Hermeneutics in the Ancient Greek and Hellenistic Culture

HERMENEUTICS IN THE ANCIENT GREEK

AND HELLENISTIC CULTURE

Daniel Slivka

KUD Apokalipsa

Ljubljana 2019

© KUD Apokalipsa

© Daniel Slivka

Scientific Reviewers

Dr.h.c. prof. PhDr. Pavol Dancák, PhD.

prof. PhDr. Michal Valčo, PhD.

prof. Kamil Kardis, PhD.

prof. PaedDr. ThDr. Jozef Leščinský, PhD.

prof. PaedDr. ThDr. SSLic. František Trstenský, PhD.

Type of publication: Scientific Monograph

Academic Translation by:

Doc. PaedDr. Katarína Valčová, PhD. a PaedDr. Martina Slivková, PhD.

Ljubljana 2019

KUD Apokalipsa

CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji

Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana

1(38):801.73

SLIVKA, Daniel

Hermeneutics in the ancient Greek and Hellenistic culture / Daniel Slivka ; [translators

Katarína Valčová and Martina Slivková]. - Ljubljana : KUD Apokalipsa, 2019. - (Posebne izdaje

= Mimo edicij / KUD Apokalipsa ; 54)

ISBN 978-961-7054-19-4

COBISS.SI-ID 302959616

___________________________________________________________ This scientific monograph was published as a result of the scientific project of the Cultural and

Educational Grant Agency of the Ministry of Education of Slovak Republic, No.: 019PU-4/2017,

project title: Influential Archetypes of Bible in European Culture and Their Application in

Education.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 7

1 A HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF ANCIENT GREECE AND ITS

RELIGIOUS IDEAS ...................................................................................................... 9

1.1 Brief Characteristics of Greek Mythology and its Pantheon ............................... 15 1.2 The world of the Greek pantheon ........................................................................ 17 1.3 Mythological Historical Context on the Example of Ancient Troy ..................... 22

2 GENESIS OF INTERPRETATION OF MYTHOLOGICAL TEXTS ............... 25

2.1 Mythological Narration and its Place in Oral Culture ......................................... 25 2.2 Oral Culture and the Position of the Aoids .......................................................... 26 2.3 The Greek Myths: Their Meaning, Allegorical Interpretation and Philosophy ... 29 2.4 Ancient Greek Interpretive Methods and their Context ....................................... 34

3 MYTH, MYTHOLOGY AND SYSTEMATIC SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH ...... 39

3.1 Myth, Mythology and Its Older Interpretation ..................................................... 39 3.2 Myth, Mythology as a Narrative Genre and Function of Symbols ...................... 43

4 HERMENEUTICS AND ITS CONCEPT IN THE GREEK

ENVIRONMENT ..................................................................................................... 50

4.1 Hermeneutics and its Understanding of the Concept of the Beginnings

of Ancient Philosophy .......................................................................................... 50 4.2 Etymology of the Term Hermeneutics as a Problem ........................................... 57 4.3 The semantic field of the term “hermeneutics” and current scientific research ... 67

5 HELLENISM - HISTORY, CULTURE, AND SOCIETY ................................... 75

5.1 Historical Context ................................................................................................ 75 5.2 The Ptolemy and Seleucid Dynasties ................................................................... 80 5.3 Hellenistic Philosophy in the Context of the Times............................................. 85 5.4 Hellenistic Culture and Education ....................................................................... 92 5.5 Relationship to Religiosity in the Period of Hellenism ........................................ 98

6 HELLENIST PERIOD AND ANCIENT ISRAEL ............................................. 111

6.1 The Hellenistic Historical Period in Palestine and the Diaspora ....................... 111 6.2 Jews in the Hellenistic Environment of the Diaspora ........................................ 116

7 PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA AND HERMENEUTICS .......................................119

7.1 Life and Environment of Philo of Alexandria .................................................... 119 7.2 Character and Structure of Works of Philo of Alexandria ................................. 123 7.3 The Influence of Hellenic Philosophy on Philo of Alexandria .......................... 125 7.4 Philo of Alexandria and the Jewish Interpretation Methods .............................. 129 7.5 The Exegetical Tradition in Hellenistic Judaism ............................................... 139 7.6 The Alexandrian Translation: The Septuagint – LXX and its Importance

in Hellenism ....................................................................................................... 141 7.7 Precursors to Philo of Alexandria ...................................................................... 147 7.8 Allegorical Interpretation in Hellenism .............................................................. 152 7.9 The Characteristics of Philo's Allegorical Interpretation .................................. 158 7.10 Philo of Alexandria and his Art of Interpretation and Works .......................... 171

CONCLUSION ...........................................................................................................174

BLIOGRAPHY ...........................................................................................................178

INDEX .........................................................................................................................189

7

INTRODUCTION

In the humanistic sciences in the general sense of the word, hermeneutics deals with

problems connected with understanding. It helps humans comprehend and interpret texts,

but also human culture and history in general. The term hermeneutics today affects all

the humanities, because it is especially these sciences that are so intimately linked with

understanding and comprehending things around us as well as within ourselves. Today,

the issue of hermeneutics cannot be circumvented because we encounter it daily in our

understanding and interpretation of interpersonal relationships, but also as we interpret

the phenomena of the contemporary world. Hermeneutics has come to the forefront of

the problems of trying to develop a universal theory of interpretation for which, in

principle, any manifestation of an individual's life or culture may be the subject of

interpretation. The hermeneutician explorer is not content with the sense found or

attained on the superficial level, but seeks a possible hidden, deeper sense or normative

truth. The differences between the concepts of hermeneutics are based on the subject (in

the understanding of the text), in the questions asked, both near and far, the methods of

interpretation and understanding, as well as the less or more clear epistemological and

ontological foundations or so-called assumptions. All of these influence hermeneutics in

such a profound way that as of the 20th century hermeneutics exists as an independent

science with individual scientific disciplines and is located in individual fields of

scientific research relevant to virtually all scientific disciplines.

The definition of hermeneutics as a scientific discipline does not begin until the 17th

century BC, when the term was coined by the evangelical theologian J.C. Dannhauser in

Hermeneutica sacra sive methogus exponendarum Sacrarum Litterarum (1654); and in

Catholic exegesis it was not until J.J. Monsperger used the term in the Institutiones

hermeneuticae sacrae Veteris Testamenti (1776). However, the phenomenon of

interpretation is historically present in the oldest cultures. For this reason, the aim of this

scientific monograph, Hermeneutics in the Ancient Greek and Hellenistic Culture, is to

explore the genesis of the phenomenon of interpretation, relying on the semantically

equivalent continuity of the Greek term “hermeneutics” in the historical and religious

context of ancient Greek and Hellenism.

From the very beginning, it has been evident in our investigation that the phenomenon

of hermeneutics involves and implies procedures for empathizing and experiencing the

object of knowledge. Hermeneutics then works with terms such as meaning, significance,

tradition, culture, interpretation, understanding, the hermeneutic circle of infinite

movement, relatively completed stages of understanding between the whole and its

examined parts. The hermeneutic method achieves an understanding of how being speaks

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to us, so hermeneutics becomes the translation of the unspoken into the structure of

language. In the hermeneutic experience, we open ourselves to the other (person), the

text, the tradition, history; we mediate between now and then, between me and you, we

try to understand text, speech, history, subjectivity and understand the whole and its

meaning. Therefore, hermeneutics implies its necessity for all human history until the

present. Hermeneutics also fills the gap between the past and the present. Nor can the

present be understood without understanding the past, because contemporary knowledge

is built on the very foundations of history. It is the concept of tradition (H.G. Gadamer)

that forms the basis of current knowledge. It is precisely the ‘ancient tradition’ of

interpretation and understanding that this monograph hopes to explore and link to the

process of biblical interpretation throughout the centuries of the Greek and Hellenistic

cultures.

Author

9

1 A HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF ANCIENT GREECE

AND ITS RELIGIOUS IDEAS

The knowledge of Greek mythology and religion has its source mainly in research

conducted since the mid-19th century and literary works from different places in Greece.

Literary reports come from Athens, where religious images are recorded on coins,

inscriptions and monuments.1

Research conducted by H. Schliemann, A. Evans, G. Dumezil, E. Benveniste confirms

the cultural homogeneity, the unity of nations of different origins and appeared on the

scene of the Greek-Oriental history at the beginning of the second millennium BC. The

Indo-Europeans defeated the political, social and religious structures of the conquered

nations. Expanded mainly between 2100 and 1900 BC from the lower reaches of the

Volga and the Dnieper, they split into the Indo-Iranians who penetrated toward Bactria

and the Indus and the Hittites who headed to Anatolia. Ionic groups infiltrated the

territory of Thessaly, Greece and Asia Minor. G. Dumézil and E. Benveniste exposed the

fact that the Indo-European tribes brought with them a certain vision of a world

dominated by close relations between the world of people and gods.2

This world is hierarchical, with the gods fulfilling the individual attributes assigned

to them in relation to the basic areas, dimensions of life: priesthood and law, power and

war, fertility and the creation of good. This shared vision of the world refers to the

beginnings of the religions of India, Iran, Greece, Rome, as well as the Teutons, Celts,

Slavs, and the tribes of the Baltic region.3

In general, the history of Greek civilization can be classified into four periods:4

1. Crete and Achaia epoch – from about the year 2000 to 1200 BC,

2. Ancient Greece - “Archaic Greek” – 12th to 9th century BC and the 8th to 5th

centuries, the turbulent period of Persian wars,

3. Classical Greece – until the death of Alexander (323 BC),5

1 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 10; KÖNIG, A., WALDENFELS, H.: Lexicon náboženství. Praha: Victoria Publishing, 1994, p. 458. 2 HASENFRATZ, H. P.: Religie świata starożytnego a chrześcijaństwo. Krakow: Wydawnictwo WAM, 2006, p. 114-120. 3 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. Zarys problematyki. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 117. 4 KÖNIG, A., WALDENFELS, H.: Lexicon náboženství. Praha: Victoria Publishing, 1994, p. 457. 5 Greek religion. In: Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2012. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/244768/Greek-religion/65469/The-Classical-period.

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4. Hellenistic period – until the Battle of Aktion in 31 years BC, in which Octavius,

the ruler of Rome and the West, defeated the Greek-Egyptian East.6

We do not have much information about the Cretan religion.7 Archaeological findings

allow the hypothesis that the dominant aspect of the Cretan religion was the dominance

of the goddesses associated with the cult of fertility. Scenes depicted in frescoes are

interpreted as ritual and process dances. Well-known is a goddess who holds snakes in

her hands. In addition, we have at our disposal the preserved traces of burial rituals and

cults.8

Mycenean inscriptions from the period about 1200 BC and the prosaic palace

inventories list the deities as recipients of sacrificial gifts. At the same time, the Achaia

culture, in which the Greeks saw their origin, developed. The classic epoch preserves its

memory in many myths and epics celebrating the heroic deeds of the representatives of

the Achaean culture (the epics of Jason and Argonauts, Troy). The subject of these epics

are the raids, the epoch of heroes, demigods, the ancestors of later princes who lived

through turbulent events. At the same time, these myths and epics are the background to

the evolution of religious ideas in which there are some sort of military associations,

practicing sacrificial rituals associated with the ethos of death and the achievement of

immortality, which builds on heroic deeds and fame gained during the war.

Archaeological findings recorded the presence of iconic sites such as the sanctuary in the

open air, or various urban sacred buildings. Funeral rituals also played an important role.

The deceased were buried in graves, where jewelry, weapons were stored, and the habit

of a funeral feast was also documented.9 One of the most important cultures that may

have had much to do with the spread of the marine nations and, later, with its

consequences, was the Mycenaean culture. It is named after an important city-state of

that time with the palace seat of the ruler in Mycenae. This exceptional East-

Mediterranean civilization whose bearer was already the Greek ethnic group represented

by Homer mythical Achaeans is shaped in the 16th century BC. During the 13th century

BC it reached its peak, followed by stagnation, especially at the end of this century. The

fact that this was indeed the case is partly evidenced by the oral sources known to Homer's

Iliad and Odyssey. After the constant flourishing of this first Greek culture, many military

campaigns followed, including on the coast of Asia Minor. It is more than likely that, for

6 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. Zarys problematyki. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 118. 7 PUHVEL, J.: Srovnávací mythologie. Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 1997, p. 152-153. 8 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. Zarys problematyki. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 118. 9 Greek religion. In: Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2012. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/244768/Greek-religion.

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these reasons, an epic about the Trojan War, but also about the return of the Achaean

hero Odyssey, was created.10

The available descriptions of religious practices show that religion had aristocratic

character, in which the royal and divine powers are strongly linked. On the other hand,

there is no evidence of folk cults, although the b-type linear letters show the names of

several gods of the classical pantheon: Zeus, Hera, Athens, Poseidon, Artemis, Dionysus,

Hermes.11

Around 1190 BC, big changes transpire in the Greek lands. The emergence of marine

nations on the scene of history is part of the great migration of nations in the Bronze Age

at the turn of the 13th - 12th centuries BC. Experts have been wondering for a long time,

from where this considerable population movement began at that time. Extraction of

marine peoples into the areas of the Eastern Mediterranean and their associated territories

of the Ancient Near East before and around 1200 BC, is one of the most remarkable and

partly mysterious processes of the past. The great migration of ethnicities from the north

to the then most advanced cultural world accelerated stagnation and at the same time later

disruption of Mycenaean culture; it also greatly influenced the destruction of the Hittite

Empire, threatened Egypt, and complicated life in Palestine.12

At the beginning of the 12th century BC new waves of migration penetrated into Asia

Minor (Anatolia) and disrupted the powerful Hittite Empire. The strongest of these

migrant nations were the Phrygians, who settled around the old town of Gordion.

Sometimes in the early 9th century BC the city of Gordion was promoted to capital city

of the united Phrygian nation. The Phrygians surrounded the city with massive defense

walls. Defense of the city was further strengthened by other walls protecting the acropolis

on which the palace complex was located. In the middle of the 8th century BC, the

Phrygians had already assumed a dominant position over Anatolia and by approximately

700 BC their fleet had already controlled the Aegean and Marmara Sea.13

Then it was the Dorians who, as the last wave of Greek tribes moving in, settled on

the Peloponnese and destroyed the Mycenean culture. They initiated an era in which

elements of culture and religion of the following classical era developed. The Dorians

were a warlike Indo-European tribe that in the 12th century BC, despite the lower level

of civilization, overcame the more advanced Myceneans (originally Achaeans). The

10 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 79. 11 MIODOŃSKI, L.: Mit jako „prafilozofia“ - uwagi na temat początków filozofii mitu. In: Studia mitoznawcze. Filozoficzne i socjologiczne aspekty mitu. Krakow: Wydawnictwo: Adam Marszałek. Wydawnictwo, 2010, p. 125-126; PUHVEL, J.: Srovnávací mythologie. Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 1997, p. 153; TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 118. 12 VARŠO, M.: Počúvaj Izrael ... Prešov: GTF PU, 2013, p. 16-43. 13 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 119.

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temporary weakening of the Achaeans after the Trojan War and their weaker bronze

weapons against the Doric iron ones had a decisive impact on the victory of the Dorians

and their expansion throughout the Peloponnese. The Dorians introduced in the

subjugated Sparta a system of social stratification. The caste of the Spartans became the

highest layer. It consisted of the conquerors of the city, the Dorians. The middle position

in Spartan society was represented by the perioics, residents of the city, who at the time

of conquering Sparta stood on the side of the Dorians. The original inhabitants reached

the lowest level and were called heliots.14

The Dorians probably entered the territory of Achaia Greece north of the Aegean

Peninsula from the Balkans. Archaeological findings, which are the only direct source of

knowledge concerning the analyzed epoch, confirm the presence of the holy shrines and

sacred caves (cave on Mount Ida, dedicated to Zeus). Examples are public shrines in the

cities Praesos, Gurn, Gulas. In addition, two-edged axes, Zeus emblems, sacred horns

and terracotta cult objects, and goddess statuettes were discovered during the research.

The cult was probably carried out in a cave or in the open air on the altar, as evidenced

by several votive gifts discovered. The centerpiece of the cult was the sacrifice of fruits

and liquids. Blood sacrifices from bulls were also documented. In Crete there was a cult

of the Great Mother of Gods - Rhea. Traces of Minoan myths and cults persisted until the

classical Greece.15

In the analyzed period, a new political organism began to form: the Greek city states

known by the term “πόλις (polis)”, which are reflected in the religious ideas of ancient

Greece.16 The emergence of polis is associated with the disintegration of the former

family society, which had pseudo-feudal features and was dominated by gender

aristocracy. In contrast to the previous arrangement, the polis is characterized by the

dynamic movement brought by traders whose activities were not related to the farming

or production of impractical metal products. Merchants focused mainly on the sale of

everyday items, including fine clay containers. The city states were governed by a

democratic or even oligarchic administration under the protection of a deity whose image

was on coins to guarantee urban prosperity.17 Individual deities are associated with cities.

Each polis has its own protective deity. New religious ideas are emerging: Orphism,

Pythagorism, Eleusinian mysteries, the cult of Dionysus.18

14 Heslo: Staroveké Grécko. http://www.mytologia.czechian.net/index.files/Page309.htm. 15 KOMOROVSKÝ, J.: Religionistika a náboženská výchova. Bratislava, 1997, p. 121; HULÍNEK, D.: Vpád morských národov. Bratislava: Slovenský archeologický a historický inštitút, č. 8/2012. 16 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Viery a vyznania. Nový sprievodca náboženstvami sveta. Bratislava, 2006, p. 77. 17 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 96-97. 18 HASENFRATZ, H.P.: Religie świata starożytnego a chrześcijaństwo, Krakow: Wydawnicztwo WAM, 2006, p. 114-120.

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The emergence of mysteries must be associated with the ideas of the blissful life in

the afterlife. Participation in them led to the union of man with deities, to the knowledge

of the meaning of human being. The condition of participation in the mysteries was a

kind of initiation during a non-public ceremony in which the ritual purification was

carried out and the consecrated went through several stages of initiation. The blissful

afterlife was seen as a continuation of mysteries and blissful relationships with deities.

The most famous mysteries were the Eleusinian mysteries,19 in which the central figure

was the goddess Demeter and her daughter Persephone-Kora, as discussed in more detail

below. The mysteries were popular among people because they were accessible to all

strata, to men and women, both domestic and foreigners. And even for slaves, providing

the fulfilled the condition of ritual purity.20

During this period Ionia plays an important role. Ionia or Ions were one of the four

major ancient Greek tribes comprised by the Achaeans, Aioli and Dorians. Ionians are

traditionally considered to be the oldest of the ancient Greek tribes. Under this

assumption they had to come to the territory of ancient Greece at the beginning of the

2nd millennium BC. Although some scientific literature indicates that they are

descendants of the Mycenaean Achaeans, in fact their relationship with the Achaeans is

not at all clear and their role in Mycenaean Greece is still the subject of research to this

day. After the destruction of the Mycenaean civilization, they moved east together with

the Dorians. According to the Athenian tradition, the southern part of Asia Minor (so-

called Ionia) was settled by the Ions of Attica, which can be documented from the end of

the 11th century BC. Ionia in the 5th century BC consisted of a bundle of 12 city-states:

Fokaia, Klazomenai, Erythrai, Teos, Lebedos, Colophon, Ephesus, Pria, Myus, Miletus,

Chios and Samos). The territory of Ionia was culturally and intellectually extremely

advanced. The Homeric poems originated here probably already at the turn of 8/7 century

BC and, in the 6th century BC, the famous philosophical School of Miletus was

established here.21

In this context, the Ionian colonies also play an important role in this period.22 Ephesus

sees the spread of Artemis’ cult, Samos together with Argos pay homage to goddess

Herec. From these areas come the first philosophers known as philosophers physicists:

Tales, Anaximenes, Anaximander.23

19 Eleusinian Mysteries. In: Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2012. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/184459/Eleusinian-Mysteries. 20 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 113-114. 21 Heslo: Staroveké Grécko. http://www.mytologia.czechian.net/index.files/Page309.htm. 22 DYBIZBAŃSKI, M., SZTURC, W.: Mitoznawstwo porównawcze. Krakow: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, s. 59. 23 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 119-120.

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In the archaic period of Greek civilization, we can observe different, often

contradictory ways of looking at the world. On the one hand, there is an apparent effort

to explain - to interpret (ars hermeneutica) some phenomena of this world by reason.

Reason is used to explain and clarify the origin of the world, the nature of the celestial

bodies, the creation of animal species, etc. On the other hand, people increasingly referred

to the non-empirical realm: they sought out the proximity of deities through fortune

tellers and magicians. An important role in this period is played by some wandering

fortune tellers who used the scanting and worship of Apollo. As mentioned above,

Dionysius cult is dated from the 8th century BC. It is known from Linear B writing, in

which man is approaching divinity by ecstasy. At the same time, under the influence of

the expansion and movement of new nations and new scientific knowledge, there is

increasing skepticism about the anthropomorphic perception of ancient deities. Hence the

gradual emergence of the idea of one almighty god who is the source and master of all

happenings in the world. The presence of a great god with limited local validity opened

the way to a later criticism of the depiction of deities in human form and its relegation to

artistic creation.24

At the same time, the religious notions of the classical period of Greek civilization

intertwine various currents and ideas.25 Some are a direct continuation of the previous

ones. The state cult remains very important: the cult of Athens in Athens, Zeus in

Olympia, Apollo in Delphi.26 On the other hand, there are new elements of ideas that

correspond to the changing conditions and needs of the Greeks. In addition to the

mysteries of the goddess Demeter and Dionysius, healing cults develop, such as the cult

of Asclepius in Epidaurus; the mystery cults of Thracians, Phrygian, and Egyptian gods

spread. Above all, however, philosophy is developing. The classical period ends with the

fratricidal Peloponnese War in the years 431 - 404 BC, as a result of which Sparta

humiliated Athens and opened the way for the rise of Philip II, the Macedonian. His new

type of government pushed through despotism, which was also reflected in religious

ideas.27

Alexander the Great of Macedonia resurrected to life and restored the archaic

connection, the intimate link between the function of the monarch and the status of the

hero in one person. The encounter with the cultures of Persia, India and Egypt caused

24 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 102. 25 Greek religion. In: Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2012. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/244768/Greek-religion/65469/The-Classical-period. 26 GĘBURA, K.: Hyperborea. Religia Greków na północnych wybrzeżach Morza Czarnego. Siedlce: Instytut Historii Akademii Podlaskiej, 2009, p. 130-131. 27 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 120.

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profound changes in the religious mentality and new elements started emerging: the re-

interpretation of ancient magical practices (Chaldean magic, astrology), mysticism that

makes sense of death through hope for renewal (cult of Egyptian Isis), as well as a rising

desire for religious experience through the initiation and transmission of esoteric wisdom

in closed secret societies and fraternities.28

1.1 Brief Characteristics of Greek Mythology and its Pantheon

Ancient Greek mythology excels in lightness and hilarious playfulness as compared to

the mythologies of other cultures, ascribed to its lasting popularity. The ancient Greeks

did not circumvent in their myths the dark side of existence, because great gods certainly

managed to express their anger with a measure of arbitrariness and mercilessly. The

Greeks had far less illusions about life and death than many other nations. In their

mythology, however, we do not encounter the grim ominousness of expectation of the

end of the world, as in Germanic or American ethnicities. Although Greek mythology

was closely tied to the religion of ancient Greece, it was never summed up in a general

book, as was the case with the Bible or the Qur'an. In antiquity, mythological stories

spread through oral administration (tradition), passing from the teacher to the pupil, from

the father to the son, from the mother to the daughter. They formed a familiar canon of

thought that everyone was familiar with, from the highest levels of society to the lowest.

Archaeological and literary research of the found Roman and Greek cities and texts

proves the ubiquity of the Greek mythology in the life of the people of that time. Victims

and votive gifts were brought not only to numerous larger and smaller temples, but also

to home altars. Artworks with mythical themes decorated the temples, public buildings,

palaces and villas, but also modest homes of the poor.29 Later Greek-Roman mythology

was never one static, dogmatic view; on the contrary, it had the character of a set of

different versions of stories and their interpretations.30

The notions of gods were constantly evolving, and the meaning of one god was

growing stronger, while others were weaker. There were also great regional differences:

while in some areas certain deities were fanatically worshiped, in other areas they played

only an insignificant role.31 Ancient Greece was divided into several larger territories

than present-day Greece. It has never created a comprehensive state-political unity. It was

28 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 120. Eleusinian Mysteries. In: Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2012. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/184459/Eleusinian-Mysteries. 29 Greek religion. In: Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2012. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/244768/Greek-religion. 30 MARSZAŁEK, R.: Mythos redivivus. Warszawa: Scholar, 2010, p. 202-203. 31 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 117.

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composed of many city-states and small kingdoms and included just western part of Asia

Minor, the islands in the Aegean and the Mediterranean. After the Greek ancient world

was subjected by Alexander of Macedonia and became a huge part of Alexander's empire

in the 4th century BC, Greek culture and mythology spread across the Middle and Near

East and the Eastern Mediterranean. Greek deities merged with locally worshiped deities

to create various forms syncretism, in which the Greek mythology was enriched by

features of Eastern cultures. 32

The Romans, who later included the Greek world into their vast empire, looked

up with respect for the Greek education they had come to know from the territories

colonized by the Greeks in southern Italy. Not only did Greek gradually become the

language of the rich Romans, but they also adopted Greek mythology. The ancient

Roman and Italian deities were later identified with the Greek gods. This merger

occurred throughout the Mediterranean region, leaving gods with their Roman names

(a phenomenon of religious syncretism). The highest Roman god, Jupiter, was the

equivalent of the Greek Zeus, the Roman goddess of love, Venus, was in Greek

mythology Aphrodite,33 the goddess of hunting, Diana, was linked to the Greeks

Artemis, etc. The Romans also took over most of the myths associated with the life

of the gods, which they sometimes reshaped according to their taste. In this way,

mythology was a living part of everyday life, but it also inspired artists, poets and

playwriters to create new works of art.34

Thanks to the cultural heritage left by the Romans, mythology could be resurrected

during the Renaissance. Artists such as Rafael or Michelangelo descended into the

underground of ancient Roman palaces, where they discovered frescoes of unknown

beauty that fundamentally influenced their work. The marvelous power of Greek

mythology is evidenced by the fact that it has become an inspirational source for artists,

regardless of whether they were Christians, Agnostics or atheists. Fine artists not only

studied the artwork of their ancient predecessors, but also read their classical texts.35 For

example, Ovidius’ 'Transformations' constantly inspired great painters.36 Also worth

mentioning is Picasso's portrayal of the myth of Minotaur, a monstrous creature, half

human and half bull, hiding in the underground labyrinths of Crete. Many myths at

first glance seem like a fabrication from a fairy tale realm, comic or plainly absurd,

32 BUDIL, I.: Mýtus, jazyk a kulturní antropologie. Praha: Triton, 2003, p. 400-404. 33 ELIADE, M.: Obrazy a symboly. Brno: Computer Press, 2004, s. 133. 34 HASENFRATZ, H. P.: Religie świata starożytnego a chrześcijaństwo, Krakow: Wydawnicztwo WAM, 2006, p. 40. 35 MARCONI, M.: Mitologia grecji starożytnej. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. [T.] 1, Historia. Warszawa: Dialog, 2002, p. 121-129. 36 MARCONI, M.: Mitologia grecji starożytnej. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. [T.] 1, Historia. Warszawa: Dialog, 2002, p. 126.

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but on closer inspection they show their deep wisdom or hidden message. Another

good example is the story of the hunter Aktaion, who accidentally catches the virgin

goddess Artemis while bathing in a forest lake. The angry goddess turns Aktaion into

a deer, who eventually tears his own dogs in this form. The whole story seems like a

fairy-tale with a bit of eroticism. However, after deeper reflection, it can be

understood as a commentary on man's relationship to virgin nature: if mankind does

not care about natural laws, he will be punished. The story seems to have been

understood in this sense, and probably related to the rituals accompanying the hunt.

It is noteworthy that myths resembling the story of Aktaion are found in a completely

different Mayan civilization. The aim of these hunting rituals was to reconcile with

the forest gods for taking something from nature.37

1.2 The world of the Greek pantheon

What type of religion and/or myths were indigenous to the pre-Greek population at the

beginning of the 2nd millennium BC remains an enigma. Written sources are not

preserved from this period. However, everything points to the respect of the Mother Earth

cult, as it was in many other prehistoric cultures. In Crete, this Mother Earth was

worshiped in connection with the fertility of plants and earth.38 Religion in Crete

gradually came to the idea of God in human form. The deities are most often feminine,

and in this form their images are recorded on reliefs, seals, statuettes. The function of the

goddess Mother was twofold: on the one hand, it is associated with fertility, vegetation,

and on the other, she acts as “Πότνι α Θηρῶν (Potni a Theron)” - she has power over

animals and is their ruler. Its attribute is a snake, which is also related to a great respect

for it among humans. It symbolized the connection of the goddess with the earth and the

underworld grave. The gods were worshiped in places reserved for the cult in which

sacrifices were offered. The oldest shrines are caves and rock plateaus protected by

overhangs. Later, palace complexes with shrines were built. The Cretan ruler felt called

to represent his people before the gods and to convey their will to them. In the shrines

were placed cult objects - altars, sacrificial tables and various vessels. The cult of the

dead was also developed and associated with the images of the afterlife. Cretans buried

their dead in the ground under a low layer of land and where they stored charity gifts.

The inhabitants believed in the posthumous existence of the soul, which they depicted in

many reliefs as the soul incarnated in a snake and in the depiction of a boat by which the

soul sails to the islands of bliss.39

37 MARSZAŁEK, R.: Mythos redivivus. Warszawa: Scholar, 2010, p. 203. 38 ARMSTRONG, K.: Dejiny mýtu. Bratislava: Slovart, 2005, p. 49. 39 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 43-45.

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According to Picard, we do not yet have any evidence of the existence of an adult

male god. The goddess is sometimes accompanied by an armed helper, but her role is

unclear. However, some vegetation gods were surely known because in Greek myths we

find references to hierogamy that took place in Crete and were characteristic of agrarian

religions. Most iconographic evidence was of religious significance, and the cult was

based on the mysteries of life, death and resurrection; as a result, it involved initiation

rituals, funeral cries, ecstatic rites, and orgies. The cult of the dead also played an

important role. The bodies dropped through the ceiling into the deep chambers - the

ossuaries. There was a libation for the dead here like elsewhere in Asia Minor and the

Mediterranean, which took place in the underground. The funeral ceremony was probably

held under the auspices of the goddess. At the same time, the cult of the sacred bull must

have existed in Crete: this is evidenced by the numerous depictions of this animal, which

is also the protagonist of many of the later Greek myths associated with Crete. The Great

Mother and Bull cult was also worshiped in Asia Minor in the area of present-day

Turkey.40

Later conquering tribes that came to Greece from the north at the turn of 3rd – 2nd

millennium BC worshiped the heavenly gods.41 These Indo-European ancestors of

Greece gradually pushed the Mother Earth cult and other older deities into the

background. Written sources show that in Greek mythology the main role was given to

the gods of heaven. Deities and people can meet. This idea was rooted in an

anthropomorphic understanding. The revelation of the deity - epiphania was part of the

rite accessible to the consecrated during the aforementioned mysteries, but, on the other

hand, the path of knowledge and diligent thinking also lead to revelation. The Epiphany

occurred also at a time when people expected immediate help from the gods, and god

revealed himself as a Savior-Soter. Epiphany had a place during the war, storm, or other

unexpected and urgent event. Dioscuros, Kastor, and Polydekus often appeared in this

role. The deities of ancient Greece were called by their properties (immortals, eternal) or

by the place of dwelling (Olympic gods). The terms most commonly used to denote

deities are: “θεός (Theos)”, a term which, when used with the masculine identifier “ὁ

(ho)” meant god, and when used with the feminine “ἡ (hé)”, meant goddess. In contrast

to this is the category “δαίμων (daimon)”. This term meant a certain deity, and sometimes

it took on the meaning of "fate." The attribute evil or harmful deity was the result of later

religious and philosophical speculation.42 The position of the gods and demons by virtue

of their power is higher than that of man, who may, however, inadvertently become a

40 MARSZAŁEK, R.: Mythos redivivus. Warszawa: Scholar, 2010, p. 204. 41 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 40. 42 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 33-34.

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demon after death. The Hesiod mythical golden generation receives this fateful gift as a

reward for an honest life. The prominent ancestral chiefs singular “βασιλεύς (basileus)”

have a reserved place in the distant Blissful Islands after a successful lifetime, a legendary

place where the chief changed to a daimon is transported by dolphins. This place could

allegedly be found somewhere in the Mediterranean and Black Sea.43

The foregoing results in the gradual formation and evolution of the image of the gods

in ancient Greece. Groups of deities of different sex were defined from the indefinite and

outwardly amorphous gods and daimons, bound either to one place or to one function.

Next to the Olympian, Uranian gods living on Mount Olympus, we meet the sea gods

and the gods of the underworld. This last category was represented by Hades, Demeter,

Persephone, whom the Romans later identified with indeterminate spirits, “Manes.”

Along with these major groups of gods, there were other, smaller groups whose activities

were limited to a certain local circle or territory.44

The Greek pantheon, in its final form, is a creation of “sui generis,” a unique system

characterized by originality. At the end of the Mycenean period, most deities had defined

names and functions. There is a dichotomy Greek religion, under which the deities

divided into Olympian – Uranian gods and the chthonic ones. Corresponding to these are

respective cultic forms. The first is characterized by bringing sacrifices towards heaven,

with white animals sacrificed on elevated altars. The second is manifested by the

attachment to the soil, orientation to the underworld and the sacrifice of black animals in

underground pits.45

The highest Greek god was Zeus 46 (called Jupiter by the Romans), the ruler of

thunder, lightning and all other phenomena. He had a human form and was based on

Mount Olympus, located in the border area between Thessaly and Macedonia.47 From its

snow-capped peak, often shrouded in clouds, Zeus looked into the earthly world and, if

he deemed necessary, interfered in human affairs; for example by sending lightning bolts

to those who violated his laws.48 There were 11 other gods on Mount Olympus. They

were human in form, were related to them, and were responsible for natural phenomena

or they personified abstract terms. Though subordinate to Zeus as the supreme ruler, they

often did not identify with his decisions and tried to circumvent his orders until Zeus had

43 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 34. 44 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 35-37. 45 PUHVEL, J.: Srovnávací mythologie. Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 1997, p. 156. 46 GĘBURA, K.: Hyperborea. Religia Greków na północnych wybrzeżach Morza Czarnego. Siedlce: Instytut Historii Akademii Podlaskiej, 2009, p. 123-126; Greek religion. In: Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2012. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/244768/Greek-religion. 47 MARCONI, M.: Mitologia grecji starożytnej. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. [T.] 1, Historia. Warszawa: Dialog, 2002, p. 126-130. 48 PUHVEL, J.: Srovnávací mythologie. Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 1997, p. 157.

