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The International Journal of the
Arts in Society: Annual Review
ARTSINSOCIETY.COM
VOLUME 9
__________________________________________________________________________
Interrogating Women's Experience of AgeingReinforcing or Challenging Clichés?
SUSAN HOGAN
THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE ARTS IN SOCIETY: ANNUAL REVIEW www.artsinsociety.com
First published in 2015 in Champaign, Illinois, USA by Common Ground Publishing LLC www.commongroundpublishing.com
ISSN: 1833-1866
© 2015 (individual papers), the author(s) © 2015 (selection and editorial matter) Common Ground
All rights reserved. Apart from fair dealing for the purposes of study, research, criticism or review as permitted under the applicable copyright legislation, no part of this work may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publisher. For permissions and other inquiries, please contact [email protected].
The International Journal of the Arts in Society: Annual Review is peer-reviewed, supported by rigorous processes of criterion- referenced article ranking and qualitative commentary, ensuring that only intellectual work of the greatest substance and highest significance is published.
The International Journal of the Arts in Society: Annual Review
Volume 9, 2015, www.artsinsociety.com, ISSN: 1833-1866
© Common Ground, Susan Hogan, All Rights Reserved
Permissions: [email protected]
Interrogating Women’s Experience of Ageing:
Reinforcing or Challenging Clichés?
Susan Hogan, University of Derby, UK
Abstract: The “Representing Self—Representing Ageing” initiative has been funded by the ESRC as part of the New Dynamics of Ageing cross-council research programme. It has consisted of four projects with older women using
participatory arts to enable women to articulate their experiences of ageing, and to create alternative images of ageing.
Methods have included the use of art elicitation, photo-diaries, film-booths, directed photography, and phototherapy.
Keywords: Women and Ageing, Feminism and Ageing, Picturing Ageing, Participatory Arts, Visual Research Methods
Fig. 1: I Feel Like a Prisoner of the Numbers. Claudia B. Kuntze.
Look at Me! Visual Representations of Women & Ageing
he Second World Assembly on Ageing (2003) recognised a need to challenge stereotyped
images of ageing and later life, particularly those related to older women. The aim of the
Representing Self; Representing Ageing (RSRA) project, (more commonly known as Look
at Me! Images of Women & Ageing), was to involve older women in the creation of visual
images, equipping them with a novel means of challenging persistent media stereotyping and
invisibility. The study asked how media and cultural representations of older people conveyed
ideas and expectations about age and gender.
The aims were to:
i. To enable older women drawn from different community settings to create their
own images of ageing using a variety of participatory visual methods;
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THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE ARTS IN SOCIETY: ANNUAL REVIEW
ii. To explore the relationship between cultural and creative activity and later life well-
being; reflect upon the contribution of visual methods to participatory processes;
iii. To demonstrate the contribution of arts and humanities to critical gerontology;
iv. To enhance recognition, by policy makers and the wider public, of the authority,
wisdom and productivity of older women.
Fig. 2: Jude Grundy in Collaboration with Sue Hale, 2011.
The limited images that are popularly available typically present older people as diminutive,
dependent and frail, or as ageing 'positively' and belying their physical age. Turner (1984)
identified a ‘new puritanism’ – a tendency to attribute moral significance – indeed, to ascribe
goodness of character to those who have a beautiful healthy body. Critics of this emphasis on
healthy well-regulated bodies, and a movement towards ‘positive ageing’ (epitomised by seeing
older bodies engaged in traditionally youthful pursuits), view such ideology and rhetoric as
potentially ‘tyrannical’, worrying that problems associated with biological ageing may
increasingly be viewed as deviant or pathological. Blaikie, in polemical mode, asserts, ‘unless
you work on being ‘liberated’ from chronological destiny, you are less than normal’ (1999: 209).
Responding to a gauntlet thrown down by Phillipson, the need for rich qualitative research data
that interrogates the narratives that older women create to understand their embodied experience
of ageing, is apparent (Phillipson 1998:14).
Representations of ageing are particularly important to older women because their
experiences of ageing (and ageism) are deeply rooted in appearance (Bordo 1993). In particular,
the perception of their aged bodies makes them invisible in later life and can affect their social
status and access to resources and opportunities (Shilling 2011). For women especially, the
transcendence of age requires constant vigilance over our bodies (Hockey & James 2003:214).
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HOGAN: INTERROGATING WOMEN’S EXPERIENCE OF AGEING
Women’s potential fertility is also of importance when they are looking for partners in so-called
middle age; many men are not interested in women they cannot reproduce with, so such women
may feel themselves subject to the effects of ageing earlier than men.
