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Multiracial matters – disruptingand reinforcing the racial rubric ineducational discourseAurora Changa
a Department of Educational Studies, University of Wyoming,Laramie, USAPublished online: 14 Mar 2014.
To cite this article: Aurora Chang (2014): Multiracial matters – disrupting and reinforcing the racialrubric in educational discourse, Race Ethnicity and Education, DOI: 10.1080/13613324.2014.885427
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2014.885427
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Multiracial matters – disrupting and reinforcing the racial rubricin educational discourse
Aurora Chang*
Department of Educational Studies, University of Wyoming, Laramie, USA
When studying matters of race and education, there seems to be anassumption that the inclusion of all monoracial populations equates to acomprehensive look at all students, particularly students of color. Butwhat about students who identify with more than one race? How doMultiracial students identify and how are they included/excluded withrespect to educational curricula, policies and climates? This growinggroup presents an immediate opportunity and challenge to the educa-tional community, because while educational researchers appropriatelyand vigorously pay attention to matters of traditionally under-repre-sented monoracial groups of color, it has yet to be seen where Multira-cial students fall into this discourse. Based on a qualitative study of 25Multiracially identified college students, I explore the ways in which thenotion of Multiraciality muddies traditional conversations about race andeducation in an effort to better understand the potential impact of this‘new’ demographic within an educational context.
Keywords: Multiracial identity; mixed-race studies; critical race theory;college students; diversity; inclusivity
Introduction
The term Multiracial confounds – it implies that you can be more than onerace even though race itself is a social construction of multiple, ever-changing,often undefined dimensions. As Omi and Winant (2005) note (McCarthy,Crichlow, Dimitriadis and Dolby 2005), ‘today there are deep questions aboutwhat we actually mean by the term’ (3). In its original edition, Apple notedthat ‘race is not a stable category. It has changed over time. What it means,how it is used, by whom, how it is mobilized as a social discourse, its role ineducational and more general social policy, all of this is contingent and histori-cal’ (vii). Yet Multiracial, and other terms such as mixed-race, are increasinglyused terms, and ones that educators, identity politics aside, will be forced topractically engage with in educational discourse. Multiraciality, per se, is notnew. As DaCosta (2007) notes, ‘people of mixed [racial] descent have existed
*Email: [email protected]
© 2014 Taylor & Francis
Race Ethnicity and Education, 2014http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2014.885427
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Figure 1. Reproduction of the questions on Hispanic Origin and Race from the2010 Census
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in American society since its inception, and, indeed, most African Americanshave knowledge of some non-“African” ancestors’ (7). What is arguably new,however, is the assertion of Multiracial identity. Many students, ‘rather thanblending into whiteness, are asserting a racialized identity’ (DaCosta 2007,11). Historically, issues of education and schooling have been framed inmonoracial terms (African American, Latino/a, Asian/Pacific Islander, NativeAmerican) and for good reason. The current state of education demands thatunderserved groups be studied and should continue to be studied in order toimprove issues of educational access and equity. My focus is on how a partic-ularly controversial and arguably underserved group, Multiracial students, are(not) situated in educational discourses about race.
While social science literature has primarily focused on the individualracial identity development of Multiracial people (Kich 1992; Root 1992,1996; Taylor-Gibbs and Hines 1992), the politics of Multiracial identity(Daniel 2002; Nakashima 1992; Wallace 2001; Williams 2006) and the dif-ferent classifications of Multiracial individuals (Ifekwunigwe 2004; Renn2004; Rockquemore and Brunsma 2004), there has been little emphasis onthe real-world educational implications of both individual Multiracial iden-tity and ‘collective projects of Multiracial identification’ (DaCosta 2007,11). This ‘growing’ group, as illustrated by the US Census (Figure 1), pre-sents an immediate opportunity and challenge to the educational community,because while educational researchers appropriately and vigorously payattention to matters of traditionally under-represented monoracial groups ofcolor, it has yet to be seen where Multiracial students, as a collective group,fall into this discourse and/or how this discourse may impact the ways wediscuss race in educational contexts and beyond. Let me be clear that theMultiracial population is far from being considered a legitimate racial group.Indeed, it ‘is comprised of people at a variety of ethnoracial “mixtures”.There is no group “history” or culture that all mixed race people share’(DaCosta 2007, 7) Nevertheless, there is growing evidence that Multiracialstudents are beginning to find, even embrace, not only a sense of individualMultiracial identity but also a group affinity around their Multiracial identity(DaCosta 2007).
In this article, I explore the ways in which the increasing presence ofMultiraciality as a racial identification muddies traditional conversationsabout race and education, not just for the sake of increasing an overallawareness of Multiraciality, but also for the benefit of better understandingthe potential impact of this ‘new’ demographic within an educational con-text. While Multiraciality as a notion and an identity has been a subject ofcritique (DaCosta 2007; Sexton 2008; Spencer 2006), I argue that theincreasing adoption and use of Multiracial identity among students is worthengaging in educational discourses. Using a Racial Queer framework(Chang-Ross 2010) and Critical Race Theory (CRT) to analyze qualitativedata, this article highlights the ways in which Multiraciality both disrupts
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and reinforces social constructions of race (Omi and Winant 1994), as ana-lyzed through the Multiracially identified undergraduates’ narratives in thisstudy. In another article, I define Racial Queerness as ‘the deviation frommonoracial categorization, with or without a conscious intent of challengingnormative racial constructions’ (107). I use the term, Racial Queer, to framethe politicized space of the Multiracial individual, conveying queerness,both as a term of empowerment and derogation, as captured by beingMultiracial. Solórzano and Yosso (2002) define Critical Race Methodologyas a theoretically grounded approach to research that considers race andracism as the central themes in all aspects of the research process. As such,Critical Race Methodology challenges traditional research paradigms, texts,and theories used to explain the experiences of students of color andplaces significant value on the intersectionality of multiple oppressions.Together, CRT and Racial Queerness contextualize the conversation aboutMultiraciality.