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regained his order. In addition, there were other earth and sea gods who were subordinate

to the gods of Olympus.49

The most important gods, besides Zeus, were his brothers Poseidon (at the Romans of

Neptune) and Hades. Poseidon was the supreme ruler of the sea, and Hades ruled the

underworld. They were indeed equal Zeus, yet they respected him as the main god. The

Greeks imagined the Earth as a pancake with known countries (they knew of the existence

of India, northern Europe and the northern part of Africa). Their world was surrounded

by a wide river without shores - Okeanos.50 There were heavens above the world, the

vault of which was supported by the Titan Atlas. Helios, the god of the sun, rode in his

golden chariot every day. His pilgrimage began in the morning in East Okeanos and

ended in the evening by descending into his waters on the west side. At night he went

back to his palace on a golden boat and made the same journey the next day.51 Under the

earth was the dark underworld of the god Hades. In it there dwelt in the form of shadows

the spirits of the dead inhabitants of Earth. They felt no pain or joy. They wandered in

the gray world of seeming existence with no memory of earthly life. The deepest place

of the underworld was Tartarus, an abyss without the bottom of eternal darkness, a kind

of hell. Tartarus was intended for those who were guilty against the gods and divine laws,

and therefore had to experience the most terrible eternal torment and suffering.52

The gods were immortal. In addition, they possessed eternal youth and did not know

bodily decline. Their divine food was ragweed, and they drank its nectar. However, they

were not completely immune against pain and other unpleasant physical sensations:

incidents in which they suffered minor injuries are known. In most cases, it was enough

to treat the wound with ragweed, which had the healing effects of balsam. It was

commonly held that the gods of the Olympic pantheon were not always the ones who

decided about the world.53

The most detailed and at the same time the most widespread explanation of the origin

of the world was recorded in the myth “Ἐργα καὶ ἡμέραι (Erga kai hêmérai)”, which is

translated as: Works and Days. It dates back to the 8th century BC and its author is the

poet Hésiodos. According to him, there first existed Chaos, a kind of space from which

Gaia, the Mother Earth, emerged. From their union with Uranus, 12 giants, the Titans,

49 PUHVEL, J.: Srovnávací mythologie. Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 1997, p. 156; HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 85-86. MARSZAŁEK, R.: Mythos redivivus. Warszawa: Scholar, 2010, p. 201-207. 50 MARCONI, M.: Mitologia grecji starożytnej. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. [T.] 1, Historia. Warszawa: Dialog, 2002, p. 126. 51 MARSZAŁEK, R.: Mythos redivivus. Warszawa: Scholar, 2010, p. 215. 52 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 79-94. 53 MARCONI, M.: Mitologia grecji starożytnej. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. [T.] 1, Historia. Warszawa: Dialog, 2002, p. 131.

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were born.54 The youngest Titan, Kronos, deprived his father of the world rule in a cruel

way and took hold of it. Kronos became the father of several children with Rheia. To

avoid the fate of his father, he swallowed the babies right after birth. Rheia, however,

deceived her husband and rescued the youngest son Zeus from the fire.55 Zeus thus won

and saved his divine siblings after a long struggle over Kronos and the Titans. He became

the supreme ruler of heaven and earth and established a new order.56

Devotees of religion, characterized by a rather complicated system, worship the

Uranian, marine, agrarian and chthonic gods. Associations and tribes take on the

character of institutions that transfer from one tribe to another the initiation rites and

transition rituals.57 In addition to other gods, there are many supernatural and mostly

immortal beings in Greek mythology, such as gods of rivers, nymphs, satyrs, centaurs,

giants and other creatures. There are also small deities that are worshiped only in certain

areas; natural spirits associated with a certain tree, stream, mountain, etc.

There was another very important category of beings who were between the gods and

the humans - the demigods. One of their parents had a divine origin and the other had an

earthly one. They were characterized by extraordinary abilities - superhuman strength,

incredible valor, or fantastic stamina. But they were still mortal, which gave them a

greater tragic dimension. These heroes were popular with the Greeks as the main

characters in many stories, often tied to a certain area or place. The most famous were

Herakles - Hercules (which eventually gained the immortality from Zeus), Theseus,

Perseus and Achilles. High-ranking families even derived their origin from the famous

Greeks, and some cities claimed to have been founded by some of the heroes.58 On the

contrary, some heroes could not invoke their divine origin, but they enjoyed the

extraordinary protection of one or more gods. Odysseus, one of the most famous figures

in Greek mythology, was an ordinary man; but without the constant support of the

goddess Athena, he would have never brought his journey to a happy ending.59

54 MARCONI, M.: Mitologia grecji starożytnej. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. [T.] 1, Historia. Warszawa: Dialog, 2002, p. 121-122. 55 Greek religion. In: Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online.Encyclopædia Britannica Inc., 2012. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/244768/Greek-religion/65473/Cosmogony. 56 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 119. 57 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 119. 58 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 119. 59 PANINI, G. P.: Veľky atlas mytológie. Bratislava: Perfekt, 1996, p. 20-39.

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1.3 Mythological Historical Context on the Example of Ancient Troy

Myths and mythical stories are not subject to the logic of ordinary reality. The

supernatural interventions of the gods are almost daily occurrences, and various “fairy-

tale” beings are amply present. The notion of time or chronological succession do not

play in important role. Compared to other time-relevant events, we find that the heroes

would have to be incredibly old at the time or had to do their actions before they were

born. However, the exact chronology of history is not at all essential to the essence of

mythical stories; moreover, stories from different regions with different cultures and

traditions often overlap.60

Likewise, not all myths of Greek mythology can be considered just fabula without any

relation to reality. The story of the Trojan war “Τροία, Ἴλιον, Ἴλιος (Tróia, Ílion, Ílios)”

was long considered a mere fable narrated by Homer and other ancient authors. This

notion, however, was challenged by Heinrich Schliemann, who began research on a site

that approximately topographically corresponded to Homer's description in the 1870s.

There he found several findings that testify to the existence of ancient sites. One of the

layers showed signs of severe fire. Schliemann was convinced he had discovered Homer's

Troy. The dating of the archaeological excavations of the remains of the city corresponds

in time to the destruction of Troy, which was described by ancient authors. According to

them, it occurred around 1200 BC. At present, i.e. after more than 100 years of scientific

research, it is clear that archaeologists discovered Troy, but the question is whether in

fact the Greeks conquered the city, as was described by the ancient tradition. Also unclear

is what are the motivations behind the original mythological treatment of the said event.61

The issues of the Trojan War, the credibility of Homer and the archaeological analysis

of the facts described by Homer became very popular in the scientific circles in the late

1960s and 1970s. In the mid-1980s, after a pause, two conferences on Troy and the Trojan

War took place in Liverpool, England and Bryn Mawr, USA. Still, many open questions

remained. The topic seemed exhausted and would probably take a long time before

another similar scientific meeting took place. However, as in a good criminal story, a new

investigator arrived on the scene, revealing unexpected new clues leading to the

perpetrator. After decades of inactivity, another excavation campaign took place under

Prof. Dr. Manfred Korfmann of the University of Tübingen (Germany), who was later

joined by Prof. Dr. Charles Brian Rose of the University of Cincinnati, Ohio (USA). At

the same time, groundbreaking discoveries were made in recent years in the field of

60 PANINI, G. P.: Veľky atlas mytológie. Bratislava: Perfekt, 1996, p. 60-69. 61 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 39.

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Hittite and Luvian linguistics, and last but not least in Greece itself, the convergence of

which provided for a completely new look at Troy's history:62

Troy I: 2nd half of the 4th millennium BC, the period of the later Neolithic

Troy II: 2nd - 3rd quarter of the 3rd millennium BC, the existence of Cycladic

and pre-Greek ceramics; this type of artifacts were also found in the so-called

Schliemann’s treasure, which he mistakenly attributed to the Homeric king Priamos.

Troy III - V: 18th-century BC, the town had no unique importance at that time

Troy VI: 17th-15th century BC, the excavations found signs of the so-called

Mycenaean culture; the city was probably destroyed by an earthquake sometime around

the 13th century BC

Troy VIIa 1300 - probably around 1,190 BC, this is most likely the period of

Homer’s Iliad epic. The destruction of Troy in this period probably caused the movement

of the so-called marine peoples. The theme, however, takes over the already mentioned

epic.

Troy VIIb1: 12th century BC.

Troy VIIb2: 11th century BC.

Troy VIIb3: up to 950 hundred BC.

Troy VIII: around 700 century BC.

Troy IX: Ilium, up to one hundred years BC. Hellenistic period, a new city was

founded under the Romans during the reign of Augustus and represented an important

center of trade until the founding of Constantinople centuries later. The Byzantine period

brought a further decline until the city finally completely disappeared.

At present, the archeological site of Troy has become one of the most precious

protected monuments by UNESCO (form 1998). Its artefacts are found in the Berlin and

Moscow Museums.

* * *

The works of Homer and Hesiod are the main literary sources of our knowledge of

Greek mythology. Homer, whose work begins with the history of Greek literature, and

hence the history of literature of Western civilization as such, was the most important

poet of this period. From the works of Homer, the two most famous epics survived: “Ἰλιάς

and Ὀδυσσεία (Iliad and Odyssey, Iliad and Odyssey)”:

The Iliad epic does not describe the whole story of the Trojan War but only the

period from the last year of the 10-year siege of Troy. According to the story of this epic,

62 ZAMAROVSKÝ, V.: Objavenie Tróje. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2013.

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the Greek hero Achilles is reluctant to continue to fight due to disagreements with the

main commander of the army, Agamemnon. Only after his close friend Patroclus is killed

by the Trojan hero Hector, does Achilles plunge into battle. He kills Hector and has his

corpse dragged around Patroclus’ funeral pyre. Finally, Achilles will give Hector 's body

to his father, Priamos, the king of Troy.63

The epic of Odyssey depicts the sorrowful pilgrimage of Odysseus, who by his

cunning has contributed to the fall of Troy. He built a Trojan horse, which hid Greek

soldiers in it. When the Greeks pretended to pull away from the city, the Trojan defenders

pulled the wooden horse into the city. With the help of fighters hidden in the horse the

Greeks conquered the city. After the Trojan War, Odysseus traveled for 10 years before

he got home to the island of Ithaca. On his pilgrimage he had to face the wrath of offended

gods, sea monsters, one-eyed giants, Sirens and many other pitfalls. Just as he was

coming home, he still had to deal with impudent suitors who had moved into his palace,

wasting his name, and trying to get his faithful wife Penelope.64

These extensive epics were considered works of great quality already in antiquity.

Even today, they continue to be considered a treasury of Greek mythology. Homer gives

a detailed description of the gods whom he represents as human beings with supernormal

abilities. From the top of Olympus, gods look at people and sometimes interfere in human

affairs. Among people, they have their favorites and enemies.

The following three Athenian authors play an important role in developing Greek

mythology: Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides, who lived in the 5th century BC. They

wrote a large number of plays, many of which still belong to the permanent theatrical

repertoire. To these authors we owe, among others, detailed information about the eerie

fate of the Theban king Oedipus and the consequences of the assassination of the Greek

king Agamemnon by his wife Clytemnestra after returning from the Trojan War.65

63 TARDAN-MASQUELIER, Y.: Od narodzin Bogów greckich do humanizmu hellenistycznego. In: Encyklopedia religii świata. Ed. F. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier. Warszawa: 2002, p. 119. 64 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 39-40. 65 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 107.

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2 GENESIS OF INTERPRETATION OF MYTHOLOGICAL TEXTS

2.1 Mythological Narration and its Place in Oral Culture

Greek mythology has been affected in essence Crete-Mycenean narrative art.

Mythological narratives have become the foundation of the then developing the so-called

oral cultures, which was dominated by the anthropomorphic hermeneutics of the

mythological and divine world. Its bearers were just the oldest works by Homer, to which

later the works of Hesiod were added. Therefore, Homer and Hesiod are until now

considered to be authors of this mythological system of ancient Greek stories. Yet the

most important form of interpretation of the mythological texts was their connection with

moral and ethical tendency in relation to the original traditions of ancient times.66

In the ancient understanding, “what we find in Homer is the ancient wisdom of life

contained in the ancient human and folk experience.”67 The main topic were

mythological texts, which were included in various forms of songs, poems and narrative

art in the form of religious epics of ancient singers, aoides and poets.68 “This is generally

accepted that the composition of Iliad and Odyssey was preceded by a century-long

development of oral poetry, a feature of which was the craft improvisation in each

particular singer, i.e., that each of them had placed in fixed memory a number of ready

formulas, verses or paragraphs, inherited from generation to generation, and only

loosely associated with received thematic features. All of these were then more or less

successfully combined in larger units.”69 Homer's works were based on oral tradition.

Knowing some established forms allowed the singers of that time to always create a

different version of the existing works for their audience. Thanks to the forms and themes

used, the whole has been preserved within the genre.70

Myths can also be linked to several cultures and represent old traditions that have been

reworked, including interpretations associated with certain performers, groups, and

adapted to the needs and expectations of the times in which they arise.71 In ancient Greek

history in the period of oral culture represented mythological narratives, songs and poems

an integral part of life of the archaic society. Because their form was not stable, the myths

in their content and form were flexible and the narrator adapted them according to the

needs of his listeners. The narrator could adapt the deliberately offered narratives in way

to reflect all the moral, ethical and cultural requirements of his time and to appeal to then-

66 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Akademia, 1973, p. 403. 67 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Academia, 1973, p. 238. 68 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 79. 69 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Academia, 1973, p. 240. 70 JELONEK, T.: Kultura Grecka a Stary Testament. Krakow: Petrus, 2011, p. 20-21. 71 REBENICH, Š.: 101 nejdůležitějších otázek ANTIKA. Velké Bílovice: TeMi CZ, 2007, p. 50.

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life situations of recipients.72 The first narrative elements, which were based on myths in

human interaction, can be found in Homer around 9th century BC and in Hesiod around

the 8th century BC.73

The narrative composition of the Greek mythology and its presentation was promoted

by the fact that throughout their existence the Greeks had not been influenced by the

surrounding powers. Based on this fact, the Greek impulses based on mythological

narratives were able to be processed by the Greeks themselves in an original, indigenous

way until the term “μύθος (myth)” was separated from the word “λόγος (lógos)”, which

is when the era of philosophy began.74

2.2 Oral Culture and the Position of the Aoids

Not only did the ancient Greek culture produce the term hermeneutics, but it also brought

the first methods of interpretation that were used to understand the mythological

narratives. Later it was also interpretations of established epic written texts of Greek

mythology written by Homer.75 “This poetry is an image of that society, its forms and

structures still archaic, but trembling with impatient manifestations of a new life that

develops into free thinking, art and human life.”76

Oral culture has its specific expression in the infinitive form of the verb “ermhneu,ein

(hermeneuein)” which originally probably meant: to make known – to inform. This,

however, presumed that one was able to hear some message. It was an interpretation of

those things that were proclaimed by ancient poets, narrators - aoids, who were

considered inspired authors because they were: hermenenés eisín tone théon - heralds of

gods and their messages. The poet, narrator and aoid deliver inspired messages, but they

are not able to assess their value, nor do they understand it.77

The basic prerequisite for developing mythology in oral culture was a belief in the

union of the divine and earthly world, which affects the fates of the people on earth. This

was also reflected in the individual peculiarities of the interpretation of mythological

texts, where in addition to traditional possibilities there was also a new, much deeper

sense. This deeper sense was the answer to the ethical, social and political questions that

dominated at that time. This means that even local mythological traditions were

72 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1 – 5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2015, p. 12. 73 STOLARIK, S.: Stručne o dejinách filozofie. Košice: Kňazský seminár sv. K. Boromejského, 1998, p. 24. 74 STÖRIG, H. J.: Malé dějiny filozofie. Praha: ZVON, 1995, p. 92-94. 75 JEANROND, W. G.: Hermeneutyka teologiczna. Krakow: Wydawnictvo WAM, 1999, p. 25. 76 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 253. 77 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 36.

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elaborated and reworked in a new spirit of the time, which was required by that new

present, seeking their psychological deepening.78

The problem of oral interpretation at the turn of 9/8th centuries BC was interesting in

the sense that at the time of oral culture, the ancient Greeks did not have a well-

established canon of mythological narratives, let alone in a written form, unlike other

much older cultures of the Ancient Near East. It was in Homer's mythological narrations

where gods and humans interacted - the ancient Greeks saw a narrative of an inspiring

revelation containing the most important answers to human questions. However, the

answers had to be translated into a meaningful language, and this was done by

hermeneutics.79

Both Iliad and Odyssey are attributed to Homer and both works are intended to be

captured written records of a much older oral tradition of the handed down narratives and

poems.80 “This poetry is an image of that society, its forms and structures still archaic,

but trembling with impatient manifestations of a new life that develops into free thinking,

art and human life.”81 The actual writing of the oral tradition took place only at the time

of Peisistratos.82

Probably the Greek name “Ὅμηρος (Homeros)” itself was also used as a synonym for

the servant of gods or deities. The Homerists thus developed an ancient, probably

hereditary tradition of narrators and singers, which belonged to a proper religious cult

centered around the ancient Greek shrines. Later there is a gradual separation from the

sanctuaries, and the tradition of wandering narratives and singers begins - the birth of

epic-style epics. By the 6th century BC, mythological narrations are gradually recorded,

transformed and established as a special literary genre.83 The success of mythological

oral works primarily influenced the collective feelings and their performance – i.e.,

speaking and reciting became the main mission of the aoids. Aoid remembered a vast

range of verses, as poetry and prose always knew to grasp important issues of human

existence and express them in a special way. Life in as well as outside of the society gave

rise to various impulses related to freedom, self-reflection, and personal attitude to

religious and interpersonal issues.84 These ancient Greek traditions continually

78 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Akademia, 1973, p. 404. 79 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 47. 80 KVOKAČKA, A.: Možnosti (hermeneutickej interpretácie klasickej kategórie vznešeného. In: Studia Humanitatis – Ars hermeneutica. Metodologie a Theurgie Hermeneutické Interpretace. IV. Ostrava: FF OU v Ostrave, 2012, p. 253-273. 81 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 253. 82 NEŠKUDLA, B.: Encyklopedie řeckých bohů a mýtů. Praha: Libri, 2003, p. 111. 83 VOREL, J.: Esteticko-filozofické koncepce A. ndreje Bělého. (hermeneutika ruského symbolizmu) In: Studia Humanitatis – Ars hermeneutica. Metodologie a Theurgie Hermeneutické Interpretace. Ostrava: FF OU v Ostrave, 2006, p. 83-87. 84 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 69-70.

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influenced life, creating the right conditions for the development of individual schools of

philosophy.85

Homer's mythological narratives had great authority and formed the basis and

essential component of the formation of Greek culture. Likewise, the author and the

narrator or poet himself was considered to possess divine inspiration.86 Various

phenomena were interpreted as a sign from God, which needed to be discerned and

correctly interpreted. In any case, the oral culture represents the hermeneutic activity of

poets, narrators, oracles, but also of interpreters of mythological narrations, and in these

narrations paradigms for the art of correct and concrete interpretation were also sought.

This activity was not explicitly given only to the ancient seers, but to all those who were

particularly gifted or inspired.87

Aoids as wandering narrators and singers belonged to groups of people who were

considered as god-inspired authors, and that meant they were in direct contact with the

world of gods. Their narrations or chants were thus not considered to be their own work,

but as the work of the gods, the narration and singing of the gods themselves. In other

cases, their inspiration was accompanied by the Muse and her sisters who dictated words

to poets and narrators.88 It is also noted that the aoid/aoids were considered to be persons

of divine nature and not only this; according to Pausanios, they were identified with the

Muse of Singing. The Muse of singing and the wife of Apollo knew the future and

protected the wandering singers. The same terminological use in masculine - aoidos

denoted a singer who sang solemn and mourning songs, as well as songs intended for

dancing and praising Greek gods and heroes. The singer played on phorminx.89

Interestingly, the Aoid himself not only interpreted the songs, but also composed them.

He started by using established forms, but he did not avoid various improvisations and

variations. These wandering interpreters and improvisers are already known in the epic

Iliad, where they took part in funeral ceremonies after the battle in which Hector had been

killed. In the Odyssey, the Aoids Demodokos and Fémios are mentioned. The Aoids were

welcomed everywhere they came. Above all, they played an indispensable role in cultic

and ceremonial gatherings.90

For this reason, Aoids were mostly connected to issues related to religion and its

personal impact on the person with the primary objective to govern the relationship of

people to God himself. This happened mainly during religious ceremonies where these

85 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 72. 86 SIMONETTI, M.: Między dosłownością a alegorią. Krakow, Wydawnictwo WAM, 2000, p. 13. 87 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 18. 88 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 68. 89 NEŠKUDLA, B.: Encyklopedie řeckých bohů a mýtů. Praha: Nakladatelství Libri, 2003, p. 151. 90 SLOVNÍK ANTICKÉ KULTÚRY. Praha: Svoboda, 1974, p. 52.

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narrators / singers had a special place. It is evident that singing, recited and narrated

speech, as well as dancing belonged to Aoids’ activities, with the aim of achieving the

highest possible mystical connection of man with the gods. Aoids became really creators,

custodians and mediators of these works - as God's word to people that accompany oral

culture as an integral part of all religious ceremonies. They were thus representatives of

the intellectual but also religious elite of ancient Greece.91

As an elite intellectual group, Aoids existed alongside ancient oracles, which included

priests, doctors and storytellers - poets. The role of this intellectual group as “experts on

divine things” was to advise, show people the way, and help the kings in the exercise of

royal office.92 Their role as improvisers of epic works is known from Homer's work of

Odyssey, where they perform as singers at festivals and banquets. The reading of the epic

works was accompanied by a musical instrument, and the content of their songs

mentioned the mythological narrations about the gods and heroes of ancient Greece. After

the canonization of mythological texts and the creation of other literary works, the Aoids

were divided into subgroups based on their function: singers, wandering narrators -

rapsodes and speakers. This came as a result of the public life of city states and the

emerging Greek democracy where free citizens could speak at rallies.93 In the later period

their function probably merged with the mediators (interprets) – the Rapsodes. Rapsodes

used established texts, but most likely were not their creators, unlike the Aoids. Also,

their performances were without musical accompaniment.94

2.3 The Greek Myths: Their Meaning, Allegorical Interpretation

and Philosophy

The ancient Greek mythological world is understood not as something abstract but rather

as something concrete that the ancient man has personal experience with. Similarly, in

the context of the gods of the Greek pantheon, there are several examples such as the

designation of deities: Hades is not only the god of the underworld, but also the place of

the dead. Gaya is not only a goddess, but also the earth itself, which yields crops.

Therefore, it is interesting that discord, passion, jealousy of the gods represent some kind

of parallel interactions of interpersonal relationships. Walking on the ground or bathing

in the sea, or thinking and creating meant coming into contact with the individual gods.

Zeus, being the supreme god in the pantheon, was a universal protector of order,

hierarchy, law and justice. In these mutual relations, therefore, not only people came into

91 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 68. 92 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 55. 93 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Akademia, 1973, p. 532. 94 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Akademia, 1973, p. 58, 518.

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contact with the gods, but also the gods with the people. The gods visited the people in

various forms and shapes according to Greek mythology.95

In most cases, the myth is understood as a story from the old times, which was handed

on orally and only later recorded in writing. The myths came often in the form of poems

that turned into informative reports about gods, heroes, and kings of archaic times. It

gives equal importance to events and lessons learned from the earliest times and presents

them as part of a religious worldview.96

Greek mythology comes from the early archaic era, when poetry gradually began to

form and narrative art dominated. In connection with humanity, ancient ideas appear,

which take the form of religious epics. People are close to God in their existence and

actions, separated only by mortality. But it can also be an expression of human desire for

eternal life. Mythology offers good and bad examples of the actions of gods and man in

concrete life situations in existing social structures. At the same time, it is not surprising

that it is characterized by an anthropomorphic, polytheistic religious form, as we can see

in the birth of the gods. The kind of faith that was typical of the ancient man allowed him

to understand in a similar way the life of the gods.97

Through the philosophical reflection of Homer's works, however, the improbability,

and even the absurdity and immorality of myths is quickly shown in the action of gods

and heroes. However, in order to preserve the authority and prestige of these poetic

works, further attempts of interpretation arise, as it was clear to the interpreters that

Homer's intention was in fact to point to something else and to address other questions

as well. In certain philosophical schools (Pythagoras, Heraclid) the symbolic and hidden

- figurative language and its interpretation - had a great success. Therefore, the aim of the

interpretation of Homer's works was to reveal the hermeneutic allegorical criterion he

used in Homer's poetic works.98 “In the case of Homer, such a respected author, this

meant finding the truth in his texts, because for many he was also a philosopher and all

that needed to be done was to read him in the right way. It was the scandal or absurdity

of the immediate meaning of the text that became a clear indication that there was

something deeper in the text.”99 The hidden meaning that had to be found in mythological

narration was the answer to several life questions.100 However, the answers had to be

translated into a meaningful language, and this gradually began to happen with an

allegorical interpretation over time.

95 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 16-17. 96 REBENICH, Š.: 101 nejdůležitějších otázek ANTIKA. Velké Bílovice: TeMi CZ, 2007, p. 50. 97 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 79-85. 98 SIMONETTI, M.: Między dosłownością a alegorią. Krakow, Wydawnictwo WAM, 2000, p. 13. 99 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 49. 100 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Akademia, 1973. p. 404.

31

The beginnings of allegorical interpretation in the context of early philosophy

Already at the turn of 7/6th century BC, Theagenes of Reggio interpreted the various

rivalries of the Greek gods in an allegorical way as the struggles of the individual

elements, which further led to a psychological interpretation: Individual gods were

attributed attributes such as: Zeus as intelligence and life.101 “This problem appears also

at the beginning of the allegorical method and emerges somewhere around 525 BC when

a certain Theagenes from Reggio, perhaps under the influence Xenophanes’ attacks

directed against the immorality of Homeric Pantheon, suggested an allegorical reading

of this classic Greek epic, in order to justify the overly sensual, salacious and even

offensive behavior of ancient gods. In Pergamon, the allegorical method was developed

on the basis of stoic philosophy within religious hermeneutics with a rational (moralistic)

motive.”102 In the confrontation between the religious mythological tradition and

philosophy, it was no longer appropriate to talk about a number of mythological events,

the jealousy and actions by the gods of Olympus, ultimately resulting in a situation where

mythical language could not be understood in its literary sense (sensus literalis).

Therefore, mythological texts required a new approach of the so-called reinterpretation

whose origins go back to stoic philosophy.

Also, the very Greek term “άλληγορία (allegoría)” comes from Greek rhetoric, as an

original rhetorical figure, which points to a higher meaning than the primary basic - word

meaning.103 And before it became a technique of interpretation, the allegory was a form

of speech that already had an informative function in itself by giving something other

than the verbal meaning, and the verbal meaning was considered to be its sign. It is clear

that speech and rhetoric or rhetoric have the same function of mediation and meaning.

Ancient rhetorical and interpretative art could only be preserved over the centuries

through an understanding of deeper meanings; the interpretation of a number of ancient

gods was gradually understood as a set of different properties of the divine principle or

structure of nature. However, special emphasis has been placed on eliminating the

anthropomorphic characteristics of the mythological images of deities. It is evident

already in the 6th century BC in Hekataios of Miletus, who developed for this purpose the

hermeneutics of allegory or ‘hyponia,’ that is a hint of hidden meaning where the

foundations of the hermeneutic approach to ancient mythological texts are already

evident.104

101 SIMONETTI, M.. Między dosłownością a alegorią. Krakow, Wydawnictwo WAM, 2000, p. 13. 102 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 46. 103 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: OIKOYMENH, 1997, p. 42. 104 DOHMEN, CH. – STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 84.

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According to H.D. Lubac, such an interpretation (more precisely allegorical

interpretation) of myths contains a triple motive:105

motive for the interpretation of a moral species: the aim was to remove from the

word meaning everything that caused or contradicted the ethics and morality of society,

or was outside social ethics,

motive of rational species interpretation: used mainly in stoicism as a rational

interpretation of the world in accordance with the idea of myth, as a testimony of its own

beliefs,

motive of utilitarian interpretation of the species: this interpretation was based on

the authority of ancient rhetoricians and poets, who at the same time gave individual

myths a kind of authority and authenticity. There was also a tendency to reject some

mythological texts because of godlessness and corrupt morality, thus completely

rejecting the whole mythological system and poetry. However, they did not want to

accept this situation, because they wanted to find harmony in relation to the older Greek

world and tradition. The greater the distance from the original narratives and the written

texts, the more was required the use of allegorical interpretation of mythological texts.106

Although in the early days of Greek philosophy, which mainly presented Socrates,

Plato and Aristotle, that is, in the period until the 4th century BC, mythological texts were

criticized,107 mythological narratives had also a positive feedback. These were the

narrators and singers, who in a positive sense interpreted mainly the immoral, unethical,

offensive parts of the behavior of the Greek deities found in Homer's works. In this way,

another - secondary, hidden meaning, was conveyed which, despite a negative and

offensive example, could still be mediated to the audience. From this point of view, the

attitude of the Greek philosophers – Hermeneuticians – was also marked by a different

approach to mythological texts and narrations, which contain a certain sense of encoded

content of much deeper philosophical truths. Plato's dualistic understanding was

manifested here clearly. The offensive and condemnation worthy deeds of gods are

actually nothing else but what they appear. The interpretation of the Greek mythology

should therefore be aimed at revealing the hidden ethical truths and value statements, as

well as hidden natural knowledge or sacral experience. Interestingly, Plato criticized the

allegorical interpretation because he did not consider that his poetry could contain some

hidden information. On the other hand, he used mythological narratives and preoccupied

himself with allegorical language when he felt he could use it to explain some parts of

105 DE LUBAC, H.: Histoire et esprit. L´intelligence de l´Ecriture d´aprés Origéne. Paris: 1950, p. 160. In: GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: OIKOYMENH, 1997, p. 42. 106 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: OIKOYMENH, 1997, p. 43. 107 Kritika Homéra gréckymi filozofmi bola zameraná z dôvodu jeho filozofického chápania boha. OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 20.

33

his thinking.108 Such an attitude culminates in the 3rd century BC in what had by then

become almost perfect allegorical interpretation of Homer, and later, as I mentioned,

through Stoic philosophy. As an example, it is appropriate to use the principle of

personalization - the goddess Athena represents wisdom, shrewdness and balanced,

patient deliberation. The way in which the goddess handled Achilles can be interpreted

so that only a cunning and considerate reflection can stop reckless actions from taking

place under the influence of anger.109

The motives of allegorical interpretation of myths are based on the essence of

“έρμηνεία (hermenia)” as a mediation of meaning. Similarly, in the form “ermhneu,ein“

(hermeneuein),” it refers to the effort and activity to seek, to be understood as something

else, something more that requires hermeneutic effort, as the immediate meaning of the

spoken word or written text (sensus literalis) is unintelligible.110 Among the Stoics,

however, a similar term was more predominant - “ὑπόνοιa (hypónoia)” (indirectly

announced). This term probably had the same meaning as the term allegory, which was

used by Xenon and Plato.

“Stoics interpreted Homer metaphorically and saw in Odyssey an impersonation of

virtue, which overcomes obstacles until it comes to its destination.”111 “… myths are an

expression of a deeper, more significant truth that has yet to be sought (so some have

interpreted that there are natural elements under divine names; Hera - written in Greek.

The letter ΗΡΑ [read era] is only an embodiment of air – in Greek: ΑΗΡ [read aehr])”112

In particular, the Stoics extended allegorical interpretation of the traditional gods and

works of singers in a way that eliminated the literary meaning of everything that the

mythological traditions attributed to gods, or that was inappropriate. The Stoics moved

towards etymology in the form of a symbolic interpretation of the messages, based on the

belief that language is the true nature of things.113 They subsequently interpreted the

Greek gods as symbols of the natural elements (or in some other creative ways), thus

harmonizing traditional polytheism with their philosophical monotheism. At the

beginning of our common era, this type of interpretation and its terminology was used

widely by all who could be characterized literary and philosophically trained and by the

108 SIMONETTI, M.: Między dosłownością a alegorią. Krakow, Wydawnictwo WAM, 2000, p. 13. 109 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 20. 110 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: OIKOYMENH, 1997, p. 41. 111 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Academia, 1973, p. 240. 112 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Academia, 1973, p. 404. 113 DOHMEN, CH. – STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 84.

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scholastic teachers.114 Stoic philosophy developed such a systematic and increasingly

rationalist view, which was called an allegorical interpretation of myths.115

The allegorical method served as a means to reconcile traditional ideas with the

advancing progress of science and especially philosophy. The allegorical method proved

that there was a consensus between the ideas of Homer, Hessius, and other ancient poets

and philosophy: “The mythical language of these epics could no longer be understood in

a literal sense, but could be understood in a metaphorical sense, within the so-called

allegorical interpretation of myths.”116 We can find a good example of this when they

interpreted the cosmological allegory of Chrysippus as a union of the ancient deities Zeus

and Hera. Hera means a substance that receives the seeds from the Zeus (logos) to create

the cosmos.117

In the 6th century BC, Theagenes of Regio probably interpreted the war of the

Homeric gods as an allegory of the meeting of the elements of nature, in which heat is

opposed to winter, dryness to moisture, etc. He compared fire to Apollo and Hephaestus,

water to Poseidon, air to Hera, etc. Theagenes linked grammatical analysis to a “physical”

interpretation of the content of Homer's poems. He concluded that Homer used a

figurative language. The names of the different gods reflect the natural phenomena in the

cosmos. Fire is Apollo, sea is Poseidon, rationality is Athena, desire is Aphrodite and

reason is Hermes.

2.4 Ancient Greek Interpretive Methods and their Context

Later, when these mythological narratives were captured in writing, they gained their

standard form, but their very flexibility was lost in the wandering narratives.

Mythological narratives in oral, but also later in writing traditions, expressed the needs

of their time and satisfied the spiritual needs of the current situation. Later, when the

“mythos” was separated from the “logos” - and the directions of Greek philosophy

emerged,118 - the original function of religious texts no longer fulfilled the desired role.

This temporary dysfunction of mythological texts was eliminated by the use of allegorical

interpretation. Once again, people were looking for new ways of understanding and

updating mythological texts and new life experience of the time.119

114 SIMONETTI, M.: Między dosłownością a alegorią. Krakow, Wydawnictwo WAM, 2000, p. 13. 115 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: OIKOYMENH, 1997, p. 40. 116 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 48. 117 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Academia, 1973, p. 46. 118 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 47-50. 119 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1 – 5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2015, p. 12.

35

As already mentioned, the allegorical interpretation of myths consisted of searching

for something deeper beyond verbal meaning. The misunderstanding and, in some cases,

the offense of mythological texts and their immediate verbal meaning automatically

prompted thinkers to seek an allegorical sense in the texts, which the listener and the

reader should recognize. As a rule, interpretation was always to be based on the direct

and immediate sense to prevent arbitrary interpretations. Already since the antiquity,

allegory did not always have a good reputation.

In every culture, value and existential issues are at the forefront, concerning the

meaning of life, or the search for expressive forms of human desire for eternal life, etc.

Faith in gods and in the deities in the world of ancient antiquity represented stability and

a belief in the existence of unchanging principles of the world order and the ever-

repeating cycle of natural cycles. The world of Greek gods was structured in accordance

with the world of people. This type of hermeneutics thus had an anthropomorphic basis.

