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Breen, H. & Hing, N. (online 28-02-14). Life course analysis of gambling trajectories: An Indigenous Australian study. International Gambling Studies.

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14459795.2014.891636.

Life course analysis of gambling trajectories: An Indigenous Australian study

Abstract

Traditional card gambling is a culturally acceptable recreational activity for generations of

Indigenous Australians. Commercial gambling activities are popular as well. This study drew

on a life course approach and a sample of 57 Indigenous Australian people to examine their

gambling trajectories over time that resulted in recreational gambling or in disordered

gambling. To gain in-depth insight into various gambling trajectories, this study used an

interpretative phenomenological methodology. At early childhood, teenage, young adult and

mature adult stages, major gambling influences appeared as dependence, independence,

timing of major shifts and transitions, and rationalisation, respectively. The study showed that

being a recreational or disordered gambler was a shifting or fluctuating position, subject to

transitions and events in people’s lives rather than a one-way path in either direction. Within

a complex cultural environment, the dynamic interplay between social density, context and

individual choice appear to influence gambling trajectories for these Indigenous Australians.

Introduction

A life course approach is an interdisciplinary framework increasingly used to guide social

science research into human behaviour (Elder, 1994; Wingens, de Valk, Windzio, & Aybek,

2011). Life course analysis charts the trajectory of life between childhood and adult

circumstances (Friedli, 2009), studying the long term effects of the dynamic interplay of

societal structuring and individual agency over the course of people’s lives (Elder & Giele,

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2009). Societal structures (e.g., norms around age, family, community, work, leisure)

influence the formation of social pathways through which human agency (individual choices,

actions, resources) creates life course patterns over time (Wingens et al., 2011). Life course

studies stress critical points of transition (e.g., early socialisation, reaching adulthood, work,

retirement) which influence and are influenced by emotional, cognitive and social

development.

Use of the life course approach for gambling research is unusual except for crime

analyses (Moffitt, Caspi, Harrington, & Milne, 2002; Nagin, Farrington, & Moffitt, 1995;

Sampson & Laub, 1990). However, two quantitative studies (Slutske, Jackson, & Sher, 2003;

Slutske, Blaszczynski, & Martin, 2009) found problem gambling to be more transitory and

episodic than enduring and chronic. A qualitative exception (Reith & Dobbie, 2011)

concentrating on gambling beginnings revealed social networks and environmental context

were important in initiation of gambling.

Investigations involving life course analysis with Indigenous people are rare apart

from policy analyses (Biddle & Yapp, 2010; Cooke & McWhirter, 2011) and disease

research (Sayers, Mackerras, Singh, Bucens, Flynn, & Reid, 2003). Research into gambling

by Indigenous people has mainly centred on public health analysis of gambling impacts

(SHORE and Whariki, 2008; Smith, Currie & Battle, 2011; Stevens & Bailie, 2012),

gambling behaviour, risk and protective factors, consequences and help-seeking (Breen,

2012; Breen, Hing, & Gordon, 2011; Hing, Breen, Gordon, & Russell, 2013a, 2013b in press)

and gambling-related problems (Alegría, Petry, Hasin, Liu, Grant, & Blanco, 2009; Ministry

of Health, 2009; Stevens & Young, 2009; Williams, Stevens, & Nixon, 2011). International

and national findings indicate that some Indigenous people have historical gambling

antecedents. Thus, they may be more accepting of gambling activities and potentially more

vulnerable to gambling-related problems than general populations. As original people of

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Australia, but now comprising only 2.5% of the population (Australian Bureau of Statistics

[ABS], 2012), Indigenous Australians live within two societal structures, Indigenous and

non-Indigenous. This duality has implications for their life course patterns. Similar to

international Indigenous experiences (United Nations, 2008), Indigenous Australians usually

live with social, economic and health conditions below those of the general Australian

population (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare [AIHW], 2011). Culturally,

maintaining collective well-being and reciprocal obligations is as holistically important as

individual welfare (Atkinson, 2002). Hence, ripple effects of beneficial and/or harmful events

affecting Indigenous Australians spread extensively through kin networks and communities

(Atkinson, 2002; Langton, 1981). Explaining the cumulative effects of gambling embedded

in complex societal and collective cultural structures (Phillips, 2003) requires a dynamic

approach, one that a life course study suggests. Thus, theoretically framed and empirically

based information on life course dynamics (Kuh, Ben-Shlomo, Lynch, Hallqvist, & Power,

2003) should provide knowledge critical for understanding Indigenous gambling at various

life stages and transitions. As the first qualitative investigation of Indigenous Australian

gambling using life course theory and analysis, these results could potentially increase

individual and community safeguards and/or reduce harms associated with gambling.

This paper aims to link the sociological life course approach to gambling by

Indigenous Australians in analysing gambling trajectories from childhood to older adulthood.

Further, it examines transitions resulting in controlled or recreational gambling and

uncontrolled or disordered gambling.