Older women’s invisibility is being explored and challenged by women both within popular
culture and through academic work, but still in limited ways: for example, television programmes
uncritically buy into the anti-ageing industry and focus on heterosexual women. There have been
a number of refreshing attempts to address this, such as Channel 4’s Coming of Age, though how
far the series moved beyond clichés is debatable.1
Fig. 3: Disappearing Woman
Using the Arts to Explore Older Identities
Female artists have produced new images resisting conventional stereotypes of older women:
Martin's (2003) Outrageous Agers, for example, was challenging in its photographic depiction of
older women. Practitioners and researchers are increasingly using visual methods as a tool for
personal empowerment and social critique (Banks & Morphy 1997; Pink 2001; Banks 2001; Ball
& Smith 1992; Hogan 2003; Pink 2006; Stanazak 2007; Rose 2007; Hogan & Pink 2010; Pink,
Hogan & Bird 2011; Pink, 2012; Spencer 2012) to name but a few. Such approaches offer a way
forward for older women’s participation beyond their typical involvement in research as users of
welfare services.
The Warren, Gott and Hogan study, Representing Self- Representing Ageing, asks how
media and cultural representations of older people have conveyed ideas and expectations about
age and gender. It aimed to enable older women, recruited in different ways, to create their own
images of ageing using a variety of visual and textual methods. In particular, the project has been
keen to reflect upon the relationship between cultural and creative activity and later life
1 Coming of Age was billed as ‘a week of programming dedicated to the over 60s in a bid to challenge some of the
preconceptions and stereotypes surrounding the lives of older people’, screened in November 2009 on Channel 4 in the
U.K., several of Channel 4’s favourite programmes turned their attention to the over 60’s.
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wellbeing, and the contribution of visual ‘real life methods’ to participatory processes.
Furthermore, the project aimed to demonstrate the contribution of the arts and humanities to
critical gerontology. However, there is a potentially 'evangelical' strand, which perhaps requires
explicit acknowledgement, which is to enhance recognition of the authority, wisdom and
productivity of older women (point iv above).
What is an Older Woman?
Feminist theorists often emphasise that women ‘become’ women though a process of
socialisation (de Beauvoir, 1949) and reiterated practices (Butler, 1990), and challenge the notion
of ‘woman’ as an ‘immobile, stable, coherent, fixed, prediscursive, natural, and ahistorical’
category of meaning (Moi 1999:4). Or, as the philosopher Wittgenstein (1958) put it, ‘the
meaning of a word is its use in the language’.2 This post-structuralist turn in much feminist
theory is an attempt to resist biological determinist, and other reductive discourses, which
oppress women, and limit our practical and conceptual potential.
‘Woman’ as a universal category is problematic, as there are many social distinctions which
have an impact on women’s lived experience of being women. As Reinhart (1997: 74) notes,
‘Feminist theorists have long recognized that women represent a highly diversified group with
cross-cutting allegiances to work, family, race, class, religion, ethnic group, age group and
more.’ (I prefer the term ethnic allegiance to that of ‘race’). Elam (1994) has made the point that
‘a feminism that believes it knows what a woman is and what she can do both forecloses the
limitless possibilities of woman and misrepresents the various forms that social injustice can
take’ (Elam, 1994:32). Furthermore, as Gillies & Alldred (2002:35) point out, a focus on ‘the
heterogeneity of women’s experience dissolves many of the assumed commonalities that
feminism was built on.’
Whilst women may generally be materially disadvantaged in relation to men in Britain
today, and suffer from structural disadvantages (especially around the organisation of childbirth
and child-rearing, and pensions), Gillies & Alldred continue to avow that, ‘Even when specific
experiences or identities are shared by the researcher and researched, affinity in itself cannot be
regarded as an authoritative basis for representative research’ (2002:40). Drawing on the work of
Butler (1990), they suggest that ‘even when we do share identities, we cannot assume that
common identities produce common political perspectives’ (2002:42). They critique this idea
thus (2002:40):
Paradoxically, when an emphasis is placed on sameness, power differences are
highlighted in terms of whose version of the account is eventually told, even if the
research is presented as a co-construction. Fore-grounding commonality at the expense
of difference risks generating a falsely homogenised view of particular experiences, and
may result in an over-representation of issues that resonate with white, middle-class
researchers. Thus, although sharing an experience or standpoint may generate empathy
and a desire to speak on behalf of others, it can compromise critical reflexivity by
encouraging a reliance on unchallenged assumptions and inferences (Hurd and
McIntyre, 1996; Reay, 1996).