The gods enter into relationships and each of them is associated with a particular field of

activities.120

In the 5th century BC in Anaxagora’s school, a psychological interpretation was

probably given to these gods. Zeus becomes a symbol of intelligence, Athens of skills,

etc. In the 3rd century BC, Diogenes Laertios wrote about the Metrodóros of Lampsak

that he dealt with Homer from a "natural scientific" point of view.121 “Later there were

other ways of interpretation that brought old works to new generations and tried to

express their ideas in a way that was understandable and acceptable to their

contemporaries. The main interpretative practices developed in the Greek world can be

briefly presented in the following overview:”122

1. “In the oldest period, natural, physical allegory dominated - in the deities of the

Greek pantheon and their adventures, philosophers saw cosmic elements and their

interrelationships. In the Hellenistic period, the natural philosophers were followed by

the Stoics. An example of a physical (cosmological) allegory is the interpretation of one

episode of the Iliad in which the gods embarked on a fight. Exegetes watched the image

of the cosmic battle of the elements. Physical allegory from the end of the 5th century BC

interpreted Achilles as the sun and Hector as the moon; Helen as the earth and Parides as

the air, while Agamemnon as the ether.123 Since the 6th century BC, philosophers

explained myths physically, as an image of natural elements and the cosmic struggle of

120 ENCYKLOPEDIE ANTIKY. Praha: Academia, 1973, p. 403. 121 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 23. 122 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1 – 5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2015, p. 12-14. 123 SLOVNÍK ANTICKÉ KULTÚRY. Praha: Svoboda, 1974, p. 32.

36

the elements.”124

2. “Moral allegory also appeared very soon. In mythical stories she sought moral

lessons and behavioral patterns (both positive and deterrent). “Ethical, moral

interpretation was quite common, for Homer was a ‘teacher of Greece.’ Moral lessons

were sought in mythical stories. If the letter of the text was not explicit enough, an

allegorical interpretation took place. Tied to the mast to resist the singing of the Sirens,

Odysseus is an image of a sage who can be bound by the bonds of philosophy to save

himself from destruction.”125 “Ethical allegorist Anaxagoras understood Iliad and

Odyssey as a depiction of virtue and justice. According to allegorist Euémer of Messén,

the gods were powerful rulers only of the past.”126

3. “Its special subcategory is a psychological (or anthropological) allegory that

saw in gods and mythical heroes psychic forces and processes, personified virtues and

vices. This struggle of gods can be understood as a picture of the fight of virtues and

vices, rational and irrational elements in the human soul. Anthropological allegory – The

anthropological allegorical interpretation is evident in the interpretation of Métrodóros

of Lampsak, who interpreted the community of ancient gods as the image of the human

body: Demeter - liver, Dionysus - spleen, Apollon - gallbladder.127 Another stream of

interpretation is the psychological (some call it anthropological) interpretation, which

focuses not on the macrocosm as the first philosophers, but on the microcosm of the

human soul. The individual deities here represent human mental abilities, reason,

passions.”128

4. “On the other hand, Ionian logographers and their successor, historian

Herodotus, sought to find the real or historical core in the myths and narratives of the

poets - this interpretation was called "historical exegesis". Later, Aristotle and his

followers from the Peripatetic School (especially Palaifatos) became famous.

5. Aristotle also stood at the birth of another interpretative stream - a philological

approach to the text that brought the school of Alexandria to blossom. If there were any

ambiguities or contradictions in the poem, the Alexandrians solved them by examining

textual criticism, etymology, and historical facts. The school in Pergamos emerged as a

kind of opposition to Alexandria. A philosophical, stoic approach with an allegorical

interpretation of the cosmological and moral type was developed here.

124 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvod. Exegetické metódy – Alegorický výklad. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Život Mojžiša alebo O ceste k dokonalosti v cnosti. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 61. 125 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvod. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Život Mojžiša alebo O ceste k dokonalosti v cnosti. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 61-62. 126 SLOVNÍK ANTICKÉ KULTÚRY. Praha: Svoboda, 1974, p. 32. 127 SLOVNÍK ANTICKÉ KULTÚRY. Praha: Svoboda, 1974, p. 32. 128 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvod. Exegetické metódy – Alegorický výklad. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Život Mojžiša alebo O ceste k dokonalosti v cnosti. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 62.

37

6. In the late antiquity, the Neo-Platonic mystical allegory, also called

“metaphysical” or “spiritual,” prevailed. This type of interpretation was made famous

by the New Platonists, but its roots can be found in the Pythagoreans. Mystical allegory

sees in old myths hidden knowledge about the relationship of man, or the human soul,

with the transcendent world. For example, the teaching about soul being trapped in the

body and its reincarnation could be found in the episode with the witch Circe who had

imprisoned Odysseus’ sojourners, but Odysseus in his wisdom resisted her magic. This

meaning can also be seen in the episode with singing sirens, which represent the harmony

of spheres, which tempts man away from the next incarnation.”129 This interpretation is

evident especially in the late antiquity of Neo-Platonists. It is also called philosophical-

psychological interpretation or known as a spiritual interpretation or a mystical

interpretation. At the forefront is the interest in man's soul in all its phases, both before

and after leaving this world. Odysseus' wandering was explained as a narrative of the

soul of a person, who is gradually liberated from the material world and returns liberated

home to the higher realms of the world of ideas where he resides. This interest in the soul

of man can also be seen in Christianity. This may be due to its focus on transcendence.

Especially the Christian thinkers of the Alexandrian Catechetical School supported the

allegorical interpretation of the biblical texts.130

We can find similar trends in the context of the gods of the Greek pantheon, as we can

see on the particular identification of deities:

Hades is not only the god of the underworld, but also the place of the dead.

Gaya is not only the goddess, but also the earth itself, which yields crops.

Poseidon is not only the god of the sea, but also the place and the sea itself.

Zeus, being the supreme god in the pantheon, is the guardian of order, hierarchy,

law and justice.

And therefore, these mutual relations not only brought people into contact with the

gods, but the gods visited the humans in various forms, as we see in Greek mythology.131

It is therefore interesting that discord, passion, jealousy of the gods are a kind of parallel

interaction of interpersonal relationships. Walking on the ground or bathing in the sea or

thinking and creating meant coming into contact with the individual gods.

Myths have a symbolic and sacred value and formed the basis of the culture of ancient

nations. They brought people answers to basic questions. What was obvious for the

ancient man, however, is distant and incomprehensible to the modern man. Today's man

129 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1 – 5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2015, p. 12-14. 130 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvod. Exegetické metódy – Alegorický výklad. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Život Mojžiša alebo O ceste k dokonalosti v cnosti. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 62. 131 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 16-17.

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understands the ancient religious phenomena in their verbal sense. However, if they are

not studied in depth, they may seem trivial.132 Mythology constitutes the primordial

civilizational ground of thought, a basis for social organization, world view, religion,

morality, law and the like. Even the beginnings of philosophy are sometimes obscured

by mythological images. Thus we sometimes speak of mythology as a proto-philosophy,

an initial metaphysics.133

It is clear from these relationships that the people of Homer's era lived with their

thinking in a constant and very close relationship - the union of the earth and the divine

world in everyday contact with the world around them, which was the world of human

contact with the ancient Greek gods.134 Today, Homer’s poems are a source of

mythological imagination and are an inspiration for art. They are also the most famous

literary monument of ancient Greece.

132 JURJEWICZ, H.: The Role of Psychology in Religion, and Spirituality. New Jersey: Diocesan House of Formation - Bartimaeus New Jersey, 2014, p. 11-19. 133 STOLÁRIK, S.: Stručne o dejinách filozofie. Košice: Seminár sv. Karola Boromejského, 2007, p. 29. 134 MIREAUX, É.: Život v homérské době. Praha: Odeon, 1980, p. 16-17.

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3 MYTH, MYTHOLOGY AND SYSTEMATIC SCIENTIFIC

RESEARCH

3.1 Myth, Mythology and Its Older Interpretation

Mythical or mythological narrations are, or seem to be, arbitrary, improbable,

meaningless and absurd, yet they seem to reappear all over the world. Since the advent

of science, mythology has been rejected as a product of superstitious and primitive minds.

However, it is important to come to a fuller appreciation of the nature and role of myth

in human history.135 In post-communistic countries, the older generations consider

everything connected with religion a priori in the negative sense, because the previous

regime led them to treat all such religious interpretations of life as legends or fairy tales.136

This tendency still has a high percentage of followers as the word myth is still quite often

used in the stated meaning. However, we are rarely aware of the real meaning of myth,

so it is rather confused with something false and mocking. Even if the scientific world of

today has significantly changed its approach and worked on more exact scientific

clarification of the phenomena, in the Slovak literature one can still find superficial

understanding of the myth and mythology. It is evident from the following characteristics

that are still present in dictionaries:

“mythology, ...fairy tale narration..., ...irrational vision..., ...picture of someone

or of something that is uncritically accepted, worshiped and adored, ...fantasy, delusion

…”137

and “figuratively. misleading deceitful belief in something: rebut myth of your

infallibility; myth of mystery.”138

However, it is important to come to a fuller appreciation of the nature and role of myth

in human history, as the scientific world has significantly changed its approach to ancient

literature, its myths, mythologies, and old stories at all. Myth is speaking in symbols, and

an archaic people used it to express and explain the origin and goal of human being as

well as of the world where they lived. Therefore, the myth has nothing in common with

fictional fables and does not reflect the fictional reality that is offered and pictured in

contemporary literature. Myth reflects reality experienced by people, apart from the fact

whether it can or cannot be proved by the history.139 From the point of view of literary-

135 LÉVI-STRAUSS, C.: Mýtus a význam. Bratislava: ARCHA, 1993, p. 7, 19. 136 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Dynamická antropológia Biblie. Košice: Verbum, 2004, p. 54. 137 SLOVNÍK CHUDZÍCH SLOV. Bratislava: SPN, 1997, p. 623. 138 SLOVNÍK SLOVENSKÉHO JAZYKA. Mýtus. http://slovnik.azet.sk/pravopis/slovnik-sj/?q=m% C3%BDtus 139 LÉVI-STRAUSS, C.: Mýtus a význam. Bratislava: ARCHA, 1993, p. 7, 19.

40

scientific disciplines, it is a myth or even an epic formation, which reflects the primitive

attitude of man to the world. It arises at a time when one could not explain the origin and

cause of the world, human life, the cycle of seasons, sunrise and sunset, and many other

facts. Man attributed everything that was inexplicable to the gods and demigods who

governed the world and life. Many myths explain the origin and cause of natural

phenomena, and objects. The best-known myth is about the emergence of fire, which is

of Greek origin and is called Promethean. Myths have a folk origin and have become the

thematic basis of artificial literary works. A collection of myths of a certain nation is

called the mythology.140 In general, myth is understood as a special verb form, a story

corresponding to reality, which conceals a significant symbolic value. The content of the

myth was identified with absolute truth. It is about understanding truth as revelation. The

revealed truth was supplemented by the authority of the deity. Myth never has an author.

The myth that is passed down from generation to generation is gradually becoming a

message. The hidden symbol and message give it a supernatural character. It's not history;

myths take place out of time, they are anachronistic.141

Myth cannot be approached from the historical perspective as the time of the stories

is not determined. Thus, myths and mythologies talk about the creation of the universe –

cosmology, the origin of gods – theogony, and arrangement of the universe - cosmology.

They explain events, phenomena and the cycle of nature. They deal with the beginning

and the end, with the creation and the destruction, life and death. At the same time, they

describe everyday life of a man, history of nations and their desire for a better life.142

Myth and mythical relation to the world gave all ancient cultures their obvious

horizon; it enabled and expressed – understood their life. Mythical perception presents

interconnection of natural and social events. In the stricter sense, myth presents this unity

on the concrete examples of characters, situations etc. that are from the very beginning

connected with existential and ontological issues.143

Therefore, mythology can be defined as the study “of myths in general or from the

perspective of certain cultural or religious tradition in individual periods or

civilizations.” 144 or as a system or a complex of elements forming the civilized and

intellectual foundations of the society, morality, religion, etc.: where mythology

“explains the system of social and ethical standards, ritual, and art of a community and

140 FINDRA, J., GOMBALA, E., PLINTOVIČ, I.: Slovník literárnovedných termínov. Bratislava: Slovenské pedagogické nakladateľstvo, 1979, p. 39. 141 KARDIS, M.: Mytológia. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita, 2009, p. 28. 142 ESTINOVÁ, C. – LAPORTEOVÁ, H.: Grécka a rímska mytológia. Bratislava: Mladé letá, 1994, p. 9-11. 143 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Mýtus, filosofie a věda II. Praha: Univerzita Karlova - Katedra filosofie a společenských věd pedagogické fakulty University Karlovy, 1991. 144 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: Slovenský ústav svätého Cyrila a Metoda, 1992, p. 717.

41

at the same time it presents its individual history that reveals the creation of the world,

the Earth, man, tribe, its culture and the law that states standards of conduct, in the light

of acts of gods and heroes, it determines rites that should remind descendants significant

acts of their great ancestors.”145

Myth plays an important role in tribal societies. It justifies the system of social and

ethical standards, rituals and art; it keeps a collective history of the community, its laws,

habits, traditions. It also deals with the creation of the world, the country of man, tribe,

nation, with its history and culture, morals and rights as well as it dictates standards of

conduct. In the beginning, mythological thinking overlapped with the religious one.

Focusing on religion, dominant elements are cult and worshipping of gods by prayers,

sacrifices, rituals which employ various magical means, spells, incantations, and

prophecies. On the contrary, mythology is based on mythmaking, on the creation of

mythological stories rather than epic narrations. With the development of writing, myths

became fictionalized independently of religious belief.146

Myths may be connected with numerous cultures and also present newly processed

old traditions which also contain explanations connected with certain significant persons,

groups and are adjusted for the needs and expectations of periods of their origin.147 In the

history of ancient Greece, in the period of oral culture, mythological sayings, songs, and

poems were integral parts of the life of society. As myths did not have stable form, a tale-

teller used their flexibility and adjusted the story according to listeners. Thus, the tale-

teller could modify the story in order to reflect all moral and cultural requirements of a

given era and appeal on the life situation of the audience.148

Myth has the original narrative form, but it is at the same time based on oral

storytelling. Consequently, it is often unclear and ambiguous. People tell stories that

spread further, and while doing so, they also change. On the other hand, when stories are

often told and spread, there are certain themes or even idioms that tend to reappear in

them again and again. After a certain period of time, no one knows whether so many

times repeated version of the story corresponds to an original event that really happened.

Even if myths occur in several versions, they always contain similar themes and idioms.

Due to the high number of characters and ambiguity of its meaning, it is a great advantage

of the myth that one of many stories always reflects something. The presentation of myth

depended on a situation, and it gave this situation certain meaning. The gradual

development of the society, thinking, and artistic imagination, as well as adoption of

145 KARDIS, M.: Mytológia. Prešov: Gréckokatolícka teologická fakulta, 2009, p. 6. 146 KOMOROVSKÝ, J.: Religionistika. Bratislava: Univerzita Komenského, 2000, p. 20-23. 147 REBENICH, Š.: 101 nejdůležitějších otázek ANTIKA. Velké Bílovice: TeMi CZ, 2007, p. 50. 148 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1 – 5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2015, p. 12.

42

natural phenomena, made mythological images more rational and artistically more

sophisticated. Gods and heroes took the form of animals or people. Mythology had a

massive influence on all spheres of spiritual life. Every nation created its own myths,

tales, and legends. These stories reflect spirit – the soul of the nation, its thoughts, hopes,

desires, its ideas about existence, nature and the life itself. The gods of the ancient Middle

East, as powers of nature and society, ruled over a human being and were people’s

religious-mythological expression. These gods who represented everything that affected

people were their outer models as well as the inner substances.149 Divine characters,

demigods and gods helped people understand the experience of transcendence.150

Besides its basic cosmological and mystic function, myth also has the following

functions:151

social function – myths offer models and principles of behavior, practical

behavior in the society and incite concrete acts,

pedagogical function – myths present ways and reactions of everyday life and

they also contain parts dealing with the theme of life happiness of people,

interpretative function – myths give reasons to life and religious ceremonies,

explain human behavior in the social system and its forms.

Myths have symbolic as well as sacred value, and they formed the basis of old nations.

They gave people answers to basic questions. However, what was obvious to the ancient

people is many times distant and incomprehensible to the modern man. It is necessary to

realize that during the major part of the history “homo sapiens” identified with “homo

religious” for a simple reason – it was against principles of nature and world order not to

be “homo religious.” And it is also the reason why “from the beginning, myth was always

connected with religion and many times with the religious ceremonies too. It took quite

a long time till myths were written down as they originally existed in the society in the

spoken form. Myth formed the basis of law, social and political life of the archaic

societies.”152

Contemporary people understand ancient religious phenomena in their literary sense.

However, if they are not studied to the depth, they may seem trivial. Mythology forms

the primary basis of ideas of the social organization, the world opinion, religion, morals,

law, etc. Myths passed from generation to generation, and they explained the mystery of

149 KESIDI. CH. F.: Od mýtu k logu. Bratislava: PRAVDA, 1976, p. 51-55. 150 ARMSTRONG, K.: Dejiny mýtov. Bratislava: Slovart, 2005, p. 11. 151 KARDIS, M.: Mytológia. Prešov: PU, GTF, 2009, p. 55. 152 MOĎOROŠI, I.: Čo je mýtus? http://www.tyzden.sk/casopis/2009/1/co-je-mytus.html.

43

existence, the origin of the world, the reason of suffering and death,153 origin of traditions

and provisions, the secret of love and life.154

Even beginnings of philosophy are sometimes hidden by the mythological pictures.

Myths offer a certain picture of the world. Thus they represent sort of preliminary stage

of philosophy. Therefore, mythology is also called proto-philosophy or early

metaphysics.155 The Greeks managed to deal with suggestions based on mythological

narrations in their own original way until the term “μύθος (mýthos)” was detached from

the word “λόγος (lógos)” which subsequently led to the beginning of the era of

philosophy.156

3.2 Myth, Mythology as a Narrative Genre and Function of Symbols

Myth as a narrative literary genre has its own right as well as a preferred

place: which is to deal with the beginning of the world and mankind which

is radically out of our experience and human deductive way of thinking. In

this way, it is a “myth about beginnings,” thus it is a narration describing

early events of the world and human being. This myth employs archetypical

characters as protagonists and archetypical early facts as well as human

behavior in order to disclose and explain them. Moreover, the myth deals

with the universal symbols that concentrated the first explanation of

significant questions connected with the human existence, such as limited

being, our mortal nature, our sexual differentiation, etc. To achieve this, the

myth creates a narration where the reality is presented through the concrete

events that are offered as a story – narration that happened at the beginning

of the time and is used as a template for the human behavior. The myth about

beginnings approaches the reality in the opposite way as, for example, the

logical speech of philosophy or science.157

153 VALCOVA, K., PAVLIKOVA, M. & ROUBALOVA, M.: Religious existentialism as a countermeasure to moralistic therapeutic deism. Communications - Scientific Letters of the University of Zilina, 18(3), 98-104, 2016. 154 TRUTWIN, W. – MAGA, J.: Otváral nám písma: Úvod do sveta biblie. Spišská Kapitula: Kňazský seminár biskupa J. Vojtaššáka, 1993, p. 144. 155 STOLÁRIK, S.: Stručne o dejinách filozofie. Košice: Seminár sv. Karola Boromejského, 2007, p. 29. 156 HROCH, J.: Diskusný príspevok k konferenčnému príspevku s názvom: Interpretácia symbolu hada v kultúrach Starovekého blízkeho východu v kontexte G. 3. In: Studia humanitatis - Ars hermeneutica: metodologie a theurgie hermeneutické interpretace V. Ostrava: Ostravská univerzita, Filozofická fakulta, 2014. s. 269-282; STÖRIG, H. J.: Malé dějiny filozofie. Praha: ZVON, 1995, p. 92-94. 157 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Dynamická antropológia Biblie. Košice: Verbum, 2004, p. 58.

44

From the literary point of view, myth is an epic genre. The author is anonymous, and it

is passed by traditions for many generations. It is mystic because it connects man with

the transcendent. While reading a myth, people must employ their spiritual ability to

understand that the greatness of the myth lies in the simplicity of the mythical story. Myth

uses the language of symbols, and a symbol is at the same time the language of religion.158

Mythological epos includes:159

divine inspiration,

ancient social tradition as a result of numerous generations,

its own approach and interpretation of the reciter,

it does not form a uniform unit of interconnected narrations; it may contain

several time layers,

it is important to recognize what aspects of mythology are connected with the

reality and what presents a fiction of life.

Therefore, “myth can be equated neither with a made-up fable, which is a creation of

a human naivety nor with a fictional reality dressed in a literary veil. Personification and

dramatization are stylistic means of illustration and plasticity of the mythical

narration.”160

The typical feature of the myth is narration. Narration is a macro-compositional mean

of text formation, and it is based on verbs, story, and plot. It may contain direct speech

and various forms of narrators. Sometimes, it uses special techniques of delivery, as it

can be delivered, for example, by singing. To update the story, the timing of motives is

typical for myth.161 It does not have an author, but it has a narrator. It is one of the basic

features of myth that it lost reference to any author. Narration may have the character of

literary analysis that focuses on people and their actions in the story. Moreover, the

narration of the story should attract readers and take them to the world of values presented

by the story. The most dominant are mythological stories about the creation of the world

that can be found in all ancient cultures.162

Function of Symbols

According to discoveries, ancient texts (now literary texts) contain awareness and

knowledge which is present in the constituted human experience that is then represented

in myths and symbols of humanity.163 Myth also becomes a universal model for

158 MOCNÁ, D. – PETERKA, J.: Encyklopedie literárních žánrů. Praha: Paseka, 2004, p. 402. 159 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 94. 160 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Vydavateľstvo Don Bosco, 1994, p. 718. 161 SLOVAK LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, Literary Terms „R“ (in Slovak). [online]. Available at: http://www.sjl.estranky.cz/clanky/literarne-pojmy/literarne-pojmy-r 162 MOCNÁ, D. – PETERKA, J.: Encyklopedie literárních žánrů. Praha: Paseka, 2004, p. 402. 163 ELIADE, M.: Dejiny náboženských predstáv a ideí /1. Bratislava: AGORA, 1995, p. 151-152.

45

individual and collective actions, because it is also the source of mysterious experience

and life knowledge164 as a special type of social interaction and communication via

symbols.165 Symbols are not rigid, precisely defined units, but they are variable (unfixed)

because their meaning depends on the way of the expression of the phenomena.166 In

literature, the symbol has multiple meanings, and it does not have defined boundaries.167

The symbol, in its Greek variants, indicates:168

“συμβολικός” (sýmbolikós), - (koiné), [σύμβολον], denotes and means: 1.

figurative, riddle; 2. similar; 3. ordinary.

“σύμβολον τό” (sýmbolon tó), - (trag., att, patres), [σύμβάλλω], denotes and

means: 1. first sign, mark, trace; 2. sign (agreed for recognition); 3. Sign of hospitality

(hereditary mark in friendly families, created by splitting a certain whole in such a way

that the parts could be combined to form a sign, a symbol for recognition and

identification); (Pl. Aj) Half Mark; 4. Judge's card; 5. Recommendation; 6. Contract

(commercial, between two municipalities / states); 7. (Rel.) Symbol (representing

reality), (pl.) (Cult) rites, the sacrament (often about baptism), (ritual) formula, “τό

σύμβολον τής πίστεως” – confession of faith, creed.

“σύμβολος” (sýmbolos), 2. (A., X.), [συμβάλλω], denotes and means: identical;

also in the following forms: “ὁ σύμβολος = τό σύμβολος.”

As is evident from the given semantic forms, the term - symbol is a sign, a sign of

identification; it is a particular thing, person, etc. used to denote an abstract concept, or

figurative expression or depiction of something that has a deeper meaning.169 They are

applied in the visual arts, where they appear in typeface or figurative form as basic

symbols - ideograms, or more complex symbolic representation - allegories, metaphors

and the like.170 The symbol in literary science is one of the poetic trophies. It occurs when

a writer transfers the name of a phenomenon to another on the basis of their factual, real

dependence, temporal, local and causal dependence. Some internal or external

relationship or connection links it with a direct meaning. Metonyms often become

symbols.171

164 BAK, T., JURJEWICZ, H., MIERZWA, J.: Religion and Spirituality in Social Work Practice. New Jersey: Diocesan House of Formation - Bartimaeus New Jersey, 2015, p. 25-26. 165 KARDIS, M.: Svetové mytológie I. Prešov: PU, GTF, 2013, p. 29. 166 LURKER, M.: Slovník biblických obrazů a symbolů. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1999, p. 13. 167 PAVERA, L. – VŠETIČKA, F.: Lexikon literárních pojmů. Olomouc: 2002, p. 343. 168 PANCZOVÁ, H.: Grécko-slovenský slovník. Od Homéra po kresťanských autorov. Bratislava: Vydalo nakladateľstvo Lingea s.r.o., 2012, p. 1144. 169 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 969. 170 PAVLINCOVÁ, H. – HORYNA, B.: Judiazmus, křesťanství, islám. Olomouc: Olomouc, 2003, p. 467. 171 FINDRA, J. – GOMBALA, E. – PLINTOVIČ, I.: Slovník literárnovedných termínov. Bratislava : Slovenské pedagogické nakladateľstvo, 1979, p. 171.

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Symbolic thinking is not exclusively reserved for a child, poet or madman, it is part

of the essence of the human being. Such thinking goes through language and the

discursive way of cognition. The symbol reveals the deepest aspects of reality. Images

and symbols respond to a need and fulfill a function - to reveal the most secret modality

of being. Their study makes it possible to get to know a person better - a “man tout court”

who has not yet come to terms with historical circumstances. Today we understand that

the ahistoric part of every human being will not disappear. This and the historical part of

the human being carries memories of being richer and more complete. Often times,

through the images and symbols that we experience, we incorporate ourselves into the

paradise of the primordial man. Man escapes history but does not renounce his qualities

as a human being and does not lose his animality. He finds again the language and

experience of the “lost paradise.” Dreaming and images cast a historically conditioned

human being into a spiritual world, infinitely richer than the closed world of her “moment

of history.”172

Mythological narration largely employs the language of symbols. However,

interpretation does not depend on reason and science which is a measure of everything,

today. It is for the hermeneutics, as the art to interpret ancient texts, to search, find and

adopt this knowledge which has always been present in human learning in a certain way.

This knowledge is hidden in the form of already realized and constituted human

experience, in its intuition which is represented by myths and symbols. Therefore,

Ricoeur says: “Symbols and myths give rise to the thought,” and this quotation poses two

things:173

firstly, it states that “symbol gives” which means that it is not “me” who gives

reason to the reality, but it is a symbol that enables us to understand. This symbol is

determined by the religious text or ceremonies. For instance, available are symbols of

tree, snake, water, fire, bread or the Credo of the Church, etc.

secondary, biblical symbol enables “thinking” or understanding. It makes it

possible for an intellectual thinking ability to develop. It does not close the human

thinking behind the dogmatic brackets, but it provokes and boosts the thinking process

as it forces to repeat utterance again and again and revise it in its own experience.

“Paul Ricoeur (1913–2005), in whom questions of philosophical and religious

interpretation are associated with the term ‘symbol,’ speaks of the dual meaning of a

symbol that is: verbal - immediate and a symbol that refers to a hidden, figurative,

ontological symbol. The symbol becomes a communication element and makes it

possible to unmask the hidden meaning, as is the case with mythological narrations.

172 ELIADE, M.: Obrazy a symboly. Brno: Computer Press, 2004, p. 10-11. 173 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Dynamická antropológia Biblie. Košice: Verbum, 2004, p. 33, 54-56.

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Thanks to symbolic wealth, the myth is not exhausted, it even has a current and social

function - it can also be applied in new social and cultural contexts.”174 Ricoeur expresses

an important idea that our thinking develops when it focuses on a secret or a mystery

hidden inside of a symbol or a myth that need to be discovered. It presents the possibility

to develop intellectual ability and thinking. “It is symbols and myths that form the first

linguistic - literary - communication mediation of this widespread experience of man with

evil. In the matter of evil, human thinking does not start from scratch, but is in a state of

preexisting knowledge hidden in symbols and myths that are in a state to offer some

elaboration of a problem that is already outlined in the initial state. The fundamental

difference between them is only that there are tragic myths that place the origin of evil in

a catastrophe or external conflict that somehow affects man, and there is a myth that the

beginning of evil sees in man.”175 Symbol does not enclose thought to dogmatic brackets,

but it provokes and stimulates it, forcing one again and again to repeat and rework in their

own experience that what once was said.

Myths contain symbols, metaphors, and models. Symbol has a deep communicative

ability, and it drives a reader to participate in an intended meaning. The language of

symbols can express the most difficult ideas as it goes beyond the ability of any finite

reality.

H. Halbfas, the significant German religious lecturer, turns his attention

firstly towards the lexical meaning of the word symbol: in the ancient world,

Greek word symballein meant something like “to mell, to connect, to unite.

Then, a broken ring which identified envoys of two friends was called

symbolon. The word presents the synthesis, connection, heading towards the

only unity, mutual complementation of elements which have been parted at

the beginning standing one against another. Halbfas claims that people

cannot understand symbol when it is defined only in a rational way because

it destroys its internal content and then we can see only the coat. Therefore,

symbols cannot be arbitrarily established. Naturally, there should be a

given critical position within scientific measures, but in order to reach the

inner meaning of a symbol, one needs another sense, something like an inner

sense for understanding symbols. However, even if it is a necessary

condition for treating with symbols, not anyone possesses this sense.176

174 RICOEUR, P.: Život, pravda, symbol. Praha: OIKÚMENÉ, 1993, p. 161. 175 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Dynamická antropológia Biblie. Košice: Verbum, 2004, p. 56. 176 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Dynamická antropológia Biblie. Košice: Verbum, 2004, p. 54.

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Symbolism is also part of the theme of devolved meaning. Some fact is expressed through

another. It can be natural (one reality spontaneously replaces another) or conventional

(some reality is marked by agreement with another reality, but it does not have the ability

to represent the original reality, so agreement is needed).177 Both, the prehistoric culture

and the later civilizations have relied on mythic patterns in the creation of institutions and

social norms that thereby became legitimate. M. Eliade described these patterns as

archetypes, which are repeated. He identified three basic categories:178

rituals that are repeated and thus make present the original creative and founding

acts of the gods, heroes or ancestors,

archetypes symbolizing the center of the world,

archetypes whose lower imitation are objects of our world.

The timeliness and strength of images and symbols have not decreased today. The

images hide a possible starting point for the spiritual revival of modern man. They have

never disappeared from their psychological timeliness, they can change their appearance,

but their function remains the same. We have nothing to do but just expose their new

masks.179

* * *

The original aim of mythology was to help people cope with critical human questions.

Mythology helped people to find their place and orientation in the world. Myths carry a

mystery of human existence, and they are written in a language of symbols. Therefore, it

is necessary to decode myths to understand them. Myths are often connected with

transitional rituals of life, and they seek to create a structure that will enable people to

understand the whole life. Time and place are also symbolic, thus myths about the

beginning should be interpreted in such a way as to deal with everything that happens

during human life. If certain conditions are met, myths can play a constructive role in

affirming that the “human person’s dignity is inalienable and indisputable, for in their

necessary albeit often unrecognized relatedness to transcendence, human persons have a

transcendent source and destiny.” Or, as Leščinský puts it, “it is this biblical ‘myth’ as

the literary reality and the language of antiquity that makes it possible today to understand

that we recognize man through the various testimonies that mankind has placed in its

great cultural works. If human culture, through language, art and myth (literature), would

177 TYROL, A.: Všeobecný úvod do biblického štúdia. Svit: KBD, 2000, p. 79. 178 KARDIS, M.: Mytológia. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita, 2009, p. 56. 179 ELIADE, M.: Obrazy a symboly. Brno: Computer Press, 2004, p. 15.

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not articulate human emotions and religious feelings, such as love or hate, or evil and

good, i.e., that what shapes us, we would not sufficiently understand our presence.”180

Myths should also be studied in the context of original communities that had certain

religious perspective and interpretation of life.181 The common element of the language

of symbols is a picture and a metaphor. It is also the effort of human imagination that it

wants to present in an acceptable way those facts that go beyond our sensible experience

and in this way to answer those important questions that humanity constantly asks. They

have a common nature which is to collect and express a number of features in one word,

as they appear immediately and at once. Nowadays, myths, epos, ancient literary works

and literary units are narrative literary genres that were used by an archaic people who

tried to explain events and facts or where they hid what is now known as logical scientific

knowledge.

180 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Dynamická antropológia Biblie. Košice: Verbum, 2004, p. 56. 181 COLE, P.: Filozofie náboženství. Praha: Portál, 2003, p. 137-139.

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4 HERMENEUTICS AND ITS CONCEPT IN THE GREEK

ENVIRONMENT

4.1 Hermeneutics and its Understanding of the Concept of the Beginnings

of Ancient Philosophy

The Greeks are the first to develop philosophy and explore various phenomena and try to

interpret them. They explain the origin of the gods and encounter the problem of

interpretation as such when one interprets the phenomena around him, that is, what lies

behind the pronounced and what its meaning is. The art of interpretation or the

interpretation of great style has its roots in ancient Greece and we can go even further

than that (as the initial studies make evident), namely to the stoic philosophy that

developed the allegorical interpretation of myths and the tradition of Greek fables.182

As long as one lives in mythology and is part of the narrative, further historical

evolution through the formation of ancient philosophy gives rise to the first gnosis-

prerequisites of the process in which one separates himself from the world and thus

creates the need to understand and interpret this world.183 Thus the term hermeneutics

appears for the first time in Plato's and Aristotle's works. Ancient concept of the function

of hermeneutics is not identical to modern hermeneutics. Nevertheless, it still forms the

basis upon which other authors developed and built their hermeneutical conceptions.

Xenophanes (Ξενοφάνης ὁ Κολοφώνιος) (546 – 480 BC)

Xenophanes is a well-known Greek pre-Socratic philosopher. The basis of his

interpretation is constituted by observation of the world around us. The alternation of

states and the cycle of human life shows that he believed in the principle of causality.

Also, Xenophanes distinguishes himself from ancient philosophical traditions by putting

to the forefront those traditions that are based on scientific observation (or those that

come closer to it). Xenophanes rejects the Homeric concept and criticizes the

anthropomorphism of the Greek gods. He does not dispute the presence of a divine entity,

but his philosophy is a critique of ancient Greek writers and their conception of deity.184

The Greek term “έρμηνεία (hermenia)” is understood as a communication activity - an

act with which one shares something with someone else. For Xenophanes, this applies

only to verbal expressions.185

182 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 13. 183 HROCH, J. – KONEČNÁ, M. – HLOUCH, L.: Proměny hermeneutického myšlení. Brno: Centrum pro studium demokrace a kultury, 2010, p. 12. 184 STÖRIG, H. J.: Malé dějiny filozofie. Praha: ZVON, 1995, p. 92-94. 185 VON BORMAN, C.: Hermeneutik I. In: Theologische Realencyclopeadie, zv. 15, Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1986, p. 109. In: LINGUŠ, J.: Biblická hermeneutika. Banská Bystrica: Trian, 2002, p. 18.

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Plato (Πλάτων) (432 – 347 BC)

Hermeneutics appears for the first time in Plato's treaty: “Πολιτικός (Politikos)”, 260d11;

“Ἐπινομίς (Epinomis)”, 975c6; “Ὅροι (Horoi) (Definitiones)”, 414d4.186 Plato writes

about hermeneutics as the art of interpretation - ars interpretandi. The objects of this

hermeneutics are:

1. religious works,

2. secular works, such as the Greek poetry and prose.

