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Natives, Subjects, Consumers: Notes on Continuities and

Transformations in Indian Masculine Cultures

Sanjay Srivastava

1) Jawaharlal Nehru University, India

Date of publication: February 21st, 2016

Edition period: February 2016-June 2016

To cite this article: Srivastava, S. (2016). Natives, Subjects, Consumers:

Notes on Continuities and Transformations in Indian Masculine Culture.

Masculinities and Social Change 5(1), 1-27. doi: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1905

To link this article: http://doi.org/10.17583/MCS.2016.1905

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MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016

pp. 1-27

2016 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3605

DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1905

Natives, Subjects, Consumers: Notes

on Continuities and Transformations

in Indian Masculine Cultures

Sanjay Srivastava

Jawaharlal Nehru University, India

Abstract

This article explores recent histories of masculine cultures in India. The discussion proceeds

through outlining the most significant sites of the making of masculinity discourses during the

colonial, the immediate post-colonial as well as the contemporary period. The immediate

present is explored through an investigation of the the media persona of India's current Prime

Minister, Narendra Modi. Through constructing a narrative of Indian modernity that draws

upon diverse contexts -- such as colonial discourses about natives, anti-colonial nationalism,

and post-colonial discourses of economic planning, 'liberalization' and consumerism -- the

article illustrates the multiple locations of masculinity politics. Further, the exploration of

relationships between economic, political and social contexts also seeks to blur the boundaries

between them, thereby initiating a methodological dialogue regarding the study of

masculinities. The article also seeks to point out that while there are continuities between the

(colonial) past and the (post-colonial) present, the manner in which the past is utilised for the

purposes of the present relates to performances and contexts in the present. Finally, the article

suggests there is no linear history of masculinity, rather that the uses of the past in the present

allow us to understand the prolix and circular ways in which the present is constituted.

Keywords: Indian masculinities, colonial masculinity, post-colonial masculinity,

consumerism


pp. 1-27

2015 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3605

DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1905

Nativos, Sujetos, Consumidores:

Notas en la Continuidad y las

Transformaciones de las Culturas

Indias Masculinas

Sanjay Srivastava

Jawaharlal Nehru University, India

Resumen

Este artículo explora historias recientes de las culturas masculinas en la India. La discusión

continúa a través de esbozar los sitios más importantes de la elaboración donde se han concretado

los discursos de masculinidad durante el periodo de colonización, la post-colonialización inmediata

y en la actualidad. El presente artículo describe una investigación de la personalidad mediática del

actual primer ministro de la India, Narendra Modi. A través de la construcción de una narrativa de

la modernidad de la India en diferentes contextos - como discursos coloniales sobre los nativos, el

nacionalismo anticolonial y los discursos post-coloniales de la planificación económica, la

"liberalización" y el consumismo - el artículo ilustra los múltiples aspectos relacionados con la

masculinidad política. Además, la exploración de las relaciones entre los contextos económicos,

políticos y sociales también pretende diluir los límites entre ellos, iniciando así un diálogo

metodológico sobre el estudio de las masculinidades. El artículo también pretende señalar que si

bien existen continuidades entre el pasado (colonial) y el (post-colonial) actualmente, la manera en

que el pasado se utiliza para los fines del presente se refiere a actuaciones y contextos en el

presente. Por último, el artículo sugiere que no hay historia lineal de la masculinidad, ya que los

usos del pasado en el presente nos permiten comprender las formas circulares y extensas en las

cuales se constituye el presente.

Palabras clave: masculinidades indias, masculinidad colonial, masculinidad postcolonial,

consumismo

MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 3

his article seeks to explore cultures of masculinity in India

through investigating relationships between different kinds of

histories and political economies that characterise Indian

modernity. These relationships emerge out of a number of

contexts, including the social symbolism of the post-colonial state, the

politics of ‘Indian traditions’, ideas regarding economic planning and the

‘free’ market, and articulations between new consumer cultures, family

forms and individual subjectivity.

Masculinity studies is located in a scholarly context within which the

concept of gender has come to be seen to offer a means of renewing

feminist discourse by encouraging a more relational approach to

masculinity and its perceived antithesis, femininity. It also allows of the

investigation, problematization and interrogation of masculinity, equally

with femininity. Notwithstanding these enabling possibilities, however,

gender is still largely deployed in contemporary social science discourse as

a synonym for women, its relational aspect obscured and the invitation to

interrogate masculinities largely ignored. This article proceeds from the

position that the study of masculinity is important in that it ‘is

simultaneously a place in gender relations, the practices through which men

and women engage that place in gender, and the effects of these practices in

bodily experiences, personality and culture’ (Connell, 2005, p.71). Further,

as the historian Rosalind O’Hanlon has pointed out, ‘A proper

understanding of the field of power in which women have lived their lives

demands that we look at men as gendered beings too’ (O’Hanlon, 1997,

p.1). Hence, the study of masculinity concerns the exploration of power

relationships within the gender landscape, where the dominant ideals of

masculinity impact both on women as well as on different ways of being

men. This way of understanding masculinity is an exploration of the

naturalization of the category ‘man’ through which men have come to be

regarded as both un-gendered and the ‘universal subject of human history’

(O’Hanlon 1997, p.1).

The field of masculinity studies inspired by feminist approaches to

gender has a different history to that of feminist scholarship and activism.

The different histories of women’s studies and masculinity studies account

for this situation. Feminism’s political project sought to identify, contest

and dismantle the naturalization of gendered subjectivity across diverse

T

4 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers

contexts such as labour, religion, parenting, sexuality, the state, domesticity

and creativity. The historical experience of being a woman has been

fundamental to the project of feminism and personal experience has fuelled

the politics of resistance and change that interrogates patriarchal structures.

Within India-related feminist scholarship, the struggle against patriarchy

has also engaged with the articulation of patriarchal frameworks with those

that derive from, say, class and caste privilege, ethnicity and capital. The

most significant participants in feminism’s project of transformation have

been women since their experience of power has been both immediate and

lacerating. The sites of production of counter-discourses are those where

the effects of power are directly experienced.

The gender politics of Indian modernity has primarily been traced

through exploring discourses surrounding women. The female body and

‘feminine chastity’ have had significant careers as sites of interrogation

within feminist historiography as well as sociological and anthropological

studies that seek to track the complex contours of power in the making of

sociality. India-related scholarship has produced a rich body of work

relating to topics as diverse as women as repositories of Indian traditions

(Mani, 1993; Chatterjee, 1993a; Sunder Rajan, 1993), the nation as goddess

(Ramaswamy, 2010), tele-visual femininity (Mankekar, 1999; Munshi,

2010), women and Hindu nationalism (Bacchetta, 2004; Chakravarty, 1998;

Sarkar and Butalia, 1995) and women and new middle-class class identities

(Donner, 2011).

‘Gender’, however, has rarely been understood in its proper sense as a

relationship: one between women and men, and between men, women and

various other kinds of genders. And yet, as a steadily accumulating body of

work suggest,

A proper understanding of the field of power in which women have

lived their lives demands that we look at men as gendered beings too:

at what psychic and social investments sustain their sense of

themselves as men, at what networks and commonalities bring men

together on the basis of shared gender identity, and what hierarchies

and exclusions set them apart. (O’Hanlon 1997, p.1)

In order to stand in a relationship of superiority to feminine identity,

masculinity must be represented as possessing characteristics that are


binary opposites of (actual or imagined) feminine identity. However, this is

not all. Dominant masculinity stands in a relationship not just to femininity

but also to those ways of being male that are seen to deviate from the ideal.

It is in this sense that masculinity possesses both external (relating to

women) as well as an internal (relating to ‘other’ men) characteristics. Both

these aspects assist in bolstering what scholars have referred to as

‘hegemonic’ masculine identity (Connell, 2005). So, the heterosexual,

white-collar married male who is the ‘breadwinner’ is a useful (if somewhat

caricatured) type to think about hegemonic masculinity. For, embedded in

this representation is an entire inventory of the behaviours and roles that

have been historically valourised as becoming of ‘ideal’ masculinity.

Hence, the dominant modes of being men could be said to be manufactured

out of discourses on sexual orientation (heteronormativity), class, race,

conjugality, the ‘protective’ function of males and women as recipients of

protection, and the place of emotions in the lives of men and women.

Ideas of dominant and ‘hegemonic’ masculinities, as significant as they

are, do not, however, exhaust ways of comprehending male cultures,

particularly in the non-western world with its prolix colonial and post-

colonial social, political and economic histories. This article explores the

trajectories of cultures of Indian masculinities across a number of recent

registers of social and political life. It is not exhaustive in scope and is

intended, rather, as a selective introduction to the topic that is, nevertheless,

indicative of significant themes and preoccupations within Indian society.

Recent Histories of Indian Masculinities

Masculinity refers to the socially produced but embodied ways of being

male and, as suggested above, not only does it signify relationships between

men and women but also those between men. The following discussion on

some of the sites and processes of masculine cultures in India is, in this

sense, also an exploration of the hierarchy of male-ness. I will begin by

outlining some recent histories of masculinity as there are specific

relationships between these histories and discourses of the Indian present.

The colonial era was particularly important in the career of modern

masculinity. It can be argued that colonialism consolidated forms of

masculinity that combined the valorisation of science, the ‘feminization’ of


non–European people, and the perceived role of men in expressing their

masculinity. In many ways, then, colonialism became an expression of the

masculine ideal which had been developing in Europe through the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Histories of colonialism also suggest

that an understanding of modern European male identity is incomplete

without a concurrent understanding of the colonial encounter. However, we

should not take from this that colonial powers, such as the British in India,

invented certain types of masculine cultures and introduced them into the

culture of the colonies; and that certain ideas that came to be associated

with masculinity—such as being war-like—simply did not exist in

colonised societies before colonialism. As Rosalind O’Hanlon has argued,

“martial masculinity” (O’Hanlon 1997, p.17), to take just one example, was

an important aspect of pre-colonial life, and the colonizers built upon it and

incorporated it into discourses of colonial masculinity. Nevertheless, it is

important to understand that there was an intensification of certain forms of

discourses around masculinity that occurred during colonialism and that

several of these continued to circulate during the post-colonial period.

The term colonial masculinity expresses the importance of the

relationship between two social contexts, viz., colonialism and masculinity.

Colonial masculinity does not simply refer to the ways in which colonial

processes produced certain ideas about natives; rather, this term also

suggests that colonialism influenced the identities of both the colonized as

well as the colonizers. It is in this sense, for example, that the making of

British male identities during the nineteenth century should be seen as

related to events and processes of the colonial era. One scholar speaks of

this relationship between European identity and the colonial sphere by

asking us to ‘rethink European cultural genealogies across the board and to

question whether the key symbols of modern western societies—liberalism,

nationalism, state welfare, citizenship, culture, and ‘European-ness’ itself—

were not clarified among Europe’s colonial exiles and by those colonized

classes caught in their pedagogic net in Asia’ (Stoler, 1995, p.16). Keeping

the above in mind, let us briefly explore some of the contexts of colonial

masculinity.

The nineteenth century British public school presents us with a rich site

for the analysis of gender configurations during the colonial era. For, these

institutions not only produced the (elite) personnel for the colonial


enterprise—administrators and soldiers who manned the levers of empire—

but they also manufactured a coherent discourse on the connection between

gender, religious identity, and the colonial civilizing mission. The British

public school was a crucial link in the making of discourses of ‘muscular

Christianity’ and ‘moral manliness’ through which colonialism came to be

identified both as divine calling as well as a rite of passage for ‘real’ men

(Mangan 1986). The ideal of moral manhood (Mangan, 1986, p. 147) took

on the nature of an imperative that defined the essence of elite British male-

hood, and, explained the glittering successes of the imperial enterprise.

The public school emphasis of physical prowess as a significant

ingredient of leadership articulated well with those discourses of

imperialism where ‘manly men’ were to be in charge of the world’s affairs.

As ‘real’ men, the colonizers possessed a justification for bringing vast

areas of the world under colonial rule, for not only were they bringing

civilization to these areas, they were also the harbingers of scientific

thinking to people who had earlier been unscientific and hence wanting as

human beings. ‘It is this vision of rationality as a relationship of

superiority’, Seidler says, ‘that gets embedded within modernity and which

helps organise our relationship with the self within western culture’

(Seidler, 1994, p.16 Emphasis in the original).

Within the colonial sphere itself, the obverse of the masculinisation of

Britishness, was the feminization of the natives, where the latter term refers

to the attribution of ‘women-like’ traits to women in the context of the

lower value placed on feminine gender identity. Hence, whether in Asia, or

in other parts of the colonized world, there emerged a remarkably consistent

discourse on the native’s incapacity for self-government and informed

decision making due to his inherent ‘effeminacy’ (see, for example, Sinha,

1997). This argument was bolstered by a number of others that derived

from a variety of pseudo-sciences (such as colonial psychology and

psychiatry) that sought to provide the proof of this position.

As one historian has pointed out, the process of the feminization of the

native has a history that is intimately connected to perspectives on the

nature of the non-western milieu. At the close of the eighteenth century,

Robert Orme, official historian of the East India Company was to speak of

Indians as ‘people born under a sun too sultry to admit the exercise and


fatigues necessary to form a robust nation’ (quoted in Sen, 2004, p.77). And

that such people:

were naturally weak in their constitution. As a result of this general

lack of strength, the most popular source of livelihood was the

manufacture of cloth, spinning and weaving. The weavers of India

were deprived of the tools and machine skills available in England or

other parts of Europe, yet their cloth was of exceptional quality. Such

remarkable skills were accounted for in the fact that the Indians in the

form of their labouring bodies possessed qualities unique to women

and children (Sen, 2004, p.77).

However, while some natives were feminized, others were represented

as ‘martial races’ (Omissi, 1991) and hence worthy of respect, even though

they could not be regarded as equals of the British since they did not

possess sufficient intellectual prowess. The martial races idea—one that

was never fixed but changed according to circumstances—was particularly

deployed in India in the aftermath of the 1857 Indian mutiny against the

colonial rulers and was significant in the subsequent reorganization of the

Indian army. New groups came to be identified as particularly suitable for

making war, while others—usually those identified as trouble makers

during the mutiny—were effectively excised from recruiting mechanisms.

The Sikhs and Gurkhas—martial races to this day—benefited from the

context produced by post–1857 political anxiety over native loyalty and an

earlier history of ‘racial hygiene’ (Omissi, 1991) that decreed that ‘pure

races’ produced the best kind of military men. As historians have

emphasized, the taint of effeminacy fell most heavily upon those sections of

the native populations who were seen to have formal education of a similar

kind to the rulers, and hence conversant with the ideas of freedom and

liberty which Europeans characterized as the legacy of the Enlightenment.

The ‘effeminate Bengali’ (Sinha, 1997) was the antithesis of a martial race

and, perhaps, the best known of a number of such stereotypes that

circulated during the colonial era.

Closely allied to the effeminacy perspective was the colonial discourse

on non-heterosexual masculinity. In the wake of a European history of the

production of the homosexual as a distinct identity, one that an influential

line of thinking (Foucault, 1979) has identified as closely linked to the rise


of a normalized bourgeois identity during the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries, the colonial sphere saw similar stigmatization of non-

heterosexual masculinity. It is now a common enough observation among

scholars and activists that Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code that

prohibits ‘unnatural sex’ is, in fact, a colonial artefact that was brought into

law in 1861. The relative lack of censure regarding homosexual

relationships as a fact of pre-colonial Indian life – an aspect remarked upon

by many historians – slowly gave way to public and legal

heteronormativity.

The colonial era in India did not, however, completely overwrite those

indigenous contexts where gender identities continued to be ambiguously

inflected. The example of the transvestite performer in the regional Parsi,

Gujarati, and Marathi theatres during the late nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries is a case in point. During this period, Kathryn Hansen points out,

there existed a public cultural space of ‘transgender identification and the

homoerotic gaze’ (Hansen, 2004, p.100) that was sustained by a number of

highly celebrated male performers such as Naslu Sarkari, Jayashankar

Sundari, and Bal Gandharva. Hansen further notes that ‘The Pleasures of

the homoerotic gaze and transgender performance were linked in the urban

theatre with the satisfactions of social and economic privilege. Both

Jayashankar Sundari and Bal Gandharva, rather than bearing any stigma,

became national icons and recipients of the Padma Bhushan [an official

civilian honour]’ (pp.118–119). Finally, in this context, it is important to

note Hansen’s contention that the popularity of the transvestite male

performer such as those above cannot be simply attributed to the lack of

availability of female performers; rather, she suggests, that it may actually

have been due to a preference for female impersonators who, in fact,

competed with women actors. Notwithstanding the existence of hybrid

spaces such as the above, however, it is reasonable to say that the dominant

tendency among the Indian intelligentsia of the period was to accept the

rigid binaries of gender identity that colonialism intensified; after all, the

tradition of the transvestite performer did decline, his place eventually

taken by women actors doing women’s roles. Perhaps the most salient

context within which masculine identities became codified according to the

colonial discourse was that of nationalism. National identity came to be

seen as a way of reconstituting the subject position of Indians on a number


of fronts, and gender was one of these. So, the nationalist response to the

British characterization of ‘Indian effeminacy’ was to both to seek to

provide ‘proof’ to the contrary, as well as embark upon measures of

improving and rejuvenating Indian masculinity. Rather than interrogate the

colonial model, nationalists implicitly, agreed with its premise that Indians

lacked manliness and sought to rectify this ‘defect’ through various means.

Historians have pointed out that this ‘self-image of effeteness’ (Rosselli,

1980) came to be widely accepted among nineteenth century Indian (Hindu)

intelligentsia, and many among them came to believe that the

‘emasculation’ was, among other things, due to the long history Muslim

rule which had reduced Hindus to the status of a subject population.

Attempts at ‘rectification’ were many and varied. So, one response was

connected to the acceptance of the association between science and

masculinity, and consisted in promoting the spread of western science.

Indeed, being scientific also became an indispensable sign of Indian

modernity. Religious thinkers such as Swami Vivekananda and Dayanand

Saraswati sought evidence for Indian manliness and rationality in ancient

texts; and institutions such as famous boys-only Doon School, established

in 1935 with explicitly nationalist aims to produce an Indian boarding

school for the training of a modern intelligentsia, became important sites for

the development of a post-colonial scientific masculinity (Srivastava,

1998).