Further Ethical Dilemmas & the Reflexive Turn in Feminist Approaches to Participatory
Research
Edwards & Mauthner (2002:14) note that, ‘Ethics concerns the morality of human conduct. In
relation to social research, it refers to the moral deliberation, choice and accountability on the
part of researchers throughout the research process.’ The ethical dimension of this project is
2 Wittgenstein S43 in cited Moi 1999, p.7.
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HOGAN: INTERROGATING WOMEN’S EXPERIENCE OF AGEING
important. Birch et. al. (2002) ‘have identified the need in feminist qualitative research to
combine universal ethical standards with a more reflexive model of ethics, especially in relation
to participatory approaches involving sensitive topics and/or vulnerable groups’.3 But what does
this really mean and how should we apply this idea? Mauthner (1998) argues that reflexivity ‘is a
central tenet of a feminist methodology whereby the researcher documents the production of
knowledge and locates herself in the process’ (1998:49).4
Birtch, et. al. (2002:4) elaborate that this will include ‘an interest in the interplay between
public, social knowledge and private and personal lived experience.’ Gillies & Alldred argue
(2002:32) that ‘the goals of feminist research’ tend to be oriented towards better understanding or
representing women’s lived experience with ‘the explicitly political aim of challenging gender
oppression and improving women’s lives’ – research in this model becomes a ‘political tool to be
used strategically to make political interventions’.5
Gillies & Alldred (2002:32) complain that research ethics has tended to focus on how well
research participants are treated, but has not generally been ‘extended to encompass broader
questions about the ethics of knowledge itself…’ It would seem appropriate that, in a project
which seeks to explore the politics of representation, these processes form an integral part of the
research analysis.
The contingent nature of analysis needs to be highlighted (Burman 1992). Alldred & Gillies
(2002:146) point out that the research interview (and we do think that the ongoing art elicitation
workshop, which will be discussed, can be viewed as a form of extended interview, as well as an
opportunity to create imagery), ‘is not a clear window into the interviewee’s experience, rather it
is the joint production of an account by interviewer & interviewee through the dynamic
interaction between them’ (my italics). This, they assert, is now ‘widely accepted’ among
qualitative researchers, especially those with feminist convictions.
(Gillies & Alldred (2002:41) note that one strategy adopted by feminist researchers in
relation to the issue of representing others has been for researchers to ‘put themselves in the
picture’, ‘so that the research account is not a disembodied ‘view from nowhere’ (Fraser and
Nicholson 1990)’. As Birch & Miller (2002:93) put it,
In gathering narratives… the researcher must acknowledge their own part as co-
producer of such stories’ and ‘it is this recognition of the dynamics and constituent
nature of the research encounter in which data is generated that necessitates the need for
all participants to be visible in the research process’ (my italics).
Of course, detractors may claim ‘self-indulgence’, or challenge the researcher’s ‘objectivity’
or even ‘professionalism’. Nevertheless, a reflexive approach would seem to be definitively
justified in a research project of this nature, which has aspirations to be ‘participatory’.
‘First, the overall intention of specific representational research needs to be acknowledged
and clarified in terms of what might be achieved by speaking for or about ‘others’. Secondly, the
researcher’s position in relation to those whom she is representing needs to be thoroughly
explored, in terms of her own social, political, and personal interests, and the assumptions she
brings to her understanding of those she is researching (Gillies & Alldred 2002:42).
Birch and Miller (2002) assert that if ‘participatory’ research is to be more than a mere
semantic shift, then those participating must be clear about the project’s research aims
(2002:103) and open about the research process (2002:99).
3 Research Programme Proposal, ESRC New Dynamics of Ageing (Warren, Gott, Hogan, in collaboration with McManus & Martin 2009). 4 Reflexivity is an awareness of oneself in the field of action and one’s role in creating that situation: ‘Reflexivity is thus
distinct from reflectivity in its focus on the constitutive role of the self (Bloor & Wood 2006 pp.145-6). 5 Certainly, Oakley (1981) notes that, in ‘departing from conventional interviewing ethics’, she was concerned to give
‘the subjective situation of women greater visibility not only in sociology, but, more importantly, in society, than it has
traditionally had’ (p.48).
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THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE ARTS IN SOCIETY: ANNUAL REVIEW
To see full and active participation from our research participants – throughout a project –
demands that not only we, but also those whose lives we research, share a common interest and
understanding of the research enterprise. For many this would require a fundamental shift in
ways in which research is conceptualized… [This] depends upon negotiation of an active
research relationship… (2002:103-104).