The term ‘Multiracial’
At this point, I want to make a few points regarding terminology. I do notmake assumptions regarding the term, ‘Multiracial.’ For the purposes of thisstudy, I use the word ‘Multiracial’ to define people of multiple races, inaccordance with the US Census categories. The census is by no means anobjective instrument of measurement. As Rockquemore, Brunsma, andDelgado (2009) assert, ‘The census, as the primary arm of our public racialcategorization system, is not simply a counting of the US population. It is ahighly political apparatus, reflective of social and cultural discourse regard-ing race in the United States’ (30). Omi and Winant emphasize (1994) thatrace is a highly contextualized and historically developed social construction,ever dependent on place, time and politics. So while I do not necessarilyagree with the federally-mandated ethnic/racial categorizations, I employthem for two reasons: (1) to provide consistent terminology for discussion;and (2) to acknowledge that US Census categories are used in federal andstate data collection, particularly in educational institutions. While otherterms, primarily ‘mixed-race’ have been used by prominent scholars acrossdisciplinary fields, including but not limited to: education (Bettez 2012;Gillem, Cohn and Throne 2001; Kich 1992; Renn 2003, 2004; Standen1996; Wallace, 2001; Williams-Leon and Nakashima 2001; Zack 1993,1995), ethnic studies (Anzaldúa and Keating 2002; Nakashima 1992), history(Downing, Nichols and Webster 2005), literary studies (Camper 1994; Elam2011, Funderburg 1994; O’Hearn 1998), psychology (Root 1992), publichealth (Shih and Sanchez 2009), and sociology (Korgen 1998; Sexton 2008;Spencer 2006; Parker and Song 2001; Rockquemore et al. 2009), I adopt theterm ‘Multiracial’ that Parker and Song (2001) explain as a way thatcertain scholars attempt to ‘index a more radical racial pluralism that goes
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beyond a simple black/white binary’ (8). While the term, ‘Multiracial,’grates on some ears, as it is associated with ‘paternalistic governmentalstrategies of the 1970s and 1980s’ (8), the myth of ‘postracialism,’ ‘post-race,’ and ‘colorblindness,’ and with the perpetuation of the socially con-structed notion of race (Omi and Winant 1994), I use the term ‘Multiracial’to signify a semantic distinction with the prefix of ‘multi’ to represent abroader notion of independent racial backgrounds coming together ratherthan mixing with whiteness. I do this because ‘mixed-race’ can oftentimesimply an impurification of whiteness (‘mixing’ blood), privileging whitesuperiority as a reference point to racial categorization. In no way, am Iimplicating scholars who use the term ‘mixed,’ I simply establish my ratio-nale for the terminology in this specific study.
The linguistic term ‘Multiracial’ is not the only controversy when dis-cussing racial categorization. The very existence and assertion of a Multira-cial identity is contentious. Spencer (2006) firmly argues that thebroadening acceptance of black/white Multiracial identity, in particular,comes directly at the expense of African Americans. And, certainly, whileSpencer makes an acute point regarding Multiracial persons who, as part oftheir racial background, consider themselves black – his point does not suf-ficiently take into account (although white privilege plays a part) the varietyof other Multiracial combinations that do not include the black and/or whiterace. Again, I believe that is fair to incorporate both the racist undertonesthat Multiraciality may present as well as the real, lived-experiences ofthose that, whether we agree with it or not, identify as Multiracial. Further-more, educational institutions are now required to report student demograph-ics based on new federal standards that do allow people to choose morethan one racial box. I attempt to engage the contentiousness of the notionof Multiraciality itself by analyzing the experiences of Multiracial collegestudents who, during the time of this study, wrestled with this notion. Whilecertainly not a holistic perspective, this study serves as a small window intothe problematic of Multiraciality within educational discourses.
Multiracial matters
In recent years, and particularly with the events leading to the campaignand US presidential election of Barack Hussein Obama, the son of aKenyan immigrant and white mother, a growing conversation around Multi-racial identity has been ignited (Adjei and Gill 2012; Binning et al. 2009;Daniel 2002; Martin 2008; Rodriguez 2008). The controversy over whetherthe president should embrace the identity of ‘black’ and/or ‘Multiracial’struck at the nerve of identity politics. Either one of these racial identifica-tions would be interpreted as a reflection of his politics and establish his‘ethnic credentials’ (DaCosta 2007).
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Prefacing this historic election, however, media outlets have played amajor role in depicting Multiracial characters in a variety of forms: as symbolsof racial harmony, sex appeal, exoticism and science fiction miracles. Forexample, Keanu Reeves, is a prominent example of the archetypal Multiracialcharacter. In movies like, ‘The Matrix’, he is the ethnically ambiguous saviorof the future world of chaos and darkness. Halle Berry is another famousexample of a character that is known for her sexual appeal and exotic aura.Tiger Woods’ self-identification as ‘Cablinasian’ became a classic term, estab-lishing an all-inclusive assertion of his racial identification. In Multifacial1, ashort film about the real-life challenges that a Multiracial actor (Vin Diesel)faces as he auditions for various roles in New York City, the director gives theaudience a glimpse into the ways in which Multiracial actors are positioned to‘act out’ pieces of their racial identity (as a black man, as an Italian man, as aLatino), dependent on the role. In a poignant climactic scene in the film, VinDiesel performs a moving monologue about his Multiracial identity to a panelof casting agents. While they are visibly moved by the tender and rich audi-tion, they can only share how impressed they are, however, they ‘pass’ on himbecause no roles exist for such a ‘complicated’ racial script. Diesel is escortedout of the room, given a token pat on the back and is sent off with a ‘goodluck’ look and directions to the exit. Such a scene is symbolically replicated inthe lives of Multiracial students on a daily basis and are particularly prominenton university campuses. Multiracial students are, in many ways, on a constantcasting call. They show up to classes, social functions, political meetings,dates, places of business, job interviews and the like, only to be sized up andracially cast by a panel of or individual peers, professors, administrators, com-munity members, and strangers.
