European Journal of Psychology of Education1987. Vol. 1. n.s 4. 17-28© 1987. I.S.P.A.

Influences of Income Change and ParentalAcceptance on Adolescent TransgressionProneness and Peer Relations

Nancy L. GalambosRainer K. SilbereisenTechnical Univ. of Berlin, West Germanv

The present investigation examined whether the adoles­cent's involvement in a deviant peer context, proneness tocommit transgressions, and perceived peer rejection wereinfluenced by family income change (loss, gain, or no change)and adolescent perceptions of parental acceptance. The sampleconsisted of 110 families selected from a longitudinal studyof adolescents in Berlin, West Germany. A multivariate analysisof covariance, controlling for sex of the adolescent, revealed asignificant interaction between income change and perceivedparental acceptance. Followup univariate tests showed thatadolescents in families experiencing a loss or no change inincome were more prone to committing transgressions whenthere was low parental acceptance. Adolescents who feltaccepted by parents were uniformly low on transgression pro­neness, regardless of income change status. The role of per­ceived parental acceptance in buffering the adolescent fromthe potentially adverse effects at economic hardship is dis­cussed.

17

Many families in the 1980s are expected to suffer from such financialsetbacks as loss of a job, reduction in hours worked, cutbacks in wages, anddownward mobility - changes which lead to a loss in family income. The con­sequences of income loss on family functioning may be serious, potentially impai­ring the quality of relationships, forcing the adoption of a more austere lifestyle,and reducing the availability of financial resources (Moen, 1983; Moen, Kain &Elder, 1983). Although the impact of income loss on the family during the Depres­sion of the 1930s has been amply examined (Cavan & Ranck, 1938; Elder, 1974;Jahoda, Lazarsfeld, & Zeisel, 1933; Komarovsky, 1940), there is little extantresearch on this important problem in contemporary families. Therefore, in the

This research was supported in part by German Research Council Grant Si 296{1-1 through5 to R. K. Silbereisen and K. Eyferth, and prepared during a sabbatical leave made possible byGerman Research CoUIJ,Fil Grant Si 2%/2-2 to R. K. Silbereisen. N. Galambos is now at the Departmentof Pchychology. University of Victoria, British Columbia. Canada. R. Silbereisen is now at theDepartment of Psychology. Justus.Liebig-University of Giessen, West Germany. We wish to acknowledgeSabine Walper and two reviewers for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper.

18 N. L. GALAMBOS & R. K. SILBEREISEN

present paper, we explore the relationships between income change experiencedby families in the early 1980s, parental acceptance of the adolescent, and selectedaspects of the adolescent's development.

The study of the influences of financial loss on family members may beapproached from a family stress framework. Briefly, this framework casts incomeloss as a stressor that may create crisis in the family, that is, it disrupts routineoperations which normally characterize family functioning (Burr, 1973; Hansen& Hill, 1964). The nature and severity of the crisis, and the resources of thefamily, both economic and interpersonal, will determine the extent to whichchildren are affected by income loss (Moen et al., 1983).

A series of studies by Elder and colleagues provides the most completepicture of the effects of income loss on families. Longitudinal data from theOakland Growth Study and the Berkeley Guidance Study, both of which followedfamilies through the 1930s, were used to examine this issue. Income loss, oreconomic hardship, was operationalized as the percentage of income lost from1929 to the early 1930s, with those having lost 35 % or more considered econo­mically deprived. Overall, the results of the studies showed that income lossaffected family members primarily through changes in the behavior of the father.