They also assert that research designs should identify ‘processes of participation’ (2002:99).
This has led to it facilitators keeping a reflective diary of the process, and actually participating
in some of the initial workshops. For example, I joined in with the initial introductory sessions of
the art elicitation group. Thus, the facilitator revealed something of herself and potentially put
herself on more on an equal footing with participants than is often the case in experiential work.
However, fuller participation was limited by the need to facilitate the group and ensure
participant safety through my vigilant responsiveness.6
Alldred & Gillies assert, rather without evidence, that research interview practices suggest to
participants that they ‘employ conventional modes of self-expression’ and so perform in
predictable ways (1992:146) and if there is any validity in their rather crude and unsubstantiated
claim, then the potential iconoclasm and unpredictability of using art materials must be viewed as
a potential asset. (The discourse analyst, Deb Cameron notes ‘saving face’, and respondents
interpreting what the researcher wants, as potential problems; however, she also outlines many
other ways that interview respondents can behave, pointing out that ‘resistances’ and
‘contradictory accounts’ can also yield important information which can be considered 2001:
148-157.)
Research Methods
The Representing Self—Representing Ageing initiative has brought together a team of researchers
from different disciplines, with a shared interest in ageing and gender, and a cultural
development agency (Eventus) which aims to use the transformative power of the arts 'to make a
difference to people and places', targeting the 23% of people identified by Arts Council England
as not currently engaged in the arts (Ace Insight Report 2008).7 The basic format of the project
included using a variety of participatory methods and different art forms working with four
separate groups of women.
The project as a whole was launched by a women-only film screening of Deirdre Fishel's
Still Doing It: The Intimate Lives of Women Over 65. Women from the audience had the
opportunity after the screening to talk to a camera in a private booth about their views about late-
in-life sexuality and how it is portrayed.
Two of the groups were organised through Eventus. A group of women volunteers at a
historical site, located in a relatively deprived area of Sheffield, were identified. The Manor
Lodge is managed by an environmental social enterprise called Green Estate. A photographer,
Laura Pannack, well known for her powerful portraiture, was recruited to work with the women,
with a brief that would be developed informally with the women. The ‘Green Estate women’
6 There is considerable debate in psychotherapy literature on this point, and facilitators must vary. I personally find that if
I muse about my own material too much in sessions, I can get distracted from my role as facilitator (this is even the case in scrutinising my own emotional responses when I have not actively made a disclosure or image at all, and part of the
role of an analytic psychotherapist is to reflect on her own feelings about what is happening in the group in an ongoing
way), but in a feminist model it does feel inappropriate to maintain a completely ‘opaque’ approach, revealing absolutely nothing of oneself, so participating during initial ‘warm-up’ exercises before the group gets properly underway is a
compromise. 7 From the mission statement: www.eventus.org.uk. Eventus is a Regularly Funded Organisation (RFO) of Arts Council England. It aims its work at the 23% of the population identified in Arts Council England’s research (Arts Audiences:
Insight, Arts Council England, 2008) as ‘not currently engaged in the arts’, primarily, though not exclusively, through
partnerships with non-arts organisations.
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HOGAN: INTERROGATING WOMEN’S EXPERIENCE OF AGEING
were photographed individually by Pannack in settings which they chose and in which they felt
at ease.
Figs. 4 & 5: Untitled (Elaine 1 & Elaine 2).
These two photographs 'read' well as a pair, as Elaine said she didn't like the first image as it
makes her look as though she was living in an institution; this dissatisfaction led to the outdoor
image.
A further group was recruited from older women in an ‘extra care’ scheme at the Guildford
Grange sheltered-housing project. Monica Fernandez, a fine-art photographer, was recruited to
work with this group of women. Of her general approach, she wrote,
“Without looking for an explanation or judgment, I frequently wonder and feel intrigued by
people’s behaviour, habits, dysfunctionalities, excesses, obsessions, orders and disorders.
Through my photography I observe and artistically re-interpret these mundane scenes, when the
ordinary becomes extraordinary and the grotesque and the beautiful might hug each other."8
Some of the results of her work with women from Guildford Grange made for slightly
uncomfortable viewing, and divided opinion amongst exhibition attendees, and the project team,
to the extent that Lorna and I have had difficulty agreeing the precise wording of this section.
Certainly, the juxtapositions created in some of the works are potentially disquieting. On the
other hand, elements of her work capture a youthful flamboyance and playfulness in her subjects,
which many exhibition attendees could identify with and said they had enjoyed. This work also
garnered some extreme reactions: that the women were degrading themselves, for example. Such
responses may point to societal ideals about age-appropriate behavior.