Literature review

The life course approach ‘is sensitive to the consequences of early transitions for later

experiences and events’ (Elder, 1994, p. 5). Effects of early choices lead to a core premise of

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life course analysis that developmental processes and outcomes are shaped by social

trajectories people follow (Elder, 1994). Our analysis examines interconnections between

long-term age-graded trajectories (e.g., family histories) subjected to changing environments

or short-term transitions (e.g., turning 18 years, becoming an adult and legally allowed to

gamble) (Wingens et al., 2011). Transitions are often seen as point-like events embedded in

trajectories, while trajectories are longer phases within a person’s life (Elder, 1998).

Four concepts are crucial for understanding sequential age-related human

development and adaptation (Elder, 1994; Elder & Giele, 2009; Wingens et al., 2011). The

interplay between human lives and historical context considers issues surrounding

communities and time periods where individuals live and mature. Historical forces and social

conditions (institutional structures, economic conditions, race relations) are major influences

on a person’s life course (Csizmadia, Brunsma, & Cooney, 2012; Elder, 1998). For instance,

horse racing has influenced generations of Indigenous families, many of whom worked on

pastoral stations, rode, trained and race horses, and met up with family and kin at racetracks

(Breen, 2013). Social embeddedness or linked lives is founded on life cycle sequences

including intergenerational ties, cultural, social and peer influences. Interdependence assumes

that individuals are linked through relationships (Li, Stanton, & Feigelman, 2000; Liefbroer

& Elzinga, 2012). For example, with some First Nation groups, traditional gambling has been

and still remains embedded in community spiritual and secular life (Belanger, 2006). Timing

of life events or transitions can vary compared to others and normative expectations.

Temporal age-graded perspectives influence social roles and events (Elder, 1994), with

consequences that can alter adaptation (Elder & Giele, 2009). Life expectancy for Indigenous

Australians is lower than for the national population (AIHW, 2011) so Elders and older

family members may not survive to provide assistance and advice. Human agency or choice

is the construction process where people choose roles and situations for themselves within

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resource opportunities and constraints (Elder & Giele, 2009). Thus, some people choose to

gamble and others do not. Associations between social regulation and human agency

underpin many important transitions in life course research. These concepts have been

fruitful in life course analyses of alcohol use (Neve, Lemmens, & Drop, 2000), adolescent

risk (Li et al., 2000), intergenerational behaviour (Liefbroer & Elzinga, 2012), leisure (Deem

1986; Gibson, Berdychevsky, & Bell, 2012), motherhood (Bialeschki & Michener, 1994),

and race relations (Csizmadia et al., 2012), among others. In adopting a life course approach

here, we build on this philosophy and expand knowledge about key influences shaping

Indigenous gambling in Australia.

Gambling has been a common recreational activity for Indigenous people over a very

long time (Belanger, 2006; Goodale, 1987). Indigenous Australian gambling is characterised

by access to unregulated traditional card games at home and to regulated commercial

gambling in venues (Breen et al., 2011; Stevens & Young, 2009). Despite a long history of

traditional card gambling, recent research shows higher proportions of Indigenous men and

women prefer commercial gambling, especially when readily accessible (Christie &

Greatorex, 2009; Hing et al., 2013b). Gambling on both forms is generally motivated by

wanting to win money, to socialise with family and friends, and less commonly to escape

from stress and problems (Breen et al., 2011). Traditional card games are a culturally

constituted practice maintained because they satisfy needs associated with autonomy, status,

reciprocity and maintenance of kin relationships (Breen & Gainsbury, 2013; Phillips, 2003).

These values are not obvious in commercial gambling (Christie & Greatorex, 2009). As in

many population groups, a small proportion of Indigenous Australians experience gambling-

related problems (Hing et al., 2013a; Stevens & Bailie, 2012). This study examines the

influences of life course and gambling transitions that result in recreational or disordered

gambling trajectories for Indigenous Australians.

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Method

This qualitative investigation is situated within an interpretive paradigm using a social

constructivist approach which includes analyses of texts, events and behaviour to find

meanings (Guba & Lincoln, 1989). The interpretive paradigm centres on an empathetic

understanding of the reality of the human situation created as people respond to, interpret and

make sense of their lives (Gubrium & Holstein, 2000; Schwant, 2003). This research design

sought to provide richly layered, in-depth information about participants’ gambling

experiences. Qualitative methods are seen as culturally appropriate for Indigenous

Australians by Indigenous researchers Atkinson (2002), Martin (2008) and Phillips (2003).

Martin (2003, p. 5) argues that a qualitative approach, including phenomenology, ‘gives

emphasis to the lived realities of the researched and expects particular levels of engagement

by the researcher that extends beyond cultural relativism’.

