE.). Of all Nabatean kings, Aretas minted the largest number of coins in both quantity and variety, in silver, bronze and lead. We will concentrate here on the appearance of what Meshorer called ‘archaistic head’ on Aretas' early silver coins.30 In the first year of his reign Aretas IV minted at least seven different types of silver coins (three of which were added by us, four published by Meshorer31). From the second year of his reign three types were known32 and we added another one. It seems that in his first two years Aretas minted a large variety of silver coin types. We suggest that he did that in order to make an impression and to glorify himself, rather than to fulfil a monetary or economic need. This can be explained against the background of Aretas's struggle for rule against the usurper Syllaeus. From his third year onward he minted up to two silver types each year. Yet there is another strange phenomenon in his early years' coins. During the first years of Aretas' reign he

Fig. 9

NEW ASPECTS OF NABATAEAN COINS

depicted two different portraits: one is his regular portrait (Fig.10)—which will appear in the coming years—where he is seen with long curly hair, laureate, and his ear is uncovered. The other (Fig.11) which was called by Meshorer "Archaistic" shows a diademed head, with hair falling down covering the ear and ending in a turned-in curl.33 The two different portraits were attributed by previous scholars to Aretas IV.

After his third year in reign, the ‘archaistic’ head disappeared from Aretas' silver issues, but it still remained for one more year, on a bronze type of year four (Fig.12). This bronze issue is actually copying a typical bronze coin of his predecessor Obodas, showing the queen standing with raised hand on the reverse.34

From year four onwards, only the laureate classic head was depicted. The appearance of two different types of portraits in his first years raises the question of whether they were both really meant to depict Aretas. We divided the coins with the so called "archaistic heads" into two groups. Group 1 has no legend on the obverse and Aretas's name appears only on the reverse. The reverse shows either an eagle or the queen's head without her name. All these elements are copied from Obodas' coins. This group includes the two types of year 1 and one type of year 2.35 Group 2: A legend is added to the obverse, reading "Aretas king of the Nabataeans". The reverse shows the queen's bust and the legend reads her name, 'Huldu'. To this group belong two types of year 2 and the one type of year 3.36 It seems that the unique title of Aretas as ‘the lover of his people’ appears only on the coins with the king's classic portrait. Yet another difference between the archaistic style coins and the regular portrait coins is found in the way the years are written. On the archaistic style the dates were written as a word while on the coins with the classic portrait they appear in numerals.

33 E.g., Meshorer 1975, p. 4, no. 50. 34 Meshorer 1975, pl. 4, no. 55. 35 Meshorer 1975, p. 94, nos. 46-47; Schmitt-Korte 1990, pp. 116-117, no. 52 36 Meshorer 1975, p. 94, nos. 50, 52.

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Fig.11 Fig. 10

Fig.12

RACHEL BARKAY

As suggested by Schmitt-Korte,37 we believe that in his first years, Aretas deliberately issued coins reminiscent of those of Obodas his predecessor; and thus we suggest that the ‘archaistic head’ did not mean to represent Aretas but rather, deliberately shows Obodas' portrait. The legends with Aretas' name on the reverse of these coins were meant to identify them as his own rather than those of Obodas. It seems logical to assume that a good reason for such issues was, again, to emphasize his legitimacy as the heir of Obodas against the background of the struggle against Syllaeus.38 After four years of establishing his rule and gaining power, the portrait of Obodas was no longer needed and thus disappeared from Aretas' coins.

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37 Schmitt-Korte 1990, p. 128. 38 Meshorer 1975, p. 41.

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