Kaul Highland Philology 2012

2

Studia Indologica Universitatis Halensis

Band 4

Herausgegeben von

Walter Slaje, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg

unter Mitwirkung von

Katrin Einicke und Andreas Pohlus

3

Roland Steiner (ed.)

Highland Philology

Results of a Text-Related Kashmir Panel at the 31st DOT, Marburg 2010

4

Dr. Roland Steiner, the editor of the present volume, is a member of the Mokṣopāya Research Group

of the Seminar für Indologie, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg.

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in

der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische

Daten sind im Internet über http://dnd.d-nb.de abrufbar.

XLI

© Universitätsverlag Halle-Wittenberg, Halle an der Saale 2012 • www.uvhw.de

Printed in Germany. Alle Rechte, auch die des Nachdrucks von Auszügen, der photomechanischen

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Umschlaggestaltung: Horst Stöllger – pixzicato GmbH, Hannover

ISBN 978-3-86977-040-6

5

Editor’s Preface

The present volume is a collection of textual studies on various features of the history and

culture of Kashmir. It is mainly based on revised versions of lectures delivered at a “Kash-

mir panel” held on the 22nd of September 2010 at the 31st German Oriental Conference

(Deutscher Orientalistentag = DOT) in Marburg.

It deals with the transfer of India’s sacred geography to the highlands of Kashmir in

a miniaturized form (Walter Slaje), a previously unnoticed recording of an appearance of

Halley’s Comet in Kashmir by the poet-historian Śrīvara (Walter Slaje), the historical

traces of vocal and instrumental music (saṅgīta) in Kashmir (Advaitavadini Kaul), as well

as with the poetical figure bhāṣāśleṣa (simultaneous expression of different meanings in

two or more languages) as a peculiarity of Kashmiri writers and critics (Michael Hahn).

Further subjects are the formation of a specifically Kashmiri literary genre—the Kashmiri

kathā—and the development of a special style connected to it (Luther Obrock), and the

question, when, where and why did Bhaṭṭa Jayanta write his Nyāyamañjarī (Walter Slaje).

The last four contributions are about different aspects of the Mokṣopāya/Yogavāsiṣṭha

literature: John Shore’s lost translation of a Persian version of the so-called Laghuyo-

gavāsiṣṭha which he already wrote in 1784 (Jürgen Hanneder), the special character of the

fourth book (Sthitiprakaraṇa) of the Mokṣopāya (Roland Steiner), and the meaning of single

words (araghaṭṭa, saṃsāracakra, kośakāra) used in the Mokṣopāya (Martin Straube). A reply

to a review of a partial edition of Bhāskarakaṇṭha’s Mokṣopāyaṭīkā along with general

remarks on the “indological culture of debate” (Jürgen Hanneder and Walter Slaje) com-

pletes the volume.

Last but not least I would like to thank the editors of the Studia Indologica Universi-

tatis Halensis for accepting this volume into their series and Dr. Katrin Einicke for her

careful supervision of the publishing process.

Inter alia, realia: An Apparition of Halley’s Comet in Kashmir 7

Contents

Editor’s Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5ROLAND STEINER

Kashmir Minimundus. India’s Sacred Geography en miniature . . . . . . . . 9WALTER SLAJE

Inter alia, realia: An Apparition of Halley’s Comet in KashmirObserved by Śrīvara in AD 1456 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33WALTER SLAJE

Tracing the History of Saṅgīta in Kashmir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49ADVAITAVADINI KAUL

Der Bhāṣāśleṣa – eine Besonderheit kaschmirischer Dichter und Poetiker? 77MICHAEL HAHN

Abhinanda’s Kādambarīkathāsāra and the Development of a Kashmiri Style . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107LUTHER OBROCK

Wann, wo und weshalb schrieb Bhaṭṭa Jayanta seine „Blütenrispe am Baum des Nyāya“? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121WALTER SLAJE

Accident and Edition. John Shore’s translation of the Laghuyogavāsiṣṭha 143JÜRGEN HANNEDER

8 Walter Slaje

Chaotische Verhältnisse: Das Sthitiprakaraṇa des Mokṣopāya . . . . . . . . . . . 155ROLAND STEINER

Miszellen zum Mokṣopāya. 1. araghaṭṭa und saṃsāracakra. 2. kośakāra. . . . . 171MARTIN STRAUBE

Zur indologischen Streitkultur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187JÜRGEN HANNEDER und WALTER SLAJE

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195

Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201

Tracing the History of Saṅgīta in Kashmir 49

Tracing the History of Saṅgīta in Kashmir

Advaitavadini Kaul

śabdānāṃ jananī tvam atra bhuvane vāgvādinīty ucyase

tvattaḥ keśavavāsavaprabhṛtayo ’py āvirbhavanti sphuṭam |

līyante khalu yatra kalpavirame brahmādayas te ’py amī

sā tvaṃ kācid acintyarūpamahimā śaktiḥ parā gīyase ||

(Pañcastavī I.15)

(O Devi !) from Thee blossoms the Mātrkā performance or the traditional order of the

alphabet, called Śabda, in its subjective course. In the field of Artha or objective

course, Thou art praised as the Goddess of speech. From Thee emanate the percep-

tible forms Vis ṇu, Rudra and others (just as blades sprout from seed). And, That

extra-ordinary one art Thou, in whom, at the end of the world-cycle (Kalpa), Brahmā,

the creator etc. also get merged. Thy glory and form are beyond conception. Thou

art sung by great sages as Parā Śakti the Supreme Divine Energy.

(tr. Pt. JANKINATH KAUL ‘KAMAL’, Pañcastavī: 49)

In the Indian tradition, as is quite evident from the above verse cited from a c. 9th–10th

century hymn dedicated to the Supreme Divine Source and being one of the most revered

hymns among the Kashmiri Brahmans up until the present day, Saṅgīta1 has remained a

means of spiritual realisation. In the whole structure of Indian culture and philosophy,

Saṅgīta is interwoven in a number of ways with the Indian world-view and is linked with

the basic concept of creation. The Indian system of music is centred around the central

notion of nāda (sound) with its dual character known as āhata (vibrant) and anāhata (non-

vibrant) sound. Āhata is perceived as musical sound and anāhata is conceived as musical

sound pattern. The former generates pleasure and the latter leads to self realisation.2 Thus

it has a physical as well as a metaphysical aspect. On the physical plane the entire human

society is dependent on sound and the metaphysical theory of sound shows the position

of music in the religious system of India and as such giving rise to the concepts like

1 The term Saṅgīta until the medieval period denoted the art of music—both vocal & instrumental alongwith

dance also (gītaṃ vādyaṃ tathā nṛtyaṃ, SR I.1.21c). It also included acting (na ṭya) within its connotation.

2 This reminds me of an evening during my teens when my father, who would initiate his children into the

nuances of the Indian tradition through his casual day to day talks with us, while drawing my attention to

the sound ‘om’ asked me to close my eyes in utter silence and concentrate on the wonderful ‘eternal sound’.