Phenomenology is considered suitable for research with minority groups (Smith,

Flowers, & Larkin, 2009). Phenomenology is the study of shared meanings of experiences of

a phenomenon for a range of people (Creswell, 2007). It involves understanding how

participants perceive and recall an event (Smith & Osborn, 2008). Phenomenology seeks to

give participants a voice (capturing and reflecting their claims and concerns) and make sense

of their responses (interpreting their material grounded in their accounts) (Larkin, Watts, &

Clifton, 2006). For research into shifting behavioural trajectories based on transitions in

timing, choices, interdependence and social forces (Elder, 1994), phenomenology appears

appropriate to describe and analyse participants’ shared gambling experiences.

Phenomenology enables data interpretation and reduction to find the crux of participants’

experiences.

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People identifying as Indigenous Australian and of legal age to gamble (18 years+)

were sought as study participants. We generated a database of names and telephone numbers

for over 250 Indigenous Australian adults from past gambling surveys. All had agreed to

participate in future projects. Most of these people lived either in rural Indigenous

communities, in the general community in regional towns or in metropolitan areas of New

South Wales and Queensland with a few living in Victoria. We drew a name randomly to

commence sample selection. To gain an even spread throughout the database, we chose every

third name. If a phone was not working, we moved to the next number with sample selection

re-starting. We interviewed 57 Indigenous Australians after six refusals. Participants were

aged 18-71 years with most being 31-65 years, as shown in Table 1.

Insert Table 1 about here

Table 2 summarises whether participants had been exposed to gambling in their

environment or engaged in gambling activities themselves by age group and gender.

Insert Table 2 about here

Sensitivity is important when undertaking research with small population groups.

Indigenous Australians have experienced dispossession, disadvantage and marginalisation

since British colonisation (Atkinson, 2002). Exploitation from past Indigenous research has

resulted in some mistrust of researchers (Martin, 2008). Therefore, we obtained ethics

approval from the Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council (760/10) to ensure

adherence to cultural and ethical principles. Ethics approval was also obtained from a

University Human Research Ethics Committee (ECN-11-244).

All potential participants were telephoned and asked to participate in a telephone

interview about their lifetime gambling history. With agreement we posted out a plain-

English information package explaining the research aims, guiding questions, some

gambling-help information and consent form. A subsequent phone call established mutually

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agreeable interview times. Consent forms were signed, including permission to record

interviews. For cultural sensitivity and consistency, all interviews were conducted by one

Indigenous Australian. The interviewer, who had similar research experience with other

organisations, had been recruited and trained for research work with our team on a previous

project. The interviewer was trained and capable of discussing any issues arising in the

interviews. Training consisted of familiarisation with interview protocols (e.g., retaining

participant anonymity, providing gambling help information if requested, helping participants

claim their reimbursement a $20.00 shopping voucher), discussing the intent of each

question, suggested probing questions, and monitoring of initial interviews. The interviewer

was not known to participants and obtaining interview participation from nearly equal

numbers of males and females, and across a wide age span, suggests the interviewer’s gender

and age were not problematic for participants.

Semi-structured interviews were undertaken in 2012, each lasting about 30 minutes.

Guiding questions asked participants whether and how they had been exposed to gambling as

a child and to describe their gambling, if any, at four broad chronological age-related periods.

For each period, participants were asked what influenced them to gamble or not, and

consequences of that gambling. This approach captured a retrospective yet meaningful view

of the temporal rhythm of their lives, including transitions, impacts of key events and

changing circumstances of gambling trajectories. Participants appeared to clearly recall many

important experiences associated with gambling events. With reliance on early memories,

positive bias and post-hoc rationalisation may arise. Following Reith and Dobbie (2011), we

checked interviews for inconsistencies, thus reducing some limitations. A professional

service transcribed the interviews verbatim, contributing to data validity. Listening to

recordings and reading transcripts simultaneously assisted with these checks as well as

interpretation. No issues were raised about interviews on ethical grounds.

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Data were analysed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) (Smith et

al., 2009; Smith & Osborn, 2008) to gain an insider perspective of how people make sense of

their lifetime gambling experiences. Thus, IPA is inductive, driven by data (Braun & Clark,

2006), and is concerned with identifying and exploring what matters to participants (Larkin et

al., 2006). A challenge is to reduce large amounts of raw data to find the essence of what they

reveal (Patton, 2002).

The first stage of analysis was to read and reread transcripts to identify themes that

characterised responses to each interview section. Emerging themes were reflected on and

considered in relation to one another. Some themes formed naturally into groups of shared

meanings. Secondly, themes were integrated across participant transcripts to identify shared

key themes, which were pulled together to form overarching meaningful master themes.

Master themes capture the quality of participants’ shared experience of the phenomenon

under investigation (Smith & Osborn, 2008). Cultural cross-checks (Echtner & Prasad, 2003)

included reviewing groups of shared meanings and themes by an independent researcher.