8 http://www.representing-ageing.com/
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THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE ARTS IN SOCIETY: ANNUAL REVIEW
Fig. 6: Hermi.
A further set of art works emerged from an experiential art group, recruited largely via the
launch film-screening, project fliers distributed around the city centre and an advertisement in a
local paper. The group, met for 16 hours over an eight-week period and was facilitated by a
registered art therapist, (Susan Hogan), who is also trained in social-science research methods.
The group employed techniques from group-interactive art psychotherapy. The women used a
wide variety of art media to explore ageing, and were active in interrogating their own very
particular feelings about the process of ageing. This included articulating their feelings about
media and cultural representations of ageing women.
Fig 7: Cervix.
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HOGAN: INTERROGATING WOMEN’S EXPERIENCE OF AGEING
Although not immediately legible, these images of a cervix were hung in the first exhibition
venue, having been initially rejected by our curator. I argued to have the images included, as I
was worrying that the exhibition might be too anodyne, and wanted some intimate imagery to be
included. This is what the woman who made the image had to say about it:
The two images in question are of a cervix. I made the drawings because they are views
of women that are so very rarely discussed, even less frequently seen, in the media.
Indeed a cervix is still an area of anatomy many women have not seen. It struck me
recently, when I had some 'investigations' in that area, and watched the camera images
on-screen in the hospital, that it is a view I don't get even though it is a familiar sight to
the (male in my case) gynaecologist who will see it with a medical mind rather than an
aesthetic one. He seemed especially uninterested in how it looked and felt to me. Since
the menopause hit, the skin of my vagina has become thinner and more delicate....
One of the cervix images has a small drip of blood—I no longer bleed periodically—it
was a farewell to all that; the other image a kind of hello and welcome to none of that
and a new set of hormonal/non-hormonal effects.
I used oil pastels for the drawings—oil pastels give a lovely viscous quality to the
work.... This quality seemed to lend itself to the fleshiness and viscosity of
gynaecology.9
Perhaps not surprisingly, these images drew mixed audience responses, with one attendee
finding them “the most challenging work”, and another finding it “raw” and “painful”, and
uncomfortable viewing.
The most complex of the projects was perhaps Rosy Martin's six days of intense
phototherapy workshops (constituting about 42 hours of group work) with a group of self-
selected women who had responded to advertisements in the local paper, or via a leaflet left in
arts and other venues, including a local health club, which has a predominantly middle and older-
aged clientele.
Martin works in an intense way, and also required her participants to keep a photo-diary to
reflect on age and ageing in-between the first two sessions. Phototherapeutic techniques were
used to enable the women to examine and then 're-frame' their own narratives of age, and ageing.
The technique involves women working in pairs and deciding on specific scenarios to explore,
enact and re-interpret. The women take turns being the photographer and the client/performer.
Drawing on techniques from co-counseling and Gestalt psychotherapy, but using props to help
the performance of her story, each woman had the opportunity to explore a narrative, which was
photographed at various junctures. The control rests primarily with the person telling the story,
with the photographer acting very much under her instruction. Martin explains the process:
Working in pairs, each woman performed her stories, using her chosen clothes and props and
determined how she wanted to be represented. The woman being photographed asked for what
she wanted, and the photographer was supportive, encouraging and was ‘there for’ her partner as
witness, advocate, and nurturer, whilst photographing the process… It is a collaborative process
both sitter/protagonist and photographer work together to make the images’ (Martin 2011:2).
Martin stresses the psychotherapeutic dimension of her work, and emphasises that the
woman in the role of photographer offers a 'gaze of nurturance and permission' to the sitter. Each
narrative ended with images of transformation: the process as a whole enabling each woman to
find ways to transform aspects of her lived experience.
9 The artist's commentary. Personal correspondence Susan Hogan 2010.
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Reflecting on her work, Martin (2011) added,
The re-enactment phototherapy sessions produce an atmosphere of playful creativity.
The roles are exchanged, so both have the opportunity to be in the picture, and to be the
photographer. The resulting images challenge stereotypes of ageing. The whole process
enabled each participant to find ways to transform her views of herself.
Fig 8: Jen in Collaboration with Barbara Harriott.
At the Workstation exhibition, these images of Jen were 'read' by some viewers as showing
that motherhood had been particularly stressful, but actually the middle image represents
multiple caring roles, and so it is interesting to see how easily the images can be read differently.
Of these, Jen said, "It's like a joy sandwich with some deep, dark, difficult stuff in the middle".