50 Advaitavadini Kaul

nādabindu and nādabrahman. The hymns of the Vedas are the earliest examples of the

words set to music.

On the vast cultural canvas of India, Kashmir is very well recognized in the spheres

of intellectual attainments, as well as in literary and aesthetic achievements. Saṅgīta has

remained one of the most powerful expressions of man. It seems impossible to separate

Kashmir from such expressions. However, the experience of such expressions becomes

meaningful only when envisioned in their spatiotemporal continuity and multiple rela-

tionships. The present cultural scenario of Kashmir has prompted this contribution.

Based upon literary references along with vanishing but very important contemporary

practices and the little remaining archaeological evidence an attempt has been made to

trace the history of Saṅgīta in Kashmir right from ancient times.

Vedas in the Background

Vedas represent the most ancient literature and are rightly considered the repositories of

all branches of learning. In relation to the present context it is the creative word through

which the Vedas have been passed on from generation to generation by way of intonation

and recitation which broke down the word into its syllabic value in a variety of permu-

tations and combinations. The variety of recitative systems is recognized as śākhās. It was

at a later stage that the Vedas were put to writing with the notices of gradations indicated

by udātta, anudātta and svarita. This helped in maintaining the system of chanting and also

avoided any alteration to affect its correctness. Herein lies the basis of the strong oral

tradition that has made it possible to preserve and bring down to us the basic nuances of

the Indian tradition through a period of bygone ages.

The Ṛgveda sings the praises of the forces of nature. By that it also reveals the vision

of the Ṛṣis and their intimate communion with nature. Performing of yāgas (performative

acts) was an integral part of the daily life and the various types of yāgas incorporated in

the Yajurveda present the details of the preparations for the performances and the act of

the performance of each ritual during the yāgas. Such descriptions bring to our notice the

activities of the performers of these yāgas who were quite familiar with the various arts

and sciences that were integral to the whole process. In this way, there are the details of

the use of appropriate mathematics and the geometrical designs in the making of the vedīs

(altars) for the yāgas and employing several measures in constructing them. As the source

of ritual and body language and gestures the Yajurveda incorporates the seed of perform-

ing arts. Finally the Sāmaveda finds a definite place in the history of music. It is the poetry

of highest order and consists of selections from the Ṛgveda which are made use of in the

performance of rituals. Thus the Sāmaveda is the source of the sung note, identical with

the musical sound—āhata nāda.


In the present context it may be pointed out that Kashmiri brahmins have always

revered the Vedas and Vedic paddhatis have remained undoubtedly prevalent in Kash-

mir. There are references to various Vedic performances found in the Nīlamatapurāṇa3

also. It is said that the Kāṭhakasaṃhitā of the Yajurveda was preserved and followed in

Kashmir till late. Also the Paippalāda recension of the Atharvaveda is known as the Kash-

miri Atharvaveda.4 Interestingly there is a distinct way of singing (chanting) by the women

folk known as vanvun still existing but very rarely prevalent among the Kashmiri pandits.

This way of singing takes place during the occasions of various ritual practices performed

for a marriage as also for the upanayana (yajñopavīta) ceremonies. Some elderly ladies who

have great faith in the tradition consider it an obligation to chant vanvan during the

‘kanyādāna’ and other such ceremonies. Through these songs the blessings are invoked

from the gods. There is no recorded history to trace the period of its existence in Kashmir

but the connections with that of Vedic chanting especially with the Sāmavedic chants

remain to be investigated.5 Significantly, the names of Vedic deities like Pu ṣan and

Sinīvālī6 also occur in the chanting apart from the names of the common deities, viz.

Nārāyaṇa, Rāma, Kṛṣṇa, Hari as also the local deities as Śārikā, Rājñī, Jyeṣṭhā,

Nandikeśvara and so on. The Nīlamatapurāṇa (v. 741) refers to listening to the chanting of

the Sāmaveda on the occasion of Srāvaṇī. Śārṅgadeva while giving his lineage from the

beautiful valley of Kashmir in the introductory verses of his Saṅgītaratnākara refers to the

Brahmans of Kashmir as “masters of the Vedic lore” (vedasāgarapāragaiḥ).7 Rājānaka

Jayaratha (13th cent.) the commentator of the Tantrāloka reveals the triple characteristic of

the Trika Śaivas by saying that they are Śāktas, Śaivas as also followers of the Vedas.8

3 Ref. Nīlamatapura ṇa vv. 1197, 1198, 1208, 1272, 1279, 1287, 1291–92, 1300, 1313, 1330, 1338, 1340, 1344, 1345,

1350, 1355, 1361, 1377, 1378, 1386, 1388, 1389, 1396, 1410, 1413.

4 The copy of this Atharvaveda is preserved in The Library of the University of Tübingen in Germany. Prof.

RUDOLPH ROTH obtained this copy from the Maharaja RANBĪR SINGH of Jammu and Kashmir in 1870’s. On

Feb. 9th, 2002 a digital copy of this manuscript was presented to the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the

Arts (IGNCA) by the Ambassador of Germany in India during a special function organized for this purpose

in the IGNCA, New Delhi.

5 During the presentation of this paper in the special Panel on Kashmir in German Oriental Conference at

Marburg an audio recording of the vanvun was played and the scholars commented that it was sounding

very close to ‘Sa maga na’.

6 Ama va sya is explained to be of two kinds, viz. Sinīvālī (day on which ama va sya is mixed with the 14th tithi)

and Kuhū (when ama va sya is mixed with the first tithi of the next fortnight). “In the Ṛgveda Sinīvālī is raised

to the position of a divinity, is described as the sister of the gods, offerings are made to her and she is

implored to bestow progeny on the worshippers.” (KANE 1958: 62).

7 Cf. n. 18.

8 Cf. his commentary on TĀ 4.24 (antaḥ kaulo bahiḥ śaivo lokācāre tu vaidikaḥ).


Nāṭyaśāstra as the Basis

The Nāṭyaśāstra of Bharata is described as Nāṭyaveda. It states that Brahmā created the

Nāṭyaveda out of the four Vedas, borrowing pāṭhya from the Ṛgveda, gīta from the

Sāmaveda, abhinaya from the Yajurveda and rasas from the Atharvaveda (Nāṭyaśāstra I.17).

After the Vedas it is the earliest available treatise that lays down the foundations of the

theory and the practice of the Indian arts, viz. drama, theatre, poetry, music and dance

in a broader perspective. One can also trace the developments in the fields of medicine,

mathematics as also in linguistics, prosody and architecture. As such the Nāṭyaśāstra rep-

resents the continuity of the perennial flow of Indian tradition at many levels.