It was also this context that was the grounds for the emergence of certain

discourses on the relationship between masculinity, caste, science and the

future possibilities of nationhood. I refer to the emergence of a significant

sexology and eugenic movement in the early 20th century in India. In 1927,

N.S. Phadke, Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy at Rajaram

College in Kolhapur, Maharashtra, published his Sex Problem in India.

Being a Plea for a Eugenic Movement in India and a Study of all

Theoretical and Practical Questions Pertaining to Eugenics. Phadke pointed

out that his discussion was concerned with the exploring ways of

maintaining the vigour of a ‘declining race’, for [he said] ‘who could deny

that physical strength and military power will be for us an indispensable

instrument to keep Swarajya [self-rule] after it is won?’ (Phadke, 1927,

p.8). In effect, Phadke was making an argument for the ‘scientific’ nature of

the caste system and how it was based on the ‘science’ of eugenics. ‘It need


never be supposed’, he was to say, ‘that the ancient Aryans were ignorant

of the first principles of eugenics’ (Phadke, 1927, p.18). Along with

Phadke, another significant figure in western India was the medical doctor

AP Pillay, a key personage in the family planning movement that persists to

this day. In 1948 Pillay published The Art of Love and Sane Sex Living and

was many years the editor of The Journal of Marriage Hygiene. In both

Phadke and Pillay’s writings, there is both a concern for the nature of

Indian masculinity after Swarajya (self-rule), and also the play of the

politics of upper caste masculinity at a time when anti-caste movements

were gaining public voice. Their argument connected the caste system and

eugenics with modern nation-hood in as much as the caste system was

presented as being able to produce the kind of men – through ‘scientific’

selection – who would be required for modern and robust nationhood.

From Scientific Masculinity to Homo Economicus: The Five-Year Plan

Hero

Contiguities between colonial and post-colonial regimes of thought across

diverse registers have been extensively documented by scholars (see, for

example, Chatterjee, 1993b). These extend to discourses of masculinities

and include contexts of masculinities and caste politics (Anandhi &

Jeyaranjan, 2001), masculinity and Hindu nationalism (Bannerjee, 2005;

Chakravarty, 1998; Chakraborty; 2011), and celibacy and the male body

(Alter 1992, 2011). Cultural discourses of science and masculinity

continued to play a significant role in the life of the modernizing post-

colonial nation-state in the decades following the end of colonial rule. The

discourse of ‘scientific reason’ was deployed during the early post-colonial

period to define modern subjectivity in India and formed a cornerstone of

thinking regarding the project of the transforming the ‘native’ into the

‘citizen’. The national heroes of post-colonial modernity were, typically,

men such as scientist and statistician P.C. Mahalanobis (1893-1972), an

active member of the Brahmo Samaj movement that sought to ‘modernize’

and ‘reform’ Hinduism , keen researcher of anthropometry, founder of the

Indian Statistical Institute, and a leading influence upon the formulation of

India’s second Five Year Plan (Rudra, 1996; see also Chatterjee, 1993b,


chapter ten, for a discussion of social aspects of economic planning in

India).

It is the context of twentieth century theory of economic development,

as expressed through the post-independence planning regime and

concurrently articulated in the Hindi films of the 1950s and 1960s that

animates this part of my discussion. What is of significance is the relatively

popular currency of ideas that located post-colonial Indian modernity

within the spirit of a ‘scientific’ world-view. In another work (Srivastava,

2004) on the career of India’s most famous ‘playback’ singer, Lata

Mangeshkar (b. 1929), I have discussed the emergence during the

immediate post-independence period of a masculine type I have referred to

as the Five Year Plan (FYP) Hero, and have suggested that ‘Lata

Mangeshkar’s shrill adolescent-girl falsetto’ (Srivastava, 2004, p. 2020)

was intended to be the feminine counterpart of a specific post-colonised

masculinity, that of the FYP hero. The FYP hero of Indian films

represented a particular formulation of Indian masculinity where manliness

came to attach not to bodily representations or aggressive behaviour but,

rather, to being ‘scientific’ This was the idea of a middle-class

‘epistemological’ or science-based masculinity as it emerged from

institutions such as the Doon School, a boarding school for boys established

in 1935 (see Srivastava, 1998). One of the ways in which epistemological

masculinity came to be represented in Indian cinema was through the

operation of very specific spatial strategies, where roads and highways and

metropolitan spaces came to be the ‘natural’ habitat of the FYP hero. As

well, an important strand in 1950s and 1960s films was the profession of

the hero: he was an engineer (building roads or dams), a doctor, a scientist,

or a bureaucrat. In significant instances, the filmic presence of the hero was

one which could be quite easily characterised as ‘camp’. However, the

camp persona of the heterosexual hero could co-exist quite comfortably

with a nationalist ideology which identified post-independence manliness as

linked to the ‘new’ knowledges of science which, it was held, would

transform the ‘irrational’ native into the modern citizen. In the field of

popular culture, the immediate post-independence period was particularly

important in terms of representations of what could be called the aesthetic

of planning and development.


The iconic presence of the FYP hero gained some its legitimacy through the

Keynesian models of economic thought, and he stood both for government

intervention and for delayed gratification through the re-investment of

savings for the ‘national’ good. The FYP hero represents, in a broad sense,

a particular formulation of Indian masculinity where manliness comes to

attach not to bodily representations or aggressive behaviour but, rather, to

being ‘scientific’ and ‘rational’ (Srivastava, 1996).

In the Indian case, economic development policies, especially in the

guise of the Soviet inspired Five Year Plans, traced a particular lineage to

the world of science through, among others, the public lives of mediating

figures such as P.C. Mahalanobis, mentioned above. Spatial strategies, I

have noted above, played a significant part in representations of the FYP

Hero. So, in the films of 1950s and 60’s, the bitumen road became the

space of encounter between the hero and the heroine, backdrop to crucial

song sequences, and the linear space which provided the musical interlude

for the display of the FYP hero’s technological aptitude as he adeptly

handled that epitome of modernist desire - the motor car. Indeed, roads and

highways in these films carried such an aura of a planned modernity – all

those aspirations of ‘progressing’ in both literal and figurative senses – that

the woman at the steering wheel and women on bicycles riding along the

open highway become one of the most powerfully evocative representations

of ‘modern’ Indian woman-hood.

The recurring association between the road/highway and the FYP hero

served to emphasise another point: that of the ‘natural’ milieu of the FYP

hero: the metropolis. We get some idea of the metropolis as a structuring

trope through a series of post-independence Hindi films. So, ‘in films such

as Shri 420 (1955, Raj Kapoor), New Delhi (1956, Mohan Segal), Sujata

(1959, Bimal Roy) and Anuradha (1960, Hrishikesh Mukherjee), the

struggle over meaning and being in a post-colonial society takes place in a

context where the metropolis is always a willful presence’ (Srivastava,

1998, p. 165). Here, as in other films, the metropolis is, by turns, a site of

decadence and extravagance luring ‘innocent’ people into its web, a

progressive influence upon ‘backward’ intellects, and the promise of a

contractual civil society that would undermine the atavism of kin and caste

affiliations, ostensibly typified by the cinematic village. But perhaps, most


importantly, the metropolis is also home to the modern, male, ‘improver’,

the FYP hero.

The Demise of the Five-Year Plan Hero

It has been variously noted that the cinematic success of India’s best known

Bollywood star, Amitabh Bachchan (b. 1942), lies in the anti-state, ‘angry-

young man’ presence of his on-screen persona (Prasad, 1998). This is not

doubt true. However, I would also like to speculate that Bachchan brought

to the screen some other very significant aspects of small-town masculinity,

one’s that have to do with the consuming and expressive capacities of the

previously unrepresented provincial – non-metropolitan – male body.

I suggest that a significant aspect of the Bachchan phenomenon

concerns the representation of provincial masculinity in a metropolitan

milieu. And that, unlike films of the 1950s and 60s, in Bachchan’s films –

his biggest hits were in the 1970s and 80s – the provincial man comes to be

associated with various forms of action, commerce, and individualism.

Hence, the Bachchan hero moves – physically – through a world of

container terminals, five-star hotels, wedding-cakes, fancy-shoes,

international brand alcohol, dance halls, casinos, airports, and other sites

and objects of industrial production and consumption. The Bachchan hero

is the first generation consumer, having recently broken the shackles of the

savings-regime of the FYP political economy. He is both anti-statist in

taking the law into his own hands, as well as harbinger of the age of

consumerism. His significance lies in the iconisation of the loss of faith in

the intentions and capacities of the (Nehruvian) Five Year Plan state, as

well as the positioning of the provincial male as a potential participant in

consumerism. Further, through Bachchan’s body, metropolitan and

provincial spaces become intertwined: provincial masculinity haunts

metropolitan spaces, seeking to share in its fortune, interrogating its life-

ways, and taking up residence in its shanty and slum localities.

The FYP hero model of masculinity was located within the Keynesian

model of economic thought, representing both government intervention and

delayed gratification through re-investment of savings for the ‘national

good’. While the FYP Hero was not a-sexual, his sexual self could only be

read as the preoccupation with reproduction, rather than recreational sex: he

was the father of the nation. We might say, then, that the putative Indian


concern with ‘semen anxiety’ (see Alter, 2011, for example) – regarding

‘wastage’ of an essential fluid – is particularly relevant for the personality

and preoccupations of the FYP Hero. For, his manly vigour derived from

his ability to sublimate non-reproductive desire – which may lead to semen

wastage – into the service of the nation; it is the constant risk of non-

sublimation (represented by the vamp, for example) that was the source of

anxiety.

The death of the Five Year Plan Hero was marked both by a loss in faith

in the ‘socialist’ state as well as a slow but perceptible move away from the

savings orientation of Nehruvian era and towards the possibilities of

consumerism. It was also marked by transformations in social relations,

including intimacies. The dominant form of Indian masculinity – that which

was publicly expressed at least – increasingly came to be located within

contexts of both consumer cultures as well as cultures of non-reproductive

sexuality. The burden of saving the nation through saving for the nation

and the equally serious task of fathering – and being the father – was giving

way to a different model of man-hood that was entangled in newer political

and cultural economies. I am not, of course, suggesting a causal relationship

between economic liberalization and a change in libidinal economies. This

is both far too simplistic a perspective. Rather, my gesture is towards

contiguous and overlapping contexts. And, as I discuss below, I am not also

arguing for linearity in the making of masculine cultures in India such that

these have progressed from being less socially liberal to more so. However,

I will come to this point – the persistence of the past in the present – later in

my discussion of the discourses of masculinity that surrounded India’s

current Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Let me, for moment, stay with the

consumerist juncture mentioned above.

The 1990s mark a significant decade of change in India. Following its

re-election to government in 1980, the Indira Gandhi-led Congress party

issued the New Industrial Policy Statement that is seen to be the key to the

dramatic changes in the economic sphere that characterized subsequent

decades. The Statement focused attention economic ‘liberalisation’ and

‘export-promotion’ as ‘catalysts for faster growth in the coming decades’

(Dutta, 2004; p. 170; see also Sengupta, 2008). Indira Gandhi’s successor,

her son Rajiv, enthusiastically built upon the new economic agenda

whereby ‘The main objective of the industrial policy under the Rajiv


[Gandhi] government was... to encourage economic growth led by the

private sector, with the public sector playing more and more a subordinate

role’ (Dutta, 2004, p. 170). The ferment in the economic sphere found

significant echoes in social and cultural spheres, including the rise of a new

consumer culture.

Beginning from the late 1990s, and related to the ‘opening’ up of the

economy, Indian public culture was the site of a multitude of

representations and discourses that provide glimpses into newer notions of

masculinity. A case in point is the culture of masculinity that characterises

‘footpath pornography’. By ‘footpath pornography’, I mean Hindi language

booklets that are available all over India. Typically, they are cheap to

acquire (with prices ranging from Rs. 10-30) and are poorly printed and

bound. They are, as my naming of the genre indicates, most frequently

available at make-shift book-stalls that crowd the footpaths surrounding

some of the busiest transit areas of the city – such as railways stations and

inter-state bus stands – as well as commercial and small-scale industrial

localities. The booklets are part of a world of ceaseless circulation: for, their

purchasers most frequently acquire them in between, say, catching a bus or

a train, and, as commodities, they circulate among men who are themselves

vulnerable to frequent changes of employment and residence. Another

aspect to their life as circulating commodities is that the publishers

frequently disappear, switch trade, and commonly have their material carted

away by the police.

While the audience for this material can be varied in terms of class, a

very sizable section consists of young men of limited means, quite often

living in slums and shanty towns under conditions of great insecurity of

tenancy and landholding, and working as factory labour and in a variety of

other casual (or ‘informal’) occupations. Theirs is a world of constant and

enforced mobility: changes in market conditions lead to frequent job losses

and changes in government land policies lead to evictions from their

‘unauthorised’ places of residence. Booklet cover photographs often portray

European women or versions of westernised Indian women in poses of

‘rapture’ and ‘seduction’. The authorship of the booklets is mostly male.

And, given their status as goods that are on public display and hence must

be purchased in public, it is men who are also the purchasers.


The booklets address a masculine context that is located within – what

might be called – an erotics of consumerist modernity. A wide variety of

women jostle for male attention both in visual and narrative forms.

Typically, (and as noted above), visual representations consist of European

women, or ‘westernised’ Indian women. There is the relationship here with

Indian cinema and the persona of the ‘vamp’, the most famous of whom

was Helen, the Anglo-Indian actress who was famous for her ‘western’

dance numbers. Helen constituted a displacement of Indian male desire: a

western looking woman who was the focus of transitory desires that could

not be directed at the ‘traditional’ Indian woman. The Indian woman was

the object of a more permanent desire for domesticity whereas the western

woman embodied a desire that was fleeting: she was more suitable as

mistress and girlfriend.

One of the most significant thematic strands within footpath

pornography concerns the male desire for the ‘modern’ woman. In an age

of hyper-consumerism, the desire for the active and consumerist woman is

also a desire to take part more intensively in the cultures of consumerism.

Her deep modernity is the site of an intense erotic charge as well as threat.

It concerned the following question: ‘How to consume modern sexuality

and yet remain in control of one’s masculinity?’

The subaltern masculine cultures of the footpath booklets are embedded

within an erotics of modernity that is both the grounds of aspiration as well

as a context of masculine fear of losing control. The erotics of modernity is

characterised by the scattering of desire across a number of material and

symbolic registers. The thread that connects these is the intense engagement

with worlds that become erotic through their apparent inaccessibility. This,

in turn, conjures the figure of the subaltern male who desires, is chastised

by, and fears the object of his desire (the ‘modern’ woman). Maleness is

made in this crucible of seeking control and encountering rebuff.

Modi-Masculinity

In this final section, I bring together the various strands of my discussion in

order to suggest and foreground a non-linear history of Indian masculinity.

The focus of my discussion is ‘Modi-masculinity’, a term I use to refer to

the swirl of discourses that characterised the election strategy of Narendra


Modi who attained the office of prime minister in the Indian general

elections of 2014. Modi-masculinity, I suggest, is the site of a combination

of both the terriorialised nationalism of the FYP Hero as well as that of his

consumerist antithesis. What is new is the recuperation and braiding of the

past with features of the present and, hence, the collapsing of past time and

present time.

We can analyse the 2014 general elections as a rich and prolix context

for a focussed elaboration of the otherwise dispersed popular discourses on

masculinity. The deployment of what could be identified as ‘traditional’

masculinity politics as a significant electoral strategy was as unprecedented

as the role of the media during the elections. It was, however, the

imbrication of the ‘traditional’ and the ‘modern’ that made the elections

unlike anything in the past.

The elections were significant for the significant investments made by

political parties for campaigning through various media. The dividends of

such investment were recognised slightly earlier during the famous 2011

anti-corruption campaign led by an ex-bureaucrat, Arvind Kejriwal.

Kejriwal and his team successfully utilised traditional electronic as well as

social media to garner massive support. Soon after joining Twitter in

November 2011, Kejriwal gathered a following of 1.5 million. In 2012, he

launched the Aam Admi Party (AAP) which gained unprecedented success

in the state elections in Delhi in 2013, with Kejriwal becoming chief

minister of Delhi till his resignation in February 2014. In the 2014 general

elections, media management played an even greater role, with the

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that swept into power by a massive majority

deploying a sophisticated and massively funded campaign that centred upon

its publicly declared prime ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi. Modi was

quick to set up his own website and establish a twitter account. Of

particular importance was his projected image in mainstream print and

electronic media

A significant aspect of the media discourse that gathered around

Narendra Modi focused on his ‘forceful’ masculinity. Modi’s election

campaign – as well as popular discourse that surrounded his pre-prime

ministerial persona – significantly focused upon his ‘manly’ leadership

style: efficient, dynamic, potent and capable, through sheer force of

personality, of overcoming the ‘policy-paralysis’ that had putatively


afflicted the previous regime. In this, Modi was explicitly counterpoised to

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of the , his ‘impotent’ predecessor, and

more generally against an ‘effeminate’ Indian type who is unable to strike

hard at both external enemies (Pakistan and China, say) and internal threats

(‘Muslim terrorists’, most obviously). This aspect was reinforced by the

metonymic invocation by the BJP’s publicity machine of Modi’s ‘56 inch

chest’ – able and willing to bear the harshest burdens in the service of

‘Mother India’ – that gained massive currency through the media.

The following statement by fashion writer Shefalee Vasudev

exemplifies the recognition that Modi’s image has been specifically crafted

for the media:

If we can read nationalism in Modi’s dressing, Obama’s look is about

accessible glamour, just as Kennedy’s was about spirited decadence. If

Libya’s Colonel Gaddafi was the most garishly dressed politician in the

world, former French first lady Carla Bruni was about Parisian

sophistication and nonchalant sexiness. Each made a different statement.

(Vasudev, 2014, n.p.)