Williams (2006) perhaps captures the phenomenon of Multiraciality bestin her own research when she states:
In other words, over the last decade Multiracialism has emerged as a topic ofpublic discussion, and ‘Multiracial’ has become a recognizable social categoryand mode of identification. In the 1990’s, organizations for interracial familiesand mixed race people were loosely organized, only partially aware of eachother, and relatively short-lived. While many remain short-lived, collectiveorganizing by people identifying as Multiracial has continued, has becomemore interconnected, ad has entered new institutional domains. What wasonce largely ignored (how the children of interracial unions identify racially),treated as taboo (interracial sex and intimacy), or thought not to exist (Multi-racial community) is now receiving considerable attention and becoming partof the cultural mainstream. (3)
The commercialization of Multiraciality, especially through the appearanceof Multiracial persons in advertisements, television shows and magazinescould even give the impression that ‘Generation E.A.’ (ethnicallyambiguous) is fashionable.
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However, let me not give the impression that Multiraciality is simply atrendy, commercialized tool to make race more palatable. According to2010 Census data, the Multiracial population comprised nearly nine million,or 2.9% of the US population – a 32% increase from the 2000 Census(when the ability to check more than one race was re-introduced). In 1997,the Office of Management and Budget published new revised standards forthe collection of data on race and ethnicity. In accordance with these stan-dards, the US Department of Education published final guidance (72 Fed.Reg. 59,267) on the collection and reporting of racial and ethnic data byeducational institutions and other grantees, allowing individuals to self-iden-tify their ethnicity and race, and permitting individuals to select more thanone race and/or ethnicity.
This change has the potential to impact education practices in a varietyof ways. It can certainly allow more students to more accurately reflect theirracial and ethnic composition by not limiting responses to only one racialor ethnic category and by expanding respondent options to seven categories(American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, black or African American,Hispanic, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, white, and Two orMore Races). This change has already prompted changes to the educationinformation systems of state agencies, school districts, and post-secondaryinstitutions across the country and, in this way, presents reliability issues incomparing previous census data information (which did include suchlimitations). Such requirements for data collection, processing and subse-quent policymaking indicate a significant shift in the way that educationalcommunities make sense of and implement decisions based upon race andethnicity.
The study
Scholarship around Multiracial identity or mixed-race students within thefield of education has seen an increase in the past decade, with substantialfoci on non-US countries such as, although certainly not limited to: SouthAfrica (McKinney 2007), Australia (Dolby 2010), Canada (Adjei et al. 2012;Tarc 2013) and the United Kingdom (Caballero et al. 2007; Warmington2009). And while scholars (DaCosta 2007; Spencer 2006; Wallace2001; Williams 2006; Winters and DeBose 2002) have also addressed theissue of Multiracial identity in the US, it has largely been approached theo-retically-generally problematizing, deconstructing and critiquing Multiracialidentity as counterproductive to matters of racial equality, a privileging ofwhiteness and a damaging reiteration of social constructions of race (Spencer2006). Simultaneously, those scholars who have studied Multiracial studentsin the US have conducted qualitative studies using identity modelsthat explain the processes through which Multiracial students come tounderstand their identities. In contrast to this research, I use a Racial Queer
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framework (Chang-Ross 2010) to explore the ways in which 25 Multiracialundergraduate narratives question how Multiracial identification disrupts andreinforces our discourses on race and education. The data discussed comefrom a study conducted in the 2007–2008 academic year at a higher educa-tion institution where an officially registered Multiracial student group wasexperiencing challenges of mission, participation and activism in its develop-ment. Given that campus environments are ripe sites of self-inquiry andidentity formation (Hardiman and Jackson 2006), I felt that my researchwould lend itself well in this context.
Theoretical framework
In this article, I use the theory of Racial Queerness (Chang-Ross 2010) andCRT to examine the narratives of Multiracial college students at CentralUniversity (pseudonym) to frame what I believe to be an impending discus-sion about Multiraciality in educational discourse. I define Racial Queernessas:
… the deviation from monoracial categorization, with or without a consciousintent of challenging normative racial constructions. I suggest that, while thenotion of racial queerness embodies the challenges that arise from queeringthe monoracial norm, it can most notably be employed as an instrument ofpersonal agency. I propose that racial queerness can be a compelling lensfrom which to examine Multiracial experiences. (Chang-Ross 2010, 107)
I use the term, Racial Queer, to frame the politicized space of the Multira-cial individual, conveying queerness, both as a term of empowerment andderogation, as captured by being Multiracial. Drawing from Sullivan (2003)and Anzaldúa’s (1987) definitions of queerness, Chang-Ross (2010) adoptsthe notion that queerness extends beyond its origins in sexuality to all actsof counterhegemony. I suggest that some Multiracial individuals:
… remain ‘closeted’ with regards to their Multiracial background due to thehigh stakes which this identification may raise. Specifically, this raw racialexposure could result in repudiation from others, an ambiguously uneasysocial position and/or an abrupt departure from monoracial identification – allfraught with potential interruptions of the alternative ease that can come withMultiracial individuals identifying as monoracial. (111)
Solórzano and Yosso (2002) define Critical Race Methodology as a theo-retically grounded approach to research that considers race and racism asthe central themes in all aspects of the research process. As such, CriticalRace Methodology challenges traditional research paradigms, texts, and the-ories used to explain the experiences of students of color and places signifi-cant value on the intersectionality of multiple oppressions. Central toCritical Race Methodology is its interdisciplinary approach to better
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understand the experiences of students of color accompanied by therecognition of experiential knowledge, the challenge to dominant ideologiesand a steadfast commitment to social justice. Storytelling, ‘a tool to “coun-ter” deficit storytelling offers space to conduct and present researchgrounded in the experiences and knowledge of people of color’ (Solórzanoand Yosso p. 2002), is used to counter ‘monovocal’ stories that become‘master narratives’ or ‘majoritarian stories’ which we all participate in.Counter-stories are defined as a method of telling the stories of marginalizedpeoples. They disrupt the otherwise dominant discourse.
Within this study, the monovocal stories are monoracial ones and themajoritarian story is one of whiteness and racial authenticity. So, stories inwhich monoracial identities are the norm seem natural while Multiracialones are seen as disruptions to this master narrative. Using Critical RaceMethodology allowed me to analyze ‘new’ Multiracial counter-stories byfocusing on the ever-present salience of race, challenging the monoracialparadigm as the sole vehicle for racial identification, and by placing signifi-cant value on the multiple oppressions that are specific to Multiracial stu-dents.