The text is of highly interdisciplinary nature. In relation to the present context, chap-

ters 3 and 5 of the Nāṭyaśāstra refer to many technical terms of music and musical struc-

tures. Their meaning and elaborations are contained in many later chapters where single

components of sound, music, musical instruments, structures and compositions are elab-

orated upon. Chapter 4 is known as Tāṇḍavalakṣaṇa and it deals with the cadence of move-

ment called karaṇas, larger sequences called aṅgahāras and their composition in choreo-

graphical patterns called piṇḍibandha. These descriptions can be further understood with

the aid of chapters 8, 9 and 10 which deal with the macro and micro movements of the

body. Further, chapters 28 to 33 of the Nāṭyaśāstra are completely devoted to music. There

is reference to distinctive terminology of music, viz śruti (micro-intervals), svara (notes),

grāma (scales), mūrchanā (modes), jāti (melodic forms), tāla (rhythm) etc. The extraordi-

nary knowledge of the material for making of musical instruments and of the natural

sounds, notes, consonance, assonance, dissonance and melodic forms are displayed.

Vocal music has been divided into two types of varṇa (consisting of only notes) and geya

(with words). Details of different types of instruments and their respective characteristics

are given. Reference to dhruva songs is made so is identified a category of music called

gāndharva distinguishing it from gāna. Different types of tālas (time measures—rhythm,

metrical cycles) are enumerated. At another level the Nāṭyaśāstra is an inquiry into the

nature of drama that unfolds the origin, theory and technique of drama and theatre with

its components of speech, word, body language, gesture, costuming, decor and the inner

states (bhāva).

A few noteworthy scholars who flourished between the 7th to the 14th centuries CE in

India and established respective doctrines of literary criticism, mainly hailed from Kash-

mir. The most prominent names associated with their respective doctrines are Bhāmaha

of the alaṅkāra, Vāmana of the rīti, Ānandavardhana of the dhvani, Kuntaka of the vakrokti

and Kṣemendra of the aucitya doctrines. Interestingly, Bhāmaha in his Kāvyālaṅkāra (1.2)

while discussing the four-fold objective of the poetical composition adds further that its

objective is also to become skilled in different arts and by that attaining fame and expan-


sion.9 There also emerged yet another line of scholars in Kashmir who wrote commentar-

ies on the above noted doctrines to explain them further. They were Abhinavagupta,

Udbhaṭa, Lollaṭa, Śaṅkuka, Bhaṭṭatauta, Rājānaka Tilaka, Pratīhārendurāja, Rājānaka

Ānanda, Ratnakaṇṭha, Jayaratha, and so on.10 Mammaṭa (11th cent. CE) was such a versa-

tile scholar who assimilated the doctrines of his predecessors and produced a consoli-

dated compendium with essential additions and alterations. His Kāvyaprakāśa exten-

sively quotes Bharata’s Nāṭyaśāstra.

In the philosophical aphorisms of the Śaivism of Kashmir known as Śivasūtras there

are interesting similes in which ātman is compared with a dancer (nartaka ātmā; sūtra 3.9),

antarātman with theatre (raṅgo ’ntarātmā; sūtra 3.10) and indriyas with spectators (pre-

kṣakāṇīndriyāṇi; sūtra 3.11). These sūtras are also known as Spandasūtra, the aphorisms that

vibrate with a persistent rhythm. Vasugupta (second half of the 9th cent. CE)11 is consid-

ered the author of these sūtras and Kallaṭa (fl. c. 850–900 CE)12 was the first preceptor of

the Spandasūtras.13

The Kashmir Śaivism is based upon 36 tattvas and the arrangement of the Nāṭyaśāstra

in 36 chapters is believed to harmonize and correspond with the basic principles of the

Kashmir Śaiva thought. The Pratyabhijñā thought offers 12 new tattvas to the already

existing 24 tattvas in the Sāṅkhya system.14 Out of these 12 tattvas in the Pratyabhijñā sys-

tem 7 tattvas are known as māyā, kāla, vidyā, rāga, kalā, niyati, and puruṣa, through which

an individual (jīvātman) becomes limited and enjoys the world which is the creation of

māyā. But it is through the real knowledge that māyā is transformed into the Divine

Energy. The same process of enjoyment through the same seven principles has been

adopted by the scholars, who wrote on dramatics, music and dance through which jīva

enjoys aesthetic performances accompanied with music, dance and costumes of different

types, in a particular atmosphere created on a well built stage.

Abhinavagupta was a dynamic scholar who wrote profusely on the Pratyabhijñā

thought15 of Kashmir Śaivism. His fame as the best literary critic in the field of Sanskrit

literature through his two monumental treatises, viz. Kāvyālokalocana on the Dhvanyāloka

of Ānandavardhana and the Abhinavabhāratī on the Nāṭyaśāstra is equally great as his

fame as the prominent advocate of the Pratyabhijñā system of thought. There has existed

a large number of many more commentators on the Nāṭyaśāstra who wrote in full or on

its specific chapters. Most of these commentators were apparently Kashmiris as can be

guessed from their names. Śārṅgadeva in his Saṅgītaratnākara (SR I.19) gives reference of

9 dharmārthakāmamokṣeṣu vaicakṣaṇyaṃ kalāsu ca | prītiṃ karoti kīrtiṃ ca sādhukāvyanibandhanam (Kāvyālaṅkāra

1.2).

10 BAMZAI 1962: 229–233.

11 Cf. SANDERSON 2009: 119.

12 Cf. SANDERSON 2009: 108.

13 PANDIT 1989: 141.

14 LAKSHMANJOO 1991: 1–3.

15 Cf. MISHRA 1999: 255–279.


five commentators as Lollaṭa, Udbhaṭa, Śaṅkuka, Abhinavagupta and Kīrtidhara. Abhi-

navagupta in his commentary refers to a number of commentators who commented on

some chapters of the Nāṭyaśāstra. These names are of Mātṛgupta, Bhaṭṭanāyaka,

Bhaṭṭatauta, Bhaṭṭavṛddhi, Bhaṭṭagopāla, Bhaṭṭasumanas, Bhaṭṭaśaṅkara, Ghaṇṭaka,

Rāhula, etc. Abhinavagupta refers to Bhaṭṭatauta as his guru. Unfortunately none of these

commentaries survive today.

The manuscripts of the Nāṭyaśāstra belonging to the period roughly between the 12th

and 18th centuries CE have been found in different parts of India, viz. Almora, Ujjain,

Tamilnadu, Kerala and also in Nepal in various scripts such as Devanāgarī, Grantha,

Tamil, Telugu, Malayāḷam and Newārī. This proves that the work must have been very

well known in different parts of India. Another fact worthy of note is that though the

treatises were composed by the scholars in the north including in Kashmir, the manu-

scripts of the Nāṭyaśāstra and Abhinavabhāratī, along with other works of eminence on rasa

and literary criticism are available from the southern parts of India. It speaks of the rec-

ognition and popularity of the works throughout the sub-continent. It also proves

undoubtedly the strength of the unifying merit and the consequent uniformity of the San-

skrit scholarship16 that represents the Indian culture.17

Thus the above discussion makes it sufficiently clear that the Nāṭyaśāstra—in which

are laid the foundations of various art forms including the art of Saṅgīta—was not

unknown in Kashmir. Rather it remained very much a part of the literary and philosoph-

ical endeavours carried out in Kashmir for many centuries.