The recognition that masculinity was a significant aspect of Narendra

Modi’s media image was recognised in specific ways. A blogger pointed

out that

Modi’s Empire Line is most flattering to himself — of opulent turbans

adorned with pearls and feathers,...chariots of gold and chrome, a

machismo swagger with his self-proclaimed ‘chappan chatti’ (56 inch

chest), giant cut-outs in every street, to 3-D virtual images that walks,

talks and eats; mammoth road shows of pomp and pageantry; flashy

showmanship and stagecraft at public meetings; it’s an intoxicating

cocktail of hyper masculinity, virility and potency. Good Grief,

Narendrabhai [Brother Narendra] does sound like a Mughal Emperor in

Modern India! (Gopinath, 2014, n.p.)

Further, as sociologist and media-commentator Shiv Vishwanathan

noted,

Originally Modi appeared in the drabness of white kurtas, which

conveyed a swadeshi [indigenous] asceticism. Khadi [hand-spun cloth,


championed by Mahatma Gandhi] is the language for a certain

colourlessness. Modi realized that ascetic white was an archaic language.

His PROs forged a more colourful Modi, a Brand Modi more cheerful in

blue and peach, more ethnic in gorgeous red turbans. ...Hair transplants

and Ayurvedic advice served to grow his hair. ...He senses he has to

sustain himself as both icon and image of a different era. (Vishwanathan,

2013, p.54)

The political valence of media discourses of Modi-masculinity was

recognised by his opponents through their efforts to dispute it: little by little

they cast their criticism in terms of his claims to ‘real’ manhood. Hence, in

October 2013, a member of the Congress party (that led the political

coalition then in power) told a Hindi newspaper that Modi could never

become prime-minister as he had not married (though married, Modi has

lived separately from his wife) and hence lacked ‘manhood, and in

February 2014, TV news-reports showed leading Congress politician

Salman Khurshid referring to Modi as ‘napunsak’ (impotent) for not putting

a stop to anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat in 2002. ‘Masculinity’ came to be

invoked to describe both Modi’s personal and political choices.

What I suggest here is that though couched in the language of

‘traditional’ – and corporeal – manhood, Modi-masculinity is, in fact, a

recension in a time of consumerist modernity and that the media was a

significant site of the re-fashioning. Modi-masculinity stands at the juncture

of new consumerist aspirations, the politics of ‘Indian traditions’ and

gender, and the re-fashioning of non-upper caste identities. Some idea of

the ‘new-ness’ (and peculiarity) Narendra Modi’s mediated image can be

derived from the fact that his masculinity was, in fact, counterpoised to that

of a political opponent (Manmohan Singh) whose ethnic identity as a Sikh

should have positioned him in the ranks of the ‘martial races’ (Omissi,

1991).

Modi-masculinity is a specific effect in the times of consumerist

modernity. While borrowing ideas of the strong father and the traditionalist

male from pre-national and nationalist discourses, its peculiar characteristic

lies in the judicious presentation of Indian manhood as both deeply national

(and hence territorialised) but also global (and de-territorialised). And,

subsequently, it offers a model of ‘choice’ that is based around the notion of

– what could be called – ‘moral consumption’. Within this, there is no


condemnation of consumption as ‘illegitimate’ grounds of identity (cf. van

Wessel, 2004, p.104) or emphases on the ‘morality’ of savings-behaviour

(Srivastava, 2006). Rather, the key concern is with ‘appropriate’

participation in consumerist activities. This has been the most significant

manner in which Modi-masculinity has found articulation in the media.

There are two specific contexts that are important for a fuller engagement

with the meanings of Modi-masculinity. These are ‘post-nationalism’ and,

what I have referred to above as ‘moral consumption’. These concepts (or

contexts) also allow for an understanding of the two (or, at least two)

specific constituencies of Modi-masculinity that consist of territorialised

and de-territorialised Indians. The former consists of older and newer (or, in

Modi’s terms, ‘neo’) middle classes, whereas the latter refers to the Indian

diaspora. Firstly, post-nationalism is the articulation of the nationalist

emotion with the robust desires engendered through new practices of

consumerism and their associated cultures of privatization and

individuation. It indexes a situation where it is no longer considered a

betrayal of the dreams of ‘nation-building’ to either base individual

subjectivity within an ethic of consumption (as opposed to savings), or

think of the state’s statism in a context of ‘co-operation’ with private capital

(as encapsulated by public-private-partnerships, say). The second term,

moral consumption, concerns a civilizational debate that seeks to

accommodate older social identities – wife, mother, husband, son, sister, for

example – within newer individualizing tendencies of consumerism. It does

not constitute a rejection – or critique – of consumption (cf. van Wessel,

2004; Lim Chua, 2014), but rather, an attempt to locate the new forms of

subjectivities (individualism) within existing social structures. Hence, in a

parallel discussion, I have suggested (Srivastava, 2011) that the

commoditization of religious and ritual contexts allows for the situation

where women can be both hyper-consumers (subjects of the world) as well

as ‘good’ wives (able to return home to ‘tradition’).

Modi-masculinity stands at the cross-roads of post-nationalism and

moral consumption and, in this, combines the continuing imperatives of

long-standing power structures and relations of deference with newer

political economies of neo-liberalism. That is to say, it combines the idea of

an Indian essence with the notion of global comity. Modi-masculinity is, in

the most obvious way, the counterpoint to the figure of the ‘Five-Year Plan


Hero’ (Srivastava, 2006) in as much as the former ‘transcends’ both

territorially defined notions of national identity and disavows ‘savings’ in

favour of consuming as an act of citizenship. In as much as Modi-

masculinity presents the case for a dominant (and domineering) male figure

who can forcefully champions the cause of ‘minimum government,

maximum governance’ (one of Narendra Modi’s favourite election

slogans), he speaks to a middle class constituency that has, in recent times,

sought to disengage from state mechanisms (Jaffrelot 2008) in favour of

private enterprise. Simultaneously, in severing the link between national

identity and national territory – through the emphasis on consumption

rather than savings – Modi-masculinity also addresses a diasporic audience.

What is crucial in both cases is the irreducible nature of masculine power

articulated through ‘Modi-ness’. It gestures at and seeks to overturn

historical ‘emasculation’ – the putative social inability to deal with internal

and external ‘threats’ and the economic inability to be seen as ‘global’

through disenfranchisement from the world of consumption – through

discourses of gendered power.

Modi-masculinity offers both the possibilities of worldliness but also the

promise that men might continue to maintain their hold on both the home

and the world. For, Modi’s right-wing Hindu nationalist politics is strongly

associated with the defence of ‘Indian values’. Hence, within Modi’s world

view, while both men and women are offered equal chances of becoming

consumers, masculine anxieties over female consumption – the woman as

the sacrificing figure who facilitated male consumption rather than

consumed herself has been a long-standing cultural discourse – are

assuaged through Modi’s ‘strong’ masculinity. He takes part in the world of

consumption while simultaneously gesturing that the world of ‘tradition’

will not be effaced. He is the advocate of moral consumption: consumption

is good as long as it ‘appropriate’ to the Indian cultural context. In this way,

Modi-masculinity, while aligned to an emerging discourse of ‘Enterprise

Culture’ (Gooptu, 2014) is not quite neo-liberalism’s ‘self-regulating,

autonomous’ individual (Gooptu, 2014, p.12) spoken of in analyses of neo-

liberalism in the West. What we have, instead, is individualised subject who

is encouraged to make (his) own enterprise, though not exactly as he

pleases but through the dictates of structures such as the family and kin

networks. It is entirely proper, then, that recent television advertisements


for personal insurance – a significant index of ‘subjectivity and sociality

and neoliberal financing’ (Patel, 2006, p. 29) – present the high-achieving

(and enterprising) child purchasing a policy not for himself, but for his

ageing parents.

Conclusion

This article has sought to provide an account of Indian masculine cultures

as a history of Indian modernity and its multiple registers. More

specifically, the article has sought to outline this history through an account

of relationships between economic, political and social contexts, thereby

seeking to blur the boundaries between these aspects. The article also seeks

to point out that while there are continuities between the (colonial) past and

the (post-colonial) present, the manner in which the past is utilised for the

purposes of the present relates to the performances and contexts in the

present. The anthropologist Edward Bruner speaks of the manner in which

performances ‘re-fashion’ reality. ‘It is in the performance’, as he puts it,

‘that we re-experience, re-live, re-create, re-tell, re-construct, and re-fashion

our culture ... the performance itself is constitutive’ (1986, p.11). That is to

say, my analysis of Indian masculine cultures has sought to outline the

significance of the present in constituting the present. Finally, the

discussion has sought to present a methodological argument: that accounts

of masculinities are required to stitch together narratives that emerge out of

multiple social and cultural sites. If we are to view the masculine subject as

constituted through discourses that appear at different sites – the law,

cinema, domesticity, religion, science, nationalism, consumerism, neo-

liberalism, say – then our analytical frameworks must be sufficiently

expansive to incorporate these varying modalities of subject formation.

For, masculinity is no identity in itself and multi-sited analysis is crucial to

the task of locating it as an affect – and an exercise of power – that is

produced through a number of social worlds.

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Las Masculinidades y los Programas de Intervención para

Maltratadores en casos de Violencia de Género en España

Victoria A. Ferrer1

Esperanza Bosch1

1) Universitat de les Illes Balears, España


Edition period: February 2016 - June 2016

To cite this article: Ferrer, V. A., & Bosch, E. (2016). Las Masculinidades y

los Programas de Intervención para Maltratadores en Casos de Violencia de

Género en España. Masculinities and Social Change 5(1),28-51. doi:

10.17583/MCS.2016.1827






http://doi.org/10.17583/MCS.2016.1827



pp. 28-51

2016 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3605

DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1827

Masculinities and Batterer

Intervention Programs in Gender

Violence in Spain

Victoria A. Ferrer & Esperanza Bosch

Universitat de les Illes Balears, Spain

Abstract

Intimate partner violence against women (called gender violence in the Spanish legal framework) is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that has been explained from different theoretical viewpoints. In this paper, we take as a starting point to analyze this violence a multi-causal model, called pyramidal model, which understands traditional masculinity and their conditionants as an important explanatory key for violence against women. In this context, data on the low presence of the notion of masculinity in the intervention programs for the rehabilitation of perpetrators that have been applied in Spain are presented, and suggestions on the need to increase the role of this element are provided.

Keywords: intimate partner violence against women, perpetrators, masculinities.


pp. 28-51

2016 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3605

DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1827

Las Masculinidades y los Programas

de Intervención para Maltratadores en

Casos de Violencia de Género en

España

Victoria A. Ferrer & Esperanza Bosch Universitat de les Illes Balears, España

Resumen

La violencia contra las mujeres en la pareja (denominada violencia de género en el marco jurídico español) es un fenómeno complejo y poliédrico que ha sido explicado desde diferentes puntos de vista teóricos. En este trabajo, se toma como punto de partida para analizar esta violencia un modelo multicausal, denominado modelo piramidal, que entiende la masculinidad tradicional y sus condicionantes como una clave explicativa importante para la violencia contra las mujeres. En este contexto, se aportan datos sobre la escasa presencia de la noción de masculinidad en los programas de intervención para la rehabilitación de los maltratadores que se han venido aplicando en España y se reflexiona sobre la necesidad de incrementar el protagonismo de este elemento.

Palabras clave: violencia de género, maltratadores, masculinidades

30 Ferrer & Bosch. – Masculinidades e intervención maltratadores

n el intento de desarrollar un marco de investigación europeo

para el estudio de las violencias masculinas, Jeff Hearn y cols.

(2013) desarrollan algunos principios metodológicos clave y,

entre otras cosas, concluyen que entre nuestras prioridades de

investigación debería estar el determinar qué reduce y detiene estas

violencias.

En este contexto, el trabajo desarrollado desde nuestro grupo de

investigación se ha venido centrando en el estudio de las violencias

ejercidas por los varones contra las mujeres y, especialmente, de aquella

que ocurre en la pareja (y que recibe la denominación de violencia de

género en el ordenamiento jurídico español a partir de la Ley Orgánica

1/2004 de Medidas de Protección Integral contra la Violencia de Género).

Esta violencia la hemos abordado y estudiado desde diferentes puntos de

vista, incluyendo: los cambios en la percepción social de esta violencia en

España (Ferrer & Bosch, 2014a); los factores que llevan a las mujeres a

permanecer en una relación de maltrato (Bosch, Ferrer & Alzamora, 2006);

el papel de las actitudes sexistas y la misoginia como factores causales en

esta violencia (Ferrer & Bosch, 2014b); o los mitos sobre la violencia

contra las mujeres y de género (Bosch & Ferrer, 2002, 2012a).

Como fruto de estos trabajos y de la reflexión sobre el tema, hemos

generado una propuesta de modelo hermenéutico – heurístico, al que hemos

denominado Modelo Piramidal (MP), que entendemos teóricamente

plausible para explicar las violencias contra las mujeres en general y en el

que, además, encajarían los resultados de las investigaciones sobre la

cuestión que van conociéndose. Este modelo ha sido presentado en algunos

trabajos previos (Bosch & Ferrer, 2013; Bosch, Ferrer, Ferreiro & Navarro,

2013) y lo hemos aplicado hasta ahora, básicamente, al caso de la violencia

contra las mujeres en la pareja (Ferrer & Bosch, 2012, 2014c). En el marco

de este modelo, y como expondremos en la primera parte de este artículo,

las creencias patriarcales y el modelo de masculinidad tradicional

hegemónico dominante serían claves explicativas importantes para la

ocurrencia de estas violencias.

Paralelamente al trabajo descrito, y, especialmente, a partir de la entrada

en vigor de la LO 1/2004, hemos asistido a importantes cambios en el

tratamiento de estas violencias, por ejemplo, en los programas de

intervención para maltratadores en casos de violencia de género que se

E


habían comenzado a implementar en España a partir de los años 90. En

relación con ellos, y siempre desde una perspectiva de análisis feminista

crítico, se ha realizado una revisión sistemática sobre estos programas y sus

características. El estudio del papel otorgado a las masculinidades en dichos

programas constituye el objetivo principal de este trabajo, que será

presentado en la segunda parte del mismo.

El Papel Modelo Masculino Tradicional en la Génesis de la Violencia de

Género. Análisis desde el Modelo Piramidal (MP)

Como hemos señalado anteriormente, a partir del análisis e integración del

material empírico y teórico que hemos ido revisando y de las conclusiones

de la investigación empírica previa (Bosch & Ferrer, 2002; Bosch et al.,

2008, 2012) desarrollamos un modelo explicativo, que incluye muchos de

los elementos presentes en otros modelos multicausales y aporta, además,

algunas claves de análisis complementarias, y al que denominamos Modelo

Piramidal (MP).

Este modelo tiene una estructura piramidal y consta de cinco etapas o

escalones (cuatro de ellos constituyen los mecanismos explicativos de la

violencia (sustrato patriarcal, procesos de socialización, expectativas de

control y eventos desencadenantes) y el quinto sería, propiamente, el

estallido de la violencia contra las mujeres, en cualquiera de sus diferentes

formas), más un proceso, al que hemos denominado de filtraje. En este

marco, la violencia se gestaría en un proceso de escalada de los agresores a

través de estas etapas o escalones, y el proceso de filtraje, por su parte,

visibilizaría qué ocurre con aquellos varones que, aunque han vivido el

mismo sustrato patriarcal y han estado expuestos a las mismas claves

durante los procesos de socialización, no ejercen esta violencia.

En trabajos anteriores (Bosch & Ferrer, 2013; Bosch et al., 2013) hemos

presentado una descripción de los diferentes elementos que conforman este

modelo. En este trabajo vamos a poner el foco sobre algunos de ellos.

Así, en primer lugar, en el contexto del MP se recoge la idea de que,

mediante los procesos de socialización diferencial, las personas aprendemos

e interiorizamos las normas de comportamiento que se derivan de las

actitudes y creencias que legitiman y mantienen el dominio de los varones

sobre las mujeres (ideología patriarcal) y que, desde un orden social


patriarcal, se entienden como adecuadas y apropiadas para unos y otras (en

qué consiste ser un hombre masculino y una mujer femenina).

Estos modelos normativos hegemónicos y tradicionales de masculinidad

y feminidad, supuestamente universales, dicotómicos y opuestos entre sí,

actuarían como marco de referencia socialmente compartido y transmitido,

convirtiéndose en mandatos de género (Bonino, 2001; Lagarde, 1999,

2005; Pescador, 2010; Rebollo, 2010) para muchas personas, hombres y

mujeres. Estos mandatos se caracterizarían del modo siguiente (Alcántara,

2002; Bonilla, 2008; Martínez-Benlloch, 2008; Pescador, 2010; Rebollo,

2010):

El mandato de género tradicional masculino se caracterizaría como

“ser-para-sí”, asociando la masculinidad con la heterosexualidad, el

control, el poder, la dominación, la fuerza, el éxito, la racionalidad, la

autoconfianza y la seguridad en uno mismo, y con las tareas

productivas (como el trabajo remunerado o la política, que

responsabilizan a los varones de los bienes materiales). En esencia,

este mandato incluiría no poseer ninguna de las características que se

les suponen a las mujeres, y contrapesar éstas con sus opuestos

(racionalidad por oposición a irracionalidad, fuerza frente a

debilidad, ausencia de emociones frente a emocionalidad, etc). Para

una descripción más detallada al respecto pueden consultarse, entre

otros, trabajos como los de Bonino (2001) o López (2013).

El mandato de género tradicional femenino se caracterizaría como

“ser-para-otros”, asociando la feminidad con la sumisión, la

pasividad, la dependencia, la obediencia, la abnegación, la renuncia,

y con las tareas reproductivas (como el cuidado de la pareja, los/as

hijos/as, etc., que responsabiliza a las mujeres del bienestar de los

demás y de los bienes emocionales). Vinculado a su rol como

cuidadora y responsable del bienestar de otros/as, este mandato

otorga un lugar central a los roles de esposa y madre (hasta

considerar que una mujer sólo pueden alcanzar su plenitud y

satisfacción ejerciendo estos roles, especialmente, a través de la

maternidad), y un peso importante a la (supuesta) predisposición al

amor (hasta el punto de considerar a las mujeres como completas

sólo cuando “pertenecen” a alguien).


En definitiva, “Desde el imaginario cultural se mantienen modelos de

masculinidad y feminidad que, en forma de ideales, son tomados como

referentes de identificación, pasando a formar parte de los deseos, fantasías

y creencias personales” (Bonilla, 2008, p. 24).