Plato considers knowledge in a way that the world that exists for man is a world of

“shadows”, that is, a reflection of the real world. These shadows are considered as reality

only until people (human subjects) are liberated and led into the real world by philosophy.

From this dualism of the world of shadows and the real world and its own existence later

developed a new stream of tradition pertaining to interpretation, according to which

“good exegete must not remain in captivity of the biased and schematic (verbal) meaning,

but must be liberated of such low errors in order to ascend to the text’s own, spiritual

meaning.”187

In Plato's work, the function “ἑρμηνευτική (hemeneutiké)” is sacral or religious. In

his work Epinomis, he puts “ἑρμηνευτική (hemeneutiké)” next to “μαντική (mantiké)” –

i.e., divination that lead to wisdom “σοφία (sofia)”, as the hermeneutician can only

understand that, which is said but what is said does not necessarily need to be considered

as true. One can understand the meaning of what is said but cannot decide its truth. To

distinguish this, one needs, first of all, the wisdom.188

What is the real relationship between the “ἑρμηνευτική (hermeneutike)” and “μαντική

(mantike)” cannot be further learned from Plato's works. It is certain that “μαντική

(mantiké)” cannot lead to the truth, because it contains a madness – “mania”. Therefore,

Plato goes on to explain to Timaeus that those who are in madness have no discretion to

judge the truth of what they say, even if it was of divine origin. The mad man is so far

besides himself that he can no longer rationally interpret his own experience. But to

whom does this rational competence belong? According to Timaeus, it belongs to the

prophet. Only he can find out the truth from the vision of a man who has gone mad. The

term “ἑρμηνευτική (hermeneutike)”, however, is not active in this relationship. The

question is, therefore, whether its activity belongs to the side of madness, which goes in

the line of “μαντική (mantiké)” or the prophetic side.189 The prophet thus becomes the

mediator between the gods and the people, and also the mediator between the people and

186 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 37. 187 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 19. 188 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 38. 189 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 38.

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the oracle - mediator. The hermeneutician is therefore the mediator, the mediator of a

function – “έρμηνεία (hermeneia)”, which can be in the process of being distinguished

indefinitely because there will always be a need to speak and convey more than one can

directly grasp by words.190

“In fact, every philosophical work has been interpreted, and thus many others have

stimulated the progress of hermeneutics. For example, Plato interpreted Protagoras

(Meno91d-92a, Theo. 152a, 161c-160d, Leg. IV.716c), and Aristotle interpreted

Parmenides (Met.I.5.986b18-987a2, IV.5.1009b23-27, XIV.2.1089a2-5), etc. Therefore,

there may be a belief that we should give primacy to Protagoras’ or Parmenides’ books.

But it is not a question of who was earlier in time, but whose work aroused many

questions and interpretations and thus attracted attention to exegetic facts and procedures.

The practice of interpreting artistic literature, i.e. works such as novels, plays, poetry, or

epics, is a kind of interpretation that has a long history. Obvious examples have been

documented already in Plato, who, on the one hand, frequently used quotations from

Homer (Resp. II.381d, IV.424b, V.468e, VII.516d, VIII.566d, etc.), but on the other hand

criticized Homer (respectively X.604b-608B). In addition, Plato also presented his own

view of interpretation (Phaedr. 274c-278e), his own hermeneutic analyses (Crat. 407e-

408d, 412c-413d, et passim), and also left an assessment of the ability of the Rhapsodes

(Ion 530b-c, 542a-b).”191

Plato developed tendencies present already in Socrates when he pointed out the

contrast between the technique of interpretation on the one hand, and one’s understanding

of the truth, on the other. Such tendencies continue to be accepted even today by

contemporary hermeneutics. In addition, Plato stressed the difference between the

philological methods and interpretation of content. The structure of hermeneutics could

be summarized as follows:192

Hermeneutics understood as “ἑρμηνευτική τέχνη (hemeneutiké techné)” -

hermeneutic technology, hermeneutical method, which is the art of correct interpretation

(ars interpretandi). In the first place, this art relates to interpreting religious texts,

prophecies and poetry.193 Knowledge is the path to a unique and genuine knowledge of

the truth. His second tendency is to determine the place of hermeneutics in clarifying and

understanding textual and contextual words that themselves cannot explain the truth. This

is clarified through philosophy.

190 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 38. 191 BAČA, M.: Stimuly hermeneutických bádaní. https://www.pulib.sk/web/kniznica/elpub/dokument/Olostiak4/subor/Baca.pdf 192 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 36. 193 LINGUŠ, J.: Biblická hermeneutika. Banská Bystrica: Trian, 2002, p. 18.

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The importance of hermeneutic function of the question. In his work Dialogues,

Plato introduces his starting points: namely, the importance of questions in a conversation

for one’s understanding and for a correct interpretation of what one hears.

Hermeneutics of Plato in his parable of the cave. It is Plato's way of

understanding the truth; the truth must be uncovered. One needs to uncover both, that

which was meant intellectually about a thing, as well as by the thing itself (intention).

Dialectical nature of Plato’s hermeneutic thinking. The theme touches upon the

interaction of man with the world, the relationships of the sensual and supernatural world

of perfect ideas. On this foundation, Plato proposed a theory that created a kind of

experiential and innate knowledge or recollection of the soul (recollecting namely where

it was before) – that is, the soul’s recollection of the truths. Man knows this world of

ideas through dialogical intellectual knowledge. Elements of the dialectical antiquity

pertained also to our understanding of the spoken word, which was delivered through the

conversation between the teacher and the student.194

Hermeneutic understanding and the problem of time. The topic touches on the

temporality of human life and its historically conditioned hermeneutic understanding.

According to Plato, human memories and remembrance become a place of meeting and

understanding of eternal truth and its understanding and acceptance in the present time.

Aristotle (Αριστοτέλης) (384 – 324 BC)

In several of the presented statements, as well as in the semantic field of the term

“hermeneutics” presented above, we dealt with clarity or mediation of meaning.

Interpretation seeks an inner meaning beyond what is expressed. Talking, in turn,

expresses inner meaning. This is the reason why the Greeks, when they spoke, thought

of “interpreting” as “ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein).” The expressed language is actually

transforming ideas into words. Therefore, the logical-semantic work of Aristotle entitled

“Peri ermhneiíaj (Peri hermeneias)” could be spread in the Latin world under the title

"De interpretatione".

In his work “Περὶ Ἑρμηνείας (Peri hermeneias),”195 Aristotle perceives hermeneutics

as a human ability - the ability to define statements that have a certain relation to truth or

things.196 “According to him, Hermeneutics is the art of formulating true statements about

194 HROCH, J. – KONEČNÁ, M. – HLOUCH, L.: Proměny hermeneutického myšlení. Brno: Centrum pro studium demokrace a kultury, 2010, p. 13. 195 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 19. 196 PALMER, E. R.: Hermeneutic. Interpretation theory in Schleiermacher, Dilthey, Heideger and Gadamer. Chicago: Northwestern University Press, 1969, p. 21. In: LINGUŠ, J.: Biblická hermeneutika. Banská Bystrica: Trian, 2002, p. 19.

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things.”197 The term “έρμηνεία (hermenia)” means for him an interpretation of the truth

expressed, which Aristotle understands as a logical expression of an interpretative

judgment about a fact. The nouns and verbs mentioned in the sentence mean nothing by

themselves. They serve as expressions of clarification, express confirmation or non-

confirmation (lie), and this is done through an intellectual act, which we call judgment.

The grammatical structure is much more important than going to a significant unity,

which is based on an understanding of the meaning of the words expressed, that is, the

unification of the expression and its understanding. Grammar is the instrument whose

structure and logic associated with it make understandable use of words within each

language. The words would otherwise remain just terms, without understanding what

they refer to.198 Depending on whether hermeneutics is related to truth, hermeneutics

determines the following aspects:199

1. Ability to formulate correct judgments about things, aiming at understanding

things and objects.

2. Hermeneutics is able to distinguish truth from untruth.

3. It contains implicitly contained logical thinking arrived at by deduction

proceeding from the known to the unknown.

4. Any formulation of the truthfulness or falsehood of things and facts cannot be

achieved without an objective analysis that selects essential tools for understanding and

interpretation. Simply put, where hermeneutics is forced to hold conclusions/judgments,

they need to be sorted and divided; thus, a relationship to logic is constituted.

The Aristotelian tradition is characterized by trust in human reason. Only through

diligent, sober and logical, philological examination of the text can one find and obtain

the truth.200 In Plato and Aristotle, we are confronted with the adaptation of the

intellectual wealth of the earlier ages to its present day, so the interpretation takes on the

context of a new position and a new era in which hermeneutic objects are interpreted and

updated. This practice is known to us in ancient times and is called allegory, which was

originally based on a rational interpretation of Greek mythology.201

A comprehensive research of Aristotle's work shows several positions of his

hermeneutics, which can be distinguished as follows:202

Hermeneutics as a problem of human expression. Along with Plato, Aristotle was

convinced that the world exists in duality. Aristotle, however, perceives the world as (1)

197 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 19. 198 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 42. 199 LINGUŠ, J.: Biblická hermeneutika. Banská Bystrica: Trian, 2002, p. 19. 200 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 19. 201 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 41; OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 20. 202 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 41-43.

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sensual and (2) the world of reason, which is permanent and immutable. In this duality,

however, he does not see the opposite (like Plato), but a mutual interaction. Aristotle's

interpretation then states that each thing has its own sensory qualities that one perceives

through its senses. By reason, however, one perceives the abstractions of the sensory

thing - but it is possible to know the thing itself as it is. Reasonable knowledge is,

therefore, mediated by sensory knowledge of things and facts. “As far as hermeneutic

thinking is concerned, the difference between Aristotle and Plato is that Aristotle (which

focuses on the exploration of expression) does not relate the gods, their messengers, and

people to one another, but essentially has the function of oscillating between the thoughts

of reason and souls and their linguistic expressions: concept, judgment and

definition.”203

Hermeneutics as a search for the meaning of words and their use. It is also

Aristotle's hermeneutic principle and conviction that the meaning of spoken terms in

speech is not only given by the terms themselves, but also by their use in dialogue. The

dialogue partner or the reader expresses the given meaning and these expressions are

understood through a rational act (through the dialogue) that creates judgment. Only then

can one have the ability to understand their same meaning in different language

expressions. Aristotle opened here the hermeneutical question that affects the translation

from one language to another. This process is not a pure transfer of terms and their

meaning, but requires a global perception of the meaning of discourse, which is intended

to translate (translation) through confrontation with that which one originally wanted to

say. Simply put, it is not possible to translate or translate terminology, it is necessary,

within a given historical context, to understand the initial meaning of words expressed or

written.

The hermeneutics of the distinction between “λόγος ἀπόφαντικός (logos

apofanticos)” and “λόγος ἐνδιαθετός (logos endiathétos).” The distinction between logos

apofanticos (outer word, outer language expression) and logos endiathétos (inner word,

as an act of understanding and understanding) represents the uniqueness of Aristotle’s

hermeneutics. The whole principle is that, before any truth is expressed in its linguistic

way, it first comes from the inner word that is the product of thought. According to

Aristotle, this is a rational judgment and the identification of precise rational concepts,

truth and being. Inner judgment determines the truth of words and discourses that relate

to existence and interaction with others. Thus arise the interpretations and understanding

of the words of others. The testimony of “έρμηνεία (hermenia)” is still the transmission

of thoughts in the soul, i.e. from the inside to the outside speech. Therefore, the term

203 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Hermeneutika. Prešov: Vydavateľstvo Katolíckej univerzity - Verbum, 2013, p. 41-43.

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hermeneutics is nothing more than the words “λόγος (logos)” and its radiance ad extra.

On the other hand, anyone who wants to interpret the uttered word must try to go the

other way, inward to “λόγος ἐνδιαθετός (logos endiathétos).” The Greek verb

“ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein)” appears here as a process of conveying meaning that goes

from outside to the inside of the meaning: thought - testimony, word - proclamation,

hearing - understanding.

Stoicism (ή ποικίλη στοά) (4th – 2nd century BC) and other authors

Within the topic of hermeneutics, stoicism focuses mainly on interpretative activity,

systematically and programmatically focusing on religious texts. We can define it as so-

called religious hermeneutics, whose subject matter is religious and mythological texts.

Stoicism focuses on their intellectual interpretation.204 The works of Homer were

practically interpreted in this and later period, where their meaning was conveyed to the

listeners. In the 3rd century BC, the most widespread was allegorical interpretation.

“Hermeneutics originated in the period of Hellenism in connection with the exploration

and publication of classical texts (e.g. those of Homer)”205 The Stoics were the main

cause of this. “Stoicism focuses mainly on the interpretative activity in hermeneutics; we

speak here namely programmatically and exclusively about religious texts. It is

essentially religious hermeneutics. Its subject is religious-mythological texts that

stoicism wants to interpret rationally.”206 Such collections of Stoic allegories in the form

of interpretation can be found in Heracles, Pontikos or in Homeric allegories by Plutarch

in the work De vita et poesia Homeri.207

Similarly, current research shows that in the early days of Christianity and the

interpretation of the sacred writings of Christianity - the Bible was based on the approach

and interpretation of ancient texts and works. There are many passages in the Bible where

it is obvious that the poet expressed himself metaphorically and the given passage cannot

be interpreted literally. “In this case, therefore, the initial [i.e. literal] sense of the text

gave way to a more spiritual sense.”208 With the help of allegorical interpretation, the

possibilities and ways of understanding and meaning of all ancient texts, including

biblical texts, began to be sought through interpretation. It is an interpretation of biblical

204 LINGUŠ, J.: Biblická hermeneutika. Banská Bystrica: Trian, 2002, p. 19. 205 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: Slovenský ústav svätého Cyrila a Metoda, 1992, p. 451; PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISIA: Židovský národ a jeho Svätá Písma v kresťanské Biblii. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 2004, p. 36. 206 PATZIG, G.: Stoa. In: Die religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Handwörterbuch für Theologie und Wissenschapf, dritte, völling neubearbeitee Auflage, zv. 6. Tubingen: J. C.B. Mohr, 1986, p. 384. In: LINGUŠ, J.: Biblická hermeneutika. Banská Bystrica: Trian, 2002, p. 19. 207 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 20. 208 PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISIA: Židovský národ a jeho Svätá Písma v kresťanské Biblii. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 2004, p. 36.

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texts, pointing out their secret spiritual meaning, which is hidden behind their verbal

meaning. By allegorical interpretation one obtains an allegorical sense, which is a

spiritual, or a more noble sense.209 The integrity and significance of the text has thus been

highlighted.210

4.2 Etymology of the Term Hermeneutics as a Problem

At present, etymologists, linguists, religionists and theologians are not always of the same

opinion on the etymology of the term “hermeneutics.” However, they also have a

semantically equivalent attitude concerning some questions. The explanation of the

meaning of the term 'hermeneutics' is based on its six basic Greek grammatical forms:

Nouns:

“ermhneu,j (hermeneus)”;

“ermhnei,a (hermeneia)”;

“ermhneuth,j (herméneutés)” – nominative;

Verbs:

“ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein)” – infinitive;

“ermhneu,w (hermeneuo)” – present, 1st person singular;

Adjectives:

“ermhneutikh, (hermeneutiké)” – singular adjective.

The Linguist and the Etymological Stance to the Term “Hermeneutics”

The linguistic standpoint to the term 'hermeneutics' is etymological and says that the term

'hermeneutics' is derived from the Greek noun “ermhneu,j (hermeneus).” However, the

etymology of the term is unknown to the linguists and is still inexplicable to this day. It

seems to be obvious that the word “ermhneu,j (hermeneus),” from which the other variants

of the term are derived, is not of Greek origin. The term is isolated in Greek. The term

“ermhneu,j (hermeneus)” originated most likely in Asia Minor and is probably of

Anatolian origin.211 It is also possible that the term may come from the Indo-European

language. What is certain in this case is that the term itself does not have parallels in

Indo-European languages. Indo-European languages are therefore considered to have

parallels in other languages. If such a word does not have parallels, then it is very likely

that the word is not Indo-European, which may be the case of the term “hermeneutics.”

209 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: Slovenský ústav svätého Cyrila a Metoda, 1992, p. 186. 210 JEANROND, W. G.: Hemeneutyka teologiczna. Krakow: WAM, 1999, p. 27. 211 PANCZOVÁ, H.: Grécko-slovenský slovník od Homéra po kresťanských autorov. Author’s email address. THE GREEK NEW TESTAMENT. Fourth Revised Edition. Dictionary. Stuttgart: Biblia- Druck, 1994, p. 73.

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However, we find the term used in two variations. It is in the meaning of both the

translator and the interpreter.212

We can provide the following characteristics and meaning of the term “hermeneutics.”

Enclosed in square brackets is corresponding etymology:213

ermhnei,a h and h` (pre-Socratic, X, Pl., Arst. Koine) [ermhneu,w] 1 expression

(their thoughts), ability of expression, second translation, the third interpretation,

explanation, ability to interpret;

ermh,neuma to, (E.) [ermhneu,w] interpretation, explanation;

ermhneu,j e,wj o (Hdt., X.) 1. interpreter, mediator, 2. interpreter, 3. announcer,

announcer [unknown etym.]

ermhneuth,j ou/ o (Pl., koiné) [ermhneu,w] interpreter, the translator;

ermhneutiko,j 3. (Pl., Lúk.) concerning expression / translation;

ermhneu,w (trag., att., koiné) [ermhneu,j] 1. to express (your thoughts), 2. to

communicate, to speak, (as a speaker) to give lectures, 3. (to act and med.) interpret,

translate, 4. interpret, explain.

Although linguists tend to be austere to etymology, many acknowledge the possibility

that hermeneutics may be a pre-Greek term related to old interpretations of mythological

narratives. Although its etymological origin is not yet clear and many explain it from a

variety of words and situations, the point is that its purpose is still topical and especially

effective - it helps one to understand the world. Hermeneutics “still retains its very

practical significance: it helps us in orientation in life and in search of its meaning.”214

* * *

All other etymological theories and aspects of the etymological development of the

term “hermeneutics” are considered to be incorrect by current language experts and

linguists. However, we can point to the paradox related to the ending of the word “eu,j”

as is the concept of “ermhneu,j (hermeneus).” This is because linguists themselves, within

their etymological rationale, are returning to Greek mythology, as the names of several

Greek gods from mythology end with this very ending “eu,j”. This “eu,j” present in the

concept of “ermhneu,j (hermeneus)” in fact refers to the typical words that are of pre-

Greek origin. Therefore, the ending of the term hermeneutics is a pre-Greek ending

derived probably from the Mycenaean and Aegean civilizations. This claim is supported

212 NEW CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA. Volume II. Washington, D. C.: The Catholic University of America, 1967, 1981, p. 507. 213 PANCZOVÁ, H.: Grécko-slovenský slovník od Homéra po kresťanských autorov. Author’s email address. THE GREEK NEW TESTAMENT. Fourth Revised Edition. Dictionary. Stuttgart: Biblia- Druck, 1994, p. 73. 214 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2016, p. 9.

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by dictionaries. See: Beekes, R.: Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Volume One. With

the assistance of Lucien van Beek. Leiden; and Beekes, R., Etymological Dictionary of

Greek. Volume Two. With the assistance of Lucien van Beek. These etymological

dictionaries argue that it is possible to recognize and identify words of pre-Greek origin.

They state that, in this context, Greek mythology is proof that the names and names’

ending of “eu,j” are of pre-Greek origin.215

And this is the case when linguists and religionists come back again and meet in

analyzing ancient Greek mythology.

Religious and Theological Opinion on the etymology of the term “hermeneutics”

The basic noun in the first person of the singular “ermhneuth,j (herméneutés)” is found in

the New Testament (contract, law) in the sense of an interpreter. This is mentioned, for

example: “eva.n de. mh. h=| diermhneuth,j( siga,tw evn evkklhsi,a|( eautw/| de. lalei,tw kai. tw/|

qew/|Å” “If there is no interpreter, the speaker should keep quiet in the church and speak

to himself and to God.” (1 Cor 14:28) with the variant “diermhneuth,j” in terms of

interpreter, translator.

The term “ermhnei,a (hermeneia)” is in the biblical texts of the New Testament

(covenant, law) as an example:

“a;llw| de. evnergh,mata duna,mewn( a;llw| Îde.Ð profhtei,a( a;llw| Îde.Ð diakri,seij

pneuma,twn( ete,rw| ge,nh glwssw/n( a;llw| de. ermhnei,a glwssw/n\” “... to another

miraculous powers, to another prophecy, to another distinguishing between spirits, to

another speaking in different kinds of tongues.” (1 Cor 12:10)

“Ti, ou=n evstin( avdelfoi,È o[tan sune,rchsqe( e[kastoj yalmo.n e;cei( didach.n e;cei(

avpoka,luyin e;cei( glw/ssan e;cei( ermhnei,an e;cei\ pa,nta pro.j oivkodomh.n gine,sqwÅ”

“What then shall we say, brothers and sisters? When you come together, each of you has

a hymn, or a word of instruction, a revelation, a tongue or an interpretation. Everything

must be done so that the church may be built up.” (1 Cor 14:26).

The biblical text points out that the term “ermhnei,a (hermeneia)” is used in the sense

of interpretation, or translation; both of these words refer to the First Letter to the

Corinthians, where they are referred to as the need to explain the meaning of the

unintelligible words spoken by those who had the gift of languages (glossolaleia).216

215 BEEKES, R.: Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Volume One. With the assistance of Lucien van Beek. Leiden – Boston, 2010; and BEEKES, R.: Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Volume Two. With the assistance of Lucien van Beek. Leiden – Boston, 2010, p. XIII - XLII. 216 NEW CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA. Volume II. Washington, D. C.: The Catholic University of America, 1967, 1981, p. 507.

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Derived verb “ermhneu,w (hermeneuo)” is etymologically derived from “ermhneu,j

(hermeneus)”.217 In the sacred biblical texts of the New Testament (covenant, law), it is

used in this form and it means: to translate, explain:

“h;gagen auvto.n pro.j to.n VIhsou/nÅ evmble,yaj auvtw/| o VIhsou/j ei=pen su. ei= Si,mwn

o uio.j VIwa,nnou( su. klhqh,sh| Khfa/j( o] ermhneu,etai Pe,trojÅ” “And he brought him to

Jesus. Jesus looked at him and said, “You are Simon son of John. You will be called

Cephas, which, when translated, is Peter.” (Jn 1:42);

“kai. ei=pen auvtw/|( u[page ni,yai eivj th.n kolumbh,qran tou/ Silwa,m ¿o] ermhneu,etai

avpestalme,nojÀÅ avph/lqen ou=n kai. evni,yato kai. h=lqen ble,pwnÅ” “Go, “he told him, “wash

in the Pool of Siloam” (this word means “Sent”). So the man went and washed, and came

home seeing.” (Jn 9:7);

“w-| kai. deka,thn avpo. pa,ntwn evme,risen VAbraa,m( prw/ton me.n ermhneuo,menoj

basileu.j dikaiosu,nhj e;peita de. kai. basileu.j Salh,m( o[ evstin basileu.j eivrh,nhj(” “and

Abraham gave him a tenth of everything. First, the name Melchizedek means “king of

righteousness”; then also, “king of Salem” means “king of peace.” (Heb 7:2).

Also, the term is used with the meaning "explain", for example: “kai. avrxa,menoj

avpo. Mwu?se,wj kai. avpo. pa,ntwn tw/n profhtw/n diermh,neusen auvtoi/j evn pa,saij tai/j

grafai/j ta. peri. eautou/Å” “And beginning with Moses and all the Prophets, he explained

to them what was said in all the Scriptures concerning himself.” (Lk 24:27).

The term “diermhneu,w (diermeneúo)” is used in multiple places - in the examples where

Jesus spoke and interpreted; he interpreted the fulfillment of the prophecies of the Old

Testament on Himself. A more or less theological, etymological opinion on the term

"hermeneutics" is located also in the older theological literature. One of the theological

interpretations associated the verb “ermhneu,w (hermeneuo)” with the Latin term “sermo,”

meaning speech and the Indo-European root meaning “to speak” in the Greek variant

“ἑρ” in Greek verb “ei;rw( ei;romai (eiro) (eiromai).” This was derived from the root “ἑρ”

referred to in Latin as “ser,” namely “Sermo,” meaning speech. Thus, according to these

interpreters, “ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein)” originally meant speaking and then also

translating words from a foreign language into a native language.218

In older dictionaries, however, it is possible to find that this derivation of the term was

questionable.219 It is not possible to find out why older authors turn to this way of

interpreting the term. Although this inference is currently considered to be wrong, it

217 PANCZOVÁ, H.: Grécko-slovenský slovník od Homéra po kresťanských autorov. Bratislava: Lingea s. r. o., 2012, p. 540. 218 COL, R.: Biblická hermeneutika. Olomouc: Lidové knihkupectví a nakladatelství, 1938, p. 11. 219 CHANTRAINE, P.: Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire des mots. Paris, 1968.

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seems that the authors were more concerned with the content of the term in the sense that

the idea can be translated into speech, i.e. expressed verbally - the interpretation of ideas

will be practically expressed in the interpreter's speech. Consequently, the verbs “to

express, to speak, to say, to tell, to narrate” are already in the semantic field of the term

hermeneutics.220

* * *

The current state of research on this issue can be assessed on the basis of the latest

Greek etymological dictionaries, such as Beekes, R.: Etymological Dictionary of Greek.

Volume One and in the next sequel Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Volume Two. This

dictionary does not accept such explanation and inference.221 Similarly, Panczová H.:

Greece-Slovak dictionary from Homer to Christian authors rejects such inferences.222

However, according to linguists, this etymology is unfounded and does not at all

correspond to Greek facts, as the root does not exist from a linguistic point of view. The

author may have mistaken this with a similar root, which is in the verb “ei;rw (eiro).” That

is, its root is quite different, because in the beginning there is a digamma vowel, which

does not change. The Greek etymological dictionaries present the following explanation

regarding the verb “ei;rw (eiro)” (Hom., Ep., Hdt., Att.):223 ἐίρω (Hom., ep., Hdt., att.)

(act.: pr. only Hom., fut. evrw/( evre,w( pf. act. ἐίρηκα, mp. ei;rhmai( 3rd pl. also

eivre,atai( aor. pas. att. evrrh,qhn( koiné evrre,qhn( ion. evre,qhn, verbs. adj. rhto,j p. basic) to

talk (other shapes and values of p. the le,gw%*

(med.: ión. = att. evrwta,w, p. also this; pr. ei;romai (shapes outside préz. and impf.

just ep.: fut. eivrh,somai (aor. evre,sqai( impt. e;reio% (to leave the said =) ask of [ei;rw z

«er&yw( fut. «ere& (pf. ev&«ere& (aor. «rh&( pf. «e&«rh&* ie. *ṷer∂1- *ṷre∂1-, cf. . lat., verb,

chet. werija -, gót. waurd, sta./angl. word, sthn./Ger. w/Wort “word“, skt. vratá-

„command, the promise“, lit. vardas "name", stsl. rota "oath" (cf. words. jury 'choir

judges Sworn").

If the Latin “sermo“ is related to a Greek word, it is as follows:224

220 THE ANCHOR BIBLE DICTIONARY: volume 3 H-J, New York: Doubleday, 1992, p. 149. 221 BEEKES, R.: Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Volume One. With the assistance of Lucien van Beek. Leiden – Boston, 2010; BEEKES, Robert. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Volume Two. With the assistance of Lucien van Beek. Leiden – Boston, 2010. 222 PANCZOVÁ, H.: Grécko-slovenský slovník od Homéra po kresťanských autorov. Bratislava: Lingea, 2012, p. 539. 223 PANCZOVÁ, H.: Grécko-slovenský slovník od Homéra po kresťanských autorov. Bratislava: Lingea, 2012, p. 401. 224 PANCZOVÁ, H.: Grécko-slovenský slovník od Homéra po kresťanských autorov. Bratislava: Lingea, 2012, p. 401.

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ἐίρω (Hom., att.: Hom. Only passport. ἐερμένος, ἔερτο) arrange, sort, merge,

compose (pass.) be interpreted, (Arst. About Herodotus’ style) λέξις εἰρομένη free style,

loose narrative (favoring assignment compound sentence) [questionable etymology:

either related to lat. Serere, (i.e. * Ser, cf. lat. Serere, pl. serum “knit connect” about the

Sermo “speech” arm. y-erum “linked, threading” according to EM it originally meant

Spiritus asper, p. also ὅρμος)]. But it is questionable whether the Latin “serere” is related

to “sermo” and whether “serere” is related to the just introduced characteristic of the term

“ei;rw (eiro).”

“They wrongly derive some έρμηνεύειν from ερμένος, part. pass. perf. verbs είςειν =

sort, compose.”225 However, it is evident from the presented etymology and

characteristics of the term “ei;rw (eiro)” that, the above-mentioned use of “be interpreted”

led several older theological authors to linking these etymological contexts and relations

(in terms of their contents, not so much their linguistic form).

At present, the religionists and theologians return to deriving meaning from the root

of the Greek verb “ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein),”226 and then to the very term “ermhneutikh,

(hermeneutiké),” in which they see in its original meaning a reference to the different

three levels of its understanding and interpretation:227

to express - to tell, to say, to speak, to narrate;228

to explain speech – to interpret229; (e.g. “diermhneu,ein“ in Lk 24:27);

to clarify, translate - interpret (e.g., “meqermhneu,ein” – “ivdou. h parqe,noj evn

gastri. e[xei kai. te,xetai uio,n( kai. kale,sousin to. o;noma auvtou/ VEmmanouh,l( o[ evstin

meqermhneuo,menon meqV hmw/n o qeo,jÅ” “The virgin will conceive and give birth to a son,

and they will call him Immanuel which means “God with us.” Mt 1:23 and “h;gagen auvto.n

pro.j to.n VIhsou/nÅ evmble,yaj auvtw/| o VIhsou/j ei=pen su. ei= Si,mwn o uio.j VIwa,nnou( su.

klhqh,sh| Khfa/j( o] e`rmhneu,etai Pe,trojÅ” “And he brought him to Jesus. Jesus looked at

him and said, “You are Simon son of John. You will be called Cephas” (which, when

translated, is Peter).” (Jn 1:42)

If the purpose of transmitting meaning is to give - inform, the term is used in

translation as an expression. The meaning of the expression is thus broad. It is free to

express inner meaning. If the goal is content when transmitting meaning, i.e. internal

225 COL, R.: Biblická hermeneutika. Olomouc: Lidové knihkupectví a nakladatelství, 1938, p. 11. 226 COL, R.: Biblická hermeneutika. Olomouc: Lidové knihkupectví a nakladatelství, 1938, p. 11. 227 THE NEW JEROME BIBLICAL COMMENTARY. New Jersey 07632: Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1990, p. 1147. 228 THE ANCHOR BIBLE DICTIONARY: volume 3 H-J, New York: Doubleday, 1992, p. 149. 229 NOVÝ BIBLICKÝ SLOVNÍK. Praha: Návrat domů, 1996, p. 285.

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meaning, the term interpret is used. The aim of both meanings is an important practical

matter: it concerns the clarity of the matter, i.e. to clearly convey its meaning.230

Greek mythology in its opinion on the etymology of the term “hermeneutics“

It is interesting that in several scientific and scholarly publications the term hermeneutics

as an etymological source of origin is quite often derived from the Greek god “~Ermh/j

(Hermes).” According to Greek mythology, Hermes is the son of Zeus, the supreme god

who rules over all earthly creatures on earth as well as the gods in the heavens, and Maia,

the lower-class goddess whom Zeus transformed into one of the stars in the Pleiades

constellation after her death.231 Hermes, thanks to his dexterity, deserved to be the

messenger of the gods, especially of the divine ruler.232 But he was also a guide to the

dead into the underworld, protecting merchants, speakers, inventors, pilgrims and

athletes, but also cheaters and thieves.233 He was the inventor of the lyre and flute, as well

as the teacher of the people to whom he gave many skills. He was portrayed as a young

man with winged sandals, thanks to which he could perform Zeus’ orders quickly and

efficiently.234 In some pictures he also had wings on his hat. Another alternative depiction

of Hermes is that in the form of an old shepherd with a beard.235

He was considered to be the most clever, inventive and cunning of all the Olympian

gods. According to one myth, on the first day after his birth he managed to leave the

cradle, invent a lyre and learn to play on it. In the afternoon of the same day he also

managed to steal the herd of cows from the god of light, fortune telling and poetic art.

When the god of light came to punish him, Hermes lied to him so skillfully and spoke

cleverly, until Apollo had brought him before Zeus. Although Zeus ordered Hermes to

return the herd, Hermes refused to obey and began playing the lyre. His play was so

beautiful that Apollo came up with the suggestion that Hermes could keep his herd in

exchange for his musical instrument.236

Hermes guarded the herds of shepherds in the territory of Arcadia, where he was born.

As a substitute for the Lyre, he devised and constructed a shepherd's whistle to enjoy

spare time. At the same time, however, he also managed to devise to start a fire, and he

also invented numbers, measures and writing. However, life on earth and living in a cave

became overwhelming. He longed to get back to Olympus among the gods who lived in

abundance and comfortable palaces. The gods welcomed him among themselves - not

230 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 36. 231 ZAMAROVSKÝ, V.: Bohovia a hrdinovia antických bájí. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2002, p. 265. 232 PETIŠKA, E.: Staré grécke báje a povesti. Bratislava: Ottovo nakladateľstvo, 2006, p. 184. 233 ZAMAROVSKÝ, V.: Bohovia a hrdinovia antických bájí. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2002, p. 2002, p. 182. 234 PETIŠKA, E.: Staré grécke báje a povesti. Bratislava: Ottovo nakladateľstvo, 2006, p. 184. 235 ZAMAROVSKÝ, V.: Bohovia a hrdinovia antických bájí. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2002, p. 2002, p. 184. 236 ZAMAROVSKÝ, V.: Bohovia a hrdinovia antických bájí. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2002, p. 182-183.

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only because he was the son of Zeus, but also because they knew about his abilities and

many inventions. Zeus entrusted him with the function of his personal messenger, and

Hermes soon became the ambassador also on behalf of the remaining gods of Olympus.