Śārṅgadeva’s Roots in Kashmir (1210–1247 CE)

Śārṅgadeva the author of the Saṅgītaratnākara (SR) which is considered the next impor-

tant landmark in the history of Indian music after the Nāṭyaśāstra for it embodies the ear-

lier tradition in remarkable detail, introduces himself as belonging to a family which

hailed from Kashmir (SR I.2–3).18 His grandfather Bhāskara appears to have shifted from

Kashmir to Devagiri (present Daulatabad) during the reign of King Bhillama V. (late

Yādava dynasty) who reigned c. 1184/88–1192/93 CE.19 Bhāskara was an expert in

Āyurveda and it is believed that the king getting impressed by his scholarship invited

16 It may be interesting to note that the Satyasiddhiśa stra is a Buddhist philosophical text written by Harivar-

man in Kashmir during the 4th century CE. It was translated into Chinese by the renowned Buddhist scholar

Kumārajīva, who also introduced a school of Buddhist thought in China based upon this śāstra. It became

one of the most popular schools of Buddhist thought in China and received further popularity in Korea and

Japan where it is followed till date. It is believed that the six principles of the Chinese painting are based

upon this śāstra. This observation invites further investigations in the direction of locating the traces of the

Nāṭyaśāstra in the text of the Satyasiddhiśāstra which is also known as the Tattvasiddhiśāstra.

17 Cf. VATSYAYAN 1996: 28–45.

18 asti svastigṛhaṃ vaṃśaḥ śrīmatkāśmīrasambhavaḥ | ṛṣer vṛṣagaṇāj jātaḥ kīrtikṣālitadiṅmukhaḥ || yajvabhir dhar-

madhīdhuryair vedasāgarapāragaiḥ | yo dvijendrair alañcakre brahmabhir bhūgatair iva || (SR I.1.2–3).


him to his court as a royal physician. Bhāskara’s son Soḍhala was also appointed as

Accounts General (śrīkaraṇāgraṇī) in the same court. Śārṅgadeva was the son of Soḍhala

and continued in his father’s post as the Royal Accountant during the rule of Siṅghaṇa

II. (reigned c. 1200–1247 CE) who was the third successor of the Yādava dynasty in Deva-

giri. Since the king was a great patron of arts, literature and science it seems that

Śārṅgadeva composed the Saṅgītaratnākara during his period.

Śārṅgadeva must have inherited such cultural heritage that combined the northern

and the southern traditions in learning and arts. He also continued further his family

profession of Āyurveda. In the Saṅgītaratnākara he refers to his yet another work on the

subject as Adhyātmaviveka (SR I.2.119). The three facets of Śārṅgadeva’s life, viz. the

accountant, the scholar and the physician are touched upon by him when he refers to

himself as one who removed the distress of the brahmins through gifts of large wealth

(as an accountant); of those desirous of learning through knowledge (as a scholar) and of

the sick through medicine (as a physician) (SR I.1.12cd–13ab). Speaking about the four-

fold objective of composing his work on music Śārṅgadeva says that he commenced his

work Saṅgītaratnākara for i) emancipating the entire populace from the threefold misery

of the worldly life, ii) serving the cause of eternal dharma, iii) obtaining glory and iv) for

achieving liberation (SR I.1.13cd–14).

Siṃhabhūpāla (14th cent. CE) was one of the earliest commentators on the

Saṅgītaratnākara. His commentary is known as Saṅgītasudhākara. It is interesting to note

his comments in which he says that the “whole system of music expounded by Bharata

and others had been shattered before the advent of Śārṅgadeva and it was Śārṅgadeva

who consolidated and now he (Siṁhabhūpāla) himself is trying to make it understand-

able, out of consideration for the people.”20

Further, it is also interesting to compare the schemes of the composition of the

Saṅgītaratnākara with that of the Nāṭyaśāstra of Bharata. By that it becomes clear that the

latter is a multifaceted treatise that incorporates into its fold all art forms while as the

former is devoted to the delineation of Saṅgīta—a composite of gīta, vādya and nṛtya. The

Saṅgītaratnākara has been consolidated and arranged in seven chapters to record exposi-

tion of the entire Saṅgīta. The first six chapters are devoted to music and the last one to

dance. Music independent of drama had apparently become crystallized by this time.

19 Cf. SCHMIEDCHEN (forthc.). According to SCHMIEDCHEN it is uncertain whether Bhillama V. actually

founded the fortress Devagiri. Pursuant to some sources he seems to have reigned from Taḍavalage/Tene-

valage near Bijapur.

20 SHARMA 1978: xviii (referring to the “Introductory sl. 5–7 of Siṁhabhūpāla’s commentary on S. R.”).


Other Literary Evidences

The earliest available literary evidence on Kashmir is the Nīlamatapurāṇa (7th to 9th centu-

ries CE)21 dealing mainly with religious rites and ceremonies. In its introductory verses

Kashmir is introduced as a land reverberating with the sound of Vedic recitals (brah-

maghoṣasamākulam, v. 21) and resounding with the sound of lutes and drums (vīṇā-

paṭahanāditam, v. 22). Singing and dancing is prescribed on religious occasions, viz. on

awakening of Lord Viṣṇu (vv. 421, 425–27); on the Birthday of Lord Buddha theatre and

dance programmes are held (v. 713). The same instructions are prescribed for the worship

of the goddesses like Aśokikā (vv. 786–87); Bhadrakālī (vv. 816–17); Śyāmā (vv. 830–833)

and on the installation of divine images (vv. 896–98) or the immersion of images after

worship (vv. 743–49). The city is to be adorned by actors and dancers during the celebra-

tion of the anniversary of the coronation of the king (vv. 846–849). Gifts for dramatic per-

formances (vv. 731–32, 769, 795) at various occasions and also honouring the actors (v.

795) are suggested for three days following the birthday of Vitastā (the prominent river

in Kashmir). Stage performers are to be revered as per instructions given in the

Nīlamatapurāṇa (v. 769; also see vv. 731–32). It refers to two types of instruments out of

the four as described in the Nāṭyaśāstra. Thus is found the mention of tantrī also known

as tata—stringed instruments like vīṇā etc. and avanaddha22—percussion instruments like

drums etc. (vv. 687–688, 690). Significantly as per Indian tradition it facilitates the

description of the assembly of Brahmā where Nārada is singing the praises of the Lord

along with two Gandharvas and Viśvāvasu and Śāliśī (v. 663) in presence of a number of

dancers (vv. 664–65).

Singing, dancing and playing of instruments is indicated on every festive occasion.

Referring to the celebration of a festival in the month of Phālguna it is said that a “vigil

should be observed during the night (full moon night of the month of Phālguna) by sing-

ing, dancing and playing on instruments. On next day should be viewed the perform-

ances of the dancers, the actors and the singers. This should continue up to the fifth of the

dark-half” (vv. 546–47; tr. VED KUMARI). Likewise on occasion of the first snowfall, listen-

ing to vocal and instrumental music and enjoying the dances is indicated (vv. 483–84).