Aunque otros puntos de vista entienden que no hay relación entre la

violencia de género y el amor (Yuste, Serrano, Girbés & Arandia, 2014), de

acuerdo con el Modelo Piramidal (MP) desde el que se desarrolla el análisis

que presentamos en este trabajo, estos mandatos tendrían su corolario en la

denominada ideología de género tradicional, y una fuerte vinculación con

modelo de amor romántico imperante.

La ideología de género es el conjunto de creencias que las personas

poseemos sobre cuáles son los roles, y comportamientos considerados

apropiados para varones y mujeres (por razón de su sexo) y sobre las

relaciones que unos y otras deben mantener entre sí (Ferrer & Bosch, 2010;

Moya, 2004), esto es, las creencias prescriptivas sobre los roles de mujeres

y hombres. Esta ideología se concibe como una dimensión cuyos extremos

pueden etiquetarse como ideología de género tradicional vs. ideología de

género feminista – igualitaria (Moya, Expósito & Padilla, 2006; Moya,

Navas & Gómez, 1991).

La ideología de género tradicional supone, pues, asumir y validar los

modelos normativos hegemónicos y los mandatos de género tradicionales, y

se caracteriza por enfatizar las diferencias sexuales o biológicas entre

varones y mujeres y, consecuentemente, la necesidad de una estricta

diferenciación de roles y ámbitos para unas y otros: como consecuencia de

considerar a las mujeres como seres débiles y necesitados de protección, se

las relega a los roles de esposa, ama de casa y madre (ámbito privado);

como consecuencia de considerar a los varones como seres fuertes con

autoridad y protectores, se les asignan roles de proveedor, vinculados a la

toma de decisiones y la esfera pública (Moya et al., 2006). Un análisis más

detallado sobre lo que supone y sobre las repercusiones de la ideología

masculina tradicional se halla descrito, entre otros, en trabajos como el de

Martínez y Paterna (2013).

En resumen, puede decirse que los mandatos de género tradicionales se

plantean como complementarios en el sentido propuesto por Edgar

Sampson (1993): la identidad masculina se define como autónoma,

independiente y controladora, pero para que ello sea posible, es necesario


que haya quien asuma una identidad dependiente y relacionada con el

cuidado y el servicio (la identidad femenina). Pero, el mandato de género

masculino implica no sólo una hegemonía externa (la dominación de los

varones sobre las mujeres), sino una hegemonía interna, esto es, la

ascendencia social de unos varones sobre otros, la subordinación de otras

formas de masculinidad alternativas a la masculinidad hegemónica

tradicional (Demetriou, 2001; Díez, 2015).

Por su parte, el modelo de amor romántico, también denominado amor

fusional, relación fusionada o vínculo fusional romántico (Bosch & Ferrer,

2012b, 2014; Bosch et al., 2013; Esteban & Tavora, 2008; Herrera, 2011;

Labonté, 2010; Leal & Nieto, 2007; Luengo & Rodríguez-Sumaza, 2009;

Tavora, 2007) hace referencia a qué significa enamorarse, qué sentimientos

se consideran apropiados y cuáles no, cómo debe ser la relación, y qué

papel ha de desempeñar el amor en nuestras vidas. Además, incluye una

serie de mitos y creencias irracionales al respecto, como, por ejemplo, que

el único requisito para alcanzar la felicidad es tener a la otra persona, que

cada miembro de la pareja tiene capacidad para satisfacer completamente

todas las necesidades del/la otro/a, que existe la “media naranja”, etc.

(Barrón, Martínez-Íñigo, De Paul & Yela, 1999; Ferrer, Bosch & Navarro,

2010; Ferrer, Bosch, Navarro & Ferreiro, 2009a, 2009b, 2010; Yela, 2000,

2003). Este modelo lo aprendemos, y, en su caso, lo interiorizamos, durante

el proceso de socialización.

Pero el amor no es una experiencia neutra, sino fuertemente generizada

(Burns, 2000; Denmark, Rabinowitz & Sechzer, 2005; Leal, 2012; Redman,

2002; Schäfer, 2008), de modo que los mandatos de género condicionarían

de forma diferencial tanto la elección del objeto de amor, como la

centralidad del amor y la pareja en nuestras vidas (central, y de sumisión y

renuncia para el mandato de género tradicional femenino; y periférico, y de

dominio para el masculino).

En este contexto, aquellos varones que asumen como propia y no

cuestionan ni la ideología de género tradicional ni las bases en las que se

asienta, asumen pues la superioridad masculina (y, por tanto, la necesaria

subordinación femenina), creen tener unos derechos (expectativas de

control) sobre las mujeres que consideran válidos y legítimos, y se

comportan en consecuencia, es decir, esperan mantener el control sobre

ellas, sobre sus vidas, sus cuerpos, su sexualidad, sus amistades, su


economía, etc. En el caso concreto de la violencia contra las mujeres en la

pareja, el maltratador, que asume la ideología de género y el mandato de

género masculino tradicionales, cree tener unos derechos (expectativas de

control) sobre su pareja que le permitirían controlar su vida. A esto se suma

el hecho de que una relación de pareja basada en los mitos del amor

romántico incrementa aún más si cabe el riesgo de crear falsas expectativas

sobre lo que es o ha de ser la pareja (Bosch & Ferrer, 2012b, 2014; Bosch et

al., 2008, 2012, 2013; Ferrer & Bosch, 2014c; Ferrer et al., 2009a, 2009b,

2010).

Estas expectativas de control pueden dispararse y/o materializarse ante

ciertos eventos desencadenantes (personales, sociales o político-religiosos)

que constituirían el cuarto escalón del MP (Ferrer & Bosch, 2014c).

Así, en el proceso de tránsito a lo largo de los diferentes escalones o

etapas del modelo propuesto, aquellos varones que asumen (de modo rígido

y sin cuestionarlo) el mandato de género masculino tradicional (y la

ideología patriarcal subyacente), ante un evento (desencadenante) que les

lleva a ver frustradas sus expectativas de mantener un control sobre sus

parejas, que ellos consideran plenamente justificado y legítimo, y/o que

refuerza (o ellos creen que refuerza) su posición, considerarían también

legítimo pasar a la acción y dar rienda suelta a una serie de estrategias (que

incluirían desde los celos hasta la violencia en sus formas más extremas)

con objeto de recuperar ese control perdido.

En este contexto, algunos varones (los que ejercen la violencia) tendrían

una actitud de legitimación hacia los mandatos del patriarcado, de modo

que aceptarían tanto los privilegios que se derivan de la ideología patriarcal

y el mandato de género masculino tradicional, como la legitimidad para

ejercer violencia y castigar a aquellas mujeres que quiebran el mandato de

género femenino tradicional (Bosch & Ferrer, 2013).

El Modelo Masculino Tradicional en los Programas de Intervención

para Maltratadores en Casos de Violencia de Género en España

Aunque los primeros programas de intervención para maltratadores en

casos de violencia de género fueron implementados en España a mediados

de la década de 1990 en ámbito comunitario por el profesor Enrique

Echeburúa y su equipo de la Universidad del País Vasco, en colaboración


con el Instituto Vasco de la Mujer (Echeburúa, De Corral, Fernández-

Montalvo & Amor, 2004), no será, como se ha señalado anteriormente,

hasta la entrada en vigor de la LO 1/2004 cuando se produzca un

importante y rápido incremento de estos programas en España (Lila, 2013).

Esto ha tenido como consecuencia que en todo el país se han

desarrollado y adaptado a las nuevas necesidades (y también a la nueva

legislación nacional, y a las legislaciones autonómicas que han ido

aprobándose en los diferentes territorios) programas de intervención para

maltratadores, tanto de asistencia voluntaria en la comunidad, o en el

interior de las prisiones, como en el ámbito de las medidas penales

alternativas (Carbajosa & Boira, 2013).

Paralelamente a la creación e implementación de estos programas, se fue

también incrementando la necesidad de determinar su eficacia (Lila, 2013).

Para ello se hacía necesario, en primer lugar, determinar los criterios de

calidad y estándares comunes que tales programas deberían de cumplir, y,

posteriormente, revisar en qué medida se daba tal cumplimiento.

En este contexto, y como parte de nuestro interés por este tema,

formulamos un proyecto de investigación denominado “Programas de

intervención con maltratadores en casos de violencia de género aplicados en

España (1995-2010): Análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo de características y

eficacia” (FEM2011-25142), cuyo objetivo general era analizar y evaluar

de modo científico y sistemático, y tanto desde un punto de vista

cuantitativo como cualitativo, las características y la eficacia de los

programas de intervención con maltratadores en casos de violencia de

género aplicados en España entre 1995 y 2010. La revisión sistemática de la

literatura científica sobre el tema mostró que los primeros trabajos sobre el

tema se publicaron en 1994, por lo que se amplió el período de análisis.

Para la recogida de información y el posterior análisis de la calidad de

estos programas, se diseñó un cuestionario cualitativo. En un trabajo previo

(Ferreiro, Ferrer, Bosch, Navarro & Blahopoulou, 2015) se presentaron el

proceso de revisión y selección de los criterios y estándares de calidad,

tanto nacionales como internacionales, que fueron tenidos en consideración

para el diseño de dicho cuestionario, el contenido de dichos criterios, y el

cuestionario final resultante.

A modo de resumen, puede decirse que el citado cuestionario incluye

criterios y subcriterios relativos a las siguientes características de estos


programas: su orientación teórica; sus contenidos; la formación y las

características de los/las terapeutas que los aplican; los procedimientos para

su aplicación y seguimiento; la evaluación de su eficacia; o la relación que

se establece con los sistemas penales y de justicia.

Así, y como parte de este cuestionario se incluyó un criterio relativo a

los componentes de la intervención, y, dentro de él, se incluyeron como

indicios de calidad los subcriterios siguientes:

Analizar si la intervención incluye un componente cognitivo para

desmontar o desactivar el modelo mental sexista sobre la violencia de

género (esto es, trabajar y deconstruir las ideas sexistas, las

distorsiones y sesgos cognitivos sobre la violencia, sobre el sexismo,

sobre el rol masculino y sobre la identidad masculina tradicional), y

Analizar si la intervención incluye un componente emocional para

modificar las asociaciones emocionales con la conducta violenta

(esto es, trabajar emociones de ira, frustración, impotencia, celos,

miedo,… ligadas a la identidad masculina tradicional y la violencia).

Por tanto, y recogiendo de modo explícito la recomendación que

realizaron Rothman, Butchard y Cerdá (2003), y que contemplan también la

mayoría de estándares y guías de buenas prácticas desarrolladas en el

ámbito europeo para trabajar con maltratadores (Ginés, Geldschläger, Nax

& Ponce, 2015), se incluyó en el cuestionario diseñado y como parte de los

criterios básicos a considerar para evaluar los programas de intervención

con maltratadores, el análisis de la masculinidad, esto es, el análisis sobre la

forma en que las normas sociales sobre el género afectan al modo en que

los hombres se comportan en las relaciones de pareja.

Por lo que se refiere a los resultados obtenidos, la revisión sistemática de

la literatura sobre el tema mostró la existencia de 148 registros, publicados

entre enero de 1994 y enero de 2013. La mayoría de ellos correspondían a

artículos en revistas científicas (41.89%), que habían sido publicados entre

2008 y 2010 (46.62%), y que describían uno o más programas de

intervención con maltratadores aplicados en España (44.59%). Cabe señalar

que, si bien en estos registros se identificaron hasta un total de 47

programas (21 desarrollados hasta 2004 y 26 a partir de la implementación

de la LO 1/2004), para 25 de ellos sólo se obtuvo una somera descripción


(en algunos casos, sólo una referencia al nombre y poco más) y sólo en los

22 casos restantes se ofrecía una información más completa. Los programas

a los que hacían referencia un mayor número de registros eran aquellos

desarrollados por el profesor Echeburúa y su equipo (17.57%), y los

programas Galicia (9.46%), Contexto y Navarra (6.08%, respectivamente),

y Espacio (5.41%).

Cabe señalar que los diferentes programas identificados fueron

agrupados en tres categorías (Ferrer, Bosch, Navarro & Ferreiro, 2013;

Geldschläger et al., 2009, 2010; Montero, 2009):

a) Programas llevados a cabo en los centros penitenciarios y sus

secciones abiertas (basados en el artículo 42.1 de la LO 1/2004), que

fueron diseñados y son gestionados y aplicados por la Secretaría

General de Instituciones Penitenciarias (2005, 2010) (excepto en

Cataluña, donde dependen del gobierno autonómico) para internos

condenados por delitos relacionados con violencia de género que

participan en ellos voluntariamente. Se caracterizan por su elevado

nivel de estandarización y por ser objeto de seguimiento y evaluación

(Echeburúa & Fernández-Montalvo, 2009; Echeburúa, Fernández-

Montalvo & Amor, 2006). De hecho, el primer programa piloto de

intervención se realizó en 2001. Este programa inicial fue revisado y

evaluado posteriormente (en 2004 y 2009) hasta alcanzar su formato

actual.

b) Programas como medida penal alternativa (basados en el artículo 35

de la LO 1/2004), que suponen el cumplimiento de penas alternativas

para maltratadores condenados a menos de dos años, que no ingresan

en prisión, pero están obligados judicialmente a seguir uno de estos

programas. Son llevados a cabo por los servicios sociales de

Instituciones Penitenciarias, o conveniados y gestionados por otros

organismos. Inicialmente mostraban un importante grado de

variabilidad, pero, poco a poco (y, especialmente, a partir de 2010

cuando se puso en marcha un programa piloto para su armonización),

han ido tendiendo hacia un mayor estandarización. Ejemplos de ellos

serían los programas Galicia (Arce & Fariña, 2010) o Contexto (Lila,

García & Lorenzo, 2010);


c) Programas de asistencia voluntaria, que trabajan con varones que

acuden voluntariamente y se desarrollan en contextos comunitarios

(por ejemplo, ayuntamientos, colegios profesionales, centros

terapéuticos, asociaciones y organismos autonómicos). No están

estandarizados y se caracterizan, precisamente, por su diversidad

metodológica y conceptual, tanto en lo relativo a sus características,

como a su aplicación y evaluación. Entre ellos estarían, por ejemplo,

el programa Espacio (Boira & Jodrá, 2010) o el programa de carácter

comunitario desarrollado por Echeburúa y cols. (Echeburúa et al.,

2009). Cabe señalar que este tipo de programas ha ido disminuyendo

con el paso del tiempo, especialmente desde la implementación de la

LO 1/2004.

Por lo que se refiere a la efectividad de estos programas, la revisión

realizada nos permitió determinar que, aún a pesar de las discrepancias que

suelen producirse (Arias, Arce & Novo, 2014), para la mayoría de ellos este

análisis se realizó, básicamente, a partir de cuestionarios administrados a

los varones participantes en los programas (sólo en un 38.3% de los casos

se incluyó alguna medida de la opinión de las parejas), y que el criterio de

éxito considerado fue, principalmente, el cambio entre antes y después de la

intervención en las características psicológicas y las distorsiones cognitivas

de los maltratadores sobre las mujeres y sobre el uso de la violencia como

forma aceptable de solucionar conflictos. Sin embargo, apenas se

analizaron los mandatos de género tradicionales o la masculinidad.

Como ya se ha comentado, los programas con maltratadores se realizan

desde diferentes enfoques teóricos y metodológicos, si bien los más

extendidos combinan la terapia cognitivo-conductual con una perspectiva

de género. Por lo que se refiere a sus contenidos, Geldschläger y Ginés

(2013) apuntaban que éstos suelen incluir la asunción de responsabilidad

por la violencia ejercida, el análisis de episodios violentos para comprender

su significado e intencionalidad, el trabajo sobre la masculinidad y el

aprendizaje del uso de la violencia, la creación de maneras alternativas de

relacionarse y el entrenamiento de las habilidades necesarias para ellas, así

como la prevención de recaídas. Sin embargo, y como este mismo autor ya

había detectado en una revisión previa (Geldschläger, 2010), aunque el

análisis y comprensión de la violencia contra las mujeres y sus


fundamentos, y el trabajo con los mitos y creencias erróneas sobre las

mujeres y la violencia como forma de resolver los conflictos sí forman parte

habitual de los programas que se han venido implementando (en más de un

80%-90% de los casos), la noción de masculinidad como contenido

explícito y directo de la intervención es, en cambio, mucho menos

frecuente.

Así, de entre los programas analizados tan sólo aquellos que adoptan de

modo claro una perspectiva de género y feminista para la intervención

mencionan como objetivo explícito la masculinidad. A modo de ejemplo,

cabe citar: el programa de asistencia voluntaria del Servei d’Atenció a

Homes que Maltratan (SAHM), que ha venido gestionando la Fundación

IRES para diferentes ayuntamientos (incluyendo los de ciudades como

Barcelona o Palma de Mallorca) y en los que la masculinidad se incluye

como objetivo que la intervención (Calle, 2010); o el Programa Psicosocial

para Agresores en el Ámbito de la Violencia de Género de la Universidad

de Granada (Expósito, 2010; Expósito & Ruiz, 2010), un programa

diseñado como medida penal alternativa, que se realiza desde una

orientación de género y centra la intervención en los comportamientos

concretos utilizados por los hombres para mantener el control y el poder

dentro de la relación de pareja. Este programa incluye una unidad para

trabajar sobre los privilegios masculinos que se concreta en modificar las

ideas estereotipadas relacionadas con los roles del varón y la mujer y la

justificación del uso de la violencia.

Conclusiones y Propuestas

En definitiva, a lo largo de los párrafos anteriores se ha tratado de poner de

manifiesto una doble realidad: por una parte, que las explicaciones actuales

y multicausales de la violencia contra las mujeres en la pareja muestran que

la noción de masculinidad (específicamente, el mandato masculino

tradicional que conforma la masculinidad hegemónica que ha venido

imperando) es un elemento clave en la génesis de esta violencia y, por

tanto, en los programas de intervención con quienes la cometen (Ginés et

al., 2015; Wojnicka, 2015); y, por otra, que, a pesar de ello, la mayoría de

programas de intervención para maltratadores en casos de violencia de


género abordan esta cuestión tan sólo, y en el mejor de los casos, de forma

colateral.