Particular attention was paid to transitions and consequences. Audio files were reviewed to

ensure speakers’ words and tones were interpreted to convey intended meaning. For example,

depending on the speaker’s tone the word ‘addiction’ has context added in the results to

convey intended positive or negative meanings (Glasser, 1976). As suggested by Raento and

Meuronen (2012), controls such as these assist with interpretation. Data analysis was

supported by NVivo software. This program helped us manage (store and share) data, with

analysis, grouping of themes and review by others. The analysis process was independently

audited to assess evidence links from interview transcripts to final master themes (Smith et

al., 2009). Efforts to maximise reliability (trustworthiness of the data) and validity

(trustworthiness of interpretations) were made (Stiles, 1993).

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Results and Discussion

Gambling pathways described by participants were analysed with reference to four life stages

and guided theoretically by the life course approach. Master themes linked with each age

group include dependence, growing independence, timing of major shifts and rationalisation,

respectively. Themes are explained and illustrated with participant quotations, tagged with

their age in years and gender (M = male; F = female).

Early childhood exposure to gambling (under 13 years) – dependence and social

linkages within family and kin networks

Maintaining close family and kin networks and depending on others were closely linked to

early childhood gambling exposure. Most participants (46) recalled gambling as part of

childhood memories, including horse racing, traditional card playing, poker machine

gambling, bingo, greyhound racing, scratch tickets, lotto, lottery, bingo and cock fighting, in

that order.

From necessity, young children depend on their families for almost everything.

Family socioeconomic characteristics affect children through household routines and

practices. Atkinson (2002) argues that kinship networks and relationships are created and

maintained through nurturing of multiple connections between generations of extended

Indigenous families. The density of such networks often indicates the degree of mutually

beneficial cooperation between people (Putnam, 2000) with strong or weak social cohesion

the result. Strong physical, social and cultural networks were recalled by one participant who

explained her family’s substantial involvement in owing, training and racing greyhounds:

A lot of family members were actually involved with greyhound racing … I can

remember as a child my father had greyhounds, my uncle had greyhounds, another

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uncle had greyhounds so we would always be taken to the greyhound race track

(F52).

Implicit reliance on prize money and winning bets was anticipated for animal upkeep

and family income. For this family network, regular gatherings and passing on information

and knowledge about greyhounds was a normal, acceptable shared pastime. Although this

participant rarely gambled now, she was concerned that one family member described as

‘addicted’ (F52) gambled in isolation. Gambling solo sometimes signals problems and

potentially weakens bonds within groups.

Likewise, another participant recollected watching and learning gambling in family

homes:

I used to go to bingo with my grandmother quite often and that was at a gambling

school so it wasn’t like a club or anything. It was just in the backyard. And we used to

have a lot of card games at the table just at home (F27).

 

As an adult, this person sometimes gambles on bingo and cards but her commercial

gambling is limited by substantial effort required to earn a living: ‘I work too hard to press it

… can’t put it into a machine and waste it’ (F27). From these reminiscences, feelings of

belonging and social embeddedness were reported as being linked to an awareness of the

rules and rituals of gambling. These families, as micro-social groups within a macro-social

context, shared a cultural history of gambling that extended over time and space.

For others, intergenerational emotional and physical stability was important. A

grandfather was the father figure in one participant’s life who described their common

gambling connection: ‘… Melbourne Cup … when I was really young. My grandfather used

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to put fifty cents on a horse and that’s all I’ve done’ (M38). This grandfather provided close

family support and a stable role model that most likely satisfied the participant’s emotional

regulation. As a non-gambler now, this participant continued describing his childhood

exposure to gambling: ‘I grew up with my mother and … friends … really bad gamblers so I

kind of learned the hard way … through other peoples’ eyes … so I didn’t make the same

mistakes’ (M38), and further:

It was the … dreaded poker machines. Not really any horse racing no … My

grandfather … he’d have $5 … for the Saturday races … On my mother’s side … a

few of them big on poker machines and cards, just money spills (M38).

The quality of these different relationships in the reproduction of his grandfather’s

behaviour and attitudes rather than his mother’s, reflects an important generational

transmission of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1989; Liefbroer & Elzinga, 2012; Reith & Dobbie,

2011). Important transitions appear to be steered by life course trajectories where Indigenous

adults stepped into caring roles left unfilled by others.

Childhood gambling pathways (exposure to and awareness of traditional gambling,

plus some engagement in gambling themselves) were forged early in their life course and

heavily influenced by societal structures (collective family activities and culturally based

reciprocity). Young people absorb values, attitudes and behaviour from important social

agents at critical stages of development.

Teenager (13-17 years) – growing independence and human agency

Growing independence marks teenage years as teens experience enormous change and

transition in their physical and social environment. Within situational constraints, choices

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teenagers make contribute to their life course. Being unlawful to gamble under 18 years,

when asked if they gambled then, most (35) said ‘no’.