He also provided his assistance to ordinary mortals if they asked him to. He guarded

herds, accompanied and protected pilgrims, supplied athletes with strength, dexterity and

speed. He helped merchants make a profit and aspired people to succeed. He also gave a

helping hand to clever thieves and fraudsters. He only circumvented laziness and fools.237

In ancient Greece, Hermes was worshiped. The Greeks used to have his statue at the

entrance to the house because they believed that Hermes would protect their households

and bring them happiness.238 Later the ancient Romans also took over the Hermes cult

around the 5th century BC. They identified him with a god named Mercury from their

own pantheon, who was considered a god of commerce and profit. Over time, he began

to be considered a donor of wealth, as a result of his original function as a herd guardian,

whose breeding produced much profit. In addition, trade is related to travel and

sometimes fraud, which is why Hermes (or Mercury) was also credited with the role of

the god of travelers and fraudsters. His most important vocation, however, was the

patronage of messengers, heralds and envoys.239 All this information can be learned from

the literary monuments that have been preserved. It includes works such as The Iliad and

Odyssey of Homer or Sophocles’ dramas. Its appearance has been preserved thanks to

statues such as Hermes with little Dionysus by Praxiteles from 340 BC, Hermes Belvedere

by Roman sculptor, Hermes soul guide, Hermes tying up a sandal from the end of the 4th

century BC, or the marble statue of Hermes. Beginning with the Renaissance, he became

one of the most frequently depicted ancient gods overall. In the 19th century, his images

became a popular part of the decoration of banks, insurance companies, chambers of

commerce, etc. He is mentioned in many poems and songs. One of the planets - Mercury

- is named in the Latin form of Hermes' name.240

Petr Pokorný explains hermeneutics from the Greek word “ermhneu,ein

(hermeneuein),” whose meaning he also sees in the expression of divine things in human

speech, so he also refers to mediating the will of gods to people, but also adds

communication of people with gods through shaman. In addition, Pokorný translates it

as an interpretation of the written text and also a translation from one language to

another.241 Similarly, Martin Grassi sees the role of the translator as Hermes, who says

he is doing it because he also had to take the original message from the original

237 ZAMAROVSKÝ, V.: Bohovia a hrdinovia antických bájí. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2002, p. 2002, p. 183. 238 COTTERELL, A.: Mytológia. Bohovia, hrdinovia, mýty. Bratislava: Slovart, 2007, p. 61. 239 ZAMAROVSKÝ, V.: Bohovia a hrdinovia antických bájí. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2002, p. 184. 240 ZAMAROVSKÝ, V.: Bohovia a hrdinovia antických bájí. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2002, p. 184-185. 241 SLIVKA, D.: Hermeneutika univerzálna. GTF PU: Prešov, 2013, p. 15-16.

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environment to a foreign one without losing the identity of the original. The interpreter

may take the addressee of the message to the source of the language in which the message

was expressed, or may take the author of the message to the language of the recipient.

Both are a way of finding a way so that neither side loses anything. In a sense, it is

business - and Hermes, says Martin Grassi, was also associated with business. He was

also the patron saint of travelers, which can be metaphorically translated into the idea of

translation - that is, movement, travel between words. In this sense, he would also be the

patron of those who move from one language to another, and he himself described this

characteristic as the bearer and messenger of God's words to man.242 At the same time,

Martin Grassi also reports that Hermes is responsible for communication in the ancient

Greek mythological world despite suffering from stuttering. He thinks that this results

from the fact that the Greeks were aware of the paradox of language - words were created

so that we could understand each other, but at the same time they were the source of all

misunderstandings. We can talk, but that does not guarantee that we will understand each

other. And this is what hermeneutics itself directs.243

Several authors state that the historical - religious origin of “hermeneutics” is tied to

Hermes, with whom the ancient Greeks also associated the invention of scripture, rhetoric

and logic. The reason was his specific and fundamental mission, which was to convey

the will of gods among the gods and among people. Hermes was a young god in Greek

mythology, sent by the Olympian gods to bring people news and thus he brought or, as

some say, interpreted their will.244 However, this means that Hermes, as a mediator, first

heard the will of the gods, then understood it and then communicated it comprehensively

- or interpreted it to both gods and people. The whole process of this mediation task of

transmission thus contains and includes: listening, understanding and interpretation.

Homer, according to the ancient Greek tradition, is also regarded as an interpreter of the

will of the gods, as stated in the chapter on the function of the Aiods in ancient culture.245

From this follows, however, that:

the origin of the term is returning to, and at the same time is based on Greek

mythology,

the proponents of this theory also indicate that the term “hermeneutics” includes

the name of the Greek god Hermes: “~Ermh/j (Hermes)” and “ermhneuth,j (herméneutés)”

- subs. nominative.

242 GRASSI, M.: Hermes‘ Commerce: An Essay on Translation and Hermeneutics. https://www.academia.edu/30221782/Hermes_Commerce_An_essay_on_Translation_and_Hermeneutics. 243 GRASSI, M.: Hermes‘ Commerce: An Essay on Translation and Hermeneutics. https://www.academia.edu/30221782/Hermes_Commerce_An_essay_on_Translation_and_Hermeneutics. 244 FILIPIAK, M.: Człoviek wspołczesny a Stary Testament. Lublin: Katolicky Uniwersytet Lubelski, 1983, p. 55. 245 LINGUŠ, J.: Biblická hermeneutika. Banská Bystrica: Trian, 2002, p. 18.

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derivation of the term hermeneutics “ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein)” and that of

“ermhneuth,j (herméneutés)” and that the “~Ermh/j (Hermes)” meant to carry out (mentally,

verbally and practically) certain activities in the way of Hermes - to “herme,” that is, to

imitate Hermes.246

Etymologically, however, this term is most likely not associated with the name of the

god Hermes, who was a messenger, but not an interpreter of the will of the Olympian

gods.247 Even this etymology is no longer accepted today. The names of the Greek gods

are being handled very carefully today, and it is generally admitted that we do not know

anything about them. In the Greek etymological dictionary, the following interpretation

of the term and the name “~Ermh/j” ou/( ión. e,w( ep. ~Ermei,aj o` (ión. accus. ~Erme,hn% is

presented:248

“Hermes,” the Greek god (= lat. Mercurius, Egyptian Thovt), the mediator

between heaven, earth and the underworld: the messenger of the gods, the guide of people

and the souls of the dead, leading them to the underworld; eloquent and cunning patron

of merchants and thieves; the Stoics identified Hermes with Logos; in the Hellenistic

period, he gets an occult charge, in the hermetic literature he appears as Hermes

Trismegistos, a powerful wizard, triumphing over the forces of darkness;

“oi ~Ermai/ - herm (pl. hermai or hermae),” square pillars in the upper half formed

into a statue of Hermes, “avpo. tw/n ~Ermw/n” of the street hermoviek (Athens: X) [Unknown

Etymology, the Mycenean e-m-a (= Hermāhās, most likely Aegean]. Also, it could be

stones pointing to and showing the right direction to go safely to one’s destination.249

Hermes, as a messenger and spokesman for the gods, is also considered to be the

engine of speech and scripture that evolved from the association of diverse meanings.

The most important of these are:250

“Speech” - the ability of logical formulation and comprehensible expression;

"Translation" - the ability to combine the meaning of one medium or to find

something to which it relates;

"Commentary" (explanation) - clarification of something mysterious or

unknown.

246 HROCH, J. – KONEČNÁ, M. – HLOUCH, L.: Proměny hermeneutického myšlení. Brno: Centrum pro studium demokrace a kultury, 2010, p. 11. 247 NEW CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA. Volume II. Washington, D. C.: The Catholic University of America, 1967, 1981, p. 507; GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 39. 248 PANCZOVÁ, H.: Grécko-slovenský slovník od Homéra po kresťanských autorov. Bratislava: Lingea, 2012, p. 540. 249 Discussion. Conference: Studia Humanitatis Ars Hermeneutica IV. Ostrava – Czech Republic, 9/10. maj 2012. 250 THE NEW JEROME BIBLICAL COMMENTARY. New Jersey 07632: Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1990, p. 1147.

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In mythological religious narrations and texts, we must immediately notice the basic

religious-theological hermeneutic structure. This consists in the succession of the basic

religious-existential facts of life of an archaic man. This consisted of individual elements

that can be applied to hermeneutics:251

mythological narrative (message) / mythological text (source),

the proclamation and belief of people in the gods of the Greek pantheon,

understanding - comprehension

mediator - interpreter

communication heard and understood by the listener

On the other hand, there are linguists returning to this interpretation and deriving the

term “hermeneutics” from it. They rely on the explanation of the Greek verb “ermhneu,ein

(hermeneuein),” which likely refers to the importance of Greek mythology, specifically

the god Hermes.252 Besides the kinship of this concept, along with the functions and

activities of the god Hermes, we can also lean on the explanation that here we have to do

with an expression of divine things (including inspiration, which is the idea/feature of

Athena and the Muses) through human language.253

4.3 The semantic field of the term “hermeneutics” and current scientific

research

At present, a similar triple structure of the semantic field based on the Greek verb

“ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein)” is also discussed by prof. Petr Pokorný in his latest work

entitled Hermeneutics as a Theory of Understanding. In the above-mentioned

publication, the Greek verb interprets the meaning in a triple structure:254

1. to mark the expression of divine things with human speech - this function took

place on two levels. Once there was a mediation between gods and men through man in

ecstasy or a prophet; in the second case it was a mediation between people and the

mediator itself,255

2. translation from one language to another,

3. interpretation of written text.

The meaning of the term “hermeneutics” is also explained in the evaluation written

by G. Ebeling, who does not say anything about the etymology of the term, but also

251 LINGUŠ, J.: Biblická hermeneutika. Banská Bystrica: Trian, 2002, p. 18. 252 BOWKER, J.: Boh. Krátka história. Bratislava: Ikar, 2004, p. 206. 253 POKORNÝ, P.: Hermeneutika jako teorie porozumění. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2006, p. 19. 254 POKORNÝ, P.: Hermeneutika jako teórie porozumění. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2006, p. 19. 255 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 38.

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distinguishes his three meaningful directions of the Greek verb “ermhneu,ein

(hermeneuein):”

express (utter, speak);

interpret (interpret, clarify);

translate.

It can be said that the last two expressions have the same function, because translating

something, that is, interpreting, means interpreting foreign sounding sounds into familiar

language and therefore, in a sense, interpreting what is being conveyed. Since

interpretation has been combined with conveying meaning, we have two basic meanings

of the term “ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein)” to express and to interpret. J. Pepin has found a

common denominator for these expressions, and in both cases, "the movement of spirit

is targeted at understanding." Once, the meaning is directed outwards and once inside. In

“expression,” the spirit gives, to say the least, its inner contents outward. In

“interpretation,” the aim is to penetrate the expression and find its inner content.256

The evaluation of the term “hermeneutics” includes the major scientific pioneer in the

field of philosophical hermeneutics, H.G. Gadamer and his student, J. Grondin, who says

the following with respect to hermeneutics: “For interpretation and translation, which

is also frequently called ermhnei,a, means nothing other than the reversal of a process in

which something is made understandable, which is the basic purpose of speech.”257

The most appropriate term to be given as a translation from Greek to Latin, i.e. from

the Greek verb “ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein),” is the Latin verb “interpretari,” which has

also passed into the English language as “interpretation.”258 Here it is important to

perceive the function of the term “ermhnei,a (hermeneia)” in translation. It is still a clear

reproduction of what is meant. It was this connection that was of decisive importance in

early Latin literature and in patristic in the translation of Greek terms:259

“ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein),” which is translated into Latin as “interpretari”;

“ermhnei,a (hermeneia),” which is translated into Latin as “interpretatio”.

At present, the term “hermeneutics” can also be used in scientific monographs and

studies, but in Latin it is referred to as “hermeneutica.” This, more recent term, is a

translation of the Greek adjective: “ermhneutikh, (hermeneutiké),” into the Latin language

as “hermeneutica.” The term “hermeneutics” thus becomes “terminus technicus” for the

sciences “hermeneutica universalis” and can therefore be explained as a theory of

256 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 36. 257 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 40. 258 BORŽÍK, Š.: Hermeneutika. In: TYROL, A. a i. (zost.): Dokument PBK Interpretácia Biblie v Cirkvi. Zborník prednášok z medzinárodnej konferencie konanej na Katecheticko - pedagogickej fakulte sv. Ondreja ŽU v dňoch 23. - 25. októbra 1997. Ružomberok: Edis, 1998, č. 1, p. 65. 259 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1997, p. 39.

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interpretation.260 Both in the previous observations and in this case, nothing is said about

the etymology of the term “hermeneutics.” The etymology of the term hermeneutics

remains quite unclear at present. 261

The interpretation and exposition of the Greek term “ermhnei,a (hermeneia)” covers a

vast area that modern experts are trying to regain and extend in their understanding of the

hermeneutic tasks of the religious and theological field:262

In the first place, it can rely on its own interpretation of the language, because

language reflects and interprets what is in someone's mind (consciously and

unconsciously), or even on what creates identity, existence and personality of someone.

This process is presented dynamically, not statically; not just a proven intention or

identity to find an exact expression in a language. In several actions of linguistic

communication, someone's identity and intent may develop or even arise. In the biblical

conversation, we must struggle with the lack of ability of the (human) biblical language

to convey God's “intention,” “will,” and “person.”

Secondly, it can describe the process of translation from one language to another

- a process that follows the mechanical analogues words and enter into the issue of

transfer of one culture and its worldview to another culture. This applies to Bible study

because many early Christians knew that Old Testament was not used in the Hebrew

original, but in the Greek - Septuagint, and because the Gospels convey Jesus' message

not in his own Semitic language, but in the Greek language - koiné. A specific aspect of

the translation is the transformation from an incomprehensible language to an

understandable language, for example: “the hermeneia of languages” (1 Cor 12:10),

which was a charismatic gift with a magnanimous aspect.

In the third place, the term “ermhnei,a (hermeneia)” can be used for interpretation

by discussion and explanation, which is a more official approach.

Textbooks of previous generations have often lost this marginal sense of hermeneutics

which covered speech, translation and interpretation.263

A special category in antiquity is represented by hermeneutics in the Christian era. It

was focused on the interpretation and subsequent interpretation of the sacred texts of

Christianity - the Bible. Therefore, it also develops within theology and is later mentioned

as a separate biblical science - biblical hermeneutics. In it, hermeneutic rules are applied

to the subject, which is the sacred texts of the Old and New Testaments (covenant, law).

260 SŁOWNIK WIEDZY BIBLIJNEJ. Warszawa: Vocatio, 1996, p. 213. 261 THE ANCHOR BIBLE DICTIONARY: volume 3 H-J, New York: Doubleday, 1992, p. 149. 262 THE NEW JEROME BIBLICAL COMMENTARY. New Jersey 07632: Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1990, p. 1147. 263 THE NEW JEROME BIBLICAL COMMENTARY. New Jersey 07632: Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1990, p. 1147.

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The final statement therefore sets out two positions on the term “hermeneutics,”

reflecting the current scientific research evaluations of it. There are two ways of

understanding the use of the term hermeneutics that we can observe already from the

times of the ancient Greece:

1. Focus on etymology - there is a constant problem concerning the etymology of

the term 'hermeneutics', which has been unclear;

2. Focus on usage - its semantic field, which includes a wide range of expressions

that are semantically related and close.

In the humanistic sciences, hermeneutics, in the general sense of the word, deals with

problems related to understanding and comprehension, interpretation, textual analysis,

the human, the human history, and culture. The hermeneutician is not easily satisfied with

the established or attained sense but seeks a hidden deeper sense or normative truth. The

differences between the concepts of hermeneutics are based on the examined subject (in

the understanding of the text), in the questions asked, both closer and more distant,

methods of interpretation and understanding, as well as less or clearer epistemological

and ontological bases - assumptions. The following types of historical designators of

hermeneutics can be distinguished:264

1. practice or result of interpretation and understanding of the text,

2. a system of rules establishing or constituting a method of interpretation and

understanding of the text,

3. methodology of interpretation - theological, philosophical, legal or humanistic -

general,

4. general theory of interpretation and understanding of text,

5. theory (methodology) of knowledge of human sciences,

6. philosophical direction in the form of ontological, epistemological,

anthropological, historical theories of understanding in general.

Equally important is the semantic field reported by prof. Jaroslav Hroch in his work

entitled: Metamorphoses of Hermeneutic Thought. The author himself states that due to

the complex development and use of the term “ermhneu,ein (hermeneuein)” the term has

several differentiated meanings and is therefore understood as:265

art of semantic interpretation of texts

the process by which one can determine the point of view that determines the

attitude of the speaker to the subject of the interview

264 ENCYKLOPEDIA KATOLICKA. Tom II. Lublin: Towarzystwo naukove katolickiego uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 1993, p. 770. 265 HROCH, J. – KONEČNÁ, M. – HLOUCH, L.: Proměny hermeneutického myšlení. Brno: Centrum pro studium demokrace a kultury, 2010, p. 11.

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teaching the prerequisites and phenomenology of understanding and

comprehension

method of understanding as hermeneutic circle: from whole to parts, from parts

to whole

theory of justification (substantiation) of the process of understanding

the philosophical method of understanding human being and being in general as

it is the basis of every knowledge.

The notion of hermeneutics today affects all the humanities, because of the inherent

interconnectedness in these sciences: interpretation - explanation and understanding -

comprehension.

The term “hermeneutics” and its semantic field of words

At present, each language contains synonyms and ambiguous words. Synonyms follow

identical words that have different forms but have the same or similar meaning. Then it

is the multi-meaning words that refer to several different facts, have multiple meanings,

and these meanings are similar and somehow related.

The same is true of the term hermeneutics. Each language contains hermeneutics

synonyms as well as multi-meaning words, which in many cases are semantically

equivalent. For a correct understanding of the questions it is important to characterize

and explain the different terms that are used:

Word - expression of the inner world of man (thoughts, desires, emotions,

feelings). At present, the language of science and philosophical hermeneutics recognizes

the multiplicity of meanings of the text. Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish the

meaning and purpose of word and text for each word. “Word - the smallest meaning unit

of a single morpheme or composed of multiple morphemes and bounded in space by a

space, in the language system by boundary signals (e.g. accents), in speech by some

phonetic phenomena (e.g. assimilation); it indicates an object, storyline, state, property,

relationship, etc.”266

Meaning (lat. Significatio) – “The meaning of its internal contents which the

individual words together differentiated and thus give rise to facilitate communication.

A single word can have multiple meanings. This is determined by popular or scientific

convention.”267 Meaning is thought content (content component of a language

266 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~kravcik/filit/pojem.php?obl=Slovo&pobl= 267 KROVINA, M.: Všeobecný úvod do Písma svätého. Košice: Univerzita P. J. Šafárika, 1993, p. 110.

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expression)268 as the meaning of a word or a sentence. In this case, it makes sense as a

subcategory because the word can only be used in a certain sense.269

Sense (lat. Sensus) - “Sense is a word meaning that a single word has in a speech

context. The decisive interpreter of the meaning of individual words of speech is the one

who speaks or writes that which was uttered.”270 Sense is also characterized as the main

and essential idea of something (the meaning of the word), and its meaning at that

moment is meaning expressed in linguistic form. At the same time, this creates an

understanding and acknowledged attitude of understanding and comprehension, which

represents the ability to capture meaning.271 It is also characterized as a “logical, ethical,

causal, teleological, aesthetic semantic entity associated with the action, the sentence,

the word, the work. Here, meaning is tied to the bearer of the sense: the content of the

sense can be given as purpose, value, idea, substance. Methodically, the most important

process of sense research is understanding; understanding man for something (e.g. sense

of humor, sense of family, etc.).”272

Speech - under speech, synonyms are defined such as utterance, message,

language, conversation.273 It is described as “an individual component of language,

dependent on the will and rational ability of the speaker; represents a personal,

individual way of implementing the language system;”274 or “systematic and logical

ordering and articulated expression of words.”275

Language - “a system of expressive sign means of a certain community that

serves as a tool of thought, communication and storage of knowledge, its subdivision.

The term speech is also used as a synonym.”276 It is a “system of signs used for

communication, which is realized in oral communication by articulated sounds and in

writing by graphic marks. Language is the subject of research in several sciences

(philology, linguistics, psychology, etc.), philosophy and theology.”277

Understanding - means to come to the sense of something, to perceive, to

understand, to realize (to come to knowledge), to interpret, to explain (to determine the

268 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~kravcik/filit/pojem.php?obl=Vyznam+jazykovy 269 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 877. 270 KROVINA, M.: Všeobecný úvod do Písma svätého. Košice: Univerzita P. J. Šafárika, 1993, p. 110. 271 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 964. 272 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~filit/fvz/zmysel.html. 273 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 593. 274 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~kravcik/filit/pojem.php?obl=Rec&pobl= 275 KROVINA, M.: Všeobecný úvod do Písma svätého. Košice: Univerzita P. J. Šafárika, 1993, p. 110. 276 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 187. 277 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~kravcik/filit/pojem.php?obl=Jazyk&pobl=

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cause) gradually to understand.278 Or, it is a “reconstitution (recreate) of the meaning of

something (words, text, events, crime, etc.) in the consciousness of man. It is also being

investigated, among others, by hermeneutics.”279

Interpretation - “is the clarification of the meaning of something, explanation,

commentary; enlightening, clarifying, coherent, usually comprehensive speech,

lecture.”280 Interpretation is an explanation of the meaning of something for some reason,

such as:

1. explanation - the aim is to explain and make something understandable,

2. comment - the goal is to provide a critical comment on events.

3. It can also be interpretation if it is an objective interpretation of the law or even

academic environment, including lectures, which represent a coherent interpretation of

an educational nature.

Therefore, the verb in the infinitive to interpret is defined primarily as to give an

explanation of the meaning, essence and basic principle of something that includes the

following terms as to explain, clarify or even illuminate.281

Interpret - the object gets closer by presenting the closest possible circumstances

through which it is made understandable and comprehensible. Other synonyms are: to

explain, to illuminate, to clarify, to exposit, to express, are also close to its original

meaning. In the artistic sphere, there are synonyms such as playing, reproducing or

portraying.282 As a foreign word, it is defined primarily as to interpret, explain, perform,

or even render (theater plays), to perform a musical composition.283

Interpreter - a person who interprets, exposits, explains, or mediates

knowledge.284 An interpreter is someone who explains or interprets something

professionally in the case of a written text. At the same time, he represents an artist, actor

or musician who plays a theatrical role or plays a musical work.285

Interpretation “(from Latin interpretatio = interpretation, explanation) - form of

realization (e.g. musical interpretation) or interpretation, i.e. revealing the nature of the

phenomenon, its causes, conditions and way of existence or efforts to understand the

meaning of the phenomenon. In the disciplines of art, such as in literary science, the

starting point for the interpretation is a literary text and the aim of the interpretation is

278 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 165. 279 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~filit/fvch/chapanie.html. 280 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~filit/fvv/vyklad.html. 281 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 848. 282 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 181. 283 SLOVNÍK CUDZÍCH SLOV: Praha: Academia, 1995. Slovenské pedagogické nakladateľstvo, 1997, p. 414. 284 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 181. 285 SLOVNÍK CUDZÍCH SLOV: Praha: Academia, 1995. Slovenské pedagogické nakladateľstvo, 1997, p. 414.

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to understand and interpret the meaning of the work of art as adequately as possible,

paying attention to a specific, individual work of art as a distinct whole.”286 It is an

explanation and interpretation of the text. In legal terminology,287 it is an interpretation

of legal provisions. It is therefore a clarification of the meaning of the law. In this case

too, it is the actor's performance or the musical composition of the artist-performers.

Clarification - “an explanation, an interpretation that makes something clearer,

more understandable. Clarification means revealing individual history. Clarification is,

in the most original sense, an ontological change, one of the processes of ‘inscedence,’

a change in the state of the human individual from a misunderstanding to a

comprehension or from a vague understanding to a clearer understanding.”288 It is also

an activity that aims to make something clearer and more obvious. As synonyms, in

certain situations, the terms illuminate, clarify, explain and/or explicate - by introducing

closer circumstances, something understandable, clarifying, demonstrating, illustrating

and justifying is presented.289

Explanation – “explanation, explication - putting essential circumstances or

causes of something not clear enough or not quite understandable, indication of context

events, familiarity with the meaning of something, clarification, interpretation.”290 The

term is used as a synonym of the word interpretation.291

Explain - is characterized as an activity, in which, through the stated reasons and

circumstances, the subject matter is made clearer and understandable. Likewise, the

following synonyms are used for the word ‘to interpret’ - to clarify, make clearer,

substantiate, to justify.292

286 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~kravcik/filit/pojem.php?obl=Interpretacia&pobl= 287 SLOVNÍK CUDZÍCH SLOV: Praha: Academia, 1995. Slovenské pedagogické nakladateľstvo, 1997, p. 414. 288 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~kravcik/filit/pojem.php?obl=Objasnenie&pobl= 289 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 367. 290 PIAČEK, J., KRAVČÍK, M.: FILIT. Otvorená filozofická encyklopédia. http://ii.fmph.uniba.sk/~kravcik/filit/pojem.php?obl=Objasnenie&pobl= 291 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 869. 292 KOLEKTÍV AUTOROV: Synonymický slovník slovenčiny. Bratislava: SAV, 1995, p. 869.

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5 HELLENISM - HISTORY, CULTURE, AND SOCIETY

5.1 Historical Context

Hellenism encompassed the last three hundred years before Christ, and historians have

long been considering the time of the decline of classical Greek culture. However,

Hellenization meant the penetration of Greek culture into new regions of the world,

especially to Egypt, Syria and the Middle East. Greek has become a world language. The

Greek language called “koine” had an impact on all the cultures with which it came into

contact, including Jewish culture. The spread of Greek culture has manifested itself not

only in public administration, economics, but also in culture, education, religion,

literature, and the arts. Constantly influencing the inhabitants of Greece and the Middle

East, a new form of civilization has emerged, spreading rapidly and raising culture

generally to a high degree.

Hellenism represents an epoch that began at the turn of the 4th and 3rd century BC.

In modern consciousness, it is a time of decline and fading of classical Greece. However,

Hellenism was a time when Greek culture became the connecting force of its

contemporary world civilization. Classical Greece remained the pinnacle of Greek

culture as a recognized standard, and it was the Hellenistic epoch that set this standard.

If it is possible to adequately understand the impact of Hellenism on the surrounding

nations, it is necessary, first, to explain its circumstances and origins.

The term Hellenism" is based on the Greek term:293

“Ἑλληνικός (hellenikós)” 3 (rag. Hdt., Att., Koiné) [Ἑλλην], which is the first

Hellenistic, Greek, ἐν T ῃς ǫ. (Γλώσσῃ) Greek, cf. Ἑλλάς, Greek-minded, Greek-keen,

patriotic, 3. (adv.) Ἑλληνικώς in Greek, according to Greek customs, in the Greek way.

“Ἑλληνιστής (hellenistés)” ου ὁ (NZ) [ἑλληνίζω] Hellenist after a Greek-

speaking Jew, as opposed to speakers of Aramaic

“Ἑλληνίζω (Hellenizo)” (att.) [Ἑλλην] 1.a. speak (correctly) in Greek, b. (in

koiné) speak in koiné / Hellenistic Greek (as opposed to ἀττικίζω), 2. heal, learn Greek,

translate into Greek.

In general, it means imitating or acquiring the Greek language - namely the nationwide

ancient dialect introduced by Philip II. Macedonian, who was also the official language

of Greek culture.294 The General Encyclopedia Dictionary defines Hellenism as: “the

economic, social and cultural period of antiquity, from the second half of the 4th century

to the 30th BC. The domination of Greece by Macedonia and the conquest of the Persian

293 PANCZOVÁ, H.: Grécko-slovenský slovník od Homéra po kresťanských autorov. Bratislava: Lingea, 2012, p. 437. 294 GREEN, P.: Alexander Veľký a helenistické obdobie. Bratislava: Slovart, 2008, p. 12.

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Empire by the Macedonian and Greek troops gave rise to a new type of state in which

Greek and Oriental civilization elements were applied. The new social conditions

brought the expansion of professional and technical knowledge and a new flowering of

art, based on Greek culture.”295

Hellenistic period begins with the expansion “Αλέξ ανδρος ὁ Τρίτος ὁ Μα κεδών

(Alexandros ho Tritos ho Makedón), or ὁ μέγ ας Ἀλέξ ανδρος (Ho Megas Alexandros)”

- by Alexander the Great (334/6 - 323 BC, who was the direct son of Philip II.

Macedonian. This expansion, also due to historical tensions (the Greco-Persian War)

between Greece and Persia, was particularly directed towards the Persian Empire.

Alexander the Great planned to establish a world empire, which would be ruled by a

monarch and the empire would have a common language, education, and culture. From

very early age he had excellent teachers: Leonidas trained him in the military arts,

Lysimachus in literature and Aristotle taught him the foundation of ethics, rhetoric, and

politics.296 He was a tenacious reader of Greek historians, poets, and playwrights. He had

an excellent memory that allowed him to quote anyone and whenever he wanted to.297

Aristotle had a great influence on young Alexander, leaving a lifelong interest in science

and medicine. His expeditions were attended by experts from various areas of life and

they were the main sources of information about Alexander and the situation in the

Ancient Near East in the following period. His expeditions were attended by historians,

scientists, geographers and builders, each in his way to document Alexander's heroic

deeds.298 Since his childhood, Alexander had a special psychological power, activity, and

goal, as well as a lack of personal remorse. However, at that time, no one considered

Alexander to be a threat or danger to the Persian Empire, which had conquered several

provinces in the areas of the Ancient Near East.299

After the settlement and unification of the individual Greek parts into one unit in 334

BC, Alexander focused on Persia, which was ruled by Dareios III of the Ayaymen

dynasty. Alexander together with the army in May 334 BC crossed Hellespont and

intervened in the fighting with the Persians. The victory allowed the liberation of the

cities of Ionia, which was an important motivation for his expansion and expedition. After

the victory, however, Alexander appointed governors for these territories, showing that

he did not intend the cities to be completely free, but instead to join the Macedonian

territory. In 330 BC, he already controlled Egypt and the entire Persian Empire. The team

ensured the domination of the entire Asia Minor. He gradually conquered Syria, Palestine

295 PAULIČKA, I. a kol.: Všeobecný encyklopedický slovník G – L. Praha: Ottovo nakladatelství, 2005, p. 165. 296 KOŠTÁL, A.: Veľké civilizácie. Bratislava: Ina, 1993, p. 78. 297 GREEN, P.: Alexander Veľký a helenistické obdobie. Bratislava: Slovart, 2008, p. 48. 298 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 14. 299 ALDEBERT, J. - BENDER, J. a kol.: Dejiny Európy. Bratislava: Mladé letá, 1995, p. 58.

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and reached the borders of India.300 For the defeat of the Persian king, he was given the

title “The Great,” which has survived to the present day.301 The Egyptians welcomed him

as a liberator and crowned him as their pharaoh.302 A part of the Eastern Ceremony was

the “proskynesis,” that is, the offering divine honors to the sovereign. Alexander did not

initially demand this ceremony. It was not until later that he demanded that his subjects

talk to him on his knees and worship him. It was required of the defeated Persians, but

he accepted it the Greeks and Macedonians.303

It is uncertain whether Alexander the Great's goal was to gain world domination and

establish a unified world empire. It is clear, however, that his primary objective was to

gain primacy over the Greeks. The idea of expansion towards Persia came much later.

His greatest desire probably was to open trade routes for Macedonian merchants to the

countries of the Orient and the Ancient Near East.304

At that time it was customary to establish a town in a conquered territory, which the

conqueror named after himself, or named after a relative. It is said that Alexander the

Great founded in the ancient Near East about 70 Hellenic cities. These cities were built

according to spectacular geometric plans and changed the shape of the world at that time.

Although Alexander the Great's contribution to building cities was immense, it cannot be

assumed that he went to civilize the so-called “barbarian” territories. Urban culture

existed in the East before the arrival of Alexander the Great but grew up in different

socio-economic conditions. Though cities were rare in the Persian Empire, there were

significant fortified cities in Syria. Many of its towns were formed by combining villages

and smaller towns and mostly played a strategic role. They originated at important

crossroads of trade routes. They were to perform political, administrative, commercial

and cultural roles.305

The most important city, which Alexander has founded (in 331 BC), was, without a

doubt, the Egyptian Alexandria, which for many centuries, has become a major center of

Hellenistic culture.306 In a short time, an extraordinary group of foreign immigrants,

including Alexandrian Jews, was transferred there to translate Hebrew sacred texts into

Greek. No other Hellenistic city has ever been able to match the extraordinary beauty of

Alexandria in Egypt, its wealth, commercial success and intellectual elegance.307 By

establishing a mint and minting of silver coins valid in all the conquered territory, he

300 DRAŠKABOVÁ, E. a akol.: História ľudstva. Bratislava: Slovart, 1992, p. 25. 301 KOŠŤÁL, A.: Veľké civilizácie. Bratislava: Ina, 1993, p. 78-79. 302 FARRINGTON, K. a kol.: Atlas svetových dejín. Bratislava: Mladé letá, 2004, p. 33. 303 ZUBÁCKA, I.: Kapitoly z dejín antického Grécka. Nitra: UKF, 1998, p. 130. 304 POKORNÝ, L.: Řecké dědičství v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 34. 305 POKORNÝ, L.: Řecké dědičství v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 36. 306 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 44. 307 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědičství v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 37.

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created a common money market, which was greatly appreciated by traders. The coins

that Alexander had minted from captured silver meant a great economic impulse for the

development of new cities. This gave rise to the first large money system with banks

providing various loans, transactions, and interest. Previously, in Egypt, precious metals

and other foreign currencies were used for payment. During Alexanders’ time coins with

himself and Ptolemy dynasty were used. In the territory, he controlled the established

administrative and financial system were changed only sporadically. All he had to do was

to change the officials, most of whom were Macedonians, to pay fees and taxes directly

to his treasury.308

Towards the end of his life, he required from everyone to worship him as a god.309

The cult of a sovereign was one of the reasons why Hellenism was considered a time of

decline. It must not be forgotten that even in the time of the Athenian democracy, real

power was concentrated in the hands of a powerful monarch, and thus limited the

arbitrariness of local ruling classes.310 There was nothing extraordinary on Alexander's

side because in many cultures of the Ancient Near East there were cults of monarchs such

as the cult of the Egyptian Pharaoh. The king was perceived as the son of gods and visible

sign and therefore had been given various donations and offerings with exception - the

people of Israel. Liberated Egyptians never thought of Alexander as an intruder and

conqueror, but contrary, they regarded him as a liberator of Egypt and a rightful ruler.

The Egyptians themselves worshiped him as the son of the last Egyptian Pharaoh, a god

in human form.311 Alexander the Great soon realized that if he wanted to create a united

Macedonian-Persian empire, he needed to bring the European and Asian populations and

their culture closer together. He organized gymnastic and music competitions, and in

addition to the competing Egyptians, he also invited Greeks.312 To speed up the

interconnection of cultures, he also organized the wedding of ten thousand of his soldiers

with Persian girls.313 He himself married Darius' daughter Roxana, uniting his personal

and state interest with this marriage.314

Alexander the Great was one of the most problematic figures in world history. There

would hardly be another character of such significance in history that we knew about so

much and so little, at the same time. We know a lot about his actions, but we know very

little about him as a human being. But as Jacob Burckhardt wrote: “Without Alexander

we would know so little about the Greeks and we would be very uninterested in

308 GREEN, P.: Alexander Veľký a helenistické obdobie. Bratislava: Slovart, 2008, p. 91. 309 RENAUL, M.: Alexandr Veliký. Praha: Brána, 1996, p. 111. 310 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědičství v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 38. 311 WELLNER, L.V.: Ptolemaiovci. Praha: Epocha, 2011, p. 34. 312 ZUBÁCKA, I.: Kapitoly z dejín antického Grécka. Nitra: UKF, 1998, p. 128-129. 313 ALDEBERT, J. - BENDER, J.a kol.: Dejiny Európy. Bratislava: Mladé letá. 1995, p. 58. 314 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 35.

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it.” Alexander created a realm that after his death († 323 BC) fell completely apart, but

for centuries has retained the leadership in the field of education, science, culture, ethics,

and business and thus became the foundation of our modern European civilization.315

It is the historical period of Greek culture, which was in its greatest bloom

from the time of Alexander the Great (336-323 BC) to the emergence of the

Roman Empire (31 BC under Emperor Augustus). However, its influence

dates all the way to the Middle Ages and even to the Renaissance period.