Obviamente, y como la propia complejidad de la violencia de género

implica, la intervención con los maltratadores debe ser también amplia y

poliédrica. Cuestiones como el concepto de violencia, su definición y sus

causas o los mitos sobre esta violencia no pueden, lógicamente, ser ajenas a

cualquier intervención que pretenda ser adecuada y efectiva. Las creencias

sobre las mujeres y la violencia y, especialmente, las creencias y

estereotipos sexistas han de ser otro de los ejes en torno a los cuales se

articulen este tipo de intervenciones.

Pero, más allá de estas cuestiones, parece evidente que la rehabilitación

de los maltratadores pasa también por confrontarlos con la propia idea de

masculinidad imperante y, alternativamente, por la construcción de un

nuevo modelo de masculinidad.

Explicado en términos del Modelo Piramidal (MP), al que hemos hecho

referencia anteriormente (Bosch & Ferrer, 2013):

Los varones maltratadores tendrían una actitud de legitimación hacia los

mandatos del patriarcado, aceptando tanto los privilegios derivados de la

masculinidad hegemónica tradicional y el mandato de género masculino,

como la legitimidad de ejercer violencia y castigar a aquellas mujeres que

quiebran el mandato de género femenino (Herrera, Expósito & Moya, 2012;

López, 2013).

La mayoría de programas de intervención trabajan en potenciar en los

varones maltratadores una actitud de resistencia, esto es, en alcanzar una

postura de rechazo hacia la violencia masculina, pero sin entrar a cuestionar

sus bases o los privilegios vinculados al mandato de género masculino.

Esto, que en un determinado momento puede ser considerado útil, en tanto

en cuanto puede frenar la ocurrencia de determinadas formas de violencia,

puede no ser suficiente, permitiendo, o bien que se mantengan aquellas

violencias catalogadas como de baja intensidad, o bien que la violencia

vuelva a surgir ante determinados eventos desencadenantes.

La propuesta que surge de todo ello es la necesidad de que los

programas de intervención con maltratadores adopten en su conjunto una

perspectiva feminista o de género que les lleve a trabajar en profundidad la

noción de la masculinidad, generando una actitud de proyección, que

suponga una redefinición de la masculinidad tradicional, aceptando


renunciar a los privilegios que, tanto a nivel social (macro) como individual

(micro), les ha venido ofreciendo la sociedad patriarcal.

Si bien esta tercera alternativa es, sin lugar a dudas, la más costosa de

alcanzar, sería también la que, previsiblemente, daría lugar a cambios de

mayor profundidad y más duraderos y, en definitiva, no sólo a la

desaparición de la violencia actual, sino a la prevención de la violencia

futura por parte de los maltratadores que participaran y completaran con

éxito aquellos los programas de intervención diseñados desde estas

premisas.

Agradecimientos

Este trabajo fue llevado a cabo en el marco de un proyecto de investigación financiado por el

Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (FEM2011-25142).

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The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood in the New

Korea

Richard Howson1

Brian Yecies1

1) University of Wollongong, Australia

Date of publication: February 21st, 2016 Edition period: February 2016 - June 2016

To cite this article: Howson, R., & Yecies, B. (2016). The Role of

Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood in the New Korea. Masculinities and

Social Change, 5(1),52-69. doi: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1047







http://doi.org/10.17583/MCS.2016.1047



pp. 52-69

2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1047

The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity

and Hollywood in the New Korea

Richard Howson & Brian Yecies University of Wollongong, Australia

Abstract

We argue that during the 1940s Hollywood films had an important role to play in the creation of a postwar South Korean society based on the new global U.S. hegemony. The connections between political and economic change in South Korea and socio-cultural factors have hitherto scarcely been explored and, in this context, we argue that one of the key socio-cultural mechanisms that supported and even drove social change in the immediate post-war period was the Korean film industry and its re-presentation of masculinity. The groundbreaking work of Antonio Gramsci on hegemony is drawn on – in particular, his understanding of the relationship between “commonsense” and “good sense” – as well as Raewyn Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity. The character of Rick in the 1941 Hollywood classic Casablanca is used to illustrate the kind of hegemonic masculinity favoured by the U.S. Occupation authorities in moulding cultural and political attitudes in the new Korea.

Keywords: South Korea, hegemony, hegemonic masculinity, film, Casablanca, U.S. occupation of Korea


pp. 52-69


El Papel de la Masculinidad

Hegemónica en la Nueva Korea

Richard Howson & Brian Yecies University of Wollongong, Australia

Resumen

Nosotros argumentamos que durante los años 40 las películas de Hollywood tuvieron un papel importante en la creación de la sociedad de post-guerra de Korea del Sud cuya base era la recién hegemonía de Estados Unidos. Las conexiones entre el cambio político y económico en Korea del Sud y los factores socio-culturales han sido hasta ahora escasamente poco explorados y, en este contexto, nosotros planteamos que uno de los factores socio-culturales clave que han apoyado y hasta dirigido el cambio social en la post guerra fue la industria cinematográfica koreana y su representación de la masculinidad. El revolucionario trabajo de Antonio Gramsci sobre la hegemonía se apoya, en particular, en su interpretación de la relación entre el “sentido común” y el “buen juicio”, así como en la concepción de masculinidad hegemónica de Raewyn Connell. El papel de Rick en el año 1941 Holywood con el clásico Casablanca es utilizado para ilustrar el tipo de masculinidad hegemónica favorecida por Estados Unidos. Las instituciones de ocupación se encargan de moldear las actitudes culturales y políticas en la nueva Korea.

Palabras clave: Corea del Sur, hegemonía, masculinidad hegemonía, película, Casablanca, U.S. ocupación de Korea

54 Howson & Yecies – Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood

n June 1962, a United States Information Service (hereafter

USIS) report from Seoul to Washington, “Study of Korean

Attitudes Towards the United States”, indicated that a majority

of the population of South Korea (hereafter Korea) – over 72%

– displayed a general acceptance and appreciation of the United States

(hereafter U.S.). According to the study, this level of support for the U.S.

decisively outstripped Koreans’ appreciation of any other major nation and

its culture. For example, support for Great Britain and West Germany was

ranked at 24 and 19% respectively, while support for the Union of Soviet

Socialist Republics (USSR) was massively in the red at minus 64%. The

study’s ‘Concluding Note’ asserted that the finding of positive attitudes

toward the U.S. was notably significant because it was based on a “relatively

close relationship between the Koreans and Americans.” The Korean people

were not basing their judgment on stories or experiences relayed at second

or third hand, but rather for the first time “they were reflecting attitudes

formed as a result of actual contact with Americans and with the operation

of US policy in Korea” (Korean Survey Research Center, 1962 [our

emphasis]).

Several years later, a questionnaire run by the International Research

Associates called Project Quartet: An Opinion Survey Among Korean

Students (1966) – held by the United States Information Agency’s Office of

Records, revealed that while the majority of university students interviewed

accepted the cultural changes that had occurred in Korea since liberation

from Japanese occupation – 56% claimed to be very happy or fairly happy

with their own standard of living – the wider majority (83%) saw economic

instability and poverty as either the most important problem (58%) or the

second most important problem (25%) facing the nation. This data suggests

that in the 1960s young upper middle class Koreans were especially focused

on the nation’s economic life that was being moulded by the recent

achievement of capitalism and democracy. Whilst this cohort represented a

privileged group in terms of education level - i.e. around 5% of the population

at the time (National Statistics Office 1995: 80), their perceptions of the U.S.

as the international benchmark for both developments was important because

it showed a complex relationship in the making. Their attitudes confirmed

the findings of the 1962 study insofar as both showed evidence of an

I

Masculinities and Social Change 55

acceptance of the U.S. and its influence among these future community

leaders. For example, the later survey supported the view that the U.S. was

materialistic (63%) but also democratic (58%), and on a par with Korea itself

as a peace-loving nation (42% compared to 43% for Korea). While different methodologies were adopted in the two surveys, both

were undertaken by professional bodies. In the 1962 study of Korean

attitudes, three questions devised by the USIS were incorporated into an

opinion survey conducted by the Korean Survey Research Center with the

assistance of the Statistical Advisory Group of the Surveys and Research

Corporation of Washington D.C. The survey was commissioned by a major

daily newspaper, Kyunghyang Shinmun. The three questions fielded by the

USIS sought to elicit Koreans’ attitudes toward nine foreign countries

including the U.S., aspects of America held in high regard by Koreans, and

those liked least. The study sample consisted of 3,150 people selected

randomly from voting lists and resulted in 2,724 complete interviews. On the

other hand, the 1966 survey of university students by International Research

Associates – Far East – also undertaken on behalf of the United States

Information Agency, comprised 1,010 students drawn from all disciplines

across four universities. Taken together, both sets of data offer a

representative sample of the Korean population and the cultural attitudes of

the time. More recent studies such as Ambivalent Allies? A Study of South

Korean Attitudes Toward the US (Larson, Levin, Baik & Savych, 2004) do

little more than reflect and confirm the findings of these studies from the

early to mid-sixties – that attitudes towards the nascent alliance and towards

the American people were overwhelmingly positive, if sometimes complex.

For Koreans, the U.S. had become the exemplar culture – the one that could

meet their aspirations for a steadily improving standard of living. In this article, we seek to go back some twenty years before this data was

first collected to investigate what might be considered one of the

foundational moments in the creation of a new Western cultural sensibility

in Korea. This development in its turn became part of and helped to sustain

the new U.S. global hegemony. However, rather than exploring and

analyzing Korean politics and in particular its geopolitical history (which has

already been scrutinized in great detail), we argue that during the 1940s

particular hegemonic mechanisms based in civil society were equally

important in the creation of modern Korean society. Hitherto, however, the


connections between political and economic change on the one hand and

socio-cultural factors on the other have been relatively neglected in the

literature. In this context, we propose that one of the key socio-cultural

mechanisms that supported and even drove change in the immediate post-

war period was the film industry. Most importantly, through the U.S.

occupation (1945-1948) Koreans were re-introduced to Hollywood films that

embodied a new Western sensibility. (Prior to being banned during the

Pacific War, hundreds of Hollywood films were exhibited across Korea (see

Yecies, 2008). In this respect, the new economic (capitalist) and political

(democratic) institutions introduced by the U.S., which the two surveys

discussed above indicated, had a considerable impact on Koreans but only go

part way to accounting for the transformation of Korean society during this

period. In explaining the socio-cultural mechanisms that helped change the

way Korean people thought about themselves, their practices and their

aspirations, both at the national and transnational level, film and the re-

presentation of gender, particularly the masculinity that it embodied was

crucial. In the context of the late authoritarian government era of the 1980s,

Kyung Hyun Kim (2004, p. 9) explains:

Just as Hollywood has used the Vietnam War as a springboard for what

Susan Jeffords describes as the “remasculinization of American

culture”, South Korean cinema renegotiated its traumatic modern

history in ways that reaffirm masculinity and the relations of dominance

... the need for masculine rejuvenation … ironically ended up affirming

the hegemonic political agenda rather than resisting it.

Two important points emerge from this statement. The first is that, in

many ways, the Korean film industry in the post-1980s era was ostensibly

concerned with the “remasculinization” of the Korean male, which in reality

was following in Hollywood’s footsteps (Kyung Hyun Kim, 2004, p. 10).

The second is that the creation of a new Korean national consciousness was

not an independent achievement with indigenous roots, but was contingent

on Korea’s alignment with the growing U.S. global hegemony in which film

had a significant part to play. We note that Kim’s concept can be applied to


an earlier period involving the “remasculinization” of the Korean male

during the U.S. occupation of Korea.

The Basis for a New Hegemony

In exploring the socio-political consequences of the use of film in the

hegemonic processes to which Korea was subject in the mid-twentieth

century, we begin by invoking the work of Antonio Gramsci on hegemony –

in particular, his notes on the relationship between “commonsense” and

“good sense” (see Gramsci, 1971, p. 323-326, p. 423) and, most importantly,

the transformation of the former into the latter. For Gramsci, the concept of

hegemony defines an ethico-political moment when the “commonsense”

ideas and practices of a particular group within a society are transformed and

assume political and then ethical authority as “good sense”. To build and then

retain hegemonic authority, the ideas and practices of the group in question

(in this case the U.S.) must merge the ethical or civil society component with

the coercive or political component to create a new formulation where “State

= political society + civil society, in other words hegemony protected by the

armour of coercion” (Gramsci, 1971, p. 263). It is this extension of the

processes of building authority beyond political society and the state and into

the civil or “private” spheres (Gramsci, 1971, p. 12) so as to incorporate the

average citizen that David Harvey (2005) identified as crucial to the

acceptance of a new hegemonic moment. This explains why it was necessary

for the U.S. in Korea to extend its reach into the private sphere of

communities, families and individuals to cement its influence and control,

and why film became the crucial intellectual hegemonic mechanism in this

process of expansion. This expansion was not based on a simple or straightforward mechanism.

It required what Gramsci (1971, p. 12) referred to as “intellectuals” whose

function within society is to ensure that the people come into contact with

and acquire the ethical sensibility and authority associated with the given

hegemony. Because for Gramsci intellectuals operate across civil society,

those who controlled the film industry were able to harness a significant

socio-cultural resource capable of not just touching the masses, but also able

to re-present a social model to which the people could now aspire. In this

way, film had the ability to disempower the “commonsense” or traditional


sensibilities of the Korean people and make them subaltern. Simultaneously,

the hegemonic expansion of principles such as democracy and capitalism, in

concert with the promotion of a new masculine identity, endorsed the new

U.S. global sensibility as “good sense”. This transformation is crucially

important to understanding the success or failure of a hegemony to develop.

As a quotidian ideology, commonsense demands conformity and reflects the

everyday life and beliefs of a particular social group that, in turn, expresses

its cherished cultural traditions. Inherent in the concept of commonsense is a

particular ethical (and sometimes political) legitimacy that provides the basis

for the identification of a particular group, and that in turn influences its

relationship to the hegemonic authority. However, for the U.S., the insertion

of their interests into Korean civil and political society required an immediate

engagement with the broader Korean culture in order to legitimate and

progress these interests and to present them as “good sense” rather than raw

domination. The data from the 1962 survey presented above, showing that

over 72% of respondents felt positively about the U.S., supports this

theoretical argument. What the U.S. was constructing in Korea was not a

structure of domination pure and simple, but hegemony, with its integration

of politics and civil society, as the basis for a socio-cultural transformation

from Korean “commonsense” to a new U.S./Korean “good sense” projected

on a global scale. One consequence to be expected as the result of a hegemonic

transformation of this kind is that the society affected will move from

disunity to unity. However, any such imposition of authority and subsequent

unity is always provisional, and it is this that produces hegemony’s dynamic

character or, as Gramsci (1971, p. 182) called it, its “unstable equilibria”.

Furthermore, this dynamism and conflict always operates at the level of

“good sense” and therefore across both civil and political society. This brings

us to the relationship between politics and gender – the link between the

process of constructing and implementing a new political system and gender

order was important for Korea. Explaining this new gender order in greater

detail is a book-length project. Suffice it to say that as we have seen, these

changes were occurring at a time when Koreans aspired to leave poverty

behind them and create a new socio-political order where the principles of

democracy and capitalism were central. To do this required not only an


affirmation of “hegemonic principles” (see Howson, 2006) such as

democracy and capitalism, but the “remasculinization” of Korean men based

on an acceptance of the hegemonic masculinity of the West.

The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity in a New Hegemony

Raewyn Connell’s (1995, p. 76) conceptualisation of hegemonic masculinity

has proved particularly fruitful in our exploration of Korean gender

constructions. She focuses on two key ideas: first, that the masculinity it re-

presents is the only legitimate way for men to think, aspire and act towards

creating an ideal masculinity; and second, that by thus building complicity

with the hegemonic ideal, men will secure the dominance of their own gender

while continuing the subordination of women. Connell here illustrates how a

particular construct (in this case masculinity) becomes a component part of a

broad culturally based hegemony and thus assumes a parallel authority to

more political and economic ideals such as democracy or capitalism. Connell

thus exposes the two key constitutive components of authority: legitimacy

and power. Power operates through the ability to subordinate a particular

group (or idea/practice) through the operation of particular configurations of

identification and practice that enable men to position themselves in relation

to it [hegemonic masculinity] (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005, p. 832).

Thus, it may be that it was never crucial for Korean men to practice and

assume an identity based on an ideal Western masculinity. Rather, for a

majority of Korean men (and women as well), either as individuals or groups,

it could have been enough to adopt certain practices that would enable them

to align or position themselves in relation to what they increasingly perceived

as the legitimate form of masculinity – a strategy that would in turn enable

them to gain the social, political and economic advantages they sought. While this process of alignment acts to modify the behaviour of men and

women, it is also a key contributor to the constitution of power with a given

society and, as a consequence, defines what is legitimate with respect to

issues of identification and identity. It is this ability to confer identity and the

associated advantages that men (and also women) seek to acquire that enables

hegemonic masculinity to assume the authority of an ideal within a particular

cultural situation or system. Describing gender-based behaviour in empirical

terms will only ever tell part of the story. The modernist narrative of rational


men practising a form of masculinity that will benefit them and the social

system of which they are a part must be re-thought in terms of the re-

presentation of a culturally authoritative or hegemonic masculinity. In Korea,

film became a key mechanism in perpetuating a gendered hegemony.

The Korean National-Popular Consciousness and American Celluloid

Dreams After the Pacific War, and after Korea had been liberated from the Japanese,

the nation was separated at the 38th parallel. The southern and northern

halves of the peninsula were to be temporarily governed by the U.S. and the

Soviet Union, respectively, in order to facilitate the establishment of orderly

government. The U.S. interim government aimed to transform the southern

part of the Korean Peninsula into a “self-governing,” “independent,” and

“democratic” nation, while safeguarding the wellbeing of its people and

rebuilding their economic base1. Within months of Japan’s defeat, and even as Lt. General John R. Hodge

and his U.S. Occupation forces were disarming the Japanese military,

American film distributors hurried their most popular films to the southern

half of the peninsula. Local cinemas were soon overwhelmed by a range of

Hollywood genre films that the United States Army Military Government in

Korea (hereafter USAMGIK, 1945–1948) believed had the allure to help the

country to transpose four decades of Japanese influence. Most of the films

screened during this period were talkies produced between the mid-1930s

and the early 1940s. Action-adventure and historical biopics were the most

common genres, followed by melodramas, screwball comedies, musicals,

Westerns, crime/detective thrillers, science fiction, and animated cartoons.