Non-gamblers were just not interested, too poor to risk limited resources or adhered to

the law and family rules. Recognizing this scarcity, one participant recounted: ‘I’m one of 10

children from a single income family. There wasn’t a lot of money to be spread around’

(M45). Another did not want to break the law or strict matriarchal rules: ‘We weren’t allowed

to gamble … if our grandma found out we got in trouble’ (F29). A different participant had

seen negative effects from adults gambling excessively and wanted to avoid similar

consequences:

I certainly saw people who had their backside out of their pants and I saw other

people that certainly lived high on the hog from it … tell you the wins they had but

they wouldn’t actually divulge how much they lost (M48).

Thus, age-graded expectations, legal and family constraints, poverty and experience

of gambling events affected some teen decisions to not gamble. The cost of gambling and its

potential consequences outweighed gambling benefits for this group.

In contrast, those who gambled preferred horse racing followed by Indigenous card

games. Both gambling forms were accessible in family homes and with peers. Wagering on

horse races ranged from yearly to twice weekly, with reported weekly expenditure from $1-

$100. Gambling motivations included socialising, pressure from peers and influential older

friends, and reinforcement from working in the racing industry. Those gambling annually on

the Melbourne Cup generally did this with extended family and peers for small bets.

Participants said they enjoyed the collective company of other Indigenous people and trying

luck.

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Risk-taking behaviour often increases during transition to young adulthood (Li et al.,

2000). Seeking extra money, one participant became an informal bookmaker. He took bets

from school friends because he worked casually at the races and had comprehensive

knowledge about horses and track conditions. He did well financially for a year, ‘it was just a

bit of fun’ (M53). Currently, he spends $70-80 each month at country race meetings. But

teenage wagering also resulted in financial losses, nutritional deficiency and subsequent

health difficulties brought about by naivety. A participant who gambled weekly on horse

races with teenage friends, spending $80-130 each session, observed that ‘peer pressure’

(M54) was a forceful influence:

I didn’t win a lot … I struggled even from week to week to get to work. That would

have been a negative. Sometimes I had to do without lunch. But the positive was, I

still had my mates (M54).

Teenagers may engage in adult activities such as drinking alcohol to demonstrate

independence and social bravado (Neve et al., 2000). Peers begin to exert more pressure as

primary socialising agents potentially influencing gambling decisions and life course

trajectories.

Traditional Indigenous card games were accessible and acceptable. Teenagers learned

these games by watching family and friends play at home. Amounts gambled varied from $2-

$100, with frequency ranging from quarterly to three or four times per week. Socialising with

peers motivated card gambling. Positive outcomes were explained as money staying within a

circle of familiar people, winning, building better relationships and support within the

Indigenous community. Negative outcomes were perceived as teens being too young to

gamble and going ‘too far’ (F28), opening themselves to harmful effects. Two participants

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commencing gambling with similar histories experienced contrasting life course pathways.

The first explained:

I think it was good for us to all get together and the fact that we were gambling at a

table meant that somebody … was going to leave with the money and not a club or a

venue. I’d say that would be the benefit. On the other hand, the negatives would be

you’re kind of pre-exposed to gambling. I suppose in my case it wasn’t too bad for me

but I know a couple of my other friends are good gamblers now [laughs]. It probably

didn’t have a real good effect on them (F28).

 

Although her tone was humorous, adverse gambling outcomes were implied for these

friends and advice offered: ‘if it’s only in moderation it can be a good thing … a social thing’

(F28). The second participant who had experienced gambling-related problems and now

gambles with a limit of $40 per month recalled:

In my youth it was positive … the women used to get together and support each other.

No matter who lost or won money [on cards] … they could count on … a loan until

next week … but it became negative during my adult life where … the women were

going into town, pokie machines had been introduced to us. So with me … when I

started going to the clubs … I got into the pokies and I became very addicted (F46).

Her tone altered from happy to sad describing her losses. Later in a more positive tone

she explained money and time limits she now uses to restrict gambling. One important

contextual difference between these two participants was the second person (F46) moving

from card to commercial gambling. Her gambling in the new setting, a venue, appeared

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similar to her card gambling at home which was steeped in historical patterns of collective

life. But these two gambling forms have different goals. Commercial gambling aims to make

profits for the operator. In contrast Indigenous card gambling is an everyday leisure activity

that usually sustains social relationships and cultural norms (Breen & Gainsbury, 2013;

Christie & Greatorex, 2009). Thus, a carry-over of historical attitudes, cultural values and

behaviour into a commercial context caught some people unaware of potentially extensive

negative outcomes from newer forms of gambling.