The center of Hellenism was Alexandria in Egypt. The literary and

communication language was a colloquial form of Greek called “koine”.

From the religious point of view during the Hellenism, syncretism prevailed,

its characteristic features being: the cult of the emperor, the mysterious

oriental cults, the cult of the heavenly bodies, fatalism and superstition. The

unified culture and language of Hellenism have played an important role in

spreading the Christianity in the Roman Empire.316

When Alexander the Great conquered the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, he

began to consciously Hellenize these areas,317 which meant that Macedonian and Greek

cultures were gradually merging with new, foreign cultures. Hellenization, which reached

its peak in the 2nd century BC, and culminated culturally in the beginning of the Roman

Empire, was a process in which some civilization contradictions were overcome, it

bridged language barriers, and linked different cultural traditions.318 Hellenization is, for

this reason, by other authors also defined as “adoption or enforcement of the Greek

Hellenistic culture and language.”319

One of the fundamental characteristics of Hellenism was the establishment of Greek

cities. Cities were not founded as completely new cities without their history, and thanks

to their original traditions, interesting blends of one culture and many traditions were

created.320 Hellenistic - Greek culture is adjusted to the political and economic conditions

in which they had developed. Subsequently, traditional domestic elements began to

penetrate the ancient culture and strongly influenced its content. Alexander the Great,

during his short life, founded many cities and named many after himself. The most

famous, and certainly the most successful, was Alexandria near Egypt, built along the

315 BAMM, P.: Alexander Veľký alebo premena sveta. Bratislava: Slovenský spisovateľ, 1971, p. 15-20. 316 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: Slovenský ústav svätého Cyrila a Metoda, 1992, p. 448. 317 “Helenize” - to heal, to give something Greek. PAULIČKA, I. a kol.: Všeobecný encyklopedický slovník G – L. Praha: Ottovo nakladatelství, 2005, p. 165. 318 POKORNÝ, L.: Řecké dedictví v Orientu. Praha: ISE, 1993, p. 19. 319 HERIBAN, J.: Handbook of Biblical Sciences. Rome: Slovak Institute of Saints Cyril and Methodius, 1992, p. 448. 320 DROZDÍKOVÁ, J.: Základy Judaizmu. Bratislava: SNM, 1993, p. 19.

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eastern stretch of the North African coast.321 “Alexandria was of military importance

rather than a strategic port, but was also a commercial and cultural center at the

crossroads of Africa, Asia, and Europe.”322 Although Alexander the Great originally

planned to make Alexandria the main strategic base for the Eastern Mediterranean, it has

quickly become the most cosmopolitan center of the ancient world. No other Hellenistic

city has ever been able to match the unique blend of Alexandria's commercial success

and intellectual elegance.323

5.2 The Ptolemy and Seleucid Dynasties

After his death, the subjugated Alexander Empire disintegrated and power struggles

began between Alexander's generals and commanders for his legacy. The territory was

divided by its leaders and Alexander's dream of unification of East and West completely

disappeared in administrative terms.324 Then they began to make history several dynasties

established their successors, later named the “Diadochi (from Greek Διάδοχοι

(diádochoi) - followers, successors).” The Diadochians tried to gain as much territory as

possible. First European: Macedonia, Greece, and Thrace; second Egypt; third Asia

Minor and fourth Babylon. The territory of Syria - Palestine was argued about by the

diadochas of Babylon and Egypt, specifically:325

The Ptolemais in Egypt,

Seleucids in Asia,

Antigonians in Macedonia.

Alexander's ideas were most successfully promoted by the Ptolemy family. Of all

Alexander's successors, the Ptolemaic dynasty had long resisted Roman domination.326

During their reign, there was a great boom in architecture and artistic activity in the

Ancient Near East. Following the example of pyramid builders, they wanted to be gods

here on earth and secure eternal success and glory.327 In the early days of their reign they

began to imitate the Eastern kings. Following the example of ancient Egyptian temples,

they began to build new cult centers and shrines. Today we can admire them all over

Egypt.328

321 GREEN, P.: Alexander Veľký a helenistické obdobie. Bratislava: Slovart, 2008, p. 84. 322 POKORNÝ, L.: Řecké dedictví v Orientu. Praha: ISE, 1993, p. 37. 323 GREEN, P.: Alexander Veľký a helenistické obdobie. Bratislava: Slovart, 2008, p. 86. 324 KOŠŤÁL, A.: Veľké civilizácie. Bratislava: Ina, 1993, p. 79. 325 VARŠO, M.: Počúvaj Izrael ... Prešov: GTF PU, 2013, p. 188. 326 ZUBÁCKA, I.: Kapitoly z dejín antického Grécka. Nitra: UKF, 1998, p. 135. 327 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 118. 328 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 75.

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Greek Athens completely lost their previous political and cultural significance during

the Egyptian rule of the Ptolemy and never regained again their lost first place. Migration

still progressed towards the East, creating new trade routes, not counting with Greece

anymore.329 Athens, despite losing its prestige, managed to maintain at least a cultural

primacy. Greek philosophy managed to maintain its position and began to educate the

rich Roman aristocracy.330

Alexander's followers established dozens of new towns in the dominated territory,

which they named after themselves and their relatives. But they completely changed the

organization of the cities. The cities set up under their administration were directly

supervised by the Greeks. These towns were supported and enhanced by the rulers in

every way possible.

The change was brought only by the first ruler of Egypt: Πτολεμαῖος Α 'ὁ Σωτήρ

(Ptolemy I. Soter (367 - 283 BC)). Unlike the Seleucids, he did not continue to build

cities with his Greek government.331 He appointed the most reliable Egyptians and those

who approved and supported his government in managing the city. This change in

staffing had both advantages and disadvantages. The pace of dissemination of Greek

culture slowed and there was less impact than in the other Hellenized world. Greek, on

the other hand, spread further and was the second language of the educated population.

Paradoxically, the richest centers of the Ancient Near East have become the centers for

spreading of the Greek culture.332 Under the rule of Alexander's rulers, Egypt,

Alexandria, or Syrian Antioch, far outstripped and overshadowed ancient Greece. The

metropolis of Alexandria was not considered an Egyptian city. To distinguish it from

other cities founded by Alexander the Great, they did not call it Egyptian Alexandria, but

Alexandria near Egypt. Her monuments, once famous all over the world, no longer exist

today.333

Ptolemy I. Sótér wanted to be for his Egypt what Alexander was for his empire.

Shortly after the coronation, he began to mint his own face on coins. He reasonably

introduced Greek-Macedonian reforms into the life of the Egyptians. In 304 BC he had

been crowned a Pharaoh with respecting the ancient traditions of Egypt. According the

calculations, the ceremonial act of the coronation took place on the day of the death of

the great king the Argeian. He had guessed well that Egyptians must not be subject to

subordination and oppression. During his reign, he never interfered with the property,

never taking the land that belonged to the king and the temples. The rumor of his wisdom

329 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 46. 330 LEŠKO, V. - MIHINA, F. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: Iris, 1993, p. 54. 331 WELLNER, L.V.: Ptolemaiovci. Praha: Epocha, 2011, p. 80. 332 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 36. 333 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 76.

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and kindness has spread far beyond the borders, and this has attracted many scholars

coming from all over Helada. His role model was Athens. Following the example of

Athens, he founded the Museum in Alexandria - “μουσεῖον (museion)” or “μουσαῖον

(musaion),” which served as a scientific and artistic institution. The Alexandrian Museum

(Shrine of the Muses), together with a huge library, has become the world's first center

of science, especially natural sciences.334 Pharaoh provided substantial financial support

to students from various regions of the world, and with his support, Greek and foreign

scientists from all fields of the study found employment. He gained great favor from the

scholars by these actions.335 When the Alexandrian Library was founded in 295 BC, he

helped scholar and philosopher Demetrius Falerian. In the pre-Hellenistic period,

libraries were privately owned by wealthy citizens of the city. Education was mostly

disseminated orally, in public places, and during this period rhetoric and philosophy

arose. For Demetrios, it was an example of the Athens Academy and Lykeion. The

museum was connected to a library to attract the most educated men in the world. Egypt

took over the leadership of the Ancient Near East. He received direct funds from Ptolemy

to secure books and could use them in unlimited quantities. He bought books mainly in

Athens. During his stewardship, he collected about two hundred thousand different books

in the library. Ptolemy as a historian not only supported education but also contributed to

the library with his works.336 For the time being, it was the richest and largest public

library. From the stored files, some copies were made to be carefully archived and then

translated into Greek. In this environment, a Greek translation of the Old Testament

(Testament, Law) known as “ἡ μετάφρασις τῶν ἑβ δομήκοντα (hē metaphrasis tōn

hebdomēkonta)” Septuagint - LXX was created.337 Tradition said it was at the request of

Ptolemy I. Sótér.338 This translation was then used by Hellenistic Jews who lived in the

city and no longer mastered the Hebrew language.

Ptolemy gave impetus to achieve unity in the religious feelings of the Greeks and

Egyptians, to create a new deity to internally unite Egypt and throughout the eastern

Mediterranean. He renamed Osiris, originally worshiped, to Serápisa. He built a

sanctuary in Sérápeion to secure his religious honors.339 The new cult was officially

introduced in 287 BC.340 After his death he was proclaimed God and given the attribute

Sótér, meaning the Savior.341

334 PELIKÁN, O.: History of Ancient Art. Prague: SPN, 1971, p. 40. 335 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 52. 336 WELLNER, L.V.: Ptolemaiovci. Praha: Epocha, 2011, p. 99. 337 NANDRASKY, K.: Dejiny biblického Izraela. Bratislava: ECM, 1994, p. 147. 338 KOŠŤÁL, A.: Veľké civilizácie. Bratislava: Ina, 1993, p. 47. 339 ZUBÁCKA, I.: Kapitoly z dejín antického Grécka. Nitra: UKF, 1998, p. 130. 340 HARENBERG, B. a kol.: Kronika ľudstva. Bratislava: Fortuna Print, 2001, p. 132. 341 BORECKÝ, B.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 237.

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Πτολεμαῖος Β' ὁ Φιλάδελφος (Ptolemy II. Philadelphus (309 - 246 BC)) did not fall

short of his father. During his reign, he completed Alexandria and completed the

construction of the lighthouse on the island of Faros. He has codified some of their rights

for minorities living in the city, especially Jews.342 His strength was education and

prudence. In memory of his father he established in the years 279 - 278 BC a regular

holiday he called Ptolemy. The main attraction was the endless and magnificent

procession that ran through the streets of Alexandria.343 With admirable care and interest,

he cared for the well-being and development of his country, which cannot be said of the

other Ptolemies.344 During his reign, the number of books and scrolls in the library

exceeded nearly half a million, and the library was no longer sufficient. For him,

education was a matter of prestige, so he built a second library at the Serapis temple.345

Under his rule, the remains of Alexander the Great were probably transferred to the

Múseion in Alexandria.346

The government of Πτολεμ αῖος Γʹ ὐ Εὐεργέτης Αʹ (Ptolemy III . Euergetés (246 -

222 BC)) was known to have acquired valuable books at any cost. For the original books,

which were imported from Athens, he gave a large amount of gold as a deposit, but only

returned copies.347 His agents visited the most important library markets. The king was

supposed to have searched all ships and seized the found books. During his rule in

Alexandria he kept the most important scientists and artists. He sought out new talents,

not only from Egypt but also from various countries that were subject to Egypt and

attracted them to work under excellent financial conditions in the Múseion.348

Πτολεμαῖος Δ' Φιλοπάτωρ (Ptolemy IV. Filopatór (222-204 BC)). During the reign

of Ptolemy IV. Filpatór began the decline the Ptolemaic Empire. This period is also

characterized by the gradual military conflict between Syria (Seleucids) and Egypt

(Ptolemais) due to the acquisition of the territory of Palestine that belonged to the

Ptolemaic empire.

Under the Πτολεμαίος E 'ὁ Ἐπιφανής (Ptolemy V. Epiphanes (204-180 BC)) the

territory was shrinking, permanently losing Syria and Palestine. Several historical

sources are talking about this situation as well as the book of Daniel.349

Πτολεμαίος Ζ ' Φιλομήτωρ (Ptolemy VI. Filométór (180-145 BC)) issued an active

and open policy to the other culture of East. For example, he allowed Jews who, during

342 NANDRASKY, K.: Dejiny biblického Izraela. Bratislava: ECM, 1994, p. 150. 343 SWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 114. 344 WELLNER, L.V.: Ptolemaiovci. Praha: Epocha, 2011, p. 110. 345 ALDEBERT, J. - BENDER, J. a kol.: Dejiny Európy. Bratislava: Mladé letá, 1995, p. 59. 346ZUBÁCKA, I.: Kapitoly z dejín. antického Grécka. Nitra: UKF, 1998, p. 133. 347 GREEN, P.: Alexander Veľký a helenistické obdobie. Bratislava: Slovart, 2008, p. 99-100. 348 WELLNER, L.V.: Ptolemaiovci. Praha: Epocha, 2011, p. 159. 349 NANDRASKY, K.: Dejiny biblického Izraela. Bratislava: ECM, 1994, p. 151.

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the reign of Antioch IV. and Demeth I. left Jerusalem to build a temple in Leontopol. The

Jews used it until 73 AD.350

Πτολεμαίος Η 'Ευεργέτης Β' (Ptolemy VIII. Euergetes II. (145-116 BC)) is known in

the context of history by expelling all scholars and scientists from Egypt. It was the end

of Alexandrian science. Expelled scholars returned the favor by spoking and writing the

worst about him. No matter how hard he tried to reign in Egypt, no one had ever remedied

his bad reputation. An unknown chronicler wrote about him that by pure accident he

happened to be the cause of a cultural revival in the entire inhabited world. This means

that by driving out of the city all the scholars, artists, philosophers, mathematicians,

doctors, who had to take care of their livelihood, they began to teach what they knew best

thus bringing up many new scholars and science experts. Since that time, Alexandrian

scientists have become the educators of all Greeks, barbarians throughout the Ancient

Near East.351

Other rulers of the dynasty were no longer known nor influential. Gradually, Egypt

fell into the decline. Πτολεμαῖος Νέος Διόνυσος Θεός Φιλοπάτωρ Θεός Φιλάδελφος,

(Ptolemy Neos Dionysos Theós Philopator Theós Philadelphos, Ptolemy XII. (80-51

BC)) Ptolemy XII. was already totally dependent on new power of the Roman Empire

and, as a king, eventually was expelled from Alexandria.352

Less intense was the spread of Greek culture in the Seleucid Empire. Their territory

reached as far as India, but these territories did not last long. In the beginning of their rule

smaller Hellenistic oriental states began to liberate themselves. King of Syria Σέλευκος

Α' Νικάτωρ (Seleucus I. NIKATOR (312-281 BC)) nevertheless founded the city of

Antioch (today's Turkey), which experienced great fame, glamor, and riches. The Greeks

and Syrians lived there, as well as a large and influential Jewish group.353

The Seleucids also founded Greek cities throughout the Empire, where local traditions

were maintained alongside Greek culture. The Parthian kings took over much of the

Greek heritage. At the court, Greek was spoken, there were Greek comedies and Greek

artists present. Ἀντίοχος A’ ὁ Σωτήρ’ (Antioch I. Soter (281-261 BC)) was Hellenized

Persian and decorated his temples and shrines with colossal statues of Greek-Oriental

deities, which connected Persian and Hellenistic tradition. He built ten large funeral

shrines, as well as smaller tombs. The images of the Seleucid rulers have been preserved

on coins and seals. Already during the 3rd ct. BC the Seleucids began to lose one colony

after another.354

350 GREEN, P.: Alexander Veľký a helenistické obdobie. Bratislava: Slovart, 2008, p. 72. 351 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 181. 352 WELLNER, L.V.: Ptolemaiovci. Praha: Epocha, 2011, p. 306. 353MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 37. 354 BOUZEK, J.: Umění a myšlení. Praha: Triton, 2009, p. 184-185.

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For a short time, their previous glory was returned to Ἀντίoχoς Μέγας (Antiochus III

the Great (223 - 187 BC)), whose voyages were comparable to those of Alexander the

Great. The second period under the Seleucid rule was marked by wars, nationalism and

social conflicts. It began after the Syrian War (201-198 BC), in which Antioch III.

managed to defeat Ptolemaic troops at Paneasi (Bányás) and lasted for more than 60

years.

The most critical period of government Seleucid years was period of Ἀντίοχος ὁ

Ἐπιφανής (Antiochus Epiphanes) Antiochus IV. Epiphanes (175-163 BC), Antioch's son.

The period of his reign is marked by a great effort for Hellenistic occupation of

Palestine.355

Hellenism, as expected, was not only a time of Greek cultural history, where Greek

language and culture spread throughout the regions of the Orient. It was not only a

separate historical stage in the development of Greece, but also a stage in the

development of Macedonia, Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Asia Minor, Armenia, and Persia

leaving visible traces in India, too. In all these areas, a culture has emerged, which was

strongly influenced by Greek culture and a language called “koine”. Both, Babylonian

and Egyptian history were also written in Greek.356

The Hellenistic Empire was connected through sovereign power. Seleucid Empire,

which included many Greek cities and autonomous regions, was connected only by the

authority of the king. Persians and other nations shared common laws imposed by the

king and only what the king had determined was considered as just. The king was the

personification of the law. The Seleucid Empire had no special name. It was simply called

the kingdom and its inhabitants were characterized as those who live under their king.357

The end of the Hellenistic period is generally determined by Octavian’s victory over

Antony and Cleopatra in the 1st ct. BC, which removed the last of these dynasties, the

Ptolemaic.358 The Ptolemaic Empire in Egypt and the Seleucid Empire in Syria existed

for nearly 300 years, but Hellenistic culture continued for another hundred years in the

Roman Empire.359

5.3 Hellenistic Philosophy in the Context of the Times

Hellenistic philosophy began to emerge at a time when Greece has lost its independence

(the 4th ct. BC - 4th ct. AD). At the time of Hellenism, Greek philosophy was also

355 RENAUL, M.: Alexandr Veliký. Praha: Brána, 1996, p. 135. 356 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 46. 357 BOUZEK, J.: Umění a myšlení. Praha: Triton, 2009, p. 184. 358 GREEN, P.: Alexander Veľký a helenistické obdobie. Bratislava: Slovart, 2008, p. 11. 359 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 213.

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changed.360 We might characterize Hellenistic philosophy as “post-Aristotelian” because

the very philosopher Aristotle (384-322 BC) was the teacher of Alexander the Great. The

characteristics of the “post-Aristotle” Hellenistic philosophy means, that some of

Aristotle's basic themes are pushed to the outskirts. In Hellenistic philosophy, however,

these were the topics of prior interest, such as philosophical themes about the meaning

of the movement of the world from which historical thought could evolve. However,

ethical issues, especially personal ethics, come to the front in Hellenism, too. Physics and

logic are discussed when it is necessary to solve specific problems. The reason for

philosophical considerations about the greater context and connection in Hellenism is the

effort to cope with one's life problems.361 Pyrrhus of Eliade (365-275 BC) is considered

the oldest and the first Hellenistic philosopher, concentrating on the Hellenistic

epistemology.362 It is only in Hellenism that epistemology is born as a systematic

reflection of the possibilities and boundaries of knowledge, its criteria, and tools.363

Hellenistic philosophy first began to address the personal problems of human being.

At that time, there were already several schools: Stoics focused on a personal ethos and

the virtues, Epicureans studied fullness of life, Skepticism talked about personal turn

from the outside world to that of privacy. Diverse religious movements allowed the

worship of various cults. The teachings from the Ancient Near East and Egypt also

expanded. They offered various answers to personal and public problems, making

Hellenism close to our present day.364

Under the influence of constant wars, the Hellenistic person’s view of life and the

world has also changed. The individual strata of society felt hopelessness, fear and

hardship of everyday life. In these difficult times, they sought advice from philosophers.

Greek gods in the world of wars and major transformations appeared also helpless and

defenseless.365The period in which people felt connected with their nation and city-states

was over. People were no longer interested in the emergence of the world, humans and

their causes. The centerpiece of philosopher and philosophy was human being, his/her

morality, ethics and the desire for blissful happiness.366

Hellenistic philosophy coincided with the previous classical period of Greek

philosophy and with the later emerging Roman philosophy. It held central position in-

between these philosophies.367 Hellenes have created an experimental science of

360 KICZKO, L. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: SPN, 1997, p. 33. 361 POKORNÝ, L.: Řecké dedictví v Orientu, Praha: ISE, 1993, p. 149-150. 362 BARKER, C. H.: Slovník kulturálních studií. Praha: Portál, 2006, p. 46. 363 KALAŠ, A.: Raný pyrrhonizmus neboli blažený život bez hodnot? Praha: Oikoymenh, 2007, p. 13-16. 364 BOUZEK, J.: Umění a myšlení. Praha: Triton, 2009, p. 173. 365 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 52. 366 KICZKO, L. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: SPN, 1997, p. 37. 367 LEŠKO, V. – MIHINA, F. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: Iris, 1993, p. 54.

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philosophy, later developed by Western civilization.368 The Greek man began to free

himself from the mythical interpretations of the world and sought to understand and

explain the world by well-known and logical considerations.

In the classical period, philosophy began to move from the squares to public buildings,

institutions that were part of grammar schools (gymnasium). The grammar school

(gymnasium) tradition grew out of the Greek “pagan” world. It was linked to the cult of

Heracles and Hermes. Young members of leading families were raised in Greek schools

in a Greek way. This resulted in an opening towards international trade and culture. At

the same time the townspeople, allowed to educate their children in the classical

Hellenistic “gymnasium” and let them practice the efebeione – “εφηβεία (efebeia)” -

mandatory military service. Young boys had to complete the service between 18-20 years

of age. Later, efebeia became the physical and moral preparation of the city's inhabitants.

Where the school structure was not too strict, efebeia was focused on the discipline of

adolescents (for the non - Greeks it was also a preparation to enter Hellenism.) There they

learned the Greek language and the Hellenistic culture. In this period, a positive attitude

was particularly crystallized towards everything that had any connection with the

Hellenistic culture. It was fashionable to speak Greek, to behave according to Hellenistic

culture, and to gain an education at a grammar school (gymnasium). It certainly offered

certain prestige and good education for the aristocratic families.369 The school consisted

of a group of friends who used the building and its equipment. The books were used by

all of them, but the leaders of the schools were their actual owners. Plato's Academy and

Aristotle School continued in the tradition of their founders and both had great authority.

Hellenistic rulers (kings) were also among their students.370

In the last years of the 4th ct. BC. new philosophical schools began to educate. Unlike

Plato and Aristotle, Hellenistic philosophers no longer created new universal systems.

They started to work in public places ("stoia") or sanctuaries. The most important

philosophical movements in the Hellenistic era were: Epicureanism, Stoicism, and

Skepticism.371 The Epicurean and Stoic schools operated at the same time, but their

teaching was quite different, especially concerning understanding human life and in

finding a way to make one happy and live blissfully.372 The schools were in constant

competition and opposition, and although they were dealing with practical problems, they

368 ALDEBERT, J.-BENDER, J. a kol.: Dejiny Európy. Bratislava: Mladé letá, 1995, p. 59. 369 VARŠO, M.: Počúvaj Izrael ... Prešov: GTF PU, 2013, p. 194. 370 BOUZEK, J.: Umění a myšlení. Praha: Triton, 2009, p. 195. 371 LEŠKO, V. – MIHINA, F. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: Iris, 1993, p. 55. 372 RIST, J. M.: Stoická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenth, 1998, p. 45.

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taught people how to live and where to look for real happiness. There were many

differences and contradictions among them.373

Hellenistic philosophy has stood in opposition to religion. The distant Olympic gods

had to give way to the Eastern religions, which proclaimed retribution or punishment in

the afterlife for the acts done in this world.374

* * *

The founder of the Epicurean school was Epicurus (341-271 BC). He spent his

childhood on the island of Samos. At the age of eighteen, he moved to Athens, where he

became acquainted with the writings of Democritus and later founded his philosophical

school.375 The school was founded in 306 BC. He started teaching in the garden and

therefore his followers were called as “the ones from the garden.” His students lived very

modestly. The lectures were attended by various citizens: they could be women but also

slaves.376 He hung a sign above the garden wall: “Foreigner, you will be well here. Here,

pleasure is the greatest good.” This inscription caused many misunderstandings. The

Epicurus was seen by many as an enjoyer, indulging in pleasure. To live a happy life and

to know how to keep happiness, according to Epicurus, was to lead an apolitical life.377

The pleasure was understood rather as a moderate way of life, which was filled with

spiritual enjoyment of philosophical meditation.378 His kind and pleasant nature secured

for him several supporters and admirers. He radiated love for people and his desire to

free them from suffering and fear. He was not only a teacher for his followers but also a

friend. Whoever knocked on his gate was received.379

Epicurus divided his philosophy into physics and ethics. His physics was the doctrine

of origin and extinction, and about the nature. But ethics was the real center of his

teaching. Above all, he cared for humans to act freely, to know what to choose, what to

renounce and how to live, to attain blissful life and the ultimate goal.380

One should live in harmony and peace. He could only achieve this while getting rid

of fear and pain. Therefore, he did not have to be afraid of gods, and death, he had to do

good deeds everywhere, and avoid evil. He refused to fear one's death because he did not

believe that there was life after death. When one got rid of the fear of death, he gained a

373 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 51. 374 ZUBÁCKA, I.: Kapitoly z dejín antického Grécka. Nitra: UKF, 1998, p. 40. 375 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 154. 376 LONG, A. A.: Hellénistická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2003, p. 30. 377 PAPROTNY, T.: Stručné dějiny antické filosofie. Praha: Portál, 2005, p. 146. 378 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 56. 379 PAPROTNY, T.: Stručné dějiny antické filosofie. Praha: Portál, 2005, p. 147. 380 BORYS, E.: Filozofia a dejiny filozofie. Košice: UPJŠ, 1994, p. 261.

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new life. It was up to the person to live life in the right way. It was also the ideal of a

wise man. One could not avoid suffering and pain, but every suffering would pass away

and new joy should come.381 He was opposed to the influence of gods on human life. He

denied the interference of gods in human life and denied the immortality of the soul. He

opposed the Greek folk religion. After one’s death, nothing exists. Therefore, he was

accused of atheism (or godlessness). The goal of human actions was to be happy.

Suffering was to be avoided and only the pleasure sought. Human being, as the only

creature, received reason as a gift and thus differed from other beings. That is why one

should also use it.382

His school lasted probably about 227 years (from 270 to 44 BC). Later the school was

transferred to Rome, where his teaching was promoted by the philosopher and poet Titus

Lucretius Carus.383 Epicurus' philosophy was the philosophy of happiness. He died in

Athens as a happy man in 271 BC. He taught how to live correctly, living this way himself

and therefore died as a happy person. Epicureanism from its very beginning was well

received and flourished in Antioch and Alexandria, and was the only philosophy of

missionary character, ever created by Greeks.384

* * *

The second philosophical movement was Stoicism. The founder of the school was

Zeno of Citium (336-264 BC) who opened his school roughly around 300 BC. The school

was in pillared corridors called "stoia". It was a painted colonnade, and Zenon gave

lectures about his thoughts there.385 He transferred his teachings to the public space and

his students were mostly young people, for whom, his way of life served as great role

model.386 His teachings were based on the fact that human being had his/her destiny pre-

destined and despite the effort, he/she could not change it and must accept it.387

He taught that the world can be explained rationally and that humans are organized in

such a rational way. The most important goal of human being was to live in harmony

with nature and thus with gods. This can be known only through reason and the sense of

good and evil.388

381 PAPROTNY, A.: Stručné dějiny antické filosofie. Praha: Portál, 2005, p. 146. 382 LONG, A. A.: Hellénistická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2003, p. 61. 383 LEŠKO, V. - MIHINA, F. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: Iris, 1993, p. 55. 384 LONG, A. A.: Hellénistická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2003, p. 62. 385 BORYS, E.: Filozofia a dejiny filozofie. Košice: UPJŠ, 1994, p. 158. 386 RIST, J.M.: Stoická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1998, p. 31. 387 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 153. 388 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 65.

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Epicurus and Zenon wondered what was the greatest human desire. In this matter,

their opinions differed. Zenon considered the most important goal of human being to

strive to preserve one’s own life. Longing for pleasure ended up only in the second place.

The virtuous man was at the forefront of his ethics. He could control his desires and

passions, but he had to subordinate them to his reason.389 One could never lose the virtue.

The greatest virtues were wisdom, strength, moderation, and justice. These four virtues

were the first among the hundreds.390 The philosopher according to his understanding

was never mistaken, all did well and never regret what he did. Reason knew what was

good and what was bad.391 A wise man could accept good and evil, happiness and distress

because they are part of destiny. A wise man was guided by reason, when he was

reasonable he was also a responsible statesman, a righteous ruler, he had wealth,

happiness, but he was passionless. Unlike Epicureanism, he was convinced of the

brotherhood of all people on earth, love for his neighbor was a human duty. According

to him, all humanity is subject to common law and must form one family.392

Luck hold an important place in his ethics, which meant mental peace that was to be

maintained at all times. Over time, human being might be overworked so that he/she can

accept anything without the slightest excitement. Unlike Epicurus for Zenon, happiness

was not a pleasure, but a virtue. The virtuous person must always act sensibly and wisely.

At the forefront of Epicurean philosophy was human freedom and human reason, which

was supposed to get rid of the anxiety of gods and death, and for Zenon, it was primarily

the doctrine of virtue. The world also had flaws, but it was beautiful. Human being has a

duty to reconcile with the existing evil on earth, to accept the destiny, and man's greatest

wisdom was to reconcile with it.393

Zenon taught that man's greatest virtue is life consistent with himself and life

consistent with nature. Only wise man can live like this, because he knows what is

consistent with nature. Every human being is a rational being and therefore all people can

be philosophers, men, and women, Hellenists, and barbarians, masters, and slaves.394

Stoicism influenced Cicero, who placed in the center of the attention a human being -

an individual and then also Seneca, for whom humans are sacred. Later this idea became

the basis of all humanism. Stoicism has also an impact on Christian fathers. The influence

of Stoic teaching, especially its ethics and morality, has found its continuation in Western

389 BORYS, E.: Filozofia a dejiny filozofie. Košice: UPJŠ, 1994, p. 159. 390 LEŠKO, V. – MIHINA, F. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: Iris, 1993, p. 59. 391 KICZKO, L. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: SPN, 1997, p. 33. 392 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 65. 393 RIST, J.M.: Stoická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1998, p. 241-242. 394 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 64.

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culture. Although stoicism was pagan, his ideas of duty and courage were transferred to

Christianity.395

* * *

Skepticism was a completely different philosophical movement. The founder was

Pyrrhus of Elida (356 - 275 BC). We know very little about his life and education. His

teaching was developed in the Hellenistic period.396 Skeptics have argued that the world

is unrecognizable. The starting point for our lives was the endeavor to renounce the idea

of getting to know the world at all.397 The material world can never be truly known. We

can perceive the world with senses that seem true to us, but they can also be false. There

is always a contradictory judgment when it comes to judging the world, and these

judgments can be equivalent. When one renounces the desire to know the world, it is only

then that one can gain mental peace and real happiness.398 Judgments are subjective to a

person and seem to him as he feels in the given moment. The world may be different

from what one sees and perceives.399 His teachings then led many to try to prove it either

true or false. Because we cannot credibly prove it, one should refrain from any

judgments.400

His philosophy elevated silence over speaking, loneliness over noisy discussions, and

recommended that his students avoid people, suggesting to them to talk to themselves

while not minding people, and above all, to care for nothing and none.401 We have almost

none of his works preserved. The teaching was probably collected by Sextus Empiricus.

In another period, Skepticism was developed and described by Marcus Tullius Cicero.

From his works, we cannot accurately assess which ideas are from Pyrrhus himself and

whether Cicero's data is true and authentic.402

Later we observe the mutual influence of Hellenism and other different philosophical

movements and the convergence of philosophy and religion. Various oriental ideas have

begun to penetrate philosophy, and here, too, we can see the merging of different

directions into one whole, as was the case in religion.403

395 LONG, A. A.: Hellenistická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2003, p. 140. 396 LONG, A. A.: Hellenistická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2003, p. 103. 397 PAPROTNY, T.: Stručné dějiny antické filozofie. Praha: Portál, 2005, p. 134. 398 KICZKO, L. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: SPN, 1997, p. 35. 399 LEŠKO, V. – MIHINA, F. a kol.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: Iris, 1993, p. 61. 400 LONG, A. A.: Hellenistická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2003, p. 134. 401 BORYS, E.: Filozofia a dejiny filozofie. Košice: UPJŠ, 1994, p. 163. 402 LONG, A. A.: Hellenistická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2003, p. 103. 403 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 216.

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5.4 Hellenistic Culture and Education

By conquering the Ancient Near East, either deliberately or by military tactics, great

world-power was created that persisted for nearly three centuries after Alexander's death.

By joining the Mediterranean and the Ancient Near East, one civilization and one cultural

area was created.404 The spread of Hellenization has brought not only political changes,

but also cultural and social changes. Greek culture gradually spread even in the richest

and most developed culture of the Ancient Near East in Egypt. When the Empire fell

apart after the death of Alexander the Great, it found its continuation during the reign of

the Ptolemy in Egypt and under the reign of the Seleucids in Syria.

Greek culture under Roman rule then survived for the next hundred years and thus

reached also Western Europe. In historical terms, this period was not just a short,

transient, and insignificant period of that time. By conquering the Persian Empire,

Alexander expanded Greek culture and thought to the Ancient Near East as well as to

North Africa.405

Hellenization did not affect all areas of life and all sections of the population equally.

Its spread was less intense, especially in rural areas where there was still a lot of illiteracy.

As later history has shown, the period of Hellenism has indeed made tremendous progress

in all areas of social life.406 In addition to the Greeks and Macedonians, different

nationalities began to migrate to the conquered territories, including Thracians,

Scythians, Sarmani, and others, and quickly adapted to the new era. In the new territory,

all of them were united by a common language, all adopting the Greek way of thinking

and way of life, Greek customs, and culture. Migrants occupied mainly territories in

Egypt, Syria, Babylon, and Media. Immigrants came from different social spheres,

different professions. To find their place in the new world and culture, they quickly

adapted to new conditions. The Greeks in the new territories needed to build up the

administration, the economy, but also the army, and the new authorities needed new

people. All the institutions and facilities had to be managed by the Greeks and organized

according to the Greek model. In contact with the local population, the Greeks interacted

and interacted with each other. On the other hand, the inhabitants of the Ancient Near

East Hellenized very easily. Hellenization was relatively easy to accept, above all, for the

higher social classes, who were really interested in Greek knowledge, facts, captivated

by Greek sharp minds, but also with their considerable wealth. If in the conquered

territory someone wanted to mean something in society, something to achieve, to acquire

a certain position, he had to speak and write Greek. He was also obliged to adapt his way

404 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 13. 405 DRAŠKABOVÁ, E. a kol.: História ľudstva. Bratislava: Slovart, 1992, p. 24. 406 POKORNÝ P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 30-34.

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of life not only to Greek customs, but also by the way of dressing as Hellenistic Greek.

Likewise, the lands and cultures of the Ancient Near East could impress the Greeks by

admiring their unknown deities, cults and, above all, the wisdom of their priesthood.