Sowing of seeds is performed amidst the sounds of musical instruments (v. 566). And,

after the sowing of seeds a festival full of singing and dancing is to be celebrated with

heart-enchanting sound of musical instruments (vādyaśabdaiḥ manoharaiḥ, v. 568). The

general terms used for the musical instruments are vādya (vv. 399, 546, 749, 787, 1441),

21 Cf. SANDERSON (2009: 111): “When the tradition of these texts was introduced cannot be determined with

any precision, but it is probable that the Nīlamata was in existence long before the 12th century, the time of

the first known reference to it in a dated source, but perhaps not before the promotion of Vaiṣṇavism during

the Karkota period. It may well have been created during the time of those kings (c. 626–855), but there can

be no certainty that it was, since Vaiṣṇavism neither began nor ended in Kashmir with that dynasty.”

22 The text reads as geyam ānaddhavādyaṃ. It should read as geyam avanaddhavādyaṃ.


vāditra (vv. 836, 849) and vādya-bhāṇḍa (v. 820). Different musical instruments refered to

in the Nīlamatapurāṇa are: vīṇā (vv. 426, 441), veṇu (v. 441), śaṅkha (vv. 399, 849), paṭaha (v.

426) and muraja (v. 1441).

As far as the dancing is concerned it goes together with musical performances. Such

performances used to take place on religious ceremonies or in social gatherings held to

welcome seasons and also on the occasions related to agricultural festivals (vv. 722–23)

etc. as also noted above. In this way the Nīlamatapurāṇa provides the references to the

Saṅgīta that was very much a living tradition during the period.

According to Kalhaṇa’s Rājataraṅgiṇī (RT) music seems to have been popular with

Buddhist monks around the early centuries of the Christian era.23 During this period

there also existed the custom of dancing girls associated with temples. Kalhaṇa says that

the king Jalauka dedicated hundred dancers of his seraglio to the temple of Jyeṣṭharudra

(RT I.151). By the time of Lalitāditya Muktāpīḍa (8th cent. CE) the practice must have gone

out of focus. This is reflected through an instance of King Lalitāditya’s coming into con-

tact with two ladies in a far off forest place—one of them was singing and the other was

dancing. On completing their song and dance they bowed down and went away. The

king found these two ladies coming to that particular place every day to do their ritual.

Hence, out of curiosity the king asked for the reason. The ladies replied that they were

dancing girls belonging to a temple and were doing this ritual as per directions received

from their mothers who used to perform at that particular spot. They also said that it was

their family tradition to perform there regularly (RT IV.265–276).

Kalhaṇa furnishes another interesting instance of the time of Cakravarman who had

ascended the throne the third time (936–937 CE). The king had granted an audience in

the outer reception hall to a famous Ḍomba singer called Raṅga who had come from

abroad along with his band to perform before the king and his assembly of ministers and

chiefs. The two female performers named Haṃsī and Nāgalatā won the heart of the king

through their singing and dancing (RT V.354–388). Thereafter, Kalhaṇa records, King

Kalaśa (1063–1089 CE), introduced the taste for upāṅgagīta (choral songs) and maintained

the careful selection of dancers as was followed in other areas (RT VII.606). Describing

the court of King Harṣa of Kashmir (CE 1089–1101) Kalhaṇa compares the singers of his

court with the Gandharvas (celestial singers) (RT VII.949). King’s expertise and special

interest in the art of dancing is further highlighted when Kalhaṇa refers to him as giving

lessons in person to the dancing girls on how to perform (RT VII.1140).

The Kuṭṭanīmatakāvya (K) of Dāmodaragupta (2nd half of the 8th century CE) is a very

important text mainly dealing with subjects like erotic, poetics and dramaturgy. Interest-

ingly Kalhaṇa (RT IV.496) is the only source that records the name of the work along with

its author who was appointed dhī-saciva (prime minister) by the Kārkoṭa king of Kash-

23 Cf. RT I.140: “When you had lately been kept from sleep by the noise of the music of a Vihāra [...]” (tr. STEIN).


mir—Jayāpīḍa Vinayāditya. Thus providing the approximate date of Dāmodaragupta

which is otherwise not available from any other source. It is presumed that the text may

be supposedly reflecting upon the contemporary Kashmir but there is no mention of

Kashmir in the whole poem. The scenes of the episodes mentioned in the text are laid at

Vārāṇasī, Pāṭaliputra and Mount Abu. The work seems to have commanded great pop-

ularity for a long time as it has been found cited in the works of eminence on literary

criticism, grammar and in several anthologies till the 12th cent. CE. For instance Mammaṭa

(11th cent. CE) quotes three verses from it in his Kāvyaprakāśa (VIII.202 = K 697; VIII.341

and IX.356 = K 103; X.452 = K 97). So does Kṣemendra (11th cent. CE) quote from this text

in his Kavikaṇṭhābharaṇa (v. 39). Maṅkha (c. 1150 CE) has also quoted it in his Alaṅ-

kārasarvasva and also in his auto-commentary on the Maṅkhakośa.24

The Nāṭyaśāstra of Bharata is one of the very important sources drawn upon heavily

by Dāmodaragupta. The account of the performance of Śrī Harṣa’s Ratnāvalī (K vv. 880–

928) as per the Nāṭyaśāstra provides the noteworthy evidence of Dāmodaragupta’s deep

study of this text. The Kuṭṭanīmatakāvya facilitates enormous information on the contem-

porary state of arts specially music, dance and drama which can be corroborated with the

archaeological evidence25 and other literary evidence (as already discussed in this paper)

from Kashmir.

There are two more very important but diverse references of the 11th cent. CE, one

furnished by Bilhaṇa and the other by Kṣemendra about the state of these arts during

their contemporary periods. Bilhaṇa in his Vikramāṅkadevacarita (XVIII, 23, 29) testifies to

the high skilled techniques of abhinaya and aṅgahāras in which the women of Kashmir

were expert. Kṣemendra in his Deśopadeśa (v. 30) sarcastically refers to a singer who enters

the place of yāga shouldering his lute and singing in gurgling sound the songs of depar-

ture (visarjanakārī) at the time of invoking (āvāhane) the gods.

Somewhat descriptive and informative details related to the developments in the field

of music, dance and theatre are available in Śrīvara’s Zaynataraṅgiṇī (ZT).26 Śrīvara (15th

cent. CE) himself was a great musicologist. This is evident through his special references

made to these arts in his work. Sulṭān Zayn al-‘Ābidīn (Soltan Zeyn al-‘Abedin; reigned

1418/20–1470 CE) popularly known as Bādšāh (Badshah, great king) even up to the

present, had great love for music who showered gold in the courtyard of his palace which

was resounding with all the local melodies in vogue in Kashmir at that time (ZT I.3.42).

He also enjoyed listening to music while sitting in a boat when the birthday of the Vitastā

[river] was celebrated on the 13th of the bright fortnight of the Bhādrapada month (ZT

24 SHASTRI 1975: 1–2.

25 See the plates at the end of this contribution.

26 According to the research of WALTER SLAJE, Śrīvara has actually written two independent works, viz. a

Zaynataraṅgiṇī (corresponding to “books 1 and 2” of all hitherto published editions and translations of

Śrivara’s so-called “Jaina-Rājataraṅgiṇī”) and a Rājataraṅgiṇī (corresponding to “books 3 and 4”); cf. SLAJE

2005.