Liker and Elder (1983) reported, for example, that increased irritability,moodiness, and tenseness among husbands experiencing economic hardship wereassociated with problematic spousal relations. Moreover, income loss and relatedpersonality changes in the father were predictive of more punitive, arbitrary,and rejecting fathering behaviors. These types of parenting styles were linkedto temper tantrums and difficult, irritable behavior in young boys and girls(ages 5 to 7), and to moodiness. feelings of self-inadequacy, and low achievement

aspirations in adolescent girls (ages 13 to 16) (Elder, Caspi, & van Nguyen, 1986;Elder, Liker, & Cross, 1984; Elder, van Nguyen, & Caspi, 1985). Although thefather's behavior was not related to indicators of the adolescent boy's behavior,there was a direct effect of income loss on male moodiness and hurt feelings.Thus, in adolescence, the father'S role in mediating the effects of income lossseems to be specific to girls (Elder et al., 1985).

Two recent studies conducted in West Germany have found similar evidenceof adverse consequences of economic hardship in contemporary families as well.Using a continuous index of income change which ranged from income loss toincome gain, Galambos and Silbereisen (1987) reported that the life outlooks offathers and mothers were more pessimistic as income loss increased. The father'sgreater pessimism, in turn, was linked to adolescent daughters' lower expectationsfor job success. Schindler and Wetzels (1985) discovered that adolescent girls infamilies where the father was unemployed had lower self-esteems and troubledrelationships with adults and peers when compared with adolescent girls infamilies where the father was employed. There was no relationship betweenfathers' unemployment and the psychosocial attributes of boys. Although this studydid not report the actual amount of income lost as a result of unemployment,on the average a 20-25 % loss of income can be expected in families where thebreadwinner is unemployed (Breuer, Schoor-Theissen, & Silbereisen, 1984). Theresults of these studies along with those reported by Elder et aI. (1984, 1985, 1986)converge in suggesting that economic hardship may have indirect influences onthe psychosocial characteristics of young children and adolescent girls. The extentto which adolescent boys are affected by income loss is not yet clear.

Of course, as postulated by proponents of family stress theory, the effectof a stressor such as income loss depends in part on the resources of the family

INCOME CHANGE AND PARENTAL ACCEPTANCE J9

For example, those families that have and are able to maintain accepting, commu­nicative relations are likely to cope more effectively with financial stress(McCubbin, Joy, Cauble, Comeau, Patterson & Needle, 1980). In fact, strongmarital bonds and affectionate mothering reduce the likelihood that income losswill lead to adverse consequences for family members (Elder et al., 1986; Liker& Elder, 1983). For children in families experiencing income loss, we postulatethat greater parental acceptance may buffer the possible negative effects ofeconomic hardship. Parental acceptance implies satisfaction with, enjoyment of,and sensitivity to the child (Martin, 1975). Much research supports the claimthat higher levels of acceptance are generally related to the child's greater socialcompetence, prosocial behavior, and self-control (Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Pulkki­nen, 1982). "When the financial situation is less than optimal, parental acceptancemay protect against possible negative effects by promoting a higher self-esteemand enabling the child to have positive feelings about the family. One aim ofthe present investigation is to explore this possibility in a sample of adolescents.

Threeaspects of adolescent development are addressed in the' present study:(a) involvement in a context in which «deviant» responses by the peer group arefrequently observed, (b) the adolescent's transgression proneness or impulse tocommit transgressions, and (c) perceived peer rejection. By focusing on deviance(i.e., behavior which does not conform to the normative expectations of theculture, Bahr, 1979) and on the level of peer rejection (i.e., the popularity andstatus of an individual within a group, Hartup, 1983) we hoped to learn moreabout a set of general social characteristics that figure prominently in develop­ment during adolescence and which may have lasting importance for later partsof the life span (Berndt, 1982; Hartup, 1983; Kaplan, Martin, & Robbins, 1982).

Previous studies of economic hardship and child and adolescent developmenthave contrasted families who have lost income with those who have not (Elderet al., 1984, 1985, 1986). In the present investigation we add a third group - thosefamilies who have experienced a gain in income - in order to determine whetherit is income change per se or only negative income change that has the potentialto induce family crisis. In this regard, Dooley and Catalano (1980) concluded onthe basis of studies relating aggregate economic change to behavioral disorderthat there is evidence for both possibilities, although it is more widely believedthat a negative economic change results in behavioral disorder.