The Greeks have created a new society with new ideals (models). They fought hard

for their freedom, especially with the Persians who threatened Greece. Greeks as

merchants, sailors and adventurers have influenced many other cultures. Philosophers,

doctors, and scientists have been preaching new ways of thinking, based on observation

and discussion. Cities began to prevail over the countryside and old traditions started to

die out. Thus, a new Hellenistic culture gradually emerged.407

The conquest of Greece and the Ancient Near East by Alexander the Great meant a

new era in Greek history, which we call Hellenistic. The center of culture moved from

Greece to the eastern regions of the empire. The greatest success of Greek Culture was

recorded in Egypt and Syria. There it mixed with elements of oriental east and thus

created a new culture; new centers of cultural life were established at the courts of

monarchs.408

However, the new culture was strongly influenced by the domestic environment,

which had different forms and different cultural traditions.409 The Greeks who settled in

the newly controlled territories formed a higher privileged class of society. In this

environment, a dual culture has emerged: the culture of the popular sphere and the culture

of higher society. The prerogative of the higher society was Greek education.410

Greece did not form a unified state, but Greek culture penetrated all parts of the world

and later became the basis of Western European civilization. Education in the life of a

Greek person played an important role. Without education, the Greek person could not

participate in active political life. The school is of Greek origin and means free time,

school study and a building. The Greeks were the creators of various disciplines:

mathematics, grammar, logic, rhetoric, and others, which later became the basis for

education in Europe. Greece also retained its primacy in literature. They were the creators

of poetry, drama, tragedy and ancient novels. The theater was also a Greek discovery. In

antiquity, however, it had primarily a religious function, but also a political one, as it

pointed out the negative aspects of society and thus involved people in the management

and administration of public affairs of the state. Greek architecture, temples, stadiums,

theaters have not only warmed the Romans but have survived through the Middle Ages

until our times.411

407 POCHYLÝ, M. a kol.: Dejiny Európy. Praha: Ottovo nakladatelství, 2003, p. 193. 408 NANDRASKY, K.: Dejiny biblického Izraela. Bratislava: ECM, 1994, p. 148. 409 GREEN, P.: Alexander Veľký a helenistické obdobie. Bratislava: Slovart, 2008, p. 25. 410 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 131. 411 ADEBERT, J.-BENDER, J. a kol.: Dejiny Európy. Bratislava: Mladé letá, 1995, p. 59.

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In Egypt, the Greeks and Macedonians formed a small ruling group. The center of

Greek culture has already been mentioned and founded by Alexandria in Egypt and by

the rulers of the court, which profoundly supported and financed it. The center of culture

has become a large library and scientific institute called “Museion.” Hellenistic culture

has ceased to be a folk culture, broke away from the common people and was primarily

focused at praising the monarch and his court.

Alexandria was a cultural adversary in Asia Minor. The monarchs generously

supported science and art out of the accumulated wealth. Following the example of

Egypt, they also founded a rich library, in which a rich scientific activity was developed.

The less intense spread of Greek culture than mentioned earlier took place in the Seleucid

Empire.412

In ancient Greece, education was not a public, but rather a private matter. Greek

grammar schools were focused primarily on improving the human body and

strengthening the physical fitness. Students could devote themselves to music, dance,

reading or counting only in their free time appointed to relax. The schools were mostly

built on the land of the village and were dedicated to some deity. In honor of the deities,

various exercises and festivities were arranged. Free young people could attend grammar

schools and, in addition to exercise, they could engage in various discussions, interviews

and practice the rhetoric. Therefore, the Greek “γυμνάσιον (gymnasion)” attracted

philosophers from different and remote areas of Greece and sometimes really changed

into the philosophical centers. They were supported mainly by private individuals -

patrons, but they also received support from the treasury of the municipality or town.

Public speaking became a part of learning process already in the 5th century BC. Public

speaking contrasted with physical exercises and was considered gymnastics of spirit. It

has, therefore, become an important part of curriculum with high social prestige. Later,

grammar schools became great centers of philosophy.413 Greek grammar schools did not

issue students’ reports or assessments. Young people learned discipline within their

social class, the goal was always to be a leader, but at the same time, they fostered the

desire to excel within the community, in sport, knowledge, and art. Gymnasiums were

typical Greek institutions. The world was unprecedented and their definitive

disappearance occurred under the influence of the Roman Empire.414

Education in grammar schools was conditioned by citizenship. Thus, for example, the

Jewish communities in Greek cities could not acquire full citizenship because it was

conditional on access to the grammar school which were connected for them with

412 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 47-48. 413 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 140-141. 414 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 134-140.

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problems of studying non-Jewish literary texts and practicing without clothing. The

official education was in Hellenistic cities under the supervision of a civil servant called

a gymnasiarch. He was not the director, but mostly contributed to its operation. In

addition to organizing competitions, it was also necessary to pay philosophers and

teachers. The rich ones were more likely to pay.415

During the Hellenization, the grammar schools were established mainly in areas with

predominantly Greek population. They were founded by various charity associations and

were established to worship a cultural hero or god. The grammar school institutions lasted

for a long time and stretched across the whole empire. A set of one hundred and forty

commandments that were of Delphi origin were also found in Asia Minor and Egypt

etc.

Following the example of Greece, there was also organized education in Alexandria,

Egypt. The Múseion was made up of a group of scholars, connected through the

belonging to the cult and living together inside the palace complex. It was a time of

scholarly symposia, mainly scientific sessions or lectures, as well as joint banquets of all

members associated with the discussion. Its members were scientists and writers, not

philosophers as was the case in Athens. A priest was the leader of the association. He

was appointed by the King, performing sacred tasks, and supervising at the same time.

All the members of the Museion were called by the king and all the expenses were payed

from his treasury. There has already been a complete dependence on the state. While in

Athens the philosophers' needs were largely covered by private and sometimes friends'

sources, in Alexandria the scientists were freed from taxes, they had free housing and

food, they could spend all their free time on work and science. Working at the Museion

gave scientists unprecedented opportunities. It deprived them of their everyday worries

and offered inexhaustible funds dedicated to scientific purposes.416 Botanical and

zoological gardens were also built in the museums. Doctors and natural scientists could

perform an autopsy on human and animal corpses in the designated areas. Astronomers

had their own observatory at their disposal. For the needs of the Museion, the first two

Ptolemais set up a large Alexandrian library.417 This lasted until 145 BC when Ptolemy

VII. expelled all the scholars from his court.418

Today we would be looking for a place where this building stood in vain. The

Egyptian Ptolemy created the largest library, aware of its importance and meaning, and

415 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 312. 416 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 122. 417 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 123. 418 WELLNER, L.V.: Ptolemaiovci. Praha: Epocha, 2011, p. 398.

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that was the reason why they fully entrusted the education of the successors of the throne

to library administrators.419

In ancient Athens, life continued to flow at its own pace. Old traditions persisted along

with new needs. We can also observe some major changes. Not only economic but also

cultural decline takes place in Athens itself, which was a prosperous area in the past and

a center of political and cultural life. The Athens population, both urban and rural, went

to the eastern regions of the empire, driven mainly by the prospect of happiness and

success. At the same time, new trade routes were created, which seemed not to count with

Greece and Athens at all.420

By that time, the number of students of Athenian “efebeia” had dropped substantially.

There were about forty-three of them. However, we know very little about the program

and the teaching in these schools. The testimony was given to us only through the

resolutions carved in stone slabs, which testify that it was already a monolithic college,

elite, but also very expensive. It was attended by the richest young people who received

a comprehensive education, not only physical but also intellectual. Sons of wealthy

Roman families also attended school alongside the Athenian students.421

* * *

The most prominent manifestation of Hellenism was the Greek language. Greek has

become a world language. It had an important position already in ancient Greece. Who

wanted to be a Hellen had to speak the Greek language. During the Hellenism, its

pronunciation changed and reached the present form of Greek. The Greek language, the

so-called “koine,” resisted the influence of other world languages. It defended itself. No

Egyptian and no other terminology have ever penetrated it. It had the greatest support in

grammar schools, where is was supported by various artists and especially various

literary artistic circles. The members of the lower strata were content with the fact that

they understood koiné and took over some important words, such as technical terms. It

was spoken in Egypt in this particular way.422 Instead of using various Greek dialects,

they began to use a new standard language that became the official language of

communication of the whole Greek culture during the Hellenistic period.

In Hellenistic times, Greek language has undergone certain transformations.

However, these changes were not great if we understand that this stratified language of

several tribes in a defined cultural area later becomes a world language. It was also used

419 WELLNER, L.V.: Ptolemaiovci. Praha: Epocha, 2011, p. 262. 420 NOVOTNÁ, M.: Dejiny a kultúra antického Grécka a Ríma. Bratislava: SAV, 2006, p. 238-239. 421 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 324. 422 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 144.

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by members of different foreign tribes to communicate with their neighbors in the

peripheral conquered territories of the Alexander’s Empire. This general Greek language

is later called “ἡ κοινὴ διάλεκτος (he koiné dialektos),” which means common language.

More precisely, it is characterized as “a form of Greek, which during the Hellenism (4th

– 1st century BC) was widely spread and established as a spoken and written language

in countries around the Mediterranean and the Middle East. It was used by historians

Polybios (200-118 BC), Plutarchos (50-120 BC) and philosopher Aristotle (384-322

BC). Koiné has become a common language in literature, in business, in international

relations, in public and private documents and everyday life. In Koiné, a translation of

the Old Testament known as the Septuagint was made, including the Book of Wisdom,

the Second Book of the Maccabees, and all the writings of the New Testament. Koiné

Septuagint is strongly influenced by the expressions and grammatical specifics of the

original Hebrew text. New Testament koine again contains many Semitism and Latinisms.

According to historical periods, koiné is divided into:

Hellenistic Greek (last three centuries BC)

New Testament Greek (Christian writings of the first two centuries AD)

and patristic Greek (Christian writings from the 3rd to the 8th century AD).”423

Koiné was a language of Hellenistic literature and early Christian writings. Unlike

modern world languages, “ἡ κοινὴ' (he koiné)” defended itself against the influence of

other languages. Egyptian expressions did not penetrate it at all, Latin and Persian words

rarely penetrated. Nor did it accept new terms from Aramaic, which was the second

international language of the Middle East. Since the end of the 3rd century BC it was

used as the main language in writing historical and philosophical works, and in

Alexandria there is a translation of the Hebrew Bible into the Greek language, as

mentioned above, called the Septuagint.424

The literature changed during the Hellenization. It ceased to be democratic and

popular but took on a library form. The authors addressed, in particular, the upper classes

of society and privileged individuals. The creation and position of the Hellenistic poets

also changed. They moved from public places to royal residences. One such example was

also a poet Kallimachos (310-240 BC) who for many years worked in Alexandria for the

government of Ptolemies. He received recognition from the rulers as a collector and

literary historian allowed for many years to run the Alexandrian library.425

423 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: Slovenský ústav svätého Cyrila a Metoda, 1992, p. 588-589. 424 POKORNÝ, L.: Řecké dedictví v Orientu. Praha: ISE, 1993, p. 142-143. 425 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 134.

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5.5 Relationship to Religiosity in the Period of Hellenism

The ancient religion was polytheistic. Religion has always expressed the relationship of

man to the surrounding environment. If the environment has changed, so has religion.

The Greeks were worshipers of many gods. The Greek gods were more powerful than

people, they were immortal and happy. The most important component of religion was

the cult. It was an integral part of it. The cult was closely related to rituals and sacrifices,

gifts to the gods, to gain the favor and affection of God. Similarly, the nature of myths

has changed. A myth was also an integral part of cults and sacrifices. For example, at

Dionysus's festivities, the myth formed a verbal accompaniment to the fiction, bringing

closer the acting of the performers. Cult, ritual, and mythology were different in changed

conditions. The Greek religion did not have the same form and religious ideas were also

different in individual regions.426

According to the ancient Greeks, gods lived on Mount Olympus. Zeus was on the top.

He was the guardian of justice. He punished the guilty. At his side stood the god Apollo,

a god of wisdom, medicine, and righteousness. Greek goddesses such as Hera, Aphrodite,

Artemis, and Athena were in many cases protectors of Greek cities.427 The Greeks had

no personal relationship with their gods in Hellenism as they once had, so their worship

was a collective activity. People in different life situations wanted to ensure protection,

help, and prosperity. They organized various religious celebrations, plays, theatrical

performances and built temples for their city gods. The deity was supposed to maintain

public order and prevent chaos; on the other hand, the Greek person was to avoid breaking

the law, sinning and do not dare to insult the gods. A punishment was expected for

insulting a god, which affected not only an individual but also the whole city.428

Religion also played an important social role. In the Hellenistic cities, decrees were

in place that ordered the rich to take charge of religious holidays and cults. During these

holidays, which were organized to celebrate a deity, wealthy privileged families provided

a regular ration of food or oil. The whole community benefited from these donations. The

poor, during religious celebrations, were provided with free food and various gifts.429 All

religious holidays took place in public, in designated areas or sanctuaries.

The Greeks highly valued the values. The values were on the top of the social

hierarchy and were expected and freely offered. In this way, the cities of the Hellenistic

426 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 220-222. 427 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 225-226. 428 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 120. 429 KAZAN, A. P.: Náboženstvo a ateizmus v staroveku. Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 184.

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world tried to create a sense of communion and belonging, through the cultural forms

that naturally existed in the previous period.430

The worship of the Olympic gods did not find much response in the popular strata in

the conquered countries. The world of the common people was completed by many

different supernatural beings. Gifts were the means for obtaining and inclining the favor

of the gods.431 The strata of the people needed a religion that would allow them to forget

their daily hard and miserable lives. Therefore, the cult of the god Dionysus, also called

Bacchus, spread throughout the Greek-populated areas. Although it was a very old deity,

its cult in Hellenism gained new meaning. This was the origin of the cult of Dionysus. If

the ancient Olympic gods were protectors of law, order, and justice, then Dionysus was

a god of foolishness, joy of life, liberation of man from under the rules and obligations.

Each person willing to communicate with the god was allowed to join the celebrations,

regardless of their social status. The celebration was attended also by women and

slaves.432 Religious games were held in his honor. The games included mimic games that

showed the fate of Dionysus or some of his friends. People believed more in magical

rites, superstitions, and ghosts.433

In classical Greece, an oracle played an important role. Oracles were statements of

deities and interfered also with political life. In the beginning of Hellenism, this task was

performed by the shrine of Ammon, who named Alexander the Great the son of God. In

the later period their political influence weakened and rulers rather turned to astrologers.

In the personal life of the Greeks, however, their importance was retained. Written oracle

books published by the god Serapis or some local deity were popular also in Egypt.

People turned to them with the most personal requests.434

Cultic religious festivals also took place in theaters. Greek theaters were associated

with a cult. They stood at elevated points facing north or northeast.435 Religious

celebrations were open to the public and were repeated regularly, and the ritual was

accompanied by music, singing, and dancing. Requests and sacrifices were made in

temples, and some, such as the Hellenic Games, were attended by citizens from all over

Greece.436

The oldest and most important were the Olympic Games, which were held in a sacred

place in Olympia in the Peloponnese and performed in honor of Zeus. They lasted five

430 MOSSÉ, C.: Člověk a oikonomia. In: VERNART, J. P.: Řecký člověk a jeho svět. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2005, p. 214. 431 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 109. 432 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 272. 433 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 229. 434 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 109. 435 STEHLÍKOVÁ, E.: Antické divadlo. Praha: Karolinum, 2005, p. 98. 436 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 23.

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days, during which all the cities that took part in them, could not be hostile towards each

other. This means that were forbidden to carry weapons or cause conflicts. On the first

day, sacrifices were solemnly offered to gods.437

Later, Nemean games were organized to celebrate god Zeus. They were held every

two years in Nemea, Argolida. In Corinth, in honor of Poseidon, the Ionian games were

held. At the Temple of Apollo in Delphi, there were Pythic games. They were musical

competitions accompanied by playing on the lyre organized to commemorate Apollo's

victory over a large snake Pyrrhus.438

The official religion could not give a satisfactory answer to the question of what would

be after death, and therefore the Greeks were also close to other religions. They were not

an organic part of the official religion, but various mysterious ceremonies promised a

happy afterlife. These were various cult sessions that addressed the fate of souls after

death. The most famous mysteries are the Orphic and Eleusinian mysteries.439 We know

very little about the ceremonies that took place in Eleusinian. Participants were forbidden

to unveil anything, and this prohibition was carefully observed. We know that the

participants of the cult first became mystics - they were consecrated, cleansed of all

unclean that would prevent contact with the gods. When they reached the second stage

of initiation they became “epopods,” which means, they could attend their ceremonies as

spectators.440

Alexander the Great created new political and economic conditions for the new

Hellenistic world but also created new conditions for spiritual life. As relations in the

Greek community were relaxed, so was the relationship with deities. They were

humanized by losing much of their former divine power. The Greek gods began to merge

with the human realm.441

Greeks and Hellenized settlers in the new home were often influenced by new

syncretic deities. Religion took different forms, from deep faith to formal worship. Many

new religious movements and communities have emerged. Fear, insecurity and an

unstable political situation created favorable environment, in which superstitions,

prejudice, and even magic was free to spread.442

Thousands of migrants arrived in the newly established or restored eastern cities of

the empire, in an unfamiliar environment. Everybody was driven by the desire for wealth,

success and meaningful life. Many of them were troubled by fear and anxiety. Fear of

437 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 129. 438 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 126-127. 439 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 128. 440 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 229. 441 BOUZEK, J.: Umění a myšlení. Praha: Triton, 2009, p. 167-168. 442 NOVOTNÁ, M.: Dejiny a kultúra antického Grécka a Ríma. Bratislava: SAV, 2006, p. 239.

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unknown environment, but also fear of possible adverse rulers. These feelings were

completely new in Greek world of thoughts.443

The Greeks brought their gods to new areas. However, these gods were naturally

deprived of their relationship to places where they were originally worshiped. The

memory of the old home was rarely preserved in traditional attributes. The gods, who

were deprived of too close relations with the place where they were worshiped, could,

therefore, become universal deities.444 The local population also worshiped some deities

that were consistent with the Greek gods. Deities were combined and foreign names

replaced the original names of Greek gods.445 However, this was not the rule. When it

came to a god different from the Greek one, they kept the original name. However, if it

was a strong god, they began to worship him and then transferred him to his hometown

of Greece. Thus, Greek colonization was the cause of the enrichment of the Greek

pantheon. Most probably, this was how gods like Ares, Aphrodite, and Apollo came to

Greece. Apollo had the power to heal, but also to kill. As a god of art, he protected the

higher culture and seized the oracle in Delphi. This is said to have happened after the

fight with the great snake of Pyrrha.446

Most importantly, however, the cult of Apollo, which was probably brought from Asia

Minor, was of great importance and adapted to Greek customs by having pyrrhic

competitions organized in Delphi in his honor. But he never became a common people's

god. The people strove for a god that would allow them to forget the difficult everyday

lives and their ideas were personified by the god Dionysus. The cult of the healing god

Asclepius also gained great importance. This god had a famous temple in Epidaurus on

the east coast of Peloponnese. The patients were treated there in their sleep. Asclepius

priests used the faith of people affected by various illnesses or other afflictions to increase

the glory of this deity and the profitability of its cult. The miraculous healings were then

captured in writing on stone slabs, so that future generations could learn about it. Later

this cult was transferred to Athens.447 Asclepius was also known in Egypt. He was

identified with Adonia. Under Ptolemy V., his cult was also known near Elephantine.

In Hellenistic times, mother Greece lost political and economic significance, but also

religious. Unless the Eastern influences penetrated there, old forms of religious life

persisted, too. The cultural boom from Athens was transferred to the newly formed

443 NOVOTNÁ, M.: Dejiny a kultúra antického Grécka a Ríma. Bratislava: SAV, 2006, p. 240. 444 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 230-231. 445 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 41. 446 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 142. 447 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 232-234.

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eastern regions. In these areas, it was necessary to legitimize the rule of the Hellenistic

monarchs, mainly by ideological means.448

The new cult emerged from the immense flood of Egyptian and Greek deities. It was

officially introduced in 287 BC. The history of the emergence of the cult of Serapis is not

clear. Legend has it that Serapis himself showed up in his sleep to Ptolemy and ordered

him to bring his statue from the Black Sea Sinope. According to another ancient source,

the inhabitants of the same city dedicated themselves to the statue of Pluto in an effort to

reward the king of Egypt for help during the hunger. In Alexandria Pluto was renamed

Serapis. His cult was introduced by Ptolemy I. Seraph later overshadowed the other gods

and filled the entire universe.449

The new deity was a union of Greek and non-Egyptian elements. Serapis was

portrayed in the form of Zeus, but the rituals were Egyptian. His power was demonstrated

especially during the flourishing of Ptolemaic rule. It was received by the Greeks not

only outside Egypt, in the provinces founded by the Ptolemy, but also in the Greek cities

themselves, which were in lively business contact with Egypt. It was precisely because

Serapis' appearance was in accordance to Greek ideas. The new cult of Serapis

contributed to bringing the religious feelings of the Greeks and Egyptians closer

together.450 To worship properly, a new sanctuary was built in Sérápeion. In the Egyptian

quarter, where there were the least Greek-speaking inhabitants, the main temple of the

new god Serapis also towered.451

Egyptian deities also easily penetrated beyond the borders of the empire. The Greeks

easily accepted foreign deities having a half-animal form. This did not bother the Greeks

although it was a phenomenon quite unusual for them. In the classical era, only Ammon,

recognized by the Greeks as their Zeus, found recognition in the Greek world.452

Alongside Serapis Greeks have adopted other Egyptian deities, especially the goddess

Isis. The first statues of the goddess were probably made in Alexandria. She was

portrayed as young, slim and always had her typical hairstyle. In all the illustrations of

her, her sanctity was strongly emphasized. The goddess was of universal significance and

was said to bring help to believers in all life situations.453 She became their mate and even

before she earned the love and devotion of a large number of believers. They longed for

divine protection and maternal feeling. Surrounded by the halo of the ancient wisdom of

Egypt, her cult quickly spread to the boundaries of the inhabited world, and was

448 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 205. 449 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 222. 450 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 236. 451 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 109. 452 BOUZEK, J.: Umění a myšlení. Praha: Triton, 2009, p. 167. 453 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 226.

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accompanied by secret rites in which the initiates sought the meaning of life and hope for

immortality.454

In the Hellenistic era there is another characteristics of the Greek religion: the spread

of the cult of the goddess Tyché (Lucky, Accidents), which was worshiped in Greece at

the end of the 5th century, BC. However, she began to enjoy special respect at a time that

caused many sudden ups and downs, at a time when even a small person could rise to a

level he could never have climbed before. The uncertain tomorrow and the constant fear

of losing a house, family, or property led to the cult of Tyché, who favored someone

today, and tomorrow the other, becoming one of the most widespread cults. It was not an

increase of piety, but an attempt to gain goddesses’ favor.455 Tyché's worship was the

easiest grow in emerging cities, where settlers gathered from different parts of the earth.

They probably lacked worshiping a common deity, and so the goddess became the

guardian of many Hellenistic places.456 Tyché was the goddess of destiny, who decided

not only about the lives of men but also of the gods themselves. She was worshiped above

all by the aristocracy who claimed that man was powerless and destiny was almighty. At

that time, abstract concepts such as Blind Destiny (Tyché herself), Memory, Pride,

Virtue, Health, Obscenity were also adored. The goddess of fate, Tyché, was mostly

portrayed with a cornucopia.457 It was possible to pray to her in the hope of success or as

an expression of thanks, including the sacrifice. In reality, all was meaningless. Few

imagined that Tyche would kindly accept the sacrifice or hear prayers. She was a

completely different kind of god than the old Olympic gods. In general, the faith in

generality of her rule did not have enough support. The world was run by a goddess who,

in a way, was almighty, but erratic and morally totally indifferent.458

Seleucid himself has always paid the right respect to his deities. Hadad occupied a

very important place among them, and therefore occurred at the royal coins in the form

of a bull horns, because the bull was sacred animal of the god. In Seleucid Antioch, the

population was greatly stratified. There were both Athenians and Macedonians, but also

people from other parts of the Greek world. Since the time of its beginning, a special

colony was formed by Jews. They all worshiped different gods. Therefore, Seleucus tried

to give his city a patron or patron saint who would be equally close to everyone. He gave

it to them in the form of a bronze statue - the goddess Tyche.459 Sitting on a rock

representing Mount Silpion, her head was adorned with a crown of city walls, holding

454 NOVOTNÁ, M.: Dejiny a kultúra antického Grécka a Ríma. Bratislava: SAV, 2006, p. 111. 455 KAŽDAN, A.P.: Náboženstvo a ateizmus v staroveku. Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 186. 456 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 235-238. 457 NOVOTNÁ, M.: Dejiny a kultúra antického Grécka a Ríma. Bratislava: SAV, 2006, p. 263. 458 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 212. 459 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 235.

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wheat ears in her hand. Youthful god of the river Orontes laid at her feet. Whoever looked

at her, it was immediately clear to him, she was not abstract, fickle, impermanent and

indifferent Tyché, but Tyché of Antioch, not only the patron of the city, but also her

personification, proudly looking after the future of the great Antioch.460

Later the cult of the ruler was added to the new deities. The cult of the sovereign was

one of the reasons why Hellenism was considered a time of decline. We must not forget,

however, that the concentration of power in the hands of the monarch has also had a

positive side. The power of the local nobility and the priesthood was limited, and the

tireless and endless local wars to which the lower strata of society suffered in particular,

were prevented.461 The cult of the sovereign was mainly used by the Hellenistic kings to

strengthen their power. It spread especially in Syria, and later in Egypt. Although the

Greeks had previously shown divine honors to outstanding individuals, the cult of rulers

was typical for the Oriental world. This cult could only be assumed because the Greeks

found themselves in completely new living conditions. For the Greeks who lived among

other Oriental nations, the rulers of these empires appeared to be their only support. The

Hellenistic rulers were initially content with being put on the level of gods and were the

only executors of the cult. Only later did they begin to demand the cult of their own.462

The ancient Greek belief that man can be accepted among the gods for his merits was

manifested in the cult of the sovereign. This belief found philosophical expression in

euhemerism. According to this doctrine, the gods, in ancient times, arose from people

who earned special merits. But Euhemeros acknowledged that beside such gods there are

also true gods whom he saw in the heavenly bodies.463

The Egyptian Pharaohs have been high priests of the gods and their only

representatives since the beginning of their rule. As a reward for loyalty, they transferred

to Pharaoh their power, which made him an eternal victor over the enemies of Egypt.

Pharaoh was equal to god, his physical rebirth on earth, and the subjects worshiped him

fervently. At that time, it was believed that without him, Egypt would have fallen into

chaos.464

The cult of the sovereign was an important Hellenistic institution. It was the basic

ideological support of Alexander the Great and then his successors. Alexander had

already declared himself god. In the oldest times, Pharaoh was regarded as the incarnation

of the god Horus, Rea, but was also considered the son of Isis and the underworld god

Osiris. Later on, god Ammon was added, too. The priest in Ammon's oracle probably

460 BOUZEK, J.: Umění a myšlení. Praha: Triton, 2009, p. 180. 461 POKORNÝ P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 38. 462 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 236. 463 LONG, A. A.: Hellénistická filosofie. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2003, p. 115. 464 VALACHOVIČ, P.: Egypt a staroveké Grécko. Bratislava: Gemini, 1994, p. 196-197.

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called Alexander the son of Ammon, because he was crowned pharaoh. It made him a

god during his lifetime. The reason for Alexander's visit to Ammon's oracle was not the

confirmation of his own deity, but only the prophecy he wanted to hear. The content of

the prophecy was probably favorable and corresponded to Alexander's desires. The

proven divine honors then influenced Alexander's nature, but Alexander apparently never

identified himself internally with this deity.465

In Ptolemaic Egypt the cult of rulers began by Ptolemy II. In Alexandria, in addition

to the cult of Alexander as the founder of the city and as the Savior, Alexander’s cult was

also established nationwide having its own priests and later also kings. Ptolemy I. had

previously been worshiped in Rhode as a Savior (Sóter), but rather it was a heroization,

not yet a deification. It was Ptolemaios II. Who proclaimed his father being taken to

heaven by a deity.466 Philadelphos introduced regular holiday in memory of his father in

279-278 BC, already known and called Ptolemaie. It was celebrated as the Olympic

Games every four years and its purpose was to inspire all visitors of Greece and to

confirm the wealth and glory of the Ptolemy. The holiday began early in the morning and

ended late in the evening. The main attraction was the endless and magnificent parade

through the streets of Alexandria. Everything that was part of the games, the banquet, the

games, the sacrifices, all had to serve one purpose, namely the celebration of the

Alexandrian kings.467 Ptolemy II. however, went even further. Together with his wife he

was worshiped alive as a god. He founded the cult of sibling gods. Among the Greeks,

Arsina was identified with Aphrodite and a special tax was imposed to maintain her cult.

From Ptolemy IV. the rulers were worshiped together with the Egyptian gods and their

temples.468

The formation of the Hellenistic religion was not only influenced by monarchs.

Ordinary Greek people also adopted foreign religious ideas, especially by living in a

foreign environment in close contact with the domestic population.469

Later there was a tendency to worship one particular deity. This phenomenon occurred

just as great empires began to emerge. They connected many ethnic groups of the most

diverse origins into one union, but all of them had the same fate of the subjects. This was

manifested by the fact that the deities had a long series of adjectives to express their

miscellaneous character. The goddess Isis excelled in this respect with great

substantiality. She therefore earned the surname Myriónymos (ten-thousand-names). She

465 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 128. 466 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 129. 467 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 116. 468 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 129. 469 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 131.

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was also called Ashtarta, Leto, Meter, Hera, Aphrodite, Hestia, Rhea, Demeter.470

Sometimes other deities were identified with them. For example, Serapis was identified

with Zeus, Hades, Helios, or there was an equation between Zeus, Helios, Hades, and

Dionysus.471

A belief in the afterlife was closely connected with religion. They buried the Egyptian

pharaohs in the pyramids, storing the body remains of members of some privileged

groups, courts, family members or senior officials in tombs in the form of houses built

around the pyramids. They called them mastabas. The “other world (the afterlife world)

was for the Egyptians similar to the world in which they lived during the earthly life. The

body of the dead was mummified. Sometimes a spare head was carved into the limestone

to preserve the portrait. Priests and the family placed some food for the deceased in the

chapel the and there were fictitiously painted or modeled dishes. Under the Ptolemy, and

later under the Romans, power was concentrated in the hands of the Greek minority,

which became the ruling class in the country. The Greeks quickly lured by the

unwavering faith of the Egyptians in the afterlife, adopted their gods and burial habits.

They were embalmed and buried according to ancient local customs, including the

decoration calling for the help of the gods of the dead: Osiris and his two sisters Isis and

Nebthet and the embalmer Anubis.472

Until now, no explanation has been found, which was the reason that the enlightened

and skeptical Hellenistic Greeks to begin building altars for people. Perhaps it was an

effort to satisfy the ruler, perhaps a fear of anger, or a blind desire for the proximity of

god. Nor do we know whether the roots of this cult originated in the East, or rather on

the native soil of ancient Greece.473

The cult of rulers in the Hellenistic epoch was a worrying phenomenon for many. In

Egypt, Pharaoh was always a god for his subjects.474 The first person in the Greek-

speaking world to demand a divine cult was Alexander the Great. Alexander's

extraordinary demand has provoked resistance between the Hellenic and Macedonian

people. Initially, no king demanded for himself a divine cult.475 Thus the first king of

Hellenistic Egypt became god Ptolemy the Savior. Then Ptolemy II. established the state

cult of both his parents as gods the Saviors. He was the first Greek ruler after Alexander

who raised himself upon the altar during his lifetime. He was worshiped in the temples

through ancient customs and rituals. His sister and wife was after her death identified

470 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 237. 471 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 89. 472 VALACHOVIČ, P.: Egypt a staroveké Grécko. Bratislava: Gemini, 1994, p. 239. 473 OLIVA, P.: Svět helénismu. Praha: Arista, 2001, p. 119. 474 BOUZEK, J.: Umění a myšlení. Praha: Triton, 2009, p. 183. 475 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 127.

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with Aphrodite. The other Egyptian kings had their priests, statues, altars, and even entire

temples, they were worshiped, but probably no one prayed to them.476

Greek temples were initially not religious but public buildings. Although they served

for religious purposes, they were understood in a state and political sense. According to

the ancient Greeks, the temple was a building that satisfied the religious needs of free

citizens, diminished them and strengthened the political power of the state. When the

Greeks created the gods in their own image, the so-called temples were built as their

earthly dwellings.477 The sanctuary consisted of several buildings and no one could enter

its premises except the priests. The Greek temple was only one part of a bigger sacred

place within a spacious shrine. The Greek word "theme" means separated, meaning,

consecrated space. Themenos was the first part of the shrine or holy place. There was an

altar inside. Sanctuary over time developed into a set of iconic buildings that were

surrounded by walls and a sacred path lead between them. On the sides of this road

towered the temple along with other smaller temples. The temple complex also included

accommodation for believers, memorials, colonnades, but also theater, and sometimes a

stadium. People came to the temple to present their questions to gods asking them

individual as well as collective questions. The temple could also serve as a sanatorium

and at that time various therapeutic practices were carried out in its premises. Theatrical

performances and athletic competitions also took place there, for example at a sacred

place, like Delphi, also served for these events. If the sanctuary was in the center of the

city or in the Acropolis as in Athens, they considered it a city sanctuary. An extra-urban

shrine, for example in the Delphi or Epidaurus, was standing in an isolated place in the

forest or by the river.478

The temple was the most important shrine building, and was dedicated to the supreme

local deity. For every deity, and there could be more of them, more temples were built

within the same place. They were not as important as the highest deity. The temples were

oriented towards the East. Only priests and priestesses had access to the temple, believers

gathered at the sacrificial altar in front of the temple. The priests were the mediators of

the union of believers and the deity.479 There was no separate priesthood class in the

Greek city states, which would, like in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Judea, assume the right

of primary contact with the deity. Even in ancient Greece there were priests, but they

were not used for public cult, but only for worship performed according to temple rules.

However, Greek priests had a great influence on the main state cult. From 3rd ct. BC the

476 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 74-75. 477 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 283. 478 MENGHI, M.: Encyklopédia starovekého Grécka. Bratislava: Perfekt, 2003, p. 112. 479 ZUBÁCKA, I.: Kapitoly z dejín antického Grécka. Nitra: UKF, 1998, p. 158.

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priestly rank could be bought. The priests were required to keep special cleanliness,

health, and priestesses were not allowed to use public baths or go to public homes.480

Greek temples most often stood in a sacred place, which was declared a temple

property and was enclosed by a wall. The temples were also orientated towards the East.

Believers did not have access to the temple, they could only gather at the sacrificial altar

in front of the temple.481 The relationship of people and god was determined by faith or

by doctrine, but by the maintenance of a ritual that magically ensured believer's

fulfillment of his/her wishes. The main ritual in Greece was prayer, sacrifice, purification,

divination and dancing. The Greeks did not have common and prescribed prayers.