Images are inherently polysemous and subject to a diversity of potential meanings. As Hogan
(2011: 274) has pointed out,
The producers of culture arguably never have absolute control over how the artifact is
understood…. The ‘meaning’ of a cultural artifact, or ‘text’ broadly defined (be it an
image, or written text, or case study which uses a range of media), is always open to
interpretation. The ‘meaning’ of an artifact is generated by the reader of the artifact; the
audience is active in interpreting the material in relation to their existing knowledge and
understanding, which is particular. Although the actual content of the artifact may
suggest certain preferred readings. It is ‘read’ and understood by the reader in ‘relation
to its inter-textual space’ (Cowie 1977:20).
Hogan argues,
Alternative meanings are generated not by new content or a changed ‘consciousness’
but as a result of a different strategy for production of cultural knowledge in relation to
the inter-textual space… [This may result in the production of work that is] complex and
perhaps uncomfortable viewing but it is multidimensional, not easily read, and perhaps
actually resists, by its very complexity, reductive interpretation (2011: 275).
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HOGAN: INTERROGATING WOMEN’S EXPERIENCE OF AGEING
In the context of exhibitions, which images are selected and then how they are juxtaposed
creates narratives perhaps not intended by the artist (creating particular challenges for those
interested in participatory frameworks).
Four short documentary films have been produced on each of the projects by film-maker,
Clair Allam, and at most of the events, including the exhibitions, a film-crew has been on-hand to
capture participant and audience responses.
Exhibition Strategy—Some Further Musings
In a study about how older women feel about ageing processes, and representations of ageing in
the mass media, is it appropriate and useful to use exhibition and installation as a format for the
presentation of research results? Secondly, what are the advantages, if any?
A fairly traditional exhibition format could contain an installation space within it. One
characteristic of an installation is that it uses the total space and invites the viewer to move within
it. This physical moving into the discursive space is slightly different qualitatively to simply
looking at something on a wall or plinth; it is a more bodily engagement with the artwork and
offers a more immersive experience. It is potentially more challenging in its theatrical invitation
to the viewer to engage with the subject matter in an embodied way.
How the narrative flow unveils itself depends on the participant’s movement through the
space; one perspective may necessarily cut off another, and new configurations are generated by
being at different vantage points in the space. The format evokes uncertainty, anxiety perhaps,
and the entire work cannot be viewed from any particular vantage point...
Older women are heterogeneous. The participants’ ‘stories’ can be told using a multiplicity
of modalities: text fragments and images can be juxtaposed in a myriad of ways, and film clips
can be projected into the space.
How older women are depicted in society is a contested terrain and in constant flux; using an
exhibition format which withholds overarching interpretation or meta-analysis, yet affords the
opportunity for the stimulation of empathy in the viewer, would seem particularly appropriate, at
a point when audience responses will be ‘captured’ as part of the data-collection, and evaluation
process.
Above all, the installation format invites the viewer to engage in a dynamic process of
meaning-making which doesn’t necessarily offer any sort of closure with respect to the subject
matter.
Given that we wish the audience to respond to the work on film, this more conceptually open
format would seem particularly appropriate, and may be used in future exhibition of the work.
The initial exhibition in the Workstation took a more conventional format, though with some
interesting juxtapositions between the different groups of work, and textual accompaniments,
which took the form of quotations from participants, some of which were reproduced in large
text on the walls; the result was arguably a good compromise between those in the project team
who wanted the work to challenge and those who were more concerned to make the work
accessible—though we all wanted both.
Discussion
Qualitative research, with its emphasis on understanding the social world from the point of view
of the research participants themselves may now be, as Maynard, Ashar, Franks and Wray assert,
‘accepted an legitimate’ as a means of researching older people (2008:3). We have interrogated
how problematic the notion of the ‘older women’ is, and mused on the implications of different
exhibition strategies. Given the heterogeneous nature of the projects and participants, identifying
key findings was difficult. Key findings for the project overall were identified finally as follows
(Warren, Gott & Hogan 2012):
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Women in their 50s–60s felt more pressure from media and advertising imagery
compared with participants in their 80–90s.
Eighty-eight per cent of visitors to the project exhibitions wanted to see more
images of older women, like those created through the project displayed in public.
Participants captured various experiences from continued public involvement,
friendships and fun to fears of increasing limitations and invisibility. Images
challenged stereotypes such as the ‘grumpy old woman’ and reflected rarely
represented grief and loss. Participants wanted to see more images of ‘ordinary’
older women who were still ‘making a contribution’.
Images produced by participants showed that women experience ageing at the site
of the body, for example in the form of wrinkles and greying hair.