The graphics used in advertisements for these films, placed in local

newspapers, also attracted non-Korean-speaking U.S. troops—a welcome

secondary audience. The USAMGIK film project was advanced under the auspices of General

Douglas MacArthur, the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers

(hereafter SCAP), and with the advice of the Office of War Information’s

(OWI) Central Motion Picture Exchange (hereafter CMPE)2. During this

time, the CMPE – the American film industry’s East Asian outpost that


controlled the distribution rights for Hollywood films – and the USAMGIK’s

Motion Picture Section in the Department of Public Information (hereafter

DPI) contributed to the re-establishment of Hollywood’s dominance in

Korea, reprising the glory days of the early-to-mid 1930s (Yecies, 2005,

2008; Yecies & Shim, 2011)3. Many of the glamorous spectacle films that

the CMPE and DPI eased into the market, and which anchored the

USAMGIK’s propaganda operation in Korea, were used to evoke a sense of

personal, cultural, and political liberty. Instead of thinking and acting like

Japanese, Koreans were now expected to think about what “America” and

democracy in particular had to offer them. Hollywood films became key

vehicles for achieving this task4. To ensure the unhindered dissemination of an “official” American

popular culture, the USAMGIK began purging the marketplace of

“unwanted” films under Ordinance No. 68, “Regulation of the Motion

Pictures,” enacted in mid-April 1946. Following this date, the requirement

for censorship approval from the USAMGIK became an effective way of

revoking the efforts of a small group of intellectuals who were attempting to

assert their independence by using film to catalyze debate on a range of social

and political issues, including communism. Some of the films exhibited by

this group included Leni Riefenstahl’s Olympia (1936) and the Italian fascist

propaganda film Lo Squadrone Bianco (1936, aka The White Squadron), as

well as Julien Duvivier’s poetic realist gangster film Pépé le Moko (1937),

and a small number of films from China. However, under Ordinance No. 68

these and other foreign (and unauthorised U.S.) films were all rapidly

confiscated by the USAMGIK’s Department of Police – not because they

contained objectionable or obscene content, but because the DPI was

concerned to block films with communist sympathies. Simply put, this type

of intellectual activism interfered with the USAMGIK’s cultural

reorientation program. Although exhibitors promoted programs that mixed

features with shorts and live musical and/or theatrical performances, a surfeit

of Hollywood films left little room for the exhibition of non-American films

(including those from Korea): movies which might have offered alternative

views of “America” and American culture. In April 1946, the first batch of authorised Hollywood films arrived in

Seoul via CMPE-Japan; it included Queen Christina (1933), Barbary Coast

(1935), The Devil Doll (1936), Mr. Deeds Goes to Town (1936), Romeo and


Juliet (1936), San Francisco (1936), The Great Ziegfeld (1936), The

Buccaneer (1938), The Rains Came (1939), Golden Boy (1939), Honolulu

(1939), The Under Pup (1939), and Abe Lincoln in Illinois (1940). These

films were chosen because they were “prestige pictures” in the sense that

they were “injected with plenty of star power, glamorous and elegant

trappings, and elaborate special effects” (Balio, 1995, p. 180) —attractive

packaging for presenting the core democratic reform values that the U.S.

government wanted for Korea5. As local film critics noted at the time, the

sheer spectacle and extreme “foreignness” of these Hollywood films enabled

audiences to take a holiday from the chaotic social, political, and cultural

change going on around them (Lee, 1946, p. 4). The positive portrayals of

modern Western city life in these films was an important facet of this process.

While the criteria used to select the American films distributed and exhibited

in southern Korea may appear random, many were Academy Award-winning

(or nominated) films such as In Old Chicago (1937), Boys Town (1938), You

Can’t Take It with You (1938), Suspicion (1941), The Sea Wolf (1941),

Random Harvest (1942), Rhapsody in Blue (1945), and Casablanca (1942). In addition to having achieved popularity in the U.S., these films

represented well-dressed people scurrying along the skyscraper-lined, car-

filled streets of Manhattan, Paris, and other modern cities. In these settings,

men took the lead in (exclusively) heterosexual coupling, which for the first

time in Korea depicted lovers embracing openly on larger-than-life studio

sets and natural locations alike. While many films contained strong moral

codas affirming the final victory of justice and the importance of hope, others

affirmed women’s (equal) rights, Christian belief, and patriotism. However,

these themes were often expressed through the depiction of acts of violence,

vigilantism, public disorder, deception, desperation, frailty, suicide, theft,

murder, killings, adultery, and corruption. But equally, men were shown

displaying toughness, competitiveness, and open and dominant

heterosexuality, as husbands and fathers motivated by a strong work ethic

that brought them and their families material success. Despite these

incongruous elements, Hollywood films were used to sway public opinion

toward democratic and capitalist ways of thinking and acting where men took

the leading roles. Such screenings were part of a deliberate campaign to

assimilate the Korean people into the new hegemony through exposure to


opinions, beliefs, attitudes and values that resonated with American

masculine culture. It was the very complexity of this new culture that could

be effectively re-presented through film and, most importantly in this

context, through the actions of male role models.

Towards a New Masculinity in Casablanca

A particularly complex and even controversial film shown during this time

was Casablanca, released in the U.S. a couple of months after the December

1941 attacks on Pearl Harbor and some 5 years later in Korea in May 1947.

The movie starred Humphrey Bogart in the lead male role. As told through

the protagonist Rick, a loner and owner of one of the most popular bars in

Nazi-occupied Casablanca, the story underlines the conflict between Rick’s

personal desires and his sense of a greater (national) good. The film shows

how Rick resolves this conflict through his decision to forego his true love

by helping his lover and her husband escape Morocco and take a stand against

the Nazis. Rick’s decision, revealed at the end of the film, mirrors the shift

in Western society’s basic values during the war and is, of course, expressed

primarily through the actions of men. Connell (1987, p. 184-185) emphasises that the “winning of hegemony”

– the successful implementation of a new ethical and socio-political order –

relies on “the creation of models of masculinity that are quite specifically

fantasy figures” such as Bogart’s character Rick. In Casablanca, Rick is a

loner in a hostile environment with a complex and unhappy past into which

the viewer is offered only a brief window. However, in the context of his

relationship with the beautiful woman who walks back into his life there is

much pain and anguish that is reprised for the benefit of the audience. As

Rick says in the film, “[o]f all the gin joints, in all the towns in the world, she

had to walk into mine”. Nevertheless, woven through what is essentially a

love story wrapped around the themes of war, corruption and violence,

Bogart’s character shines with all the hegemonic characteristics demanded

by the new post-war cultural and gender order. Notwithstanding a brief

emotional breakdown, which is interlaced with controlled drunkenness and

aggression, Bogart emerges to take control of the situation by manipulating

the bad guys, making decisions for his lover and taking actions that will

ultimately ensure his independence and economic security.


Despite his fictional status, Bogart’s character incorporates the kind of

masculinity that according to Connell is crucial for the winning of hegemony.

In the character of Rick, positive themes of nationalism and patriotism

aligned to masculine toughness, intelligence and independence are

interwoven with cynicism, violence, contested loyalties, and sexual license.

Drawing on the work of David Grazian (2010), film critic Mark Snidero

(2013) argues

that the popularity of mass entertainment, such as the film Casablanca,

“can be explained primarily in terms of their social uses in generating

solidarity among individuals within large and anonymous

communities” (Grazian 2010, p. 25). This leads to the creation of

“shared feelings of identity” among members of a group on the

messages portrayed and espoused through the media and “can bring

people together by generating a sense of social solidarity” on any

particular topic (Grazian, p. 26-27). This is largely accomplished

because of the use of popular culture as a “resource of public reflection”

about various elements of the human condition or experience (Grazian,

p. 28).

In this context, Casablanca is a particularly useful and important example

of a film in which representations of masculinity as well as isolationism are

used to create a sense of solidarity and a shared identity among viewers –

here with the practical aim of defeating Nazi forces in Europe. By the time

Casablanca was shown in Korea, the Nazis had been defeated and the forces

of democracy and capitalism – and the hegemonic masculinity that had

contributed to the victory – were firmly entrenched. It mattered little that

Casablanca presented a complex canvas whose themes and motifs stood in

stark contrast to the traditional values to which Korean audiences were

accustomed6 although this would have limited the ability of Hollywood films

to assimilate Korean audiences in the direction of American values such as

democracy, capitalism and aggressive masculinity. Nevertheless, even

though Bogart’s character re-presented a fantasy masculinity in the Korean

context, Rick contained the qualities that Korean men could aspire to – or, in

the context of hegemonic masculinity theory, the idealised qualities against


which both Korean men and women could measure themselves and, in so

doing, build the kind of solidarity evident in the nascent social attitudes of

the 1960s.

Conclusion In this article, we have argued for the importance of not only acknowledging

the impact of a national film industry on the creation of a national-popular

consciousness, but also of considering the complex intersections involved in

the construction of gender relations. More specifically, we have begun to

show through an analysis of a key Hollywood film of the 1940s how the

cultural construction of masculinity can be made to serve wider ends – in this

case, as a mechanism through which the U.S. could impose Western values

in order to create a particular kind of national-popular consciousness. In turn,

as our analysis of Casablanca suggests, these values were used in a wider

attempt to expand the U.S.’s own political and cultural hegemony in the

region. This argument is confirmed through two key sets of data which were

produced almost twenty years after the impact of Casablanca and other

Hollywood films was first felt in Korea and which indicate an overall

acceptance of U.S. influence and its key hegemonic principles in particular.

While the hegemonic strategies behind the screening of these Hollywood

productions were not completely successful in terms of fostering total

assimilation, they made a significant contribution to a complex process of

integration between Korea and the U.S. that began with the USAMGIK’s

utilisation of Hollywood films as a tool to undo whatever ties of loyalty had

persisted following thirty-five years of Japanese occupation and a heavy diet

of colonial propaganda films. That is not to say that after 1945 creativity was

wholly denied to Korean filmmakers, who yearned for the opportunity to

make their own films in their own ways. Indeed, in several cases, Korean

nationals wrote scripts and directed films, such as Hurrah for Freedom (aka

Jayumanse, Choi In-gyu, 1946) and Ttol-ttol's Adventure (aka Ttol-ttol I- ui

moheom, Lee Gyu-hwan, 1946), in a spirit of experimentation and

independence. More attention is needed elsewhere on this dynamic topic and

the potential influence that Casablanca and other Hollywood films had on

such domestic Korean films and their re-presentation of masculinity.


As we can now see more clearly – particularly following the recent

discoveries of previously unknown colonial-era films, and the re-release of

post-liberation films on DVD by the Korean Film Archive – the films made

and exhibited during the U.S. occupation period embodied a wide array of

narrative techniques, aesthetic styles, and genre conventions. Nevertheless,

the policy direction set by the USAMGIK ensured that local audiences would

be exposed to exciting new images that embodied new ideas and ideals in

films such as In Old Chicago, You Can’t Take It with You, and Casablanca.

There is no doubt that these films fitted well with the USAMGIK’s larger

aims for the development of the country during what was anticipated to be a

speedy transition to economic stability and political autonomy.

Finally, this article shows that there is a very real and important

connection between politics and cinema that scholars of history, sociology

and culture would find helpful when examining the nature of national identity

and the development and impacts of the cinema industry. In this relationship,

we showed how politics and cinema are key elements in the creation of a

hegemony that in turn, illuminates the operation of gender and in particular

a hegemonic masculinity. In this way this Korean case study contributes to

an emerging area of research that follows Raewyn Connell’s (see 2007),

argument about the need to give priority, when studying masculinities,

culture and social change, and to the analysis of gender relations beyond the

Western paradigm. Although Asia can be said to exist on the periphery of the

West, through the processes of globalisation and transnationalisation no one

region or country can effectively lay claim to operating autonomously. Thus,

the continuing task of building knowledge about gender, gender relations and

hegemony demands that we open our understanding to these new frontiers of

knowledge.

Acknowledgment

The authors acknowledge the support of the Korea Foundation and the Australia-Korea Foundation, which made it possible to conduct archival and industry research for this project. Special thanks go to Ae-Gyung Shim for her valuable assistance. This article builds upon some of the research in: Yecies, B. & Shim, A. (2010). Disarming Japan’s Cannons with Hollywood’s Cameras: Cinema in Korea Under U.S. Occupation, 1945-1948. The Asia-Pacific Journal, 44,-3-10. Retrived from http://japanfocus.org/-brian-yecies/3437/article.html

http://japanfocus.org/-brian-yecies/3437/article.html.


Notes 1 Explicit details of these plans are found in General Headquarters, Commander-in-Chief,

United States Army Forces, Pacific, Summation No. 11: United States Army Military Government Activities in Korea for the Month of August, 1946: 12–13; and Records of the United States Department of State relating to the internal affairs of Korea, 1945–1949, Department of State, Decimal File 895, Reel 5, “US role in Korea,” National Archives at College Park, Maryland (hereafter cited as NARAII).

2 The OWI had been developed in the U.S. in mid-1942 to coordinate the mass diffusion of information at home and abroad through multiple government departments and diverse media formats. Through the publication of its Government Information Manual, the OWI trained representatives from across the film industry to utilise both educational and entertainment films as propaganda, that is, for promoting American notions of “freedom” in both wartime and postwar conditions. In early 1946 the OWI and the Motion Picture Export Association – Hollywood’s centralized industry trade body – formally coalesced as the Central Motion Picture Exchange.

3 The chief role of the DPI was to impose film policy and oversee film censorship while monitoring and moulding public opinion in relation to the U.S. and to democracy in general in Korea. See “Operational Guidelines for the Distribution of O.W.I. Documentaries and Industry Films in the Far East,” 22 December 1944, Records of the OWI, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942–1945, RG 208, Box 2, Entry 6B, NARAII.

4 In Germany, the U.S. launched a similar project aimed at transforming a former enemy into a democratic country through motion pictures. As noted by Fay (2008, p. xix), Hollywood films were seen as quintessential vehicles for disseminating “American” ideology as “democratic products.”

5 In order to connect with local audiences, well-known Korean byeonsa (live narrators) were recruited to introduce each film. Almost immediately, these first Hollywood films made a splash in the marketplace as local audiences lapped them up with enthusiasm, whether or not they understood them or appreciated the cultural values they contained. U.S. Embassy, Seoul 1950, “Dispatch No. 657,” 2 January, U.S.-DOS, RG59, Decimal File 1945–49, Box 7398, NARAII.

6 The USAMGIK was well aware of the criticism directed at the undesirable elements found in many of these films. According to one report from mid-1947 submitted to the U.S. Department of State, a committee of American educators that had conducted a formal survey of local attitudes in Korea was disappointed at the CMPE’s failure to offer appropriate films to Korean audiences. Report of the Educational and Informational Survey Mission to Korea, 20 June 1947, pp. 35–36. Dept of State, Decimal File 1945–49, RG59, Box 7398. NARAII.


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ND_TR141.pdf

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(Miguk Yeonghwa-Reul Eoteoke Bol Geosinga), Kyunghyang Ilbo.

National Statistics Office. 1995. Trace of Korea Looking Through

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Richard Howson is Senior Lecturer in Sociology Program at the

University of Wollongong, Australia.

Brian Yecies is Senior Lecturer in Cultural Studies Program at the

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Contact Address: Direct correspondence to Richard Howson,

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Wollongong, NSW 2522, email: [email protected]

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https://ekoreajournal.net/issue/index2.htm?Idx=420




Dialogic Leadership and New Alternative Masculinities:

Emerging Synergies for Social Transformation

Gisela Redondo-Sama1

1) University of Cambridge, United Kingdom


Edition period: February 2016 - June 2016

To cite this article: Redondo-Sama, G. (2016). Dialogic Leadership and

New Alternative Masculinities: Emerging Synergies for Social

Transformation. Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1), 70-91. doi:

10.17583/MCS.2016.1929








pp. 70-91

2016 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3605

DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1929

Dialogic Leadership and New

Alternative Masculinities: Emerging

Synergies for Social Transformation

Gisela Redondo-Sama

University of Cambrige, United Kingdom

Abstract

Leadership plays a relevant role in the improvement of organisations, and its study has influenced analysis of the dynamics of social change in current societies. There is a trend toward studying leadership by considering issues such as its distribution or transformative dimension. According to recent developments in this field, dialogic leadership involves the entire community in the process of creation, development and consolidation of leadership practices. However, less is known about the role of dialogic leadership in relation to the men´s movement and masculinities, particularly in the field of the New Alternative Masculinities (NAM). This article presents the results of a qualitative case study developed in an adult school that is part of the Learning Communities project and illustrates existing synergies between dialogic leadership and the NAM movement. The article explores how the school have influenced transformative processes beyond its organisation and have contributed to increase the visibility of the NAM movement. Furthermore, evidence is presented regarding the manner in which dialogic leadership contributes to create an environment in which emerging leadership practices of the community in relation to the NAM movement have flourished.

Keywords: dialogic leadership, New Alternative Masculinities, community participation


pp. 70-91

2016 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3605

DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1929

Liderazgo Dialógico y Nuevas

Masculinidades Alternativas:

Sinergias Emergentes para la

Transformación Social

Gisela Redondo

University of Cambridge, United Kingdom

Resumen

El liderazgo tiene un papel importante en la mejora de las organizaciones y su estudio ha influido los análisis de las dinámicas del cambio social en las sociedades actuales. Hay una tendencia a estudiar el liderazgo considerando aspectos como su distribución o su dimensión transformadora. En línea con desarrollos recientes en este ámbito, el liderazgo dialógico implica a toda la comunidad en el proceso de creación, desarrollo y consolidación de las prácticas de liderazgo. Sin embargo, se conoce menos el papel del liderazgo dialógico en relación a los movimientos de hombres y masculinidades, concretamente en el ámbito de las Nuevas Masculinidades Alternativas (NAM). Este artículo presenta los resultados de un estudio de caso cualitativo desarrollado en una escuela de adultos que es parte del proyecto de Comunidades de Aprendizaje e ilustra sinergias existentes entre el liderazgo dialógico y el movimiento NAM. El artículo explora cómo la escuela ha influido en procesos de transformación más allá de su organización y ha contribuido a incrementar la visibilización del movimiento NAM. Además, se presentan evidencias sobre cómo el liderazgo dialógico contribuye a crear un contexto en el que han surgido prácticas de liderazgo de la comunidad vinculadas al movimiento NAM.