One purpose of the present investigation was to examine whether differentconditions of income change (i.e., loss, gain, or no change) were associated withthe adolescent's proneness to commit behavioral transgressions, to associate withdeviant peers, and to feel rejected by peers. Another purpose was to determinewhether adolescents reporting higher parental acceptance showed lower levels ofdeviance and peer rejection than those reporting lower parental acceptance. Thethird purpose was to ascertain if there was interaction between income changeand parental acceptance such that potentially stressful events like income lossand/or gain would be related to more deviant tendencies and perceived peerrejection only in the absence of parental acceptance.

Method

Sample

The sample is comprised of 110 two-parent families participating in theBerlin Youth Longitudinal Study in Berlin, West Germany. Subjects in this

20 N. L. GALAMBOS & R. K. SILBEREISEN

subsarnple were systematically selected on the basis of parental reports of thefamily financial situation. The procedure for selection is described in the followingparagraph. The larger longitudinal study, which began in 1982, consists of arepresentative sample of about 1500 adolescents in school in Berlin; 805 parentsof these adolescents are also being followed (see Boehnke & Scherrinsky, 1985,and Walper, 1985, for further details about the study). Self-report questionnairesassessing a variety of personality and social dimensions are administered annuallyto the adolescents in the classroom. Parents are mailed questionnaires annuallywhich inquire about family finances, family relations, and personal functioning.

The families in the present investigation are composed of households inwhich parental questionnaires were completed in two waves about six monthsapart (Wave 1: spring, 1983; Wave 2: fall, 1983). At Wave 1, all parents wereasked, «Has the total income of your family changed in the course of the lastyear?» Items in this part of the questionnaire were completed by either oneor both parent(s). Five response categories were: (a) income loss over 25 %,(b) income loss between 5 and 25 %, (c) no change in income over 5 %, (d) incomegain between 5 and 25 %, and (e) income gain over 25 %. With the goal ofconducting a six-month followup of families experiencing income change, thosefamilies reporting income losses or gains of over 5 % were selected for furtherstudy (n = 186); for comparison purposes, a random sample of families expe­riencing less than a 5 % change was also selected (n = (7). Of these, 194 families(77 %) returned the foUowup parental questionnaire.

In the followup questionnaire an item similar to the income change itemin the initial questionnaire asked, «Has the total income of your family changedsince you completed our questionnaire the last time?» The same five responseoptions were used. Based on the income change items from Wave 1 and Wave 2,families in the present investigation were categorized into three groups: thosewho indicated an income loss of over 5 % at Wave 1 and/or Wave 2 (n = 35),those who reported experiencing no changes in income at Wave 1 and Wave 2(n = 32), and those who gained income at Wave 1 and/or Wave 2 (n = 43). Thesegroups comprised the independent variable of income change. In a previousstudy with this sample, a continuous index consisting of the sum of the twoincome change items was significantly correlated with budgetary changes in thefamily; income loss resulted in a pattern of decreased spending and plans tosave money (Galambos & Silbereisen, 1987). Thus, there is some supportfor the validity of these items as indicators of the family's economic situation.Due to the exclusion of 40 single-parent families, three families who experiencedan income gain and an income loss, and families without complete data, 110families remain out of the original group of 194.

The average monthly income of the families (between 3000 and 3500 Deutsch­marks) was comparable to official statistics for Berlin. The unemployment ratefor the fathers (9 %) reflected the official unemployment rate in West Germany(Franke & Prase, 1985). Forty-two percent of the fathers and 56 % of the mo­thers had completed between 10 and 13 years of education, figures which indicatethat the parents were slightly more educated than the average individual in thiscohort in Berlin. The mean age of the mothers was 40.5 years (SD = 6.07) andfor fathers, 42.8 (SD = 6.06). The mean age of the adolescents (50 boys, 60 girls)was 13.7 (SD = 1.61) with a range from 11.1 to 17.1. The three income changegroups (loss, gain, and no change) did not differ from one another with respectto father's and mother's education and age, and the age of the adolescents. Themonthly income level of families who lost income was significantly lower than

INCOME CHANGE AND PARENTAL ACCEPTANCE 21

for those who gained, and all but of the unemployed fathers belonged to theincome loss group.