The value of counter-storytelling lies in the power of ‘naming one’s ownreality’ (Delgado 1995), rather than having it designated and told from theperspective of another, a likely dominant other. The role as research or co-storyteller, is representative of much more than an individual narrator. Theco-storyteller can relay a community experience. This study used the meth-odological tools of story construction and telling to relay Multiracial narra-tives. Specifically (as detailed above), Delgado Bernal (1998) points out thesources of cultural intuition in educational research: research data, existingliterature (both traditional and non-traditional texts), the researcher’s profes-sional and personal experiences (including multiple voices of family andfriends).
In my mind, such narratives serve three purposes in research – to pro-vide in-depth data about the participants in the study that quantitative datafails to provide (the ‘new’ knowledge that the researcher gains in order toconduct the study), to fulfill the researcher’s ‘need to know’ (Reinharz1992) about some intangibility (what the researcher desires to know), and toempower the study participants by providing a voice-space, a location fromwhich to hear their own stories and craft their own self-perception (what theparticipant conscientiously and inadvertently gains).
Important to note is that Multiracial identities always exist within theconstructs of whiteness and interest-convergence that impact how Multira-cial students chose to racially identify at any given time. The languagewhich the participants used regarding racial norms and stereotypes reflectsthe internalized colonization and notions of white supremacy. By describingtheir identities as partial or incomplete, the participants suggest that white-ness is the ultimate referent in defining racial identity.
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Identity politics aside, students will continue to assert their Multiracialidentity and the ways in which educators respond or fail to respond to thisracial identification have the potential to leave an impact on students’ selfperceptions, both personally and academically. I hope that this article willprovide a basis for thought-provoking discussions that ‘queer’ the alreadyrobust discourse of education and race.
Methods
This qualitative study was designed to address the following research ques-tion: How do Multiracially-identified college students come to understandand experience their racialized identities within a predominantly white insti-tution? Participants were identified through snowball sampling (Patton1990), posted announcements throughout campus and individual emails andnarratives were collected through semi-structured interviews (Fontana andFrey 2000) and three focus groups. This combination of recruitmenttechniques proved particularly helpful for Multiracial college studentsbecause they were difficult to access in that there was not an obvious site of
Table 1. Participants’ racial self-identification.
Participant Racial self-identification
DeeDee Black, whiteJonathan Asian American, Jewish, Indian, Filipino & Cape MalaysMay Mexican, Thai, Italian, ChineseSolomon Mexican, white, Irish, ArmenianMelissa Chinese, whiteLadybug Nigerian, whiteMarie Mexican American, Chicana, ItalianCarolyn Mexican, blackMohinder Thai, IndianAmber Black, whiteLizzy Mexican, whiteBetty Mexican, white, AmericanAugust Black, FilipinaKamina Mexican, AlgerianJodi Black, Native American, Italian, Portuguese, FrenchRobert Mexican, whiteHeather Black, FilipinaMarissa Black, white, Native American, CreoleAlison Asian, whiteMandy Asian, whiteSteff Mexican, ChineseXochi Mexican, whiteTaylor Black, whiteLuz Mexican, ChineseKatrina Japanese, black
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socializing, studying or the like among them. Unlike monoracial communi-ties, it was much more challenging to find actual spaces where Multiracialpeople meet (if they did at all). Participants were current or recent undergrad-uates at Central University (pseudonym) who self-identified as Multiracial.
I chose to conduct individual interviews using an ethnographic approachthat spoke to ‘how we know what we know’ (Crotty 2005, 8), involvingwhat Ladson-Billings (1994) describes as ‘a good conversation’ with theparticipants. A total of 25 students agreed to be interviewed (Table 1). Thelength of the interviews varied from 45 minutes to 1.5 hours (or longer),dependent on the comfort level of the participants and/or how much he/shewas interested in sharing. The initial interview protocol included:
(1) How do you think about yourself?(2) How do you describe yourself?(3) Would you describe yourself in different ways/different terms on
occasion?(4) How do you think others perceive/have perceived you?(5) What are your thoughts on the term, ‘Multiraciality’?(6) Do you currently identify in a specific way as it pertains to your
racial/ethnic/cultural background?(7) Do you know how your family members identify?(8) What racial categorization box(es) do you check on forms? How do
you make that decision?(9) Do you feel a stronger affiliation with one particular race? Why or
why not?
Follow-up interviews included questions about themes raised in theinitial interviews. Participants often expanded upon their thoughts from theinitial interview, having had additional time to digest their initial responses,talking more about their heightened observations of their racial self-percep-tions and the ways that they felt others perceived them. All interviews weredigitally recorded with participant permission and pseudonyms were used indocumenting the data.
Additionally, I conducted three focus groups (Denzin 1986; Fontana andFrey 2000; Madriz 2000) in order to provide participants with a venue fordiscussion about Multiracial identity. I used focus groups to build commu-nity among the Multiracial participants and to observe how they processeddiscussion about identity development among peers that shared a ‘similar’Multiracial identity. I thought it would be beneficial for the participants tobe able to share their feelings, attitudes and ideas in an environment wherethey could compare and contrast other vantage points within the ‘same’context. Participants seemed to enjoy these sessions because they expressedhow rare it was to find a group of students on campus willing to discusstheir Multiracial identity in a group setting. Focus groups were open to all
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participants but separate from the actual interviews. The focus groups lastedbetween one hour and 1.5 hours. I served as the facilitator of the focusgroups (beginning the conversation, ensuring equitable participation amongparticipants, asking my own questions) primarily using questions producedby participants. I chose to facilitate the group because, on some level, I feltobligated to define the parameters and climate of the discussion space.These focus groups were digitally recorded and transcribed.
In the data collection process, I informed participants of the purpose ofthe study and procured consent for the use of their stories. Names havebeen changed to pseudonyms. Because first and last names were particularlymeaningful, as they oftentimes connoted a students’ Multiracial background,I carefully chose pseudonyms that attempted to reflect the origin of the stu-dent’s names while also maintaining the participants’ anonymity. Certainly,the pseudonyms I chose were not always accurate representations of theiroriginal names, however, the participants’ names proved to be important tothe students’ overall experiences and so I proceeded with caution and rele-vance. Any additional identifying information was concealed for the privacyand protection of the participants.