Palabras clave: liderazgo dialógico, Nuevas Masculinidades Alternativas, participación de la comunidad

72 Gisela Redondo-Sama – Dialogic Leadership & NAM

ver the years, leadership research has increasingly influenced

the study of the dynamics of social change and transformation

in democratic societies (Goethals, Sorenson & MacGregor

Burns, 2004). From different fields of knowledge such as

sociology, political science, education or gender studies, an analysis of the

key elements underpinning leadership practices is at the core of very

diverse contributions in this field. Burns (1978) introduced the concept of

“transformational leadership” and its influence on the fields of political

leadership and organisational psychology among other domains. Ganz

(2011) addressed ways in which the public can mobilise to demand political

change by enhancing “public narratives”. Day (2000) reviewed the different

contexts in which leadership development expands the creation of social

capital in organisations. Furthermore, the concept of distributed leadership

(Gronn, 2002; Spillane, Halverson & Diamond, 2004) revealed patterns of

interdependence and coordination of agents in educational settings. In

addition, leadership research also has included inspiring studies analysing

the role of women and men to lead change and the impact of being

identified as female or male leadership (Johnson, Murphy, Zewdie &

Reichard, 2008).

Across the world, there are emerging forms of leadership linked to the

men’s movement and masculinities that have been analysed in terms of the

cultural problematisation of men and boys, the politics of the men´s

movements and the social construction of masculinities, among other

elements (Conell, 2005). Furthermore, institutions such as the Commission

on the Status of Women highlight the role of men and boys in achieving

gender equality, paying special attention to the relevance of leadership by

political leaders, traditional leaders, business leaders or community and

religious leaders (2004). In fact, the synergies between the men´s

movements and their responses to gender issues and feminism demonstrate

the ways in which this relationship has existed since the late nineteenth

century (Kimmel, 1987). The role of dialogue in such synergies is of

particular interest among scholars and continues to spur discussions in

masculinities studies (Elias & Beasley, 2009) and related fields.

By the end of the twentieth century, the importance of dialogue in

understanding transformative processes in our societies underpins many

theoretical and empirical works in the social sciences. Accordingly, the

O


dialogic turn in societies and the social sciences (Flecha, Gómez &

Puigvert, 2003) illuminates the ways in which the analysis of dialogue

contributes to a deepening comprehension of social reality. This

contribution includes the role of the human agency and the structures that

either favour or hamper dialogue, which provides an inspiring framework

of analysis to advance leadership research. Consistent with this approach,

the role of dialogue in diverse leadership conceptualisations is linked to the

improvement of organisations (Mazutis & Slawinski, 2008) and its

relevance for social justice (Shields, 2004). The theoretical contribution at

the core of this article is dialogic leadership, which is defined as the process

by which leadership practices of all the members of the community are

created, developed and consolidated (Padrós & Flecha, 2014). In the

process of leading, very diverse members of the community can exercise

their leadership, share knowledge and build capacities in a collaborative

environment. However, less is known about the role of dialogic leadership

in the analysis of the men´s movements and masculinities, particularly in

the New Alternative Masculinities (Flecha, Puigvert & Ríos, 2013).

This article explores the synergies between dialogic leadership and the

New Alternative Masculinities (NAM afterwards) in La Verneda-St. Martí,

an adult school led by two associations and that was the first educational

Spanish experience published in Harvard Educational Review (Sánchez,

1999). By analysing dialogic leadership in relation to the NAM movement

in this context, the aim of the article is to identify ways in which the school

contributes to increase the visibility of the NAM movement, and how

dialogic leadership enhances the dynamics of change beyond the school.

The Case Study: La Verneda-Sant Martí

La Verneda-Sant Martí school is located in Barcelona and is surrounded by

a neighbourhood that, during the 1970's, was particularly well known for its

claims of achieving better living conditions and public services. By

mobilising the community, one of the claims was related to improved

educational opportunities, because the population living in that community

had a high percentage of illiterate people and a lack of academic

backgrounds. In 1978, Ramon Flecha garnered the support of civil


organisations in the neighbourhood to create an adult school, which was

eventually founded (Giner, 2013).

The school is based on an organisational model in which the participants

in the school are the key actors in the decision-making bodies through their

involvement in two associations: Agora, with 466 members, and Heura,

with 369 members. The Agora association is composed of both men and

women, while only women are members of the Heura association because it

addresses primarily gender issues. One of the key elements that

characterised both associations is their involvement in social and cultural

projects in the neighbourhood. In so doing, the school has always extended

its influence beyond its organisational boundaries by promoting social

participation in very diverse civil society organisations. In fact, in 1987 this

relationship was strengthened because of the creation of VERN, an

umbrella of NGOs, which facilitates networking activities among the civil

organisations located in the neighbourhood.

Over the years, the mobilisation and participation of the community in

the school has increased significantly. The school is open daily from

Monday to Sunday. Furthermore, it is important to highlight that all the

courses and activities are free. This is possible because of the more than

200 volunteers involved in the participation of more than 1.800 persons per

year in the school's very diverse activities. On any given Saturday morning,

it is not unusual to find students attending technology courses or preparing

for university entrance examinations.

La Verneda-Sant Martí is the first school of the Learning Communities

project with more than 190 participating schools that is being expanded to

Latin America and other parts of the world. Schools as learning

communities have been recommended by the European Commission as a

successful model in education because of its contribution to the

improvement of school performance and social cohesion through the

development of successful educational actions (Flecha, 2015). Furthermore,

it has been highlighted as an effective measure to address the challenge of

youth employment (Hawley, Hall & Weber, 2012).

Many authors around the world have visited La Verneda-Sant Martí

school to learn about the experience and the reasons for its success.

Courtney Cazden, Emeritus Professor at Harvard University mentioned: “I

am so happy to visit La Verneda, and I am very impressed with all that you


are doing, and the dialogic way you are doing everything”, Carol D. Lee,

from Northwestern University (USA) and vice-president of the AERA

(American Educational Research Association) highlighted: “Your example

is inspiring and uplifting. Your work forms the fundamental basis for

democratic participation and leadership. In our increasingly diverse and

interdependent world, what you do is a model for us all. I have seen much

to show when I return to Chicago”, and Pun Ngai, professor at the Hong

Kong Polytechnic University noted: “I have learned a lot in this centre. It is

a real centre addressing the services to the community and at the same time,

people from the community manage it. It makes sense to come here to

inspire ideas”. These are some of the quotations from renowned authors

about La Verneda-Sant Martí.

The relevance of this school on the international level, the gender

dimension of the school organisation, and its impact in terms of leadership

for social change, community participation and social transformation, has

provided an excellent contextual framework upon which to develop a case

study on dialogic leadership and the NAM movement.

Leadership, Dialogic Leadership and NAM

This article is based in the scientific developments that strengthen the

relationship between leadership and masculinities. Particularly, the most

relevant concepts framing this article are the theoretical contribution of

dialogic leadership and the definition of the New Alternative Masculinities.

In addition, the paper provides supportive evidence. In this section, each of

these three major developments in the field of leadership and masculinities

is reported.

Increasing the understanding of the relationship between leadership

and masculinities

A body of scientific literature has focused on the relationship between

leadership and masculinities. One of the most cited works addressed the

issue of the existing leader stereotypes and to what extent such stereotypes

are masculine (Koeing, Eagly, Mitchell & Ristikari, 2011). In particular, the

authors reported the results of a meta-analysis examining the extent to


which stereotypes of leaders are culturally masculine, while also

considering female leader stereotypes. The authors demonstrated that

stereotyped leaders are less masculine in educational organisations

compared with other domains. This result provides insights into the

influence of education on reducing stereotypes and the potential capacity to

foster change, regardless of individual preconceived characteristics. In

addition, the authors discussed the implications of prejudice against women

leaders, thereby addressing gender issues in a broad sense.

Masculinity and work has been a key issue in some contributions that

include a leadership dimension. Research evaluating the experiences of men

in female-dominated occupations has reported on the indirect effect of

leadership assumptions (Simpson, 2004). A study conducted by Simpson

was based on interviews with male workers from occupational groups that

included librarians, cabin crews, nurses, and primary school teachers. As in

the previous work, the educational domain was relevant in the analysis of

masculinities and its relationship to leadership. One of the results was that

men benefited as a result of an assumed authority effect of their leadership.

In addition, the author described the dynamics of maintaining and

reproducing masculinities in the framework of non-traditional work

settings.

The occupational work of men in nurseries is at the core of Brown´s

contribution involving the re-evaluation of masculinities and gender (2009).

In this contribution, the author discussed the notion of being a man in

nursing taking into account the socio-political context in which the

profession exists. Critical analysis of this topic revealed that men are

promoted into leadership roles more readily and earn more financially. This

is one way in which leadership research analyse particular topics related to

masculinities.

The situations in Denmark and Indonesia are relevant to the existing

scientific literature regarding masculinities and leadership. Leadership was

linked to literature about men and masculinities to develop an analysis of

the narratives of Danish male leaders (Madsen & Albrechsten, 2008). One

of the main research implications resulting from the analysis in Denmark

was that “while transformational leadership is most often introduced as

being based on feminine and participative values, it should not be forgotten

that male elements of leadership are still inherent in the concept, and


generally in leadership of the 2000s” (p. 343). In the case of Indonesia,

Nilan analysed three types of contemporary young masculinities, evaluating

their profiles and the new forms of cultural leadership (2009). The authors

concluded that cultural leadership is still a configuration of hegemonic

masculinity.

Dialogic Leadership

As previously stated, the role of dialogue tends to underpin many

theoretical and empirical works in social sciences, in line with the dialogic

turn of societies (Flecha, Gómez & Puigvert, 2003). Furthermore, there are

different leadership approaches that highlight dialogue as being crucial to

building and consolidating leadership practices (Bennet, Wise, Woods &

Harvey, 2003; Pont, Nusche & Moorman, 2008). The question of positions

(Frost, 2012) is also linked to the dialogic dynamics underpinning many

leadership conceptualisations. In this sense, these contributions resonate

with dialogic dynamics of change in societies, and they are in line with new

forms of understanding the organisations' systems. In this framework,

recent research on leadership has defined a relationship between leadership

and the surrounding educational communities that overcomes leadership

approaches embedded within the school walls. Consistent with this

framework, dialogic leadership is defined as the process by which

leadership practices of all the members of the educational community are

created, developed and consolidated (Padrós & Flecha, 2014). In this

process, very diverse members of the community exercise their leadership,

including teachers, students, families, nonteaching staff, volunteers and

other members of the community. Sharing knowledge and building

capabilities together, dialogic leaders collaborate to create an environment

in which new forms of leadership may flourish from the grassroots.

New Alternative Masculinities (NAM)

The New Alternative Masculinities are represented by men who combine

attraction and equality and generate sexual desire among women (Flecha,

Puigvert & Rios, 2013). Being inspired by Gomez´s book “Radical Love”

and related research, the authors defined three NAM characteristics: self-


confidence, strength and courage as strategies to confront negative attitudes

from the Dominant Traditional Masculinities (DTM) and explicit rejection

of the double standard. Furthermore, the authors highlighted the role of

NAM in the fight against gender violence together with women, and the use

of language of desire when referring to them. To define the NAM, the

authors emphasised the existence of two other masculinities: Dominant

Traditional Masculinities (DTM) and the Oppressed Traditional

Masculinities (OTM). The authors argued that both of these masculinities

perpetuate violence against women and illustrate how the perpetuation of

the traditional heterosexual model of masculinity upon gender violence can

be overcome.

Within the framework of the NAM theoretical contribution, Rodríguez-

Navarro, Ríos, Racionero & Macías (2014) developed case studies

analysing communicative acts with the aim of identifying those that

enhance NAM and prevent gender violence. The methodological level was

at the core of their contribution, in which they use the communicative

methodology to expand the analysis of the interactions and non-verbal

language in this domain. Furthermore, some research has reported on the

influence of male attractive models in adolescence (Padrós, 2012), also

using a communicative orientation during the entire research process.

Methods

The data for this article was obtained entirely in La Verneda-Sant Marti

school, in which successful educational actions have been implemented for

more than 20 years. These actions were identified, defined and analysed in

the INCLUD-ED project, the only research in social sciences selected by

the European Commission in the list of the 10 most successful

investigations in Europe (European Commission, 2011). According to the

INCLUD-ED research results, the successful educational actions

demonstrate improved academic results and social relationships in the

diverse contexts where they are implemented, from early childhood to adult

education. These actions have achieved scientific, social and political

impact (Flecha, 2015). These are dialogic literary gatherings or interactive

groups (Valls & Kyriakides, 2013).


The communicative methodology was used in the fieldwork. This

methodology is based in the construction of meaning through egalitarianism

between the people at the core of the research and researchers. In a sense, it

provides an effective response to how to develop research “with” rather

than “on”. The communicative methodology has been shown to achieve

scientific, political and social impact. This methodology is recognised by

the European Commission (2010). Furthermore, the journal Qualitative

Inquiry has published two special issues focusing on this methodology

(Gómez, Puigvert & Flecha, 2011; Puigvert, 2014).

Data collection and analysis

For the research purposes of this article, documentary sources were

exploited through a comprehensive bibliographical review before the

development of interviews. The selection of participants was conducted

according to two criteria. First, a priority was to develop interviews of both

men and women to have a better understanding of the visibility of the NAM

movement from different gender perspectives. As a result, four men and

two women were interviewed. Second, to identify the synergies between the

school and the NAM movement, different profiles of men were interviewed

from volunteers to staff members with diverse ages and socioeconomic

levels.

The questions addressed to the interviewees had two main sections

along with an introduction to obtain an overview of the participant’s

profiles. To analyse the dialogic leadership practices occurring in the school

in relation to the NAM movement, some questions were focused on the

process that led men to be involved in the movement. In so doing, it was

possible to look at some of the elements that enabled men to lead change.

To identify how the school enabled the visibility of the NAM movement,

other questions focused on the concrete actions in the school that

contributed to such visibility, raising awareness of the impact of the

movement in the school community and beyond. The ethics dimension of

the research was included in the entire process, specifically ensuring the

anonymity of the participants.

The data resulting from the interviews was reviewed electronically

before proceeding with an inductive analysis. The main insights of the


participants were selected, coded and separated depending on different

categories previously defined. Following the communicative methodology,

the data analysis included the exclusionary and transformative dimensions.

The exclusionary dimension considered the factors that implied barriers to

developing dialogic leadership in a way that supported the participation of

men from La Verneda-Sant Martí school in the NAM movement.

Conversely, the transformative dimension included the factors that

facilitated the development of dialogic leadership to enable participation.

The analysis and findings are organised according to the most relevant

key issues resulting from the interviews. As explained, the data analysis

was conducted in line with the ethical dimension of European research. All

the names are fictitious, ensuring anonymity. The excerpts have been

translated into English.

Leading change, enabling transformation

The main findings examined ways in which the dialogic leadership

underpinning the school enables men to participate not only in the school

but also in the NAM movement. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis

demonstrated an increase in visibility of this movement among men and

women in the school. This occurred as a result of a strong community

participation in the school that allowed diverse agents from the

neighbourhood to play a role in transformative processes. The dialogic

leadership exercised in the school is linked to transformative processes and

demonstrates the capacity of a diverse group of people to lead change.

An overview of the participants´ profiles

The diversity of people involved in La Verneda-Sant Martí school is one of

the most relevant characteristics that has been sustained over years. This

heterogeneity of profiles also existed among the men and women

interviewed, some of whom had been involved with the school for more

than 10 years and others who had less experience. These individuals had

been involved in the school life by leading different activities, such as

language learning including spoken Spanish, given that the migrant

population in the neighbourhood had increased in recent years.


Furthermore, technology lessons were also common activities led by men.

Men had also been involved in more than one activity linked to learning.

A common pattern is the participation of men in school activities that

involve adult students and that are not always directly linked to learning

processes. For example, activities are often conducted outside of the

classrooms. For instance, each month the school organises a meeting that is

open to all the participants, volunteers and other community members,

including the staff members of the school. This meeting is devoted to in

depth discussions of a particular topic and how it should be addressed in

school life. In some cases, an invited speaker introduces the topic to be

further discussed. Víctor describes his experience as follows:

I have always participated in preparing the access to the university or

other kinds of exams. Also I attended concrete sessions and in general,

I have participated in all the annual meetings. I have attended the

monthly meetings and at some point, I led the organisation of some of

them.

Therefore, in the process of defining the participant´s profiles, it was

possible to identify processes that enable dialogic leadership in the context

of the school.

Dialogic leadership in La Verneda-Sant Martí and the NAM movement

The decisions taken in the school are shared among the different members

of the school community. In so doing, the dialogic leadership is exercised

through the involvement of the staff, volunteers or participants in the

learning processes with other community members. It is important to

highlight that, according to the pedagogical principles of the school, the

voices of those who are less listened to in public are prioritised. This

enables dialogic leadership to grow. Thus, several opportunities for

dialogue are created to reach agreements on how to improve the school, its

development and the possibilities offered to the neighbourhood. All the

interviews identified similar ways of ensuring that dialogue is underpinning

the relationship between the people engaged in the school and the decision-

making process. Joel explains that when leadership does not necessarily

belong to an individual's personal characteristics, any person is capable of


leading. Carolina describes the increase that occurred in leadership over

time.

Joel: All of us can lead equally. It is not usual to find that the same

people lead.

Carolina: A few years ago, some people only participated in meetings

because they thought that they did not belong to them. Now, they

participate a lot in the decision-making processes.

The male interviewees changed their views about the different roles and

responsibilities in the school. Understanding their role in leadership opened

their minds to the possibilities of fostering change by involving very

diverse people and enabling the community to be on board. From their

responses, it is clear that the leadership became non-hierarchical and more

democratic, a view that is coherent with the current developments in the

field of leadership research. In addition, sharing knowledge among the

community also enabled dialogic leadership.