Among the families who lost income were mothers or fathers who became unem­ployed (approximately one-third of the cases of income loss), fathers who changedpositions, and fathers and mothers who were self-employed. Thus, unemployment,downward mobility, and the business risks associated with self-employmentseemed to be responsible for family income loss in this sample. These aretypical sources of income loss reported in other studies as well (e.g., Liker& Elder, 1983). An earlier investigation using data from the present sample found nodifferences in family relations, parenting, and adolescent characteristics suchas self-esteem or transgression proneness in families who lost income because ofunemployment and families who suffered income losses due to other reasons(Walper, 1986). The income gains in our sample were traced to the mother'sentry or re-entry into the labour force, and a longer work week for mothers orfathers. There are quite possibly other reasons for income gain as well (e.g.,promotions, employment of another family member) but these were not assessed.

Measures

Parental acceptance. Three items taken from the fall, 1983 assessment wereused to measure the adolescents' perceptions of the degree to which theyreceive understanding and support from their parents and feel comfortable inopenly expressing themselves. The items were based on scales loading highly ona factor reflecting the global quality of the parent-adolescent relationship (Helmke& Vath-Szusdziara, 1980). These items were: (a) «When something goes wrong, myparents talk calmly with me about it.» (b) «My parents respect me and expectthe same from me», and (c) «At home I don't have much to say.» Sum scoresconsisting of the mean of the item responses were computed (possible range: 0 to 3).The reliability of this index as indicated by Cronbach's coefficient alpha was .54.This reflects an acceptable level of internal consistency, given the low numberof items in the index (Nunnally, 1967).

The analyses to be conducted required dichotomization of the scores so thatacceptance could be used as a two-level factor. Because there were 12 caseswith the exact same score falling at the 50th percentile, a median split wouldhave resulted in either (a) 58 families having «low» acceptance and 52 familieshaving «high» acceptance, or (b) 46 with low acceptance and 64 with high accep­tance. The latter split seemed more representative of the actual distributionof families in our sample with respect to the adolescent's peroeptions of parentalacceptance. That is, the mean score (2.14) indicated that the average adolescentreported feeling accepted by his or her parents. Other research has also foundthat adolescents by and large report good relationships with their parents(Richardson, Galambos, Schulenberg, & Petersen, 1984). Thus, we opted for thelatter split in which more families were characterized as having higher ratherthan lower parental acceptance.

Deviant peer context. Four items based on items contained in Kaplan's (1977)«awareness of deviant response patterns» scale were included in the fall, 1983 ado.lescent questionnaire. These items were: (a) «A lot of my friends lie to theirparents when they want something», (b) «At school there is quite a bit of vanda­lism but nobody gets caught», (c) «I know many adolescents who have stolensomething without getting caught», and (d) «My friends often get into trouble

22 N. L. GALAMBOS & R. K. SILBEREISEN

with adults.» The mean of the item responses was used (possible range: 0 to 3).Cronbach's coefficient alpha was .65. Higher scores indicate greater involvementwith deviant peers.

Transgression proneness. Four items (fall, 1983) assessed the adolescent'sperceptions of his or her tendencies to engage in behavioral transgressions andto reject societal rules. Silbereisen and Zank (1984) examined the psychometricqualities of this scale and reported evidence for its reliability and validity. Thefour items are: (a) "I can imagine that I might steal something sometime», (b)"Sometimes I enjoy telling a lie», (c) "I often think adult rules are bad, andI don't always want to observe them», and (d) «Sometimes I really feel likedoing something forbidden.» Sum scores with a range from 0 to 3 were computed.Cronbach's coefficient alpha for transgression proneness was .71. Higher scoresindicate a greater proneness toward transgression.