I.3.53–56).27 The Sulṭān would spend the whole night relishing songs and music with

utmost comfort (ZT I.3.58). There were great musicologists who would sing from the

innermost urge. Reference is made to the songs sung by the ladies of Kashmir which were

sweet, touching, full of aesthetic pleasure and containing agreeable gamut in respect of

voice and tune (ZT I.4.6–7). People possessed taste for the stage (ZT I.4.8) and the actors

were well versed in both vocal and instrumental music as also in dance. Worthy ladies

projecting forty-nine emotional sentiments through the equal number of musical key-

notes earned great applause (ZT I.4.9–12). The open air theatre was very much in vogue

(ZT I.4.13–18). During this period there were already Persian, Turkish and other foreign

musicians performing in Kashmir. Śrīvara had gained expertise in singing foreign melo-

dies too (ZT I.4.31–35). Given the variety of musical traditions available at one place it is

reported that once in the audience hall a single song was rendered into twelve diverse

melodies (ZT I.4.36). Once, when the Sulṭān had boarded a boat to roam in the Kramasa-

ras lake (modern Kaunsarnag), Śrīvara says: “The overlord (Sultan) while listening the

songs from the Gītagovinda from me was drenched profusely in the devotion for Lord

Krishna at that time enjoying inexplicable aesthetic pleasure” (ZT I.5. 99–100). Noticing

his interests the Lords from other lands sent their gifts to the Sulṭān for maintaining cor-

dial relations with him. As such the Rājā of Gwalior (Gopālapura) Rājā Ḍugarasīha (Dug-

gar Singh) sent a manual on Indian music, titled Saṅgītacūḍāmaṇi (ZT I.6.14–15). After

Zayn al-‘Ābidīn his son Ḥāǧǧi Ḫān (Hajji Khan) occupied the throne as Ḥaydar Šāh (Hey-

dar Shah, 1470 –1472 CE) for two years. Although he is not depicted as a good ruler but

at the same time Śrīvara does not miss to highlight his expertise in playing lute and giving

lessons on the same too (ZT II.56–58).

There is a twin text, the Tarjumah-i-mānkutūhal va risālah-i rāgdarpan (Tarjomeh-ye

mankotuhal va resaleh-ye ragdarpan) from north India compiled in Persian by one of the

Governors of the Mughul emperor Aurangzēb (Awrangzēb, 17th cent. CE). Nawab Saīf

Ḫān (Navab Saif Khan) better known as Faqīrullāh (Faqirullah) translated the

Mānakutūhala of the king Mānasiṃha (1486–1517) and appended to it his compilation the

Rāgadarpaṇa which he himself says is based upon Bharata’s Nāṭyaśāstra, the Saṅgīta-

darpaṇa and the Saṅgītaratnākara.28 The author finalized his work while he was deputed

to Kashmir. Due to severe winter he found some free time from his assignments which

he utilized in finalizing his already compiled work.29 The conclusion occurring towards

the close of this text conveys the author’s brief note on the music of Kashmir of that time

which throws interesting light on the already changed scenario. He writes: “As the only

music Kashmir knows is Persian and not Indian, insofar as the fundamentals go. Only

27 The celebration of the birthday of the Vitastā with music, dance and theatre performances is already noticed

in the Nīlamatapurāṇa vv. 791–96.

28 SHAHAB SARMADEE (Tarjumah-i-mānkutūhal): 12–13.

29 SHAHAB SARMADEE (Tarjumah-i-mānkutūhal): 225.


some of the expert instrumentalists sometimes come here (from outside India) and suc-

cessfully perform. Otherwise, this Faqīr does hardly know anything about the Persian

music. Only some of the Persian maqām (major melodies of Iran) which do possess a strik-

ing resemblance with the rāgas of India, I am acquainted with; and, that too, after ascer-

taining (only) their names from the sāzindah (instrumentalists) and goindah (vocalists) as

well as those who know” (tr. SHAHAB SHARMADEE).30

Therefore, it may be observed that till about the 10th cent. CE the Saṅgīta as practiced

in Kashmir was purely as per Indian tradition. But during the Sultanate period the prac-

tice of the arts along with the art of music and dance in Kashmir also was slowly influ-

enced by the foreign characteristics and thus giving rise to a new fusion that was concre-

tized by the time of the Mughuls.

Attention requires also to be drawn towards yet another textual source of a different

kind. This is a stuti to the supreme Divine Energy. The stuti is very close to the heart of

the Kashmiri community up until now. It is believed to be the revealed text forming a

page of the Rudrayāmalatantra. Eulogizing the thousand names of the Goddess Supreme

the Bhavānīnāmasahasrastuti is the most revered stotra in practice even up to the present

both for recitation as also for performing the ritual of yajña for devīsvāhākāra (oblations to

Devī). Although the recitation of this stotra is in itself an amalgamation of music and

dance but there are specific names which throw significant light on the niceties of the art

of Saṅgīta at both levels, viz. the conceptual as well as the theoretical. Some of the names

are elaborated below:

Kulavāgīśvarī (62) is explained as the sovereign power of soundless sound, i.e.

anāhata identified as nādabrahman in music. Sarasvatī (106) the goddess of learning is

highly revered in music. Śāradā (113) is explained as the goddess of the Divine Lute

(vīṇā). In fact, Śāradā is an epithet of Sarasvatī—the goddess of learning. Trayī (120) is the

threefold śakti, i.e. the Supreme vāc called parā which permeates the three stages of speech,

viz. paśyantī, madhyamā and vaikharī. Sukarṇarasanā (225) has been explained as the

mother who readily listens to the sincere and sweet prayers of the devotees.

Hence, in the Indian tradition music and dance are interlinked. In the light of that

Yonimudrā (241), Mahāmudrā (242) and Khecarī (243) are the most important names

associated with the goddess. These mudrās are the yogic exercises which must be very

cautiously practiced under the guidance of a learned guru—it is said. Mudrā is the mood

or gesture that gives joy and the yoni is the locus of the point of that joy. Thus mudrā is

used by Maharṣis as namaḥkāramudrā which is said to be the manifestation of Śrī Lalitā as

the union of Śiva and Śakti. This also represents mūlaprakṛti or paśyantī vāc, the first step

towards the creation of the universe of nāmarūpa (name and form). Mahāmudrā is the

infinite circuit circumference of which is nowhere and the centre is everywhere. It is

30 SHAHAB SARMADEE (Tarjumah-i-mānkutūhal): 225–228.


explained as the mood or gesture of casual unity of jīva and brahman which is only

favoured by the Goddess. In the technical sense mudrā is a particular disposition in order

to help in concentration. Control of the organs of body becomes automatic by practicing

mudrās . It is called mudrā because it gives the joy (mudayati) of spiritual consciousness.