Participatory visual methods gave women a sense of solidarity and ownership of the
research process, impacting on well-being and a feeling of public validation.
In summary, projects were rather varied. The different sets of images engaged different
critiques of images of old age. The two Eventus projects used professional photographers to work
with the participants. In this way, it was the photographer’s vision of old age and their
interpretation of the brief that influenced the style of the images produced. Photographer Monica
Fernandez produced a series of ‘before’ and ‘after’ photographs with the Guildford Grange
residents, which aimed to satirise the ubiquitous ‘makeover’ format. The long wigs, red lipstick,
Hollywood style sunglasses become a parody of youthful glamour when worn by women in their
eighties and nineties. Taking these humorous images challenged the stereotype of the ‘grumpy
older woman’, and showed that the women were able to ‘have a laugh’ and engage in play. The
images also made some exhibition attendees distinctly uncomfortable as they confronted tropes
about dignified old age. Overall, these were the most popular images in our survey of exhibition
attendees however.
A Portrait Photographer, Laura Pannack, worked with the Green Estate volunteers to
produce a series of photographs. These images have muted colours and were taken using natural
light, giving some of the pictures a wistful tone in her attempts to capture the personalities of the
women.
In the art elicitation group which used a group-interactive art therapy format, most of the
women took a personal approach to the brief by creating images which reflected some of their
own feelings about ageing. There was a strong focus on the body. Other themes which were
depicted in the art work were: dealing with pressures to conform to societal expectations;
restrictions; invisibility; one’s sense of changing through the life course; family history; oneself
in relation to roles (caring and otherwise); fear of extreme old age; death, and the mismatch
between feeling young and looking old. There was no consensus within the group on the value of
youthful appearance, with several women preferring to see images of older women which
showed their character and purpose and that they were ‘still engaged in the world’ (Warren, Gott
& Hogan 2012). However, all participants in this workshop took some issue with media
personalities who presented a ‘false image’ through surgical or digital enhancement and felt this
put pressure on them to deny their own ageing.
Drawing on their photo-diaries, participants in the phototherapy workshops enacted scenes
from the past or imaginary futures producing a variety of work some of which was playful,
cathartic or painful. One woman said of this experience of sharing and talking about the images:
“it just felt like a joyful, celebratory kind of day... fantastic images and very strong, very vivid
colours.” The women bonded through the “positive reinforcement” they received from one
another, and an atmosphere of solidarity was evoked (Warren, Gott & Hogan 2012 p.5).
Across the projects, women collectively wanted to see more images of “ordinary”, “real” or
“natural” older women in the media who had not been surgically or digitally enhanced. They also
wanted to see different body shapes represented, older women looking powerful, independent
12
HOGAN: INTERROGATING WOMEN’S EXPERIENCE OF AGEING
and being heard, and older women still “making a contribution”, volunteering or “being as active
as they can” so that “younger people won’t feel that fear of getting old”. Many exhibition
attendees also articulated their desire for “more truthful images of older women in the media”
(Warren, Gott & Hogan 2012 pp.6-8).
The project shows that using participatory visual methods engages research participants
more fully in the aims of the project as they feel they have ownership of the research process.
Participation also has to be well facilitated and enabled, it cannot just be assumed.
This study draws on analytical techniques and collaborative approaches developed within
visual anthropology, and participatory arts, to enable individuals or communities to
represent themselves or to challenge dominant representations. Guided by anthropologically-
informed theories of observation and visual representation (Ruby 2005; Pink 2004; Banks 2001),
practical documentary film may be used in a variety of ways, in conjunction with other art-
making techniques, as a part of a case-study in its own right, or to elicit further research
materials. The latter includes visual elicitation methods in which visual data, which has been
found or made by respondents, are used in conjunction with interviewing techniques to elicit
responses (Newbury 2005). From a research perspective, we might view the four separate
projects as complementary, and as generating different perspectives, as well as bringing different
issues for interrogation to the fore (Masson 2006; Woolley 2009; Sale et. al. 2002; Hodgkin
2008).
The findings of the groups are varied, complex and contradictory, so presentation strategies
which allow for multiple readings are perhaps appropriate. Some text-based research findings
will be produced, and Marcus Banks (2009) has talked about the value of using images in
research projects to create ‘a parallel argument’ or a ‘parallel discourse’ to the written text.