Perceived peer rejection. Two items which were derived from the «felt rejectionby peers» measure of Kaplan et aI. (1982) were included in the fall, 1983 assessment.These items were: (a) «My classmates are not interested in my opinion», and(b) «Most of my classmates don't particularly like me.» Responses were scoredon a scale from don't agree (1) to agree tully (3). The items were intercorrelatedat .53 (p < .001). The average of the items was used, with a higher score indicativeof greater perceived rejection.

Results

Given that adolescent girls may be more sensitive to the conditions asso­ciated with economic hardship than are adolescent boys (Elder et al., 1985; Galam­bos & Silbereisen, 1987; Schindler & Wetzels, 1985) it was important to testfor sex differences in the effects of income change on the three dependent varia­bles. Therefore, a 2 X 3 X 2 (Acceptance X Income Change X Sex) multivariateanalysis of variance was conducted on the dependent variables. This analysisrevealed no two- or three-way interactions involving sex of the adolescent.There was, however, a multivariate main effect of sex, F (3,96) = 3.46, p < .05.Univariate tests revealed that this was due to a significant sex difference inperceived peer rejection, F (1,98) = 6.54, p < .05, with girls feeling more acceptedby their peers than did boys. Given the lack of interactions involving adolescentsex, we pooled girls and boys in further analyses and used sex of adolescent asa covariate. Qualitative variables such as sex are typically incorporated as factorsin an analysis of variance whereas the covariates are usually quantitative (Netcr& Wasserman. 1974). We preferred, however, to use sex as a covariate in orderto increase the precision of our analyses while maximizing the n within each cell.

Multivariate analysis of covariance was used to examine overall effects ofincome change and parental acceptance on transgression proneness, deviant peercontext, and perceived peer rejection. Univariate analysis of variance was usedwhere appropriate as a followup to the multivariate tests. Table 1 presents themeans for the dependent variables within levels of income change and parentalacceptance. The 2 X 3 (Acceptance X Income Change) MANCOVA revealed a mul­tivariate main effect of acceptance, F (3,101) = 5.09, p < .01. Univariate testsshowed that there was lower transgression proneness among adolescents reportinghigh parental acceptance, F (1,103) = 10.33, p < .01. There was no main effectof income change. There was, however, a significant multivariate interactioneffect of income change and parental acceptance, F (6,204) = 2.94, P < .01. This

INCOME CHANGE AND PARENTAL ACCEPTANCE 23

was due mainly to a significant univariate interaction effect for transgressionproneness, F (2,103) = 5.87, p < .01, indicating that the influence of parentalacceptance on transgression proneness varied according to level of income change.

Table 1: Means and Standard Deviations (in Parentheses) for Deviant Peer Context,Transgression Proneness, and Perceived Peer Rejection by Income Change and

Acceptance (N = 110)

Dependent Variableand Income Group

Parental Acceptance

Low High

Transgression Proneness:

LossNo ChangeGain

Deviant Context:

Lm.sNo ChangeGain

Perceived Rejection:

LossNo ChangeGain

1.71 (.54) .99 (.68)1.55 (.40) 1.02 (.62)1.03 (.46) 1.11 (.63)

1.41 (.61) 1.56 (.70)1.59 (.36) 1.25 (.60)1.14 (.50) 1.20 (.54)

.91 (.73) .75 (.55)

.91 (.66) .71 (.66)

.78 (.49) .54 (.58)

Note. Possible range of scores for all dependent variables is from 0 to 3. Higher scores indicatehigher levels.