While this study yielded findings that helped me better understand theways in which Multiraciality disrupts and reinforces educational discourses,it was also limited in its participant pool, scope and location. The partici-pant pool was limited to one university in a specific region in the UnitedStates and, therefore, was physically and culturally located within thoseparameters. Because the number of participants (n=25) was small, the studyonly captured a sliver of Multiracial students’ experiences and does not rep-resent Multiracial individuals or students at large. In this article, rather thanfocus on the actual identity production of these particular students, I use thisas a group case study situated in a specific context, to show the potentialimplications that may exist for educational discourses where race is a centraltopic. In other words, this study provides a window into a conversation thathas growth potential.
I coded the data using ATLASti, a qualitative data collection workbench,and sorted for emergent themes. Initially, I utilized theme analysis (Spradley1979) to identify themes, and then employed methods from CRT in order toprovide a more in-depth analysis. While there was an array of themes thatemerged within these counter-stories, I chose to focus on four primarythemes that seemed to best frame the overall experiences of the participants.The article is organized into the following sections: (1) Racial rubrics; (2)The disruption of monoracial rubrics; (3) Multiracial entitlement and thereinforcement of racial production; and (4) Addressing Multiracial identityin educational discourse.
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Racial rubrics
Racial rubrics exist because we recognize, through our approaches to raciallabeling and differentiation that our phenotype, customs, movements, lin-guistic characteristics, class, sexuality, religion/spiritual beliefs, eating hab-its, schooling, interests, hobbies, educational background, familyrelationships, choices and nuances position us in distinct, often separate,boxes in the continuum of racial authenticity. No single person or groupauthors the racial rubric, rather it is a product of an evolution of markers ofracial identification that can change over time and ebb and flow withinone’s life. The way in which we interact with others accompanied by theways in which others respond to our interactions determine where we fall inthe racial rubric. Racial rubrics are not absolute – they can take on differentforms and meanings depending on the person who utilizes it to place others.What may be one person’s racial rubric maybe completely opposed toanother’s, slightly vary or align in some areas while not in others. The pointhere is that racial rubrics are utilized in an attempt to determine oneanother’s racial authenticity, political affiliation, and cultural loyalties. Sub-sequently where one falls in a racial rubric determines the extent of a Multi-racial student’s trustworthiness, genuineness and integrity.
The disruption of monoracial rubrics
In this section, I focus on the ways in which students distinguished them-selves or were distinguished from monoracial students throughout theirexperiences and the subsequent manner in which these experiences high-lighted the disruption of monoracial rubrics. Early memories of schoolingand interactions with family members played especially significant roles inthe students’ outlooks on the meaning of race and their positions within thespectrum of racial categorization. DeeDee, who identifies as African Ameri-can and white, frames Multiracial identified students in the following way:
We’ve been put in this place where we’re neither one or the other we’veformed whatever we’ve wanted to form. We’ve created whatever we’vewanted to create. I don’t have a racial rubric to follow so I’ve just been sortof creative as far as how I am going to be as a person.
This notion of a racial rubric raised by DeeDee and which many of us inK-16 will identify with as part of the jargon of educational assessment andpractice, was particularly compelling in that it literally brought racial identityand educational practices to an intersection. I thought that this term captureda critical reference point with regards to discussions around racial identityand education. Drawing from the data, I came to define racial rubrics asassessment tools and/or measures used to standardize and rate racialacceptability on the basis of individuals’ daily interactions with others, as
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perceived through phenotype, power and privilege. Unlike monoracial stu-dents who experience this type of sizing up or evaluation of their ‘ethnic cre-dentials’ (DaCosta 2007), what the students in this study emphasized wastheir awareness and use of multiple sets of racial rubrics which they werescrutinized under, dependent upon how they were racially perceived. AsElam and Krasner (2011) aptly suggest, definitions of race ‘fundamentallydepend on the relationship between the unseen and the seen, between the vis-ibly marked and unmarked, between the “real” and the illusionary’ (4) Dee-Dee claimed that, because of her Multiracial background, ‘I don’t have aracial rubric to follow.’ This suggests that by identifying as Multiracial, sheagentically took on a certain less-inhibited freedom ‘as far as how I am goingto be as a person.’ Another way of phrasing that might be that she did not fit,follow and/or broke out of the boxes of the typical, monoracial rubric. Shesaw herself as within, outside of and creating something new relative to thatrubric. DeeDee was not alone in her ideas regarding the racial rubric. Otherparticipants shared a similar notion, albeit in different terms and contexts.
Amber, who identified as black and white, shared a struggle thatbecame more pronounced once she moved out of her house and went toCentral University where she ‘really found my black identity, where herroommates taught her how to straighten my hair, wrap my hair at night andtook me to black church.’ While Amber noted that she felt affirmed andmore comfortable ‘learning how to act the way my black friends wanted meto act,’ she also felt that ‘at the same time, it got more confusing.’ Sheexplained:
I had to switch up my actions when I was with my white grandparents andthen with my black grandparents. I became closer to my black family becauseI could connect more with them. I know that at my white grandparents’house, we will eat on good china, listen to classical music, discuss currentevents, play a game afterwards. At my black grandparents, it’s loud, buffet-style, football game, come as you go type of thing.
The expectations placed upon Amber by her black friends, white familyand black family members were drawn from what Amber understood astwo separate racial rubrics, the black racial rubric and the white racialrubric. At the same time, she pondered what it would be like to ‘formmy identity without including or including all my family members,would I be able to form my identity the way I wanted to?’ Anotherway of looking at this would be that Amber was considering the creationof her own racial rubric which would deconstruct the two monoracialrubrics or simply reinvent a racial rubric more appropriate to her self-identity, where her code-switching (Debose 1992) was strength-basedrather than deficit-based.