Home boundaries weaken as teenagers become more mobile, independent, seeking

social bonds with peers. Peer pressure associated with youthful gambling can motivate

teenagers to act in opposition to family, social and cultural expectations (Delfabbro, King, &

Griffiths, 2013). While not legally old enough to gamble on commercial forms, gambling

decisions of some teens here were experimental and risky. Indigenous teenagers, as a

minority group living in dual worlds, may feel the need for strong friendship and collective

bonds of safety with Indigenous peers due to their low numbers and generally disadvantaged

social circumstances. In this sensitive teenage period of rapid individual change, exposure to

risk and risky behaviour has stronger effects on development than at other age periods (Elder,

1994; Kuh et al., 2003; Li et al., 2000). In contrast to findings by Slutske et al. (2003), higher

gambling risks and disordered gambling here appear developmental rather than due to a

cohort effect. Individual variation in vulnerability to gambling’s attraction and intensity of

peer group pressure seem greater here than for other age groups and social networks.

Young adult (18-30 years) –timing of major shifts and transitions

Timing of major shifts, transitions and events is a key feature of life course analysis and a

master theme for this young adult group. Changing activities, growing independence and

expansion of people’s identity are reflected in the timing of important life transitions, such as

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moving out of home, getting a job, marrying and having children (Elder, 1994). On turning

18, legalised gambling and alcohol consumption may become rites of passage, initiation into

the adult world (Reith & Dobbie, 2011). After an initial ‘honeymoon’ with gambling and

some early high risk behaviour, participants matured as major shifts and other important life

events occurred. As initial interest waned, participants experienced turning points and entered

a transition period, often reducing gambling in a maturing out process (Slutske et al., 2003).

Most participants (47) engaged in gambling during this period. Poker machine

gambling followed by wagering on horse races were prominent activities. In descending

order, other preferences were lottery products, traditional card games, bingo, sports betting,

casino games, greyhound racing and keno. Gambling motivations were reported as wanting to

socialise, win money, peer pressure and escaping from stress. Explaining some of these

motivations, one woman when asked about turning 18 said: ‘… my friends … people I hung

around with … I would see them winning … influenced me to play’ (F26). Now aged 26, her

life has changed and priorities shifted as she has young children. She observed:

… the positive thing I look at is my kids, the things that they’ve got is not from me

gambling … a lot of people out there just gamble … they don’t buy anything … it is a

positive … what I do for my kids (F26).

Over time, family welfare priorities saw her transition from conforming to peer

pressure (social regulation) to rarely gambling now (individual agency).

Allowing for variations, participants began gambling in venues seemingly as a rite of

passage, often weekly or fortnightly. They spent approximately $30 each session (range: $1-

$700, the highest for all age groups in the sample. Positive consequences were reported as

socialising, relationship building and fun. Negative consequences affecting a minority were

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reported as ripple effects associated with losses, guilt and deprived families. For one

participant, adventurous gambling beginning as a rite of passage became problematic:

As I turned 18 I started to gamble a lot of money, I’d have a few beers and I’d

sometimes spend all my pay on gambling … so I stopped at 22 years … I would

spend then … about $400 on poker machines every fortnight. I don’t spend that much

now (M31).

He continued: I still play the poker machines ... I usually put in about $10-20. If I

don’t win, I just leave it’ (M31). Although this man was motivated at 18 years by ‘the

thought of winning and getting more money’, his high gambling losses and ensuing poverty

eventually left him depressed. He was unable to socialise, could not pay rent and obtained

loans to reduce financial difficulties (M31). His initial access to gambling evolved from

uncontrolled to controlled gambling, showing distinct transition from experimentation and

risk towards maturity and mindfulness. His recovery demonstrated a shift in perception and

practice about managing gambling as a recreation activity.

For many in this age group, access to commercial gambling was initially an exciting

addition to social activities, something to be explored especially with peers. But the

importance of social environments and access to gambling in physical venues, factors

emphasised as giving meaning to the experience of gambling (Reith & Dobbie, 2011),

reduced with time. Most underwent major lifetime shifts (starting relationships, marriage,

children, responsibilities). Their priorities changed. They gradually transitioned from high to

more moderate levels of gambling. In parallel, peer networks declined with a strengthening of

family relationships. Apart from a few participants who continued a trajectory of disordered

gambling, some ceased gambling while others gambled within set limits, despite still feeling

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tested when visiting gambling venues. These findings contribute to debate about disordered

gambling progressing only in a worsening linear direction (Slutske, 2006; Slutske et al.,

2009).

Mature adult (31-65 years and over) – rationalisation and the interplay of human life

and history

A master theme for this group of mature adults was rationalisation of gambling. Although

one large group of participants gambled weekly or fortnightly spending about $10-50 per

session, discretionary gambling expenditure was usually related to income level.

As a sequential dynamic, life course analysis involves an accumulation of historical

experiences interwoven with events and transitions that influence a great variety of

behaviours (Elder, 1994; 1998). Events and transitions in this research produced mobility in

and out of gambling. While three people in this group had never gambled and 11 continued

gambling the same as they had in younger years, most participants selected alternative

gambling paths to those followed previously. Their choices were based on economic, social

and cultural opportunities and constraints faced at the time.

Rational judgements were made about the odds of winning on poker machines. Seven

people decreased poker machine gambling but still gambled on horses, poker and bingo.