Khecarī is said to be the best of all mudrās. It is a state of Śiva, the possessor of that state

is the Lord of Consciousness.

The Bhavānīnāmasahasrastuti in other words is an index to the subject matter of the

Śākta doctrine which is closely related to the Trika system of Kashmir Śaivism. All activ-

ity, in the universe is carried out through words formed by the mātṛkācakra—the lettered

sounds in relation to their objects. Akārā (402), Ikārā (403), Ukārā (404), Aikārarūpiṇī

(404) and Hrīṅkārī (406) are explained in the background of the mātṛkācakra representing

cicchakti (akārā), icchāśakti (ikārā), jñānaśakti (ukārā) and kriyāśakti (aikārarūpiṇī). Hrīṅkārī is

the doer of creation, preservation and dissolution. This is known as tantric praṇava. The

seed letter hrīṃ is described as ekākṣara brahman (non-syllablic brahman) in the Athar-

vaveda. With the help of prāṇāyāma and bandha (certain breathing exercises and postures

of body by which Kuṇḍalinī is successfully awakened), a yogin concentrates on the sound

hrīṃ and awakens the Kuṇḍalinī śakti, thus through bhrāmarī abhyāsa (spiritual practice

like the movement of a bee).

The next interesting name of the Goddess Supreme as explained in the stotra is Gāyatrī

(447) the protector of devotees who sing her songs. Gāyatrī is the mother of the Vedas.

Gāyatrīmantra is identical with the vital force which is the soul of all metres (chandas).

Gāyatrīprāṇāyāma is suggested in śāstras as necessary regular exercise for every aspirant

for it bestows the greatest benefit by rendering the intellect pure and pious. Thus en-

abling one to connect with the Supreme Truth. Sāmagāyanī (456) is the name defined as

the divinity in the conciliatory conduct of singing. Yogins practice awareness of the

supreme, pure and magnificent self through the piercing rhythm of music. This concili-

atory conduct of singing as a charming power of the Divine Mother becomes the means

of union of jīvātman with paramātman. It is one of the aesthetic raptures that one feels in

listening to a melodious song, while one’s mind withdrawn from everything around,

reposes in the Supreme Self. This occurs only by the Mother’s grace which becomes evi-

dent through the seven noted letters of music. Svāṅgā (520) is explained as the self acting

deity. Bījasantati (616) has been defined as the sweet and indistinct sound which is the

root of life in charming perpetuation. Thus all these names of the Goddess Supreme are

vibrating with the holistic Saṅgīta .

The technical categories of music are reflected in the following names:

Gīti (474) is the allurement in song and Sugīti (475) is the excellence of attractiveness

in singing. Saptasvaramayī Tantrī (477) is the lute of the seven notes recognized by musi-

cians. Ṣaḍjamadhyamadhaivatā (478) is explained as the upper three cakras of the

ṣaṭcakras of the awakening of the Kuṇḍalinī through the fourth, fifth and sixth note of the


seven svaras, viz. ṣaḍja, madhyama, dhaivata respectively. Thus mātṛkāśakti bestowing the

beatitude.

Mūrchanāgrāmasaṃsthānā (479) means that the divinity is present in all mūrchanās—

the ascending and the descending movement of the seven notes of music (SR IV.9) and

the grāmas—the group of tones that form the basis of mūrchanā (SR IV.1). Finally,

Gītanṛtyapriyā (485) is the goddess who is pleased with the song (gīta/stuti) and dance

received from her devotees. Śikhinartanī (880) is the goddess holding a peacock dance—

just as a peacock displays its colourful performance in a dance, so does cicchakti manifest

in the universal play of joy, meaning that she manifests as the universe appearing with

its various qualities, multifarious activities and perpetuating sounds.

Śārikāśukabhāṣiṇī (909)—in simple meaning is the name of the goddess who like the

bird Śārikā sings melodious notes. But, it contains a subtle connotation. Śārikā stands for

subtleness and melody and śukabhāṣiṇī stands for the indistinct note. These terms refer to

the two stages of vāc in the process of the creation of consciousness known as paśyantī and

madhyamā. It is paśyantī in the beginning of the difference (bheda) and full awareness of

the difference in madhyamā. It is all within oneself. The goddess bestows the power of

divine speech to her devotees and vanquishes all evils. Thus the Bhavānīnāmasahasrastuti

is full of resplendent evidence on Saṅgīta that has remained a means of attaining Supreme

Awakening.

Gaurīstotra31 also known as Ambāstotra is considered to be a compilation of highly eso-

teric verses compiled by Ādi Śaṅkara. This stotra of ten verses is also very much prevalent

among the community. The similarity of the rhythm in which this stotra is chanted in the

temples is traceable in the Buddhist chants performed in the Hemis Gompa (he mi dgon

pa) in Ladakh during the early morning rituals.32

It may be concluded as has been made clear from the above discussions based upon

literary evidences and the existing practices supplemented by archaeological and other

visual materials from Kashmir or related to Kashmir that the Saṅgīta in Kashmir comes

down from the same perpetual source as followed in the Indian holistic tradition. With

the passage of time various streams by way of foreign influences got absorbed into this

vast sea and thereby giving it a new form. The purpose of this paper has been to create

connections between the fragmented facts. There remain many connections yet to be

identified. For instance the Zaynataraṅgiṇī (ZT I.4.34) refers to a tumbavīṇā. This reminds

of the tumbaknārī—a percussion instrument used by both Hindus and Muslims of Kash-

mir with other instruments during the performance of chakrī at various occasions. Tum-

bakī (tombaki) is also an Iranian instrument resembling tumbaknārī. And, chakrī is a song

form performed along with dance also. This form is linked with Jakkaḍi,33 Jikrī/Zikrī and

31 Cf. Mukundamālā: 47–52.

32 This statement is based upon the self experience during the visit to the Hemis Gompa in Ladakh in Sept.

2009 alongwith Prof. BETTINA BÄUMER to have an experience of the early morning rituals of the Gompa.


Jigari/Jagarī 34 believed to have been introduced from Persia.35 Another instance is of rov

or rof —a local dance form in which ladies standing together in two rows face to face

move forward and backwards following particular steps while singing festive songs.

Males do also join at times. It is believed that the rov or rof originates from rāsalīlā.36 This

statement gets confirmation by the use of the term rov in the Kṛṣṇalīlā songs composed in

Kashmiri language.37 There remains a vast literature in Sanskrit as well as in Kashmiri

and other languages specially Persian to be explored in order to identify the evidence

related to the subject. The present effort has been just a preliminary effort in this direction.

Primary Sources

Bhavānīnāmasahasrastuti Bhavānīnāmasahasrastuti: A Page from Rudrayāmala Tantra.

JANKINATH KAUL ‘KAMAL’ (tr. & com.). Srinagar 1991.

Deśopadeśa The Deśopadeśa & Narmamālā of Kshemendra. MADHU-

SŪDAN KAUL SASTRI (ed.). [Kashmir Series of Texts and

Studies. 40]. Srinagar 1923.