Gabriel: Before my involvement in the school, I had the idea that the

organisations were driven basically with an authority, having a strong

leader that imposed on the others the way to do things. If this did

happen, I thought that the organisation would be chaotic. With regards

to the responsible person, I had the idea that it was someone alone in

her room making decisions. After knowing La Verneda-Sant Martí

school, I have noticed that another model of leadership in

organisations is possible, a more democratic, human and efficient one.

Also, it is a model in which people with responsibilities can be very

friendly without losing their leadership role.

The impact of participating in the school reaches other social networks,

including the involvement in the NAM movement. Beyond their individual

commitments to the school, the men develop and share amongst themselves

a capacity to lead change in other social domains. Thus, the school allows

networks to be created among participants, thereby supporting

transformative processes. The interviews provided evidence that

participation in the school is linked to an exercise of democracy and the

meaning behind the term. Furthermore, it addresses the creation of


meaning, one of the seven principals of dialogic learning (Flecha, 2000),

which underpins the school life.

Gabriel: This is a unique project that favours the creation of meaning.

When you start to do things on the basis of their meaning, you can be

involved in other areas.

Víctor: I have learned that it is possible to participate and it is good to

contribute, and it is possible to contribute in different areas. I have

learned what democracy means and how to put it into practice.

One of the crucial findings was the extent of knowledge that the men

who were interviewed possessed about the NAM movement and their

implementation of this knowledge at different times. Because they

collaborated at various time points (2014, 2013, 2008 and 2007), their

overall ability to lead change in this field has varied although they shared

common concerns, beliefs and insights. Furthermore, they recognise that

the NAM movement is not just a movement of men to claim their rights, it

also enables the creation and development of further changed.

Since participating in the school, the men are more supportive of each

other's ability to make decisions, to lead change and to know more about

what is going in relation to the school and the surrounding neighbourhood.

By sharing areas of dialogue, it is very common among the people who

were interviewed to know and be in touch with other men participating in

the NAM movement. An important observation is that the diversity among

the men is another characteristic in this school. Héctor reports that the

school clearly was a key factor that influenced his involvement in the NAM

movement, and he knew many other men who had the same experience.

Héctor: I know many volunteers in the school who are active in the

NAM movement. In fact, my participation in the school was the

reason why I started to know friends who were volunteers and enabled

me to be linked to this movement.


Making visible the NAM movement in the school

Dialogic leadership in the school supports the NAM movement.

Additionally, the participation of men in the NAM movement increases the

visibility of their actions and initiatives in the school. Therefore, the

relationship works in both directions and is equally reinforced: from the

school to the NAM movement and from the NAM movement to the school.

When we inquired about the influence of the NAM movement in the

school, one of the interviewees responded in a very clear and meaningful

way.

Joel: I think that both things have been mutually reinforcing one

another.

There are several examples that illustrate this synergy in different ways,

all of which demonstrate that the dialogic leadership helped to raise issues

of masculinities and gender in public discussions. Moreover, in some cases,

the impact of participating in both arenas is felt on both a social and

personal level.

Joel: I have had the change to deepen into the school values from a

masculinities perspective, in many cases dealing with issues related to

prevent gender violence.

Héctor: It has allowed me to be more confident in general and also to

be able to manage conflicts and take action to address them. In a

sense, also to be more happy by collaborating!

The school is a place to meet. As previously mentioned, the learning

activities are at the core of the school's aim, but to support learning, there

are very diverse meetings with the people composing the different groups

of the school (access to the university, literary courses, language…).

Additionally, because the school embraces the dialogic leadership, it

enables and supports other social agents to be part of school life. This is

favoured by the fact that the building in which the school is located is a

civic centre, with social services, a nursery and other associations. In one of


the interviews, it is highlighted that the NAM movement asked for

permission to meet at the school because it is opened daily.

Carolina: Some people involved in an association of new

masculinities are participants or volunteers in the school. Therefore,

because they know that the school is open to the neighbourhood, those

guys asked for a room in the school to have meetings on Saturdays.

As a result, I have noticed that the meetings are held there and I have

seen people from the school or outside the school attend.

The topic of the new masculinities is quite recent but of great interest in

the school, because it is a response to increasing debates in society about

gender, masculinities and related issues. The public discussion around these

topics has changed over time. This was one of the questions addressed with

the interviewees. The aim was to compare the current debates around the

issue of new masculinities with previous experience at secondary school

and at work. In all the cases, there was agreement that the masculinities

were not a topic of discussion in previous areas of socialisation. However,

the school became the starting point for discussion of this topic.

Gabriel: Neither in my secondary school nor in my current work did

people talk about the new masculinities. I started to know and discuss

this in La Verneda-Sant Martí school.

There are several examples illustrating that men involved in the school

have led or contributed to the leadership behind changes that promoted

visibility of the NAM movement. This leadership flourished because of the

role of the community in La Verneda-Sant Martí school and its dialogic

leadership approach. The people who were interviewed explained the

organisation of annual events, the participation in the platform against

violence against women or video forums to discuss concrete topics. In a

sense, the movement addressed a diversity of issues and concerns in

relation to masculinities and gender issues. Two of the people interviewed

told us about these different activities.

Víctor: For example, we supported and participated in the platform

against gender violence. Also, when there is a demonstration against


gender violence in the neighbourhood, we have participated not only

as a school members but also as members of the NAM movement.

Héctor: We have led video forums about the NAM movement, some

talks and a workshop with brief clips from films to discuss and reflect

on the topic. Also, we led change when some volunteers were aware

of the potential participants in their classrooms that could be

interested in joining the NAM movement.

The NAM movement has the support of diverse women also involved in

La Verneda-Sant Martí school. In the interviews, they highlighted the

relationship between gender issues and the NAM movement. In particular,

they were aware of the relevance of the NAM movement in supporting the

fight against gender violence. In fact, this was one of the initial insights

shared. In relation to the video forums organised by the NAM movement,

one of the women interviewed discussed the impact of the men leading this

initiative.

Carolina: The school has always been linked to the commitment

against gender violence, with zero tolerance for violence. For this

reason, we deal with the preventive socialisation. The first time I

heard about the NAM movement was in a video forum in La Verneda-

Sant Martí school (…). It was maybe seven years ago.

These interviews have provided evidence supporting the existing

synergies between the dialogic leadership and the NAM. In addition,

emerging insights will be obtained in further investigations.

Conclusions

The evidence shared in this article identifies and analyses the ways in which

the synergies between dialogic leadership and NAM exist. The relationship

between these two dimensions is linked with some of the most recent

scientific advancements in leadership and masculinities research.

First, dialogic leadership engages people in other social networks and

movements, particularly in an organisation such as La Verneda-Sant Martí,

which has a strong community approach. The people interviewed have led


specific practices to enable other colleagues to lead changes in the field of

NAM. Moreover, diversity is one of the characteristics identified as a result

of the fieldwork. Accordingly, leadership roles are diverse and are

developed by different members of the organisation. Within this

framework, the capacity to mobilise the community is demonstrated.

Second, the NAM movement in the school is making visible a new form of

understanding of masculinity. As a result, the school is promoting the

development of activities involving discussions on masculinities and

gender, especially its role in the prevention of gender violence and related

topics. By allowing and enhancing these transformations, there are more

open opportunities to develop dialogic leadership practices by different

members of the community.

The existing synergies between dialogic leadership and the NAM

movement reported in this article illuminates how transformation linking

these domains is possible. In a sense, it addresses the question of how

dialogic leadership emerges in different environments to reach wider

networks, and how NAM movement is making social transformation

possible.

Funding

The research leading to these results has received funding from the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union´s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under the REA grant agreement nº 628982.

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Gisela Redondo-Sama is Marie Curie Postdoctoral Research Fellow

at the University of Cambridge, United Kingdom.

Contact Address: Direct correspondence to Gisela Redondo-Sama,

University of Cambridge, Faculty of Education, 184 Hills Road,

Cambridge CB2 8PQ, email: [email protected]




Las Masculinidades en la Transición

Guiomar Merodio1

1) Universitat de Barcelona, Spain

Date of publication: February 21th, 2016


To cite this article: Merodio, G. (2016). Las Masculinidades en la

Transición [Review of the book]. Masculinities and Social Change 5(1), 92-

94. doi: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1930

To link this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.4471/MCS.2016.1930





http://dx.doi.org/10.4471/MCS.2016.1930



pp. 92-94


Reviews (I)

Mérida Jiménez, R.M., & Peralta, J.L. (eds.) (2015). Las masculinidades en

la Transición. Barcelona: Editorial EGALES. ISBN: 974-84-16491-02-5

n la obra Las masculinidades en la transición, los

investigadores Rafael M. Mérida Jiménez y Jorge Luis Peralta

compilan doce artículos que forman parte del proyecto de

investigación I+D+i Representaciones culturales de las

sexualidades marginadas en España (1970-1995) (FEM2011-24064),

financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad. Mediante la

colaboración de diferentes autores y autoras, el libro se aproxima al estudio

de las masculinidades, en plural, en la época de la transición española. No

solo como un periodo histórico, sino también como una alegoría de la

transición permanente en la que se encuentran las masculinidades y las

nociones sociales de género.

El primer artículo, de Kerman Calvo nos acerca a la lucha por los

derechos de las minorías sexuales en España desde la época de la transición,

lideradas inicialmente por movimientos liberacionistas gais que estaban a su

vez comprometidos política y socialmente con otras causas. El debate y el

movimiento se centró desde el inicio en la superación de las situaciones de

discriminación sexual y de las desigualdades políticas y legislativas que

padecían, con un discurso revolucionario que cuestionaba las estructuras

patriarcales y los valores burgueses tras décadas de represión,

criminalización y estigma bajo la dictadura franquista. Así, a diferencia de

países como EEUU o Reino Unido, en España el movimiento liberacionista

apartó de la agenda política, hasta casi la actualidad, otras cuestiones

importantes como la identidad de género, el deseo, el cuerpo, en definitiva,

la sexualidad.

E


En el segundo artículo, Gracia Trujillo analiza los motivos por los que las

representaciones de masculinidades femeninas han estado tan ausentes y

silenciadas en el contexto español desde 1970 hasta 1995. Fruto de un

extenso análisis documental, histórico y sociológico, la investigadora explica

que esta invisibilización, que también se produjo dentro del movimiento

feminista, se debió en parte a que las masculinidades femeninas desafiaban

lo sistemas binarios de sexo/género y los códigos de masculinidad

tradicional. En el tercer artículo, Óscar Guasch y Jordi Mas se aproximan

críticamente a la evolución que se produjo desde la figura del travestí hasta

el transexual en España, junto las implicaciones sociales, cultuales y

políticas que ha conllevado hasta el momento actual. Los autores detallan el

camino que tuvieron que recorrer las personas transexuales desde el

tardofranquismo hasta finales de los años 80, en el que pasaron de la

construcción de sus cuerpos e identidades de forma autónoma y subversiva

hasta la regulación institucional del proceso mediante la creación de

unidades específicas de atención a transexuales en hospitales y las cirugías

de reasignación sexual.

Más allá, del contexto español, Jorge Luis Peralta en el cuarto artículo

trata las diferencias en torno a las masculinidades entre el activismo

homosexual argentino y el español, poniendo en diálogo por una parte a los

articulistas y activistas argentinos Héctor Anabiarte Rivas y Ricardo

Lorenzo Sanz, y por otra, a los novelistas Manuel Puig y Alberto Cardín. En

esta línea de análisis literario, Elena Madrigal Rodríguez en el quinto

artículo se acerca a cuatro personajes femeninos y lésbicos de la literatura

hispanoamericana, poniendo el foco en la vestimenta y accesorios

masculinos que emplean estos personajes para desafiar la normatividad de

género. Posteriormente, Jaume Pont y José Luis Ramos, en el décimo

artículo, abordan los antihéroes novelescos en dos novelas de Terenci Moix

y Lourdes Ortiz.

En el sexto artículo, Rafael M. Mérida contrasta la masculinidad y el

abordaje que se realiza sobre la transexualidad y los roles de género entre la

obra teatral de Rodríguez Méndez, “Flor de Otoño: una historia del Barrio

Chino” y su posterior versión cinematográfica, “Un hombre llamado Flor de

Otoño” de Pedro Olea, como un reflejo de las transformaciones que se

produjeron entre el final de la dictadura y el nacimiento de la democracia.

Adicionalmente, las representaciones de género y de la homosexualidad en

94 Merodio – Masculinidades en la Transición [Book Review]

las producciones cinematográficas españolas desde la transición y durante

los primeros años de democracia, son analizadas en los artículos séptimo y

octavo de Alberto Mira y Alfredo Martínez-Expósito respectivamente. En el

noveno artículo, Juan Vicente Aliaga analiza otras manifestaciones artísticas

como la música, la fotografía y la pintura de los años 70 y 80, y la

trasgresión que supuso en las representaciones culturales de las

masculinidades heteronormativas y dominantes de la época.

Geoffroy Huard navega en el undécimo artículo entre los archivos

judiciales del franquismo, sorprendiendo con el descubrimiento de que a

pesar de la hipocresía y el clasismo en la persecución, detención y condena a

homosexuales durante la dictadura, en Barcelona, antes de la transición, la

homosexualidad se llegó a tolerar y visibilizar relativamente. Finalmente, en

el duodécimo artículo, Estrella Díaz Fernández compila una selección de

fuentes secundarias que abordan las sexualidades marginadas en España

desde 1970 hasta 1995.

Definitivamente, esta obra constituye una contribución relevante para la

consolidación de los estudios LGTB en el campo de las Humanidades y

Ciencias Sociales españolas.

Guiomar Merodio, Universitat de Barcelona

[email protected]

../../Issue_October2015/Final_upload_21Oct/[email protected]



Hegemonic Masculinities and Camouflaged Politics: Unmasking

the Bush Dynasty and its War against Iraq

Ana Burgués1

1) Universitat de Barcelona, Spain



To cite this article: Burgués, A. (2016). Hegemonic Masculinities and

Camouflaged Politics: Unmasking the Bush Dynasty and its War against Iraq

[Review of the book]. Masculinities and Social Change 5(1), 95-96-. doi:

10.17583/MCS.2016.1951









pp. 95-96


Reviews (II)

Messerschmidt, J. W. (2015). Hegemonic Masculinities and Camouflaged

Politics: Unmasking the Bush Dynasty and its War against Iraq. New

York: Routledge. ISBN: 978-1-59451-817-1

ames W. Messerschmidt es un reputado investigador en el

campo de las masculinidades en cuya trayectoria académica

sobresale un artículo publicado en el año 2005 en la revista

Gender and Society sobre la redefinición del concepto de

Masculinidad Hegemónica elaborado por Raewyn Connell. Esta publicación

significó poner nuevos cimientos a la idea de masculinidad dominante que

Connell había lanzado en los años 80. En esta línea també se sitúa el libro

Hegemonic Masculinities and camouflaged politics publicado en el año 2015

y que tiene como principal propósito desgranar las figuras de George Bush

Senior y George Bush Junior y su relación con la definición de masculinidad

hegemónica. Para ello el autor divide el libro en tres partes diferenciadas. En

la primera parte el autor hace una revisión teórica profunda en la que se hace

un análisis crítico al concepto de masculinidad hegemónica. En las

siguientes partes Messerschmidt lleva a cabo un análisis del discurso de las

declaraciones de Bush Senior y Bush Junior y los efectos que ello ha tenido

en la historia de Estados Unidos de América.

Algunas ideas que se nos introduce en el libro nos enseñan datos poco

conocidos de la historia de la saga de los Bush. Por ejemplo, se nos explica

la incredulidad de Bush padre ante el hecho que su hijo menor pudiera

convertirse en el estandarte masculino de su estirpe. Messerschmidt también

introduce la encrucijada que significa para los Bush definir su identidad de

género en un momento social e histórico en los que los cimientos del

patriarcado se están cuestionando con la llegada del feminismo, la teoría

J

96 Burgués – Hegemonic Masculinities [Book Review]

queer, los movimientos LGBTI, etc. De todas formas, y a pesar de este

contexto específico, se ponen de manifiesto en el libro como ambos Bush, y

con especial hincapié Bush Junior, han contribuido a difundir y desarrollar

una masculinidad hegemónica a nivel global a partir de sus liderazgos en la

Guerra de Iraq y en la Guerra contra el terrorismo islámico.

Como se ha mencionado anteriormente, la guerra de Iraq del año 91 y la

guerra contra el terror, iniciada por Bush hijo después de los ataques de Al-

Qaeda, son utilizados por el autor del libro como pretextos para analizar

como las actuaciones y discursos de ambos presidentes de los Estados

Unidos reforzaron la masculinidad hegemónica en occidente. En el caso de

Bush padre se explica una de las principales operaciones militares que se

llevaron a cabo durante la Guerra del Golfo: Operation Desert Storm que

significaron más de 100 horas de crueles intervenciones militares. Por otro

lado, se recogen también algunas declaraciones de Bush hijo donde se pone

de manifiesto su afán de poder a toda y costa y su visión de Iraq como un

territorio propenso para conseguir dicho objetivo: Iraq remains relatively

unexplored, offering big companies a potentially easy-to-tap source of

growth (p.143).

Ana Burgués, Universitat de Barcelona

[email protected]

[email protected]%20



List of Reviewers



To cite this article: MCS Editor (2016). List of Reviewers. Masculinities and

Social Change, 5(1),97. doi: 10.4471/MCS.2016.1959






doi:%2010.4471/MCS.2013.34



MSC– Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016

pp.97

2016 Hipatia Press

ISSN: 2014-3605

DOI: 10.4471/MCS.2016.1959

List of Reviewers

I would like to thank all the scholars who served as reviewers in 2015. As

the editor of the journal Masculinities and Social Change I am very grateful

for the evaluations realized which have contributed to the quality of this

journal.

Oriol Ríos

Editor

Mara, Liviu Duque, Elena

Rodríguez, Alfonso Martín, Noemi

Merodio, Guiomar Serrano, Maria Ángeles

Íñiguez, Tatiana López, Laura

Álvarez Cifuentes, Pilar Macías, Fernando

Martínez, Alejandro

Castro, Marcos

Cabré, Joan

Santos, Tatiana

Armengol, Josep Maria

Pulido, Miguel Ángel

Burgués, Ana

Schubert, Tinka

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