Changing family circumstances usually underpinned these decisions. As one person grew

older, she felt a growing and timely need for solidarity with kinfolk: ‘I like spending more

time with my family … family tragedies and disasters … just brought me close to family’

(F33). Typical of decisions made within dynamic family and cultural contexts, one person

rationalised his transition away from poker machine gambling as:

20    

I had to give them away … Last time I played the pokies was when one of my cousins

had a heart attack … I pulled [out] another $80-$100 for the pokies and then I said

that’s it, no more … I’m not playing these ever again … going to possibly ruin me …

I don’t go near a poker machine room … I’m not attracted by the sound anymore … I

was down at the club this afternoon … have a couple of beers and have a couple of

bets ... just a flutter … now watch your kids play footy and coach … that’s what it’s

all about anyway (M46).

These actions represent the creation and building of socially cohesive communities

(Putnam, 2000). Beneficial interplay between collective family values, timing of health

crises, family disaster impacts and growing children’s needs spurred some participants to

reduce gambling.

Some regular gamblers stopped gambling as they aged for internal (developing deep

religious faith, commencing or ending a relationship) and external reasons (jailed for

gambling-related crime, imposed gambling limits). These participants were influenced

differentially by life experiences with gambling. One person, whose spouse gambled heavily

eventually leading to marriage breakdown, said she stopped: ‘because of my faith’ (F34).

Another reported very grave legal consequences:

Poker machines … I don’t play them at all now but before, everyday … bit of

boredom, a bit of depression, stress … I had to do four years jail. I’ve been out for six

months … I know it’s addictive … if I go into a hotel I just don’t go into that area …

distance myself … if I just put a little bit in I know I’ll start chasing … then it just

gets bigger … and you start doing illegal activity again and then … boom … your

kids are more important (F39).

21    

This appeared to be an emotional statement from the tone of her voice. Care of

children, family and extended family is a key feature of Indigenous Australian culture

(Martin, 2008). These values were re-awakened in her and others after experiencing harmful

gambling effects. While not typical, these participants rationalised their decisions to prevent

re-occurrence of gambling-related problems and the dislocation it caused.

In contrast, some women increased gambling as a transition to freedom, taking time

for themselves and relinquishing the ethic of care as older adulthood approached, a finding

supported by Breen et al. (2011). For three women, children had left home; for one, her frail

husband passed away; while another person experienced divorce. As culturally acceptable

recreation, one participant justified gambling commencement with:

I didn’t have the responsibility as all the kids had grown up and left home. So I had

more money to lose or take a risk with … I could afford it … boredom, something to

do, something to create a bit of an adrenalin rush and also other people would be

gambling. … you tend to go with the flow (F63).

An older widow explained her gambling trajectory beginning as entertainment with

her husband early in marriage but escalating with grief and loneliness after his death. She

ceased gambling recently after obtaining formal help:

I felt guilty because I’d put him in the nursing home … as soon as I got my pension

… I’d be going to pokies … cause a lot of problems in my family because I would

spend every cent … I’d have to go and get food orders and help with electricity …

daughter said that I had a gambling problem and I needed to talk to somebody … I

22    

spoke to … Gamblers Anonymous. And I did have a problem but it took me a while

to realise (F71).

Declining social networks within minority groups may have more powerful effects on

those remaining due to fewer numbers and associated physical, social and cultural losses.

However, gambling in venues to escape loss and loneliness can create a trap as little social

interaction occurs (Brown & Coventry, 1997; Holdsworth, Nuske, & Breen, 2013). The need

to feel socially included can be strong.

Contextual elements of society and history affect processes of aging and loss. The

dynamics of mature adult life can be as powerful and transitory as in younger years. For

instance, two participants had sought formal assistance and several used self-help and family

assistance to reduce their gambling. The interplay between different forms of help evolved

over time. One person’s strategy, with the help of her husband, was: ‘I got them to take out

direct debit from my account … that way my mortgage was paid ... I did gamble but it wasn’t

as much’ (F56). Another person rationalised self-help strategies by limiting money and

finding work: ‘I just take $30 with me … no key cards … I also paint for a living … I haven’t

got enough time to be at the club … keep busy’ (M33). Finding long-term solutions for

recovery was an important gambling transition. It meant moving from a disordered struggle

to some limited yet controlled recreational gambling. Realisation that life needed to

dramatically change was a turning point preceding this transition. A few people sought

formal gambling help. However, more people used self-help to control, reduce or cease their

gambling, experiencing ‘natural recovery’ (Hodgins & el-Guebaly, 2000; Shaffer & Hall,

2002; Slutske et al., 2009).

Thus, combining these major conceptual influences (dependence, independence,

major shifts and rationalisations) as they appeared in participants’ life course, their gambling

23    

trajectories are represented in Figure 1. The dotted lines represent dynamic movements and

influences moving back and forth between participants’ gambling trajectories, and their

cultural values, environment, history, social norms, kinship and socialisation. The aim of

Figure 1 is not to reduce the complex nature of gambling by Indigenous Australians to an

inactive or stable process, but to show flexibility within this social phenomenon.