Marie, a self-identified Chicana and white woman, discussed herMultiracial identity in the following way, ‘I think it’s going to be hard to
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get out of these columns – it’s more like a border space, an amorphousspace.’ The columns she referred to could be likened to boxes on DeeDee’sracial rubric. Marie went on to note, ‘I kind of see myself as ambiguous,adaptable, but still a Chicana through and through. I am definitely moreaware of the different facets of my identity.’ In this instance, Marie placedherself on the Chicana racial rubric, ‘still a Chicana through and through,’yet ‘adaptable.’ This adaptability to adjust to new identities and contextsechoed DeeDee’s feeling of racial versatility. Rather than seeing this ‘ambi-guity’ as a watering-down of one’s racial authenticity or even, as a markerof shame or embarrassment, Marie envisioned a melding that embodied herstruggle with her identity but also her desire to accept its contradictions.Marie primarily identified as Chicana (she is Mexican and Italian), however,her phenotypical features are fair skin, Italian-like facial features (as sheperceives them) and thin-build. Therefore, as she claimed, her Mexicanidentity is not immediately discernible to others as she describes in thefollowing example.
It’s still kind of ongoing recognition that outsiders don’t recognize that Chi-cano identity is my identity. I think I remember even during my freshmanyear, my mentor had just had my email address so they could only see myname which was [email protected] [pseudonym] and when my mentorsaw me it caught him off guard. All throughout I grappled with that, kind ofnot comfortable with my own skin in a way. It’s just coming to terms withthe Multiracial identity. I would be in tears in high school and even before,with the ‘who am I?’ essential dilemma. And now it’s about embracing thecontradiction of it.
This ‘embracing the [racial] contradiction’ breaks the mold of monoracialrubrics which disallow for this kind of contradiction/ambiguity, reiteratingAnzaldúa’s (1987) New Mestiza consciousness, which embodies a mecha-nism which ‘copes by developing a tolerance for contradictions, a tolerancefor ambiguity’ (79). Indeed, it is in the students’ Racial Queerness (Chang-Ross 2010) that this tolerance deconstructs the rigidity of the monoracialrubrics.
Nicole similarly described the ways in which her phenotype didn’t quitefit with the black racial rubric. Identifying as Mexican and black, Nicolediscussed her sense of being perceived as ‘not fully black’ by her peers. Inthe following excerpt, she relayed the first time she attended a black studentgroup meeting on campus and the type of reception she received.
I wouldn’t necessarily say there are issues on campus in the black communityaround Multiraciality. I know I went to an AASA meeting, an African Ameri-can Student Alliance meeting, and I didn’t like it. Personally, I didn’t like itbecause I felt like they were saying, ‘she’s bright, what is she doing here, sheis not fully black.’ And it’s not like, ‘she’s just not black, she’s bright, but,she’s mixed.’ Some of the officers – I just always got looks from them, like,
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‘what are you doing here?’ That was just me – I might just be paranoid butthat’s just how I felt about it.
Nicole got the sense that because of her noticeably light skin (bright), shewas seen as not only partially black but also ‘uppity’. And, although shemade it a point to say that she ‘might just be paranoid,’ she was not alonein this sentiment. Many of the participants revealed their feelings of eitheroutright suspicion/rejection from fellow students who saw them as raciallydeficient because of their Multiracial identity. Nicole pointed to the fact thatshe was seen as different and as one who didn’t belong, precisely becauseof her Multiracial background. In the black racial rubric, one could say thatNicole fell into a defined category – the bright, mixed black girl. For some,however, this categorization was not necessarily as clear-cut.
Betty Gutierrez identified as Mexican and white. She expressed that shedid not fall squarely within the Mexican or white rubric but felt ‘resentful’toward her father for not emphasizing her Mexican background. She told itthis way:
I think people think I may be Mexican but they are not sure. People thinkthat if they ask about it, it will be offensive. No one really talks about ethnic-ity except in the classroom. I wish they would ask. One guy thought I wasFilipina. There was a lot of confusion. The people who know me say I lookwhite but people who don’t know me tend to guess I am Mexican. I thinkmy friends think I have a very Anglo lifestyle. Being middle class, living inthe suburbs, watching MTV and VH1. I know I am anglicized. Since I don’tfit the Mexican stereotype, they don’t perceive me as being Mexican. I feelguilty about being anglicized. I was resentful toward my dad for a whilebecause he never talked about being Mexican nor did he pass anything on.
There was a difference, according to her, between the way that strangersperceived her and the way in which people she knew understood her. Inother words, without knowing her behaviors outright, she claimed that peo-ple would classify her as Mexican based on her physical features, whereas,those who were familiar with her ‘Anglo lifestyle’ saw her as white. Shefell in differing places within the racial rubrics, dependent upon a person’slevel of knowledge regarding her mores. Her behavior was indexical ofclaims in relationships with others as was her apprehension to share herracial identity fully (Holland et al. 1998). This difference in perceptions isuseful in understanding the complex ways in which Multiracial studentsexperienced their racial identity because it illustrates that the participants’identities had many dimensions and respective consequences. The conceptof the racial rubric allows Multiracial students to place themselves on a con-tinuum that, though not necessarily accurate, is still a validation of theirexperiences. The act of naming one’s experience and/or situating oneself ona continuum, for good or bad, legitimizes the experience as real and tangi-ble. The identification of language and location is an act or authorization; as
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long as the experience can be named and located, the experience is certi-fied.
August Tolley, who identified as black and Filipina, echoed Betty’svarying classifications in differing racial rubrics. In the black community,she felt that she was perceived ‘as a white girl.’ Within her Filipino com-munity, she was perceived as black which was equated to being American.This ambiguity with regards to where she fell on the racial rubric, sheclaimed, gave her ‘a bit more freedom’ with her personality. At the sametime, she embraced this difference and felt that she had ‘a bit more freedombecause of [her] biraciality.’ In her words,
Black folks will say that I sound like a white girl. I get put off because Idon’t act black and talk black. I am not your stereotypical black person. I justsee that stuff as stereotypes of black people. The majority of blacks act a cer-tain way so we are all expected to act that way. Every now and then. My dadonce told me on the phone that I sound like a white girl and I was like okay.Once a friend of mine called the house and told me the same thing. I don’tlike that stereotype. It’s dumb. I usually brush it off. I don’t follow any partic-ular stereotype. I just like that I am different. I don’t follow the stereotype oflistening to black music – I actually like rock music. For a lot of my actions,I think I have a bit more freedom because of my biraciality.