Tableau 1: Moyennes et ecarts-types relatiis aux variables Deviance. Transgressionet Rejet percu, pour chaque groupe d'adolescents, deiini par les changements

de revenus de la famille et l'attitude parentale (N = 110)

Figure l! illustrates the interaction for transgression proneness. In order toexamine these results more closely we performed post hoc comparisons of:(a) the means within each income change condition, (b) the means within the highacceptance category across levels of income change, and (c) the means withinthe low acceptance category across levels of income change. The first set ofcomparisons indicated that in the loss condition, transgression proneness wassignificantly lower for adolescents who reported high parental acceptance, relativeto those who reported low parental acceptance, F (1,103) = 14.94, p < .001. Trans­gression proneness was also lower in the no change condition when there washigh parental acceptance, F (1,103) = 6.82, p < .05. The means for transgressionproneness in the gain condition were not significantly different.

The second set of comparisons found that for those adolescents reportinghigh parental acceptance, the three means across levels of income change werenot significantly different; transgression proneness was uniformly low for thisgroup of subjects. The third set of comparisons indicated that for those ado­lescents reporting low parental acceptance, transgression proneness was signi­ficantly lower in the gain as compared to the loss, F (1,103) = 12.51, p < .001,and the no change conditions, F (1,103) = 6.07, P < .05. Although transgressionproneness was not significantly lower in the no change group as compared to theloss group, we believe that this might be a result of lower power due to smallsample size (see Cohen, 1977).

24 N. L. GALAMBOS & R. K. SILBEREISEN

Figure 1: The influence of parental acceptance on adolescent transgressionproneness at three levels of family income change

1.S

1.7

1.6

<./) 1.5<./)

LLIz:LLI 1.4z0

'"c, 1.3z0 1.2<./)

<./)

LLI 1.1'"""<./)

z 1.0<X:

'"l-•9

TLoss

'High Acceptance

NoChange

INCOME CHANGE

Gain

Figure 1: Influence de l'attitude des parents sur la tendance a la transgressiond'adolescents dans trois cas difierents d'evolution du revenu familial

The above MANCOVA was repeated, one time using age of the adolescent(in months) as a covariate, and another time covarying for father's education(as a rough approximation for social class). Neither adolescent's age nor father'seducation were related to the dependent variables; the results did not change.

Discussion

The lack of a main effect of income change showed that neither incomeloss nor income gain alone influenced the adolescent. Rather, the significantinteraction of income change and parental acceptance suggests that it makessense only to consider the effects of income change on the adolescent within thecontext of parent-ehild relations. While the main effect of parental acceptanceon transgression proneness is consistent with other research (Maccoby & Martin,1983), the interaction effect showed that parental acceptance of the adolescentmay serve a protective role in families who have lost or had no change in income.Given low acceptance in these families, the adolescent may be at risk for highertransgression proneness. Transgression proneness could operate to bring abouta higher level of self-esteem in the adolescent, perhaps by gaining recognitionfrom peers (Kaplan et al., 1982) or by providing a means by which materialdesires can be satisfied.

Why do adolescents in families who have gained income show low trans­gression proneness, regardless of the level of parental acceptance? Research showsthat adolescents in families who have experienced a loss in income lose respect

INCOME CHANGE AND PARENTAL ACCEPTANCE 2S

and esteem for their fathers (Elder, 1974). Income gain, in contrast, mightenhance the adolescent's view of the status, prestige, and power of his or herparents. If transgression proneness is seen as a rejection of the rules establishedby adults, then a higher level of respect for parental figures might hinder adoles­cents' willingness to break those rules, even when parent-adolescent relations areless than optimal. The parents' greater ability to satisfy the financial needs anddesires of the adolescent may account for the relatively low level of transgressionproneness among adolescents in families who gained income.