Insert Figure 1 about here

Conclusions

Being a gambler in this group of participants, either recreational or disordered, was

dynamic, often depending on density of social networks, changing contextual circumstances

and individual actions. Participants’ gambling was volatile and fluid, subject to transitions

and turning points. For instance, a recreational gambler may evolve into a disordered

gambler, experience some level of recovery and regain their recreational status. As such,

these findings concur with Slutske et al. (2003), that life course histories of gambling

involving gambling-related problems are more frequently transitory and episodic than stable

and constant.

Although sharing similar family backgrounds and initiation into card gambling, two

crucial differences between recreational and disordered gamblers were strength of social

cohesion and transmission of gambling values in different contexts. Dense social bonds

among family groups usually indicated a pattern of recreational gambling within that

network. Where social bonds were weaker and people became isolated, a pattern of

disordered gambling was more likely. However for teenagers, strong peer bonds were often

associated with more disordered gambling within a general pattern of risky behaviour and

growing independence.

24    

Additionally, transmission of gambling values, attitudes and behaviours from card

gambling within a homely kin context to commercial gambling within a market context

appeared to confuse some participants. These participants seemed to hold similar gambling

expectations for both contexts and gambled in a more disordered way on commercial

gambling. This difference was obvious in the teen and young adult groups (13-30 years).

These results align with others suggesting that natural recovery from gambling

problems may be the rule not exception (Hodgins & el-Guebaly, 2000; Slutske et al., 2009).

They display the ebb and flow of Indigenous gambling involvement, experiences of

recreational and disordered gambling, and efforts people make to overcome disordered

gambling. Transitions found here reflect and confirm changing patterns of gambling

involvement over time (Delfabbro et al., 2013; Shaffer & Hall, 2002). These results provide

new information and deeper understanding about gambling involvement by Indigenous

Australians and simultaneously support more general research findings on gambling histories.

Thus, these findings have implications for more intensive use of the gambling continuum and

transitions between different gambler groups. From a practical stance, public health policies

could be specifically targeted at gambling transitions to develop protective interventions at

discrete points. Input from local Indigenous justice groups, men’s and women’s groups and

similar organisations should increase effectiveness.

Using sociological life course analysis to examine Indigenous gambling was an

innovative approach, enhancing theoretical understanding of gambling trajectories and

transitions associated with recreational and disordered gambling. Methodologically, this

study has revealed unique systematically-derived knowledge about Indigenous gambling

demonstrating the utility of life course analysis for gambling research. It has provided a

foundation for further gambling research with small and sometimes hard to find population

25    

groups. It may facilitate further investigation into general risk topics, particularly those

focused on links between social density, context and individual actions over time.

Limitations implicit in this study include a non-representative, self-selected sample

with just the participant’s name, age, gender and phone number recorded. Information on

participants’ location might have facilitated comparison of gambling preferences and

behaviour by place. The importance of place and context (Reith & Dobbie, 2011) may alter

for future investigations into intergenerational transmission trends as technologically

advanced gambling forms become more popular.

This research has demonstrated numerous dynamic life course trajectories for these

Indigenous Australian participants, revealing transitions and fluctuations in both recreational

and disordered gambling throughout their life course. These transitions and fluctuations have

been reported as being much more common than any persistent disordered one-directional

gambling pattern. This research emphasises that these transitions vary with social support,

contextual change and personal choice. This study points to the value of sociological research

using the life course approach and to the need for theory formulation across cultural and

behavioural boundaries for gambling.

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34    

Table 1 Participants by age and gender

Age group Female Male Total

18 – 30 years, young adult 12 8 20

31 – 65 years, mature adult 17 18 35

65 years+, older person 2 0 2

Total 31 26 57

35    

Table 2 No. of participants exposed to or engaged in gambling by age group and gender

Age group Female Male

Gambling exposure &/or

engagement

Yes No Total Yes No Total

Early childhood

environment, under 13

years: exposure

26 5 31 20 6 26

Teen, 13- 17 years:

exposure & engagement

9 22 31 13 13 26

Young adult, 18-30 years:

engagement

27 4 31 20 6 26

Mature adult, 31-65 years:

engagement

13 3 16 14 3 17

Older adult, over 65 years:

engagement

2 0 2 0 0 0

36    

Figure 1 A representation of major sequential influences on gambling life course trajectories

for participants

1. Early gambling exposure: linked lives & social embeddedness - dependence

2. Teenage gambling exposure & use: human agency & control - growing  independence

3. Young adult gambling: timing of major shifts  & transitions  

4. Mature adult gambling: Interplay of human life & history - rationalisation

Environment  Cultural  values   Historical  influences  

Social  norms   Kinship   Socialisation