Interestingly, while Multiracial participants repeated the idea of somehowbeing increasingly flexible or free with their racial identification, in manyways, these same participants heavily relied on these racial rubrics to under-stand and, as we will see in the next section, define their own Multiracialidentity.
Multiracial entitlement and the reinforcement of racial production
Overall, I found that Multiracial college students’ testimonios, which ‘pres-ent the life of a person whose experiences, while unique, extend beyondher/him to represent the group of which she/he is a member’ (Haig-Brown2003), echoed notions of distinctness from monoracial experiences that wereoften isolating, coupled with a certain agentic opportunity to assert a Multi-racial identity that was less constrained by monoracial rubrics. Studentsexpressed that they enjoyed recognizing their full racial identity, not havingto choose just one. Carolyn, who identified as Mexican and white explainedthis sentiment when she described a book that she read about a Multiracialperson:
The part that I liked the most was when the author was forced to choosebetween the black group and the white group in her college experience. Shesaid if she could go back in time she wouldn’t choose at all. Instead, shewould make her own group.
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Carolyn notes that rather than choosing from a monoracial rubric, she pre-ferred the idea of the author creating or reproducing a rubric that she couldmake ‘her own.’ It was precisely in this in-between space of racial identitywhere students seemed to feel most acceptable. For Solomon, the realizationof not having to adhere to a monoracial rubric came in a college class:
It occurred to me that there was a racial middle, not just white and black. Inanother class, I remember reading a book that really spoke to me. It wasabout checking boxes on forms and how leaving a space on forms to fill outrather than checking one box would save us from having to check ‘other.’
This notion of being able to fill in a space on a form rather than a predeter-mined monoracial box was an attractive option because it provided a literaland figurative space to claim a full racial identity. At the same time, thesefeelings of affirmation were underscored by a sense of Multiracial entitle-ment. Solomon, who identifies as white and Mexican, explained how he felta right and a certain satisfaction with claiming a Multiracial identity.
I like having a racial label I can identify with. At one of the Central U sum-mer bridge activities, we participated in a fishbowl exercise, where we werein the fishbowl when our racial identity was called out while the other stu-dents looked into the bowl. I walked into the Hispanic group and everybodytalked about something and I could relate. I walked into the white group andI could relate. Then I walked into the Multiracial group and I liked that one alot more because that was the one time during the activity where I actuallyspoke. I felt like I had the right to say something. When I was in the otherracial identity groups, I just stood around, waiting.
Participants expressed their feelings of entitlement and/or pride in their Mul-tiracial identity. Specifically, students appreciated when others did notassume their racial background or place them in a monoracial rubric. May,who identifies as Mexican, Thai and Chinese said:
One of the special questions I did get was, was I Multiracial – which is aquestion I never get. This happened here at Central, I went to the psychologybuilding and the advisor was able to identify me as Multiracial. It was astranger – she said I had really unique qualities in my face and it made mefeel really good that she could identify that. I wasn’t categorized right awayby her into one group. To actually be seen as who I am and not be catego-rized as Asian or Mexican on first sight. This meant a lot to me because peo-ple don’t usually bother to look closely beyond physical markers.
Multiracial entitlement, then, is, in many ways, an iteration of racial rubric,so while Multiracial students challenged and, in some ways, resented themonoracial rubric, in many ways, they seemed to be setting up their owncategorizations of Multiracial authenticity. Who is Multiracial? Isn’t every-one Multiracial? Who gets to ‘qualify’ as Multiracial? These are questions
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that were raised throughout my conversations with participants. As Maydeclared, ‘so, are you Multiracial just because you think you are?’ Race is asocial construction after all – does Multiraciality just add to this or is it alegitimate identity and who gets to be the judge of that nomination? Thetheme of Multiracial entitlement originated with May’s discussion of a closefriend of hers – one who wanted to claim that she was Multiracial but, inMay’s eyes, did not meet the requirements for such an identification.
Once in a college class, we had to do our final project on identity. My friend,Tara, told me she was Multiracial too because she found some distant Frenchrelative. I was angry because she didn’t go through what I went through. Idon’t know if it’s bad that I want to close off the Multiracial category but Idon’t consider her Multiracial at all. I guess I think of it this way. If an Italianlives in Thailand, would he be Thai and I guess the answer is yes because it’spart of his culture but with Tara, French is not part of her culture. She neverexperienced racism or judgment because of her distant French relative. I thinkexperiencing racism is part of the Multiracial experience. I am Chinese but Idon’t really claim that term because I am not familiar with the culture at all.This is weird. To me, Tara was trying to claim this term that I barely foundout about, that helps me describe myself and what I’ve been through mywhole life. Multiraciality is something she felt she could only claim throughher lineage rather than her experience, her exposure. I felt more entitled tothe label than she was. That’s what my thought was.
May passionately expressed her anger and frustration regarding her friend’sattempt to claim Multiracial identity as her own. While May had ethnicallyambiguous features and a name that solicited questions and confusion fromoutsiders, Tara, her friend, had always identified as Latina. May suggestedthat Tara was only claiming Multiracial identity as a way of being trendy orunique, when, to May, Tara had no real sense of the meaning or implica-tions of Multiracial identity. For Tara, however, Multiracial identity wasladen with meaning, emotions and self-definition. Multiracial identity wasnot an identity to claim lightly. Multiracial entitlement, then, was a person’sbelief that he or she was entitled to claim Multiracial identity as a result ofone’s distinct daily lived experiences, both positive and negative, rather thansolely based on one’s lineage. The key here is that specific experienceslinked students to Multiracial identity. By specific experiences, I don’t meanto imply that there are essentialist benchmark experiences that all Multira-cial students face. Rather, to claim Multiracial identity, May suggested that,to some extent, a certain Multiracial consciousness must be present. Multira-cial pride emerged from this sense of entitlement, and was demonstratedthrough students’ satisfaction or joy with making that claim. Participants feltproud, torn, and entitled to their Multiracial identity even though its mereexistence reinforced traditional monoracial rubrics. Jonathan, who identifiedas Asian American, Jewish, Indian, Filipino & Cape Malays, articulated the
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danger that lies in Multiraciality becoming yet another iteration of a racialrubric.