It is important to remember that income change and perceived parentalacceptance did not influence the adolescent's involvement with deviant peers orperceived peer rejection. «Hanging out» with peers who reject societal rulesmay be more a function of the neighborhood in which the adolescent lives andthe school which he or she attends. In this regard, the measure of deviant peercontext may be less relevant for understanding the adolescent's impulses towarddeviance than is the measure of transgression proneness. Perceived peer rejection,on the other hand, may not have been predicted by the independent variablesbecause it may reflect an aspect of social adjustment that has its basis furtherback in childhood. The mean scores on this variable indicate that most adoles­cents felt accepted by their peers, although this was less true for boys than forgirls.

The lack of sex differences in the influences of income change on adolescentsis probably due to the nature of the dependent variables in the present inves­tigation. Other studies observing greater vulnerability among girls experiencingfamily income loss have examined characteristics such as self-esteem andexpec­tations for future job success, variables on which girls typically score lower thanboys (Elder et al., 1985; Galambos & Silbereisen, 1987). That is, girls are morelikely to have low self-esteem and less optimism about their occupational futuresthan are boys. On the other hand, boys may be more generally prone to engagein deviant behavior; girls are not as vulnerable to deviance and peer pressure(Kaplan, 1978; Steinberg, in press). Thus, our findings of no sex differences maybe specific to the nature and domain of behaviors that were studied.

The major limitation of this study is the small sample size. We suspectthat with a larger sample size, adolescents in families with an income loss andlow parental acceptance would have been significantly more transgression pronethan their counterparts in the no change condition. The results, then, may under­estimate the extent to which income loss is a stressful condition, relative tostable income. We caution against overgeneralization of the results until furtherwork in this area is conducted.

Earlier work on income change and child and adolescent developmentcontrasted families who lost income with those who had no loss (e.g., Elderet al., 1985). Results from the present study suggest that it may be useful infuture research to include families who have gained income as well, in order toprovide a fuller understanding of the implications of income change. One directionfor future research is to determine whether the interaction effects found in thepresent study can be replicated. How universal is the finding that perceivedparental acceptance is a risk or protective factor only in particular circumstances,for example, when the family has lost or had no change in income? Given lowparental acceptance, is income stability less stressful for the adolescent than isincome loss? In addition, for what other stressful events do protective factorssuch as parental acceptance operate as buffers? Further examination of differenttypes of stressors (e.g., marital difficulties) and of other protective factors (e.g.,social support) might elucidate under which conditions protective factors areimportant, and indeed, which protective factors function best. Answers to these

26 N. L. GALAMBOS & R. K. SILBEREISEN

questions would provide guidelines for prevention and intervention programs.Given potentially adverse circumstances such as income loss, it is importantto know how to strengthen family resources in order to optimize the adolescent'sdevelopment.

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McCubbin, H.!., Joy, C. B., Cauble, A. E., Comeau, J. K., Patterson, J. M., & Needle, R. H. (1980).Family stress and coping: A decade in review. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 42, 825-840.

Moen, P. (1983). Unemployment, public policy, and families: Forecasts for the 1980s. Journal ofMarriage end the Family, 45, 751-760.

Moen, P.• Kain, E. L., & Elder, G. H., Jr. (1983). Economic conditions and family life: Contemporaryand historical perspectives. In R. R. Nelson & F. Skidmore (Eds.), American families and theeconomy: The high costs of living (pp. 213-259). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Neter, J., & Wasserman, W. (1974). Applied linear statistical models. Homewood, IL: Richard D. Irwin.

Nunnally, J. C. (1967). Psychometric theory. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Richardson, R. A., Galambos, N. L., Schulenberg, J. E., & Petersen, A. C. (1984). Young adolescents'perceptions of the family environment. Journal of Early Adolescence, 4, 131-153.

Schindler, H., & Wetzels, P. (1985). Subjektive Bedeutung familiarer Arbeitslosigkeit bei Schiilernin einem Bremer Arbeiterstadtteil. In T. Kieselbach & A. Wacker (Eds.), Individuelle undgesellschaftliche Kosten der Massenarbeitslosigkeit (pp. 120·138). Weinhelm: Beltz Verlag.