K (Kuṭṭanīmata). Kuttani-Matam or Shambhali-Matam. By

Dāmodara Gupta. TANASUKHRAM MANASUKHARAM TRIPATHI

(ed.). Varanasi 1991.

Kāvyālaṅkāra Kāvyālaṅkāra of Bhāmaha. RAMAN KUMAR SHARMA. Delhi

1994.

Kṣemendra Minor Works of Kṣemendra. E. V. V. RĀGHAVĀCARYA and D.

G. PADHYE. [Sanskrit Academy Series. 7]. Hyderabad 1961.

Mukundamālā Mukundamālā evam anya Stotra-ratna. JANKINATH KAUL

‘KAMAL’ (ed.). Srinagar 31994.

Nartananirṇaya Nartananirṇaya of Paṇḍarīka Viṭṭhala. R. SATHYANARAYANA

(ed. & tr.). 3 vols. [Kalāmūlaśāstra Series. 17–19]. New Delhi

1994–1998.

33 SATHYANARAYANA (Nartananirṇaya, vol. III): 164–65.

34 SHAHAB SARMADEE (Tarjumā-i-Mānakutūhal): 119 and 285, n. 77.

35 Cf. SATHYANARAYANA (Nartananirṇaya, vol. III): 344, 346 and 349; VATSYAYAN 1996: 123.

36 Cf. Plates IXa and IXb at the end of this paper.

37 rov karavay cūre, yuth na kāṅh bozi dūre | suy bozanāvon tāl || lāla yiyinā son ...

Rādhā addressing her friends: “Let us play rāsa (rov) at a hidden spot so that no one else may hear us from

afar. We make Him (only) to listen to our beats (tāla). Even then, will Lord (Kṛṣṇa) not come to ours?” (cited

from Śraddhā Posha by JANKINATH KAUL ‘KAMAL’: 26).


Nāṭyaśāstra Nāṭyaśāstra of Bharatamuni. With the commentary of Abhina-

vabhāratī by Abhinavaguptācārya. RAVI SHANKAR NAGAR

(ed.). Vols. 1–4. [Parimal Sanskrit Series. 4]. Delhi 2001.

Nīlamatapurāṇa The Nīlamata Purāṇa. VED KUMARI. Vol. I: [Repr.] Srinagar

1988. Vol. II: [Repr.] Srinagar 1994.

Pañcastavī Pañcastavī (The pentad of hymns of Kuṇḍalinīyoga). JANKI-

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1996.



Plates

Plate I

A unique and intriguing motif from a

tiled structure from Hutamar, Distt.

Anantanag showing two zoomorphic

figures standing in front of a male fig-

ure holding a goblet or an incense

burner in the hand. In the middle a

female zoomorphic figure with human

head and an animal body is engaged in

performing some ritual dance (could

have association with tantric rituals).

(With ack. from BHAN 2010,

Vol. 1: Fig. 12.)

Plate II

Harvan tile belonging to the facade.

The upper register of this tile shows

three musicians. The left one is

playing a flute, the middle one

cymbal and the third on the

extreme right a pair of drums.

(With ack. from KAK 1933: Plate

XXVIII , no. 14.)


Plate III

Harvan tile showing below the row of

lotus medallions a female musician

playing on a drum which is apparently

slung over her left shoulder.

(With ack. from KAK 1933: Plate XXVII,

no.11.)


Plate IVa

Harvan tile showing a dancer wearing

large ear rings, dressed in loose robe and

trousers with a long scarf held in both

hands which she waves over her head.

(With ack. from KAK 1933:

Plate XXVII, no. 12.)

Plate IVb

A similar style identified in local dance form even nowadays in Kashmir (from personal collection).


Plate V

A rare wooden image of Śiva Tāṇḍava belonging to the 7th–9th century from North

Western Frontier Region now in British Museum. Within an enclosed trefoil arch it shows

Śiva performing the dance of Bliss (Ānanda-Tāṇḍava) symbolising the five divine acts

(pañcakṛtya). In front is a band of four musicians playing flute, drums and cymbals.

(With ack. from BHAN 2010, Vol. 1: Fig. 160.)

Plate VIa

Śiva Naṭarāja in stone from Payer temple belonging to the 8th–9th century. The image is

composed in a niche measuring 58 x 60 cms. There are two accompanying musicians. On

the left side of Naṭarāja is a lady seated on a stool playing harp vīṇā and on the right hand

side is seated male figure playing a drum held under his leg. (With ack. from BHAN 2010,

Vol.1: Fig. 159.)


Plate VIb

Payer Temple.

Plate VIc

Line drawing of two accompanying musicians from the sculpture of

Naṭarāja (Plate VIa).

(With ack. line drawing by SHRI VIRENDRA BANGROO.)


Plate VII

The damaged stele representing the Mātṛkās (stone) 9th century Kashmir, SPS Museum. In the centre

is the image of Vīṇādhara Śiva seated on his vāhana—Nandī. All images are seated on their respective

vāhanas. On extreme right to Śiva is the four armed Brahmāṇī wearing a crown and kuṇḍala and

next is Indrāṇī—four armed and holding vajra. (With ack. from BHAN 2010, Vol. 1: Fig. 211.)

Plate VIII

Mātṛkās (stone) 9th

century, Devasar,

Kashmir. Vaiṣṇavī on

Garuḍa, Brahmāṇī on

Haṃsa, Maheśvarī on

Nandī, Vārāhī on

Boar and Cāmuṇḍā

on circular seat. In the

lower register are five

female musicians.

Four are playing their

musical instruments

and the central one is

performing dance.

Performance is appar-

ently performed on a

boat. (With ack. from

BHAN 2010, Vol. 1:

Fig. 212.)


Plate IXa

Miniature Painting of Rāsa from Kashmir (c. 18th–19th century) (with ack. from Oriental Library

Collection, Srinagar, Kmr.)

Plate IXb

Rov or Rof being performed during a Kashmiri marriage celebration (from personal collection).


Plate Xa

Miniature Painting of Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa in a playful posture (with ack. from Oriental Library

Collection, Srinagar, Kmr.)

Plates Xb and Xc

Same playful actions (as in the Radha Krishna painting) performed during the Kashmiri celebration of

a marriage (from personal collection).


Plate Xc

201

Contributors

Prof. Dr. MICHAEL HAHN Fachgebiet Indologie und Tibetologie,

Philipps Universität Marburg

Prof. Dr. JÜRGEN HANNEDER Fachgebiet Indologie und Tibetologie,

Philipps Universität Marburg

Dr. ADVAITAVADINI KAUL Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts,

New Delhi

LUTHER OBROCK, M.A. Department of South & Southeast Asian Studies,

University of California, Berkeley

Prof. Dr. WALTER SLAJE Seminar für Indologie, Martin-Luther-Universität

Halle-Wittenberg

Dr. ROLAND STEINER Seminar für Indologie, Martin-Luther-Universität

Halle-Wittenberg

Dr. MARTIN STRAUBE Seminar für Indologie, Martin-Luther-Universität

Halle-Wittenberg

Documents

Kaul Highland Philology 2012