Multiraciality can do two things. Just that if people see that you on a societallevel say oh everyone’s mixing, everyone’s producing this new beige coloreveryone’s going to be beige, we aren’t going to have any racism at all andso it gives you a false sense of, well, now we’re past this and we can nowstart the race and everyone is at the same starting line. In that way, it can bedamaging but it’s good in the sense that it fights colorblind racism becauseyou have people who have one parent as white and another that is black –that person can look and say well my white family does all of this and myblack family does all of this. In my case, I don’t think I’ve been able to dothat because both of my parents were immigrants and so we don’t have aconnection to the established position here in the US but if you have one par-ent who is in the established group and one who isn’t, you can definitelydraw a distinction between how one group is treated and the other.
In other words, post-racialism and colorblindness could be the iteration of aracial rubric and could serve to undermine everything that has beenachieved.
Implications: Addressing Multiracial identity in educational discourse
This study’s findings add to the growing literature around students that iden-tify as Multiracial within the US. While Multiraciality has largely beenapproached theoretically-generally problematizing the notion of Multiraciali-ty as a privileging of whiteness and a damaging reiteration of social con-structions of race, this study’s findings bring Multiraciality to a practicalforefront where students who identify as such indicate their everyday nego-tiations with this racial identification. By taking Multiraciality beyond theabstraction of a notion to be critiqued and analyzed, these participantsstretch the limits of theoretical rumination into real life implications specifi-cally within an educational context. Whereas scholars who have studiedMultiracial students in the US have conducted studies using traditional iden-tity models that explain the processes through which Multiracial studentscome to understand their identities, this study adopted a combination ofCRT and Racial Queerness to analytically frame the narratives of Multiracialstudents. By illustrating the politicized space of Multiracial individuals,these findings suggest a complex negotiation as articulated through RacialQueerness – conveying experiences that are both empowering and derogat-ing, suggesting a potential site of agency, sometimes counterhegemonic –which Multiracial students enact in their regular yet arguably extraordinaryracialized lives.
As the participants in this study indicated, while Multiraciality certainlydisrupts the monoracial discourse, it can also reinforce positivistic notionsof racial authenticity. Students in this study expressed their pride in the
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uniqueness of their Multiracial identity and simultaneously relied on rubric-like measurements to establish traits that comprised an ‘authentic’ Multira-cial identity. Indeed, it appeared that students reveled in attaching a labeland/or naming their experience. This, of course, was ultimately ironic inthat the students expressed disdain toward monoracial rubrics while rein-forcing those very rubrics by creating their own Multiracial rubric.
So how does this apply to overall discourse around race and education?Simply, what this study illustrates are the ways in which Multiraciality pre-sents a complex notion which can translate into a modification of educa-tional practices. If Multiracial students see themselves as different frommonoracial students in their experiences, and continue to be impacted bytheir schooling experiences (what educational community members say ordon’t say about Multiracial identity), fail to see themselves represented inthe everyday curriculum, and are struggling with perceptions of self-identitywhich are race-conscious – these are all important reasons that support whywe need to address Multiracial identity in racial discourse. It is importantfor educators and scholars to reflect on the ways in which they discuss raceand how they do or do not incorporate Multiracial experiences into theirteaching and research practices. Oftentimes, the hidden curriculum (Apple2000) is most prominent in the unacknowledged. So, for Multiracial stu-dents, some of the things educators might consider are: remembering thatthere are students who may not identify as monoracial and may feel unac-knowledged when the classroom discussion/activity is limited to monoracialdiscourses; creating classroom discussion/activity which is increasing inclu-sive; articulating that race is a social construction and a complex notionwhich is fluid, dynamic and ever-changing; acknowledging our own limita-tions as educators insofar as our knowledge about race and its nuances;soliciting insights from students in the classroom; and doing everythingwithin our power to remain lifelong learners by reading, attending profes-sional development sessions and actively listening to those that are betterinformed about these issues.
Connected to this idea of opening the race discussion is the importanceof understanding the impact of schooling experiences, particularly interac-tions with teachers, students and family members on Multiracial students.Educators are in a unique position to empower or damage students’ self-perceptions (Kohli and Solórzano 2012). The little things matter. Multiracialstudents talked about the way they were singled out as a token Multiracialstudent – that’s not something we want to replicate. Instead, as educatorswe can find ways to integrate all students’ identities into our classroom cul-ture, whether they are physically represented in our classrooms or not. Pay-ing attention to the nuances of race like acknowledging that our presidentsometimes identifies as such, that racial identity can mean different thingsto different people, that the goal here is to not just tolerate and accept butto respect and understand others’ identities. After all, this type of teaching
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goes beyond identity politics – it embraces that globalization is a fact andnot a choice. We must learn about these nuances because we are a worldfilled with nuanced people and in order to be successful anywhere, we mustvalue people everywhere.
Given this understanding, it is critical that we not conflate Multiracialityand colorblindness. They are not the same thing, not even close. Multiraci-ality, in fact, brings race into a much more focused perspective. Rather thanwater down or make race obsolete, it does the opposite. Multiracial studentsnoted that their experiences were problematized by their Multiracial back-ground and that this problematic served as a point of reflection and criticalengagement with their self-identity and worldview. At one point, one of thestudents pointed out that the danger of Multiraciality would be that we arethen all considered ‘beige,’ meaning that rather than keep independent iden-tities intact, it would erase and somehow bland the multifaceted compositionof their identities. Multiraciality confounds because race, in whatever itera-tion, is complicated. And, therein, lies the crux of the issue – the notion ofMultiraciality, in all of its complexity, supports socially just and raciallyconscious pedagogy. What remains clear is that race continues to be a criti-cal aspect of students’ self-perceptions and academic experiences. As thisstudy seems to indicate, educators must continue to bring race as well asother social identities to the forefront of our pedagogical practices in aneffort to be increasingly inclusive.
Note1. Diesel. (1999)
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