In using this approach, we are rejecting the problematic metaphor of triangulation, and
regard contradictory findings as potential starting points generating new theoretical formulations
(Masson, 2006; Erzberger & Prein, 1997). The advantage of running four different projects with
four quite different populations of older women, using different visual research techniques, is
that it affords the opportunity for the creation of multi-dimensional accounts; this approach may,
in the final analysis, lead to an open exploration of tensions inherent in contradictory accounts
between (and within) the groups leading to ‘dialogic’ explanations and analysis (Masson 2006)
rather than an ‘integrated’ or ‘tidy’ picture.
Future possibilities include the creation of an installation space, which invites the viewer to
move within it, offering more bodily engagement with the art work and a more immersive
experience.
Conclusion
Given the project’s epistemological openness to producing polysemous research, using a multi-
method approach should produce different types of data which can be contrasted, and juxtaposed,
in interesting ways, to produce a ‘collage’ of the areas under investigation. Taussig (1987), for
example, uses the analogy of a ‘mosaic’. Work from the projects has already been exhibited in a
variety of spaces, including a contemporary gallery (Workstation), shop fronts and in a hospital.
A professional curator, Alison Morton, arranged these exhibitions. The short films have been
screened at The Showroom Cinema and are available via the project website.10
Masson (2006) has suggested that 'we should think more in terms of ‘meshing’ or ‘linking’
than ‘integrating’ data and method’. She goes on to argue ‘for the development of ‘multi-nodal’
dialogic explanations that allow the distinctiveness of different methods and approaches to be
held in creative tension' (p.1).
10 http://www.representing-ageing.com/
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THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE ARTS IN SOCIETY: ANNUAL REVIEW
Tensions were expressed within the research team between conflicting desires: the need to
communicate clearly for social policy makers; the desire not to be condescendingly over-
intellectual to the extent that the result might alienate some of the actual participants and the
aspiration to produce something challenging and potentially iconoclastic. The decision to employ
a professional curator for the initial exhibitions meant that the women participants did not have a
'hands-on' role in the organisation of the space, though they were consulted about the inclusion of
their images, the statements which accompanied them, and whether they wanted to be named or
not. This was partly pragmatic, as we had limited funding available (and had under-budgeted for
the realities of fuller-participation).
Cornwall & Jewkes (2000: 1) assert that the ‘key difference between participatory and
conventional methodologies lies in the location of power in the research process’. Participatory
approaches are those which broadly recognise the ‘particular expertise’ of people within
particular circumstances (Bennett & Roberts 2004); this could be because of local or particular
knowledge (Breitbart 2003). Some theorists conceptualise this as ‘active co-research’ between
researchers and participants (Wadsworth 1998) who are active in defining research problems
(Anyanwu 1988) and that, furthermore, participatory research ‘must be sharply distinguished
from conventional elitist research which treats people as objects of the research process’
(Tilakaratna 1990: 1). Certainly, this was one of the areas in which different members of the
research team had different understandings of the term 'participatory', and how this would
translate into concrete methods. Obviously, there are different levels of participation, and
potentially women's involvement in a curatorial process might have provided further
opportunities for learning and empowerment. How much control participants should retain over
the final products of research is a complex topic in its own right. It is worth research teams
spending time exploring concepts such as ‘participation’ at the outset of projects, and not
assuming that there is a common understanding.
Finally, a cursory view of the works produced will convince the viewer that this project had
helped to enrich the range of images of older women on offer. Watch our project films and see
the images: http://www.representing-ageing.com/
Acknowledgements
The Representing Self - Representing Ageing initiative has been funded by the ESRC as part of
the New Dynamics of Ageing cross-council research programme (grant number RES.356 25-
0040). Thanks to all the women who took part in the project and the project team members for
their insights, commitment and inspirational work: Claire Allam (filmmaker); Merryn Gott (co-
investigator); Clare McManus (Eventus); Alison Morton (curator); Naomi Richards (researcher);
Judith Taylor (project administrator), Lorna Warren (principal investigator) and also the
commissioned artists: Monica Fernandez; Rosy Martin, and Laura Pannack.
14
HOGAN: INTERROGATING WOMEN’S EXPERIENCE OF AGEING
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Susan Hogan: Professor, Cultural Studies and Art Therapy, School of Health, University of
Derby , Derbyshire, UK
18
The International Journal of the Arts in Society: Annual Review aims to create an intellectual frame of reference for the arts and arts practices, and to support an interdisciplinary conversation on the role of the arts in society. It is intended as a place for critical engagement, examination, and experimentation of ideas that connect the arts to their contexts in the world, on stage, in museums and galleries, on the streets, and in communities. The journal addresses the need for critical discussion on issues in the arts, and specifically as they are situated in the present-day contexts of globalization, and the social, economic and political artifacts of cultural homogenization and commodification.
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