Silbereisen, R. K., & Zank, S. (1984). Development of self-related cognitions in adolescents. InR. Schwarzer (Ed.), The self in anxiety, stress and depression (pp. 49·60). Amsterdam: North­·Holland.

Steinberg. L. (In press). Single parents, stepparents, and the susceptibility of adolescents to ansisocialpeer pressure. Child Development.

Walper, S. (1985). Die Elternbefragung 1983/84: Beschreibung der Stichprobe und erste Evaluation derErhebungsinstrumente (Tech. Rep. No. 57). Berlin: Technical University of Berlin, Institute forPsychology ,

Walper, S. (1986;" Familidre Konsequenzen Okonornischer Deprivation. Unpublished doctoral dissertationTechnical University of Berlin.

Intluenee de I'evolutlon du revenu familial et de l'attitudedes parents sur les relations entre adolescents et leur

tendance it Ia transgression

Cette etude visait a rechercher d'eventuelles consequencesde l'evolution du revenu familial (baisse, elevation ou stabilite)et de l'attitude comprehensive des parents a l'egard de leursenjants, sur la tendance de ces derniers a s'estimer reietes parleurs pairs, a s'engager dans des groupes deviants et a etreattires par l'experience de la transgression. L'echantillon com­prenait 110 families participant aune etude longitudinale d'ado­lescents berlinois (RFA). Une analyse de covariance multivarieea revele une interaction significative des deux variables inde­pendantes sur la tendance a la transgression maniiestee parles adolescents inierroges, Pour ceux qui declarent beneiicierd'une attitude comprehensive de leurs parents, la faible atti­ranee pour des comportements transgressifs n'est pas ajiecteepat' l'evolution des revenus [amiliaux. En revanche, parmi ceuxjugeant l'attitude de leurs parents negative a leur egardl'attirance pour fa transgression est nettement plus prononceedans les families au revenu constant ou en baisse, que dansles familles au revenu croissant. Le role protecteur de l'attitudedes parents contre les effets negatiis des diificultes economi­ques est discute.

Key words: Income change, Deviant behavior, Family relations.

28 N. L. GALAMBOS & R. K. SILBEREISEN

Received: March 1986Revision received: July 1986

Nancy L. Galambos. Department of Psychology, University of Victoria, Victoria, British Columbia,Canada.

Current theme of research:

Family Influences on Adolescent Social Development.

Most relevant publications ill the field of Educational Psychology:

Galambos, N. L., & Silbcreisen, R. K. (in press). Income change, parental life outlook, and ado­lescent expectations for job success. Journal of Marriage and the Family.

Lerner, 1. V., & Galambos, N. L. (1985). Maternal role satisfaction, Mother-child interaction, andchild temperament: A process model. Developmental Psychology, 21, 1157-1164.

Lerner, R. M., & Galambos, N. L. (Eds.). (1984). Experiencing adolescents: A sourcebook for parents,teachers, and teens, New York: Garland Publishing.

Rainer K. Silbereisen. Faehbereieh Psvchologie, Justus-Liebig-Universitaet Giessen, Otto-Behaghel­-Strasse 10, D-6300 Giessen, West Germany.

Current theme of research:

Adolescent development, social cognition.

Most relevant publications in the field of Educational Psychology:

Eckensberger, L. H., & Silbereisen, R. K. (1980). Entwicklung sozialer Kognitioncn: Madelle, Theorien,Methoden, Amvendung. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta.

Silbereisen, R. K., & Montada, L. (1983). Entwicklungspsychologie: Ein Handbuch in Schliisselbegriiien,Miinehen: Urban & Schwarzenberg.

\Silbereisen, R. K., Eyferth, K. & Rudinger, G. (Eds.). (1986). Development as action in context.

Heidelberg, New York: Springer.