Everyone invoked god in their own way. The prayer was to remind gods of presented

gifts, but they did not promise them love and devotion. They prayed for their own good,

but also for evil for those who hurt them or for the enemy. This kind of spell has grown

into a magical hymn.482

During the Hellenization, the character and the role of the sanctuaries changed. The

cult of kings later occupied an important place in the Hellenistic religion. The kings

claimed to be benefactors or saviors, and magnificent temples and shrines were built in

their honor. They contributed to their construction themselves and ordered foreign,

mostly Greek craftsmen. The temples used to worship the sovereigns were built by the

Hellenistic kings and were intended primarily to celebrate and adore the monarch

himself.483

Ptolemy in Egypt built temples not only to worship himself, but also to worship the

Egyptian deities, decorating them in Egyptian character with sculptures exactly according

to Egyptian traditions. On one hand they also supported the cult of local suitable deities,

on the other hand they dedicated the temple buildings to their own family and tribe.

Alexander's successors supported the construction of settlements, where the Greek

representation was associated with military targets. An example is the Acropolis of

Pergamon. There was a library building next to several shrines, especially the Temple of

Athens, the guardian of the city and the dynasty. It was a matter of reverence to build a

statue of a government or an important citizen, and many of the surviving inscriptions

from the Hellenistic cities testify that many such statues were established. Already

Alexander stylized himself into a heroic superhuman form, the Hellenistic rulers of Egypt

using the propaganda became successors of the divine pharaohs, and other Hellenistic

rulers were revered as fully divine rulers or demigod-rulers.484

480 KAŽDAN, A. P.: Náboženstvo a ateizmus v staroveku. Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 151. 481 ZUBÁCKA, I.: Kapitoly z dejín antického Grécka. Nitra: UKF, 1998, p. 158. 482 KAŽDAN, A. P.: Náboženstvo a ateizmus v staroveku. Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 152. 483 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 251. 484 BOUZEK, J.: Umění a myšlení. Praha: Triton, 2009, p. 176.

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The shrines were newly built or renewed, and statues of the gods reached in

Hellenistic time their peak, becoming a visual manifestation of the divine presence in the

sanctuary, pointing out the divine path towards the deity. Alongside the ancient deities

and the many Aphrodites portrayed nude and in various forms, allegorical deities have

prevailed. Tyché, Nemesis, or Fate became the foremost deities in Hellenism, and most

of the city goddesses were called Tyché of the specific city. Many thanksgiving

sculptures were often donated to the sanctuary by private donors, often as expressions of

supplication in difficult life situations or as expressions of gratitude for the help provided.

A private gift to the deity was a way how to thank properly for healing, escaping from

problems and other personal difficulties, or problems of unanswered love.485 It is evident

from the appearance of Greek deities that they were sculpted by Greek trained

sculptors.486 Reliefs or statues were missing in some temples, but they were additionally

added because the construction of the temples was costly and always meant a burden on

the municipal treasury.487

The Hellenistic religion meant not only the identification and merging of the

individual deities in the peripheral regions, but also the overall transformation of the

existing religion. Hellenism brought a new religious wave where new deities and new

approaches were introduced.488 The penetration of new gods can be explained by the fact

that the Greeks at that time began to associate with these new gods more often. The

eastern gods were not burdened with myths and were carriers of the undisturbed and

unrelenting divine power that moves the world, but there was peace in its midst. The

exotic character and divergence of these deities only increased their attraction.489

The religion of the ancient Greek city states was consistently different from the

religion of most of the states of the ancient already Hellenized Ancient Near East, where

religious myths justified the humiliation of humans, where God was a terrible, punitive

force, and where man's relationship to the world was greatly pessimistic.490 Also in the

biography of Alexander the Great, we can read that this conqueror also paid attention to

and worshiped the local gods. New deities and new expressions taken from the Eastern

languages were then a matter of fashionable religious interest.491

485 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 241. 486 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 283. 487 BORECKÝ, B. a kol.: Antická kultura. Praha: Orbis, 1961, p. 265. 488 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 268-269. 489 ZUBÁCKA, I.: Kapitoly z dejín antického Grécka. Nitra: UKF, 1998, p. 162. 490 KAZAN, A. P.: Náboženstvo a ateizmus v staroveku. Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 158. 491 BĚLSKÝ J.: Tažení Alexandra Velikého. Praha: Naše vojsko, 2010, p. 185.

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In the end of Hellenism and in the beginning of the Roman Empire, there was also a

belief that secret spiritual wisdom was encrypted in Egyptian hieroglyphics, and that the

language of the Egyptians and Chaldeans was a sacred language.492

Radical Hellenization was only sporadic and prevailed only in the initial period. Later,

however, both cultures spontaneously merged because one culture could not live without

the other.493 The Hellenization period has also brought an unprecedented expansion of

international trade, architecture and construction have intensified, but human activity has

flourished everywhere. Huge wealth supported, first of all, the painters, builders, and

sculptors, but science and education received some support, too.494

492 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dědictví v Orientu. Praha: Oikoymenh, 1993, p. 270. 493 ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A.: Tvář helénistického světa. Praha: Panorama, 1983, p. 16-17. 494 KOŠTÁL, A.: Veľké civilizácie. Bratislava: Ina, 1993, p. 79.

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6 HELLENIST PERIOD AND ANCIENT ISRAEL

6.1 The Hellenistic Historical Period in Palestine and the Diaspora

The influence of Hellenism on the Jewish nation gradually began in the end of the 4th but

mainly at the beginning of the 3rd century BC, when Judaism began to encounter

Hellenism. Hellenism had a considerable impact on the economic structures, legal and

social forms that penetrated later classical Judaism. Moreover, the Jews came under the

strong cultural influence of Hellenism. It had powerful impact on the ideas of wisdom

and study of the Torah, and it was also reflected in the language and ideology of Judaism

in the following period.495

For many Jews, the broad scope of Hellenism presented an unexpected choice of

culture and ideas. Compared to the cosmopolitan framework of Greek speculative

thinking and the sophisticated views of the Greeks on intellectual and ethical

development, to some of the Jews in the diaspora496 the commandments of Torah seemed

impractical and shallow. Many times, therefore, they tried to adapt themselves to the

Greek culture so that they could participate more fully in their intellectual and cultural

life. Others, who were also dazzled by the Greek world, protected the original Jewish

tradition and proposed various cultural symbiosis.497

The Hellenistic period in Palestine began with Palestine being part of the Persian

Empire at the time of Alexander's campaign. The territory of Palestine at that time was

called the Persian province of Judea with Jerusalem as the capital, with a great deal of

autonomy, especially in matters of religion and a religious cult.498 In 333 BC, Alexander

gained great supremacy over the Persians, and thus dominated Syria and Palestine. With

the arrival of Alexander the Great in Palestine, there was a process of Hellenization that

continued after his death.

In 332 BC, Alexander proceeded with his troops from the north towards Egypt along

the Mediterranean coast. Military campaign was complicated because the coastal town

residents were relatively resentful. He was stationed for 7 months in front of the city of

Tyre, during which he had built the embankment to connect the mainland with the island

and make it a peninsula. He lost another two months in Gaza. Then he rushed to Egypt,

leaving the territory of Palestine to be conquered by his general Parmenios. He managed

to capture it almost without resistance, only Samaria resisted. Other cities, including

495 TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Kumrán a jeho zvitky. Svit: KBD, 2009, p. 123-131. 496 The term ‘Diaspóra’ denotes a scattered network of ethnically and culturally scattered people. It also includes hybridized cultural forms. BARKER, C. H.: Slovník kulturálních studií. Praha: Portál, 2006, p. 39. 497 FISBANE, M. A.: Judaismus- Zjevení a tradice. Praha: Prostor, 2003, p. 42. 498 KOTALÍK, F.: Dobové a kultúrne pozadí Starého zákona. Praha: Ústřední cirkevní nakladatelství, 1980, p. 110.

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Jerusalem, appear to have surrendered without resistance. According to Josephus Flavius,

who in his work - Antiquities of the Jews (Book 8,5) mentions the visit of Jerusalem by

Alexander the Great: “... all the Jews together greeted Alexander in one voice and

surrounded him: ... then he offered his hand to the high priest and accompanied by the

Jews running next to him, he entered the city. Then he went to the temple, where he

offered a sacrifice to God under the guidance of the high priest.” This account, however,

is most likely just a legend.499 “Alexander himself is evaluated positively by the Jewish

tradition. In Jerusalem he behaved politely, respecting local customs and religious

feelings. He sent a gift to the Temple, but he did not enter its premises.”500

From an administrative point of view, Alexander the Great left the administration of

Palestine the same way it was handled during the time of Persians. However, the political

status of the Jewish people has not changed significantly. The government continued to

be in the hands of the "council of elders - gerusia", composed of priests and high priests

and senior officials. The High Priest was the mediator between the King and the Jewish

people in Palestine. What changed was a new civilization, which in all respects began to

influence the Jewish people. All over the area, Hellenic towns were built according to

Greek building customs and architecture. Jewish territory was flooded with Greek

officials, soldiers, and merchants. Greek language was heard everywhere.501

After the disintegration of Alexander's empire, Palestine fell to the Ptolemaic dynasty.

Religion was not suppressed, but certain signs of assimilation with Hellenism were

clearly visible. Ptolemy's rule put no effort to Hellenize the Palestine or Egypt and did

not seek to establish a chain of places, as was typical for the Seleucids. Over time, tense

relations between the old Jewish families turned into struggles between Ptolemaic-

oriented groups and those that sympathized with the Seleucids. At the same time, the

difference between the highest population and the middle class has steadily increased in

this first period. Tensions between towns and the countryside also increased. Initially, the

territory of Palestine was under the dominion of the Ptolemies, the last Egyptian dynasty.

Jerusalem leaders were friendly to the Ptolemies. It was mainly the high priest and pro-

Ptolemaic officials. Mutual sympathy brought certain power and money-control.

Especially the upper strata opened onto the Hellenistic world. It was the upper strata of

society that was dominated by the Greek culture, mainly Jerusalem’s priests, for whom

Greek was the language necessary for communication with the ruling power and with the

Jewish population in Egypt and Cyrene.502

499 VARŠO, M.: Počúvaj Izrael ... Prešov: GTF PU, 2013, p. 188-189. 500 FRANEK, J.: Judaizmus. Bratislava: Archa, 1993, p. 84. 501 DROZDÍKOVÁ, J.: Základy Judaizmu. Bratislava: SNM, 1993, p. 19. 502 VARŠO, M.: Počúvaj Izrael ... Prešov: GTF PU, 2013, p. 189.

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During the 3rd century BC there were at least five wars between two superpowers as

represented by Ptolemies and Seleucids. Palestine was in 198 BC acquired by the

Seleucid Antiochus III, and consequently, Palestine fell to the Seleucid dynasty. For this

reason, the situation of the Israelites in Palestine also changed, and the impact of

Hellenism was much more affected in this process.503 “Antiochus was very intolerant and

immediately began to persecute the Jews in his empire. He wanted to make Jerusalem a

Greek city and even hosted an analogy to the Olympic Games. Athletes, as was usual in

Greece, were naked. This was an extraordinary insult to the Jewish God.”504 One of the

first steps was to build new Hellenistic towns in which the local aristocracy was trying to

win the sympathy of the people of Jerusalem. He had the neglected parts of the city

repaired and tried to expand the Temple space. He even gave a few exceptions to paying

taxes. The Seleucids gradually lost people's sympathy for their monetary policy. Because

they had big expenses and could not raise taxes, they began to take money from the

temples of the conquered nations. The transition from the Ptolemaic government to the

Seleucid had not touched the life of ordinary people too much.505

His successor, Antiochus Epiphanes IV increased the pressure on the Jewish people

and behaved even worse than its predecessor Antiochus III. The period of his reign is

marked by a great effort to Hellenize Palestine. He desecrated the great altar in the

Temple of Jerusalem by erecting a statue of Zeus there. Antiochus IV forced Jews to

sacrifice to Zeus, to stop circumcising their sons, and to eat pork. The highest clergy,

influenced by Hellenism, did not resist and tried to find a compromise. However, in the

wider popular strata, it sparked resistance and the uprising of the Jewish people followed.

The nation rose militarily, and this was the beginning of the well-known Maccabean

uprising.506 During his reign, Jerusalem became a Greek polis. He also made major

interventions concerning the office of the high priest. He has substituted the office with

people loyal to him, so that the high priest no longer expressed the demands of the

prominent Jewish strata, but rather became a mediator between the king and the people,

trying to push through Antioch's will. However, Hellenization was also based primarily

on the circles of priestly aristocracy. They proposed to have Greek names, as the

documents from this period often contain two names: Greek and Jewish. The high priest

Jason sent a donation from the Temple treasure to sacrifices to foreign gods to celebrate

the occasion of the sports games in Tyre. With the consent of the Jerusalem’s aristocracy,

503 KOTALÍK, F.: Dobové a kultúrne pozadí Starého zákona. Praha: Ústřední cirkevní nakladatelství, 1980, p. 111 504 SPIEGEL, P.: Kdo jsou Židé? Brno: Společnost pro odbornou literaturu - Barrister & Principal, 2007, p. 65. 505 VARŠO, M.: Počúvaj Izrael ... Prešov: GTF PU, 2013, p. 189. 506 DROZDÍKOVÁ, J.: Základy Judaizmu. Bratislava: SNM, 1993, p. 21; TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Prostredie Nového zákona, Sociálna situácia v 1. stor. po Kr. http://www.kapitula.sk/trstensky/?load=11413941273006319

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a grammar school (gymnasion) was built near the temple. It was a great scandal for the

Jews of faithful traditions - a scandal because the grammar school tradition grew out of

the Greek "pagan" world and was connected to the cult of Heracles and Hermes. Young

members of leading families were raised in Greek schools in a Greek way. They dressed

and cut their hair like Greeks.507

In Israel, Hellenization has also taken place in rural areas (as evidenced,

among other things, by ancient documents such as Zenon's papyrus).

Interestingly enough, the Greek language has taken roots in such areas as

Galilea. In the beginning, Jerusalem was somewhat protected from

Hellenization due to its remote location in the mountain area and

conservative (“temple-centric”) leadership. However, such "protection" did

not, de facto, do anything when the Hellenization of this region took on a

militant and power dimension acquired under the infamous Seleucid ruler

Antioch IV. Epiphanes. However, the fact that the revolt was not directed

against Hellenism itself is evidenced by the fact that Hellenistic culture has

never left this region or its population. Very convincing evidence of the

strong impact of the Hellenistic culture in Israel comes mainly from the

coastal region and Galilea (hence the "Galilee of the Gentiles," see Mt

4:15). For example, Herod's rebuilding of Jerusalem and the temple were

carried out according to the Hellenistic model. Further evidence of the

strong presence of Hellenism in Judaism is the fact that 40 percent of

tombstones (and other) inscriptions before the year 70 AD are in Greek.

Judea was not a country of one language, multilingualism was a common

phenomenon in the Middle East.508

The reaction of the broad strata of the population to this kind rule was the uprising of the

Maccabees. The leader of the Jewish uprising was Judah Maccabee, son of the priest

Mattathias. In 165 BC, they managed to purify and re-consecrate the Temple of

Jerusalem, which is still remembered during the eight days of Jewish celebrations of

Purification and Consecration, called the Hanukkah Festival or the Feast of Lights.509

Judah Maccabee fell in battle, but the resistance continued under the direction of his

brethren. “The outcome of the resistance was the recognition of religious and political

independence, which allowed the unwavering application of the Torah.”510

507 VARŠO, M.: Počúvaj Izrael ... Prešov: GTF PU, 2013, p. 190-191. 508 KRESŤANSKÉ SPOLOČENSTVO MILOSŤ. Potreba štúdia raného židovstva. Available at: <http://www.milost.sk/logos/clanok/o-pravej-olive>. 509 FISBANE, M. A.: Judaismus – Zjevení a tradice. Praha: Prostor, 2003, p. 44. 510 DROZDÍKOVÁ, J.: Základy Judaizmu. Bratislava: SNM, 1993, p. 21.

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The fact that Palestine did not find itself in such a great danger of assimilation and

gradual disappearance of its religious and cultural peculiarity under the influence of

Hellenism and the expansion of Greek culture, is due to the decisive behavior of a small

group of Maccabees. The Maccabees were determined to die rather than to give up the

fathers' faith in one and only God - Yahweh who created the world and chose the people

of Israel. The Maccabees succeeded in strengthening the Jewish religious element in

Israel, moving endangered Jews from peripheral areas to the Jewish core of Israel to spare

from the Greek influence all the rest of the nation. Some influence of Hellenism on Jewish

nation can still be seen in the archaeological sites of exposed places, such as Caesarea by

Seaside. The main power in the Jewish nation was taken over by the religious center of

Judaism, Jerusalem.511

The Maccabean uprising was essentially directed only against pagan idolatry, not

against Hellenism as such. The Jewish nation has resisted the influence of Hellenism in

the most intrinsic spiritual culture and religion, but not in other areas of the individual or

national life. The influence of Hellenism was manifested in the organization of the Jewish

state system, in law, art, commerce, and daily life. All of this was determined by

Hellenism bearing its clear seal.512

The Maccabean dynasty continued with the rule of the Hasmonean dynasty, which

spread Jewish influence throughout Palestine, from today's Golan region to the eastern

shore of Jordan, almost to the measurement of David and Solomon’s empires. The office

of the king (governor) and high priest was integrated into one person during the reign of

the Hasmoneans. The last remnants of the Hasmonean reign over the country ended with

the succession of Herod the Great, who married a Hasmonean daughter and at the same

time gained the support of the rising Roman Empire. Herod the Great had fought for the

royal throne by murdering the last members of the Hasmonean family and numerous

political opponents.513 The Kingdom of Israel became the Roman province of Judea in

the new Roman Empire. Religious leaders in Palestine, were gradually started to be called

the Law-teachers, from whom later came the Pharisees. After the destruction of the

Temple of Jerusalem in 70 AD, when the priestly class ceased to exist, the Pharisees as

Law-teachers assumed the leadership role in the nation.514

511 KRUPP, M.: Osmnáct století Izraele. Praha: Nakladatelství P3K, 2010, p. 12. 512 KOTALÍK, F.: Dobové a kultúrne pozadí Starého zákona. Praha: Ústřední cirkevní nakladatelství, 1980,, p. 113. 513 FRANEK, J.: Judaizmus, Bratislava: Archa, 1993, p. 85. 514 TYROL, A.: Všeobecné otázky z biblickej histórie. http://www.kbd.sk/na-stiahnutie.html.

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6.2 Jews in the Hellenistic Environment of the Diaspora

Jews, living in a Hellenistic environment outside Palestine, could be found throughout

the Mediterranean and the Middle East. This was mainly due to their Assyrian and

Babylonian deportations to Assyria, Babylon, and other parts of Mesopotamia, following

the fall of Samaria (722 BC) and Jerusalem (587/6 BC).515 All the other riots inside and

outside of Palestine must be mentioned, from the beginning of Hellenism to the rising

power of the Roman Empire. Gradually, however, Hellenistic Judaism is emerging

outside Palestine. It means:

naming the lifestyle of an ethnic group of Jews living in the diaspora who

have adopted Hellenistic culture, speech, and mentality. From a religious

point of view, they maintained a connection with Jerusalem by paying

temple taxes and pilgrimages to the Temple for great holidays. They differed

from the pagan environment particularly by maintaining circumcision,

Saturday rest and regulations concerning prohibited meals. In the

synagogue liturgy, they used colloquial Greek Koiné instead of the Old

Testament in Hebrew, which was translated into Greek in 3rd-2nd century

BC. In the Hellenistic period, there was an abundance of Judaic literature,

which is characterized not only by Hellenistic literary forms but also by

Hellenistic thinking.516

At that time, one of the most culturally important Jewish communities in history was

founded in Alexandria, Egypt. The Jews of Alexandria were farmers, officials, and

mercenaries.517 It was the beginning of the integration of Jews living outside of Palestine,

that is, in the diaspora into Greek culture, with all its positive and negative aspects.518

“By the end of the Hellenization period, a significant proportion of Jews outside

Palestine used Greek as a communication language.”519 In the diaspora, the Jews did not

want to differ from their surroundings. Some Jewish diasporic groups surrendered to the

influence of their Hellenistic surroundings and turned into mysterious groups that

identified the Lord with the Greek gods Zeus, Dionysus, or Sabazio. However, the great

Jewish thinkers of the Hellenistic era did not lose consciousness of the specific Hebrew

spiritual tradition. The distance from Jerusalem and their home-land meant for many Jews

the proximity of pagan nations and cultures. Maintaining ritual purity was very difficult,

515 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dedictví v Orientu. Praha: ISE, 1993, p. 322. 516 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: Slovenský ústav svätého Cyrila a Metoda, 1992, p. 447-448. 517 POKORNÝ, P.: Řecké dedictví v Orientu. Praha: ISE, 1993, p. 323. 518 SCHUBERT, K.: Židovské náboženství v proměnnách věku. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2010, p. 136-137. 519 FRANEK, J.: Judaizmus, Bratislava: Archa, 1993, p. 84.

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as they came daily in contact with an unclean culture, and without a temple or priesthood,

the means to remove this impurity were either unreachable or hardly accessible. Another

spiritual dilemma were the very sacred texts of the Hebrew Bible. Their content and use

were closely related to the nation, country, political situation, history and culture of the

Jews. The traditional way of life has become hardly realized or even impossible.

Hellenism had virtually a strong impact on all cultures with which it came into contact,

including Judaism. This cultural change was even more dangerous for the Jews, since it

was not just a kind of artificial deployment of Greek values and culture to other nations,

but also their organic and ethnic blending or assimilation. For Jews whose values,

traditions and culture were such a strong factor in their national identity, the period of

Hellenism posed a great danger.520

Jews in Egypt, if they wanted to survive, were forced, at least for pragmatic reasons,

to operate within the Hellenistic governmental structure of the Ptolemy Empire. The

characteristics of the Hellenistic society in contradiction to Judaism looked as follows:521

From a linguistic point of view, a cultural Jew spoke Aramaic, Jewish priests and

members of priest families could also speak Hebrew, but the Hellenist spoke Greek.

Semitic society, economy, and settlement were mostly rural, while Greek culture

preferred building Hellenistic towns - city versus countryside.

Jewish religious thought was strictly monotheistic, ethical, and practical in terms

of the legislative texts of the Hebrew Bible, while Greek religious thought was

polytheistic, metaphysical, and speculative.

The Jewish religion emphasized the worship of Yahweh and the relationship of

humans to Him, but the Hellenistic religion was pagan and secular, and the main

emphasis was on human being and human body.

Judaism, to protect monotheism, tended to be isolated from other cultures even

towards exclusivism, while Hellenism was universal and syncretistic.

For Jews, the family and the community occupied the first (prominent) place,

while in Hellenism it was only emphasized.

The ideological contradiction led to a constant tension between Jewish reality

and Hellenistic culture.

The Hellenistic influence and process in the Jewish diaspora “accelerated the

emergence and development of Hellenistic Judaism.”522 On the other hand, “despite the

520 KRESŤANSKÉ SPOLOČENSTVO MILOSŤ. Potreba štúdia raného židovstva. <http://www.milost.sk/logos/clanok/o-pravej-olive>. 521 KRESŤANSKÉ SPOLOČENSTVO MILOSŤ. Potreba štúdia raného židovstva. <http://www.milost.sk/logos/clanok/o-pravej-olive>. 522 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: Slovenský ústav svätého Cyrila a Metoda, 1992, p. 448.

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strong presence of Hellenism in Judaism, we will not find a uniform response to this

second crisis. Members of a more traditional and conservative wing could not combine

Hellenistic culture with a culture they believed to be based on the Torah and their unique

choice of so-called particularism.”523 If we want to understand the opposition of some

Jews to Hellenism, we must realize the following important facts:

“The Torah portrayed culture and way of life as visible manifestations of Israel's

covenant relationship with God.

Moses and the prophets continually warned God's people that the well-being of

the whole nation and the individual depends on the faithfulness to the covenant, their

obedience to God, and adherence to the Decalogue.

Jews knew very well that many other nations lost their identity due to the

conquering powers and subsequent assimilation.”524

On the other hand, we must mention that “the Jewish proponents of Hellenism did not

consider the conservatives' concerns to be justified and saw no contradiction between

their Jewish faith and some elements of Hellenism. On the contrary, they pointed out the

best relations between the Hellenists and the Jews, since the Hellenistic rulers, except

Antioch, allowed the Jews to practice their religion freely. It can be assumed that for

many Jews the benefits of participating in new culture and structures outweighed the

disadvantages and therefore considered the threats from Hellenism to be more or less

minimal. How Judaism and its members dealt with this crises influenced to a large extent

its form which we encounter while reading the New Testament writings.”525

523 KRESŤANSKÉ SPOLOČENSTVO MILOSŤ. Potreba štúdia raného židovstva. <http://www.milost.sk/logos/clanok/o-pravej-olive>. 524 KRESŤANSKÉ SPOLOČENSTVO MILOSŤ. Potreba štúdia raného židovstva. <http://www.milost.sk/logos/clanok/o-pravej-olive>. 525 KRESŤANSKÉ SPOLOČENSTVO MILOSŤ. Potreba štúdia raného židovstva. <http://www.milost.sk/logos/clanok/o-pravej-olive>.

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7 PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA AND HERMENEUTICS

7.1 Life and Environment of Philo of Alexandria

Thanks to the conquests of Alexander the Great, Greek culture and education reached the

Ancient Near East. Subsequently, the cultural centers in Alexandria, Antioch, Seleucia

were created. Alexandria, during the period of Hellenism, belonged to the first centers,

where various spiritual movements were mutually mixed. The city was the largest

educational, cultural and spiritual center in the eastern Mediterranean. The established

library contained the most significant and almost all existing literary works. In

Alexandria, many other museums, science laboratories, and institutes for transcription of

manuscripts in antiquity were established.526

While in Rome the Greek spirit related to the Roman one, in Alexandria the Greek

tradition mixed with the Oriental, but above all, with the Jewish religious

tradition.527 Concerning Hebrew Bible, it was Alexandria, where the Hebrew text was

translated into the Greek language in the new conditions of Hellenism. Members of the

leading Jewish community in Alexandria linked the faithfulness of the ancestral religion

to the openness of Greek education. Many Jewish families in Alexandria, on the one

hand, tried to assimilate into the pagan environment, but on the other hand, this process

also consisted of preserving the traditions and beliefs of their ancestors with the

preservation of monotheism. “The main representative of this Eastern eclecticism was

Alexandrian Jew, Philo.”528 Philo of Alexandria (20/30 - 45/50 AD), also known as

Judeus,529 belonged to one of the most prominent and richest Jewish families in

Alexandria. His brother Alexander was the superior of all Alexandrian Jews. He was a

respected person who, besides his influence, also possessed large assets. Alexander's son

became the prefect of Egypt, so he held the highest office in Egypt in the Roman

administration. The very Philo enjoyed high esteem and his skills were often used in the

political sphere. He advocated Jewish rights and demanded that the Jews not be separated

from the Greeks and Romans, or strived to lift them up from the very last strata in

Egypt.530 In addition to being a follower of Plato, he sought to reconcile his philosophy

526 KRSKOVÁ, A.: Pri kolíske európskeho politického a právneho myslenia. http://www.cdvuk.sk/blade/index.php?c=961&politicke_a_pravne_myslenie. 527 MORDEL, Š.: Svet vyvoleného národa. Pojednanie o živote a viere židovského národa z hľadiska Biblickej archeológie. Spišské Podhradie: Kňazský seminár biskupa Jána Vojtaššáka Spišská Kapitula, 2001, p. 15; BOWKER, J.: Boh - krátka história. Bratislava: Ikar, 2004, p. 201. 528 STÖRIG, H.J.: Malé dějiny filozofie. Praha: Zvon, české katolické nakladatelství, 1991, p. 149. 529 CROSS, F.L., LIVINGSTONE, E.A.: The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983, p. 1083. 530 CHLUBNÝ, J., SVOBODOVÁ, L.: Filón Alexandrijský. antika.avonet.cz/ article.php? ID = 1956. (03.10.2009); JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 9.

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with the Jewish religion. Philo of Alexandria was an excellent ancient writer,

philosopher, and Jewish thinker. He was a very prolific author. He has inspired many

other authors and writers, e.g. “Later, Christian scholars were influenced by his

allegorical interpretation of the Old Testament. Philo was very prolific commentator of

books of the Pentateuch and the Jewish Law.”531

He gained the reputation of a rational philosopher, but at the same time, he was a

believing Jew and obeyed a set of commandments necessary to keep by every Jewish

man from the age of 13 and every Jewish woman from the age of 12 (in hebr. pl. מצוות

(micvót). It is one of the most important phenomena of rabbinic Judaism. Micvót contain

about 613 commandments. Of these, 365 are negative (the number corresponds to the

number of days a year) and 248 are the positive commandments (the number corresponds

to the number of parts of the human body) according to rabbinic teaching.532 The most

likely, he already belonged to a generation of Jews in Alexandria that did not speak

Hebrew language, but spoke and wrote in an excellent Greek.533 His qualities were

summed up by professor J. Heriban in his book ("Handbook of Biblical Science"), where

he indicates, that Philo of Alexandria is considered the most important Jewish

philosopher in ancient times. Many European thinkers, whether realists, idealists,

naturalists, orthodox, apostates or heretics, followed his role model. Philo not only had

an impact on Jewish, and Christian philosophy but also on Islamic philosophy. He aimed

at explanation of the essence of Judaism from a historical, philosophical, ethical and legal

point of view.534

Philo lived in Alexandria, Egypt, all his life. He became the main and important figure

of the contemporary day Jewish community. As the main representative of the Jewish

delegation in 39-40 AD he traveled to Rome to gain the freedom for Jews from the

obligation to worship the Emperor. He mentions this event in his work: "Delegation to

Gaya" (Legatio ad Gaium). He was well acquainted with Greek literature, not to mention

the philosophy of Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, and he also mastered rhetoric.535 Paul

Johnson in his work ("History of Jewish people") mentions the same about Philo, when

he characterizes the period of government of Herod the Great. He states that Jews had a

prominent place in cultural and social life. Philo, as a Jew in the Diaspora, writes: “...

raised on the Septuagint, an expert in Greek general literature, historian, and diplomat,

rightly described as one of the fundamental secular philosopher, was simultaneously

531 MORDEL, Š.: Svet vyvoleného národa. Pojednanie o živote a viere židovského národa z hľadiska Biblickej archeológie. Spišské Podhradie: Kňazský seminár biskupa Jána Vojtaššáka Spišská Kapitula, 2001, p. 14. 532 SLÁDEK, P.: Malá encyklopedie rabínského judaismu. Praha: Libri, 2008, p. 151. 533 ARMSTRONGOVÁ, K.: Dějiny Boha. Praha: Argo, 1996, p. 91. 534 RUNES, D. D.: Slovník judaizmu. Bratislava: Danubiaprint, 1992, p. 62. 535 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 397.

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pious Jew and prolific commentator of the books of the Pentateuch and the whole system

of Jewish rights. Philo embodied the best tradition of Jewish rationalism.”536 The text

refers to the fact that Philo represented great authority, his works quoted by later Christian

Fathers constantly in their works, in their writings.537 They were largely inspired by his

interpretation of the Hebrew Bible, which in Christianity plays an essential role as the

Old Testament in the allegorical interpretation. The character of Judaism in Philo is given

inculturally, originally and inspirationally through dream perspectives for the Jews in the

Hellenistic environment.538

It is difficult to determine what Philo's relationship was to Palestinian Judaism and to

Jerusalem, in general. Already in this period, it was clear that Judaism was divided into

two large groups. These were groups that differed in language and culture. The first group

consisted of the Palestinian Jews and the second the Hellenized Diaspora Jews.539

Palestinian Jews mainly spoke Aramaic (it became more and more colloquial in Palestine.

Even in exile, the upper classes of Jews learned Aramaic and brought it to their homeland.

The Hebrew thus remained a Jewish worship language.)540 and the patron of tradition

became the second generation of Jews, who returned from Babylonian captivity and

restorers of the temple.541

Jews in the diaspora spoke Greek and lived in big cities. They adapted to the life and

society of the city. Even though there was a change in external life, they retained their

inner identity. However, the difference between the two groups rested in the

understanding of the Torah text. History books of the Hebrew Bible were perceived as

purely historical works in the Greek sense. They did not distance themselves from the

living relation to the sacred writings but perceived them in a different light. E.g. writing

in Greek Jew Demetrius perceived - interpreted the biblical text with the name: “O king

of Judea” (Peri tone en the Juda basileón) purely historically, the Palestinian Jews at this

stage of history considered the sacred text. Both groups of Jews did not differ in faith but

in a different understanding of time. 542

It was because of the Greek education Alexandrian Jews were alienated from the Jews

living in Palestine. They were often criticized for their excellent knowledge of the Greek

language. The criticism was based on fears that these Jews living in the diaspora would

536 JOHNSON, P.: Dějiny židovského národa. Řevnice: Rozmluvy, 1996, p. 146. 537 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 397. 538 JOHNSON, P.: Dějiny židovského národa. Řevnice: Rozmluvy, 1996, p. 146. 539 JEKKELOVÁ, J., ORAVEC, T.: Lexikón svetových náboženstiev. Bratislava: Aktuell, 2006, p. 138. 540 ÁBEL, F.: Dejiny novozmluvnej doby. Dobové pozadie Novej zmluvy (Nového zákona). http://www.fevth.uniba.sk/uploads/media/dejiny_novozmluvnej_doby_01.pdf ; Ezd 4:7. 541 Hebrew Bible/OT: The Book of Ezra and Nehemia - Ezra 9: 1-15; Ezra 10.1 to 44; Neh 8:1-18; Neh 6:15. 542 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf.

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completely abandon the Hebrew – the-so-called (Israeli) Palestinian tradition.543 However,

even these differences did not justify Philo's teaching (because of his Hellenic undertone)

to reject the Jews in Palestine immediately. Finally, Philo himself never claimed the

highest authority in exegesis. He even admitted that his interpretation might not

automatically be the best or the only one that exists. His interpretation is characterized

by dependence on the spiritual state. In other words, its success depends on its

relationship with God. He merged exegetical work with mystical states, ecstatic

experiences during which he completely lost consciousness. They helped him to distance

himself from worldly worries and to look deeper at sacred texts.544

* * *

There has been a long discussion about the person of Philo of Alexandria. Many

authors had a problem where to place him. The controversy was whether Philo was more

of a philosopher, exegete, or religious thinker. In the first place, it is necessary to bear in

mind, that Philo's work, originated both in the Jewish background, and in the Greek

background. Philo's works such as: “Allegory of the Sacred Law,” in translation Legum

Allegoriae; “The Creation of the World by Moses,” translated as De Opificio Mundi; “On

the life of Moses,” in translation - De Vito Moses;545 etc. - the titles of those writings

already show his affection for the Hebrew tradition. In Philo, a very close relationship to

the Hebrew Bible, which at that time existed in transcripts in the Greek version as

Septuagint, is evident. Consequently, Philo undoubtedly belonged to the orthodox Jews.

Although S. Sandmel stresses Philo's fidelity to the Mosaic books, the names of files are

partially philosophical works, works of Greek philosophy. The evidence is supported

with frequent quotations of Greek authors. Philo quotes about 64 Greek authors, e.g. poet

Homer, philosophers Plato, Euripides, Heracleitus. Thus, it can be stated that in the

person of Philo the figure of a Jewish thinker blends with the educated Greek. It creates

a symbiosis between Jewish tradition and Greek education. An example is Philo's

understanding of the person of Moses:546 “Moses is, for Philo, not only the one, who

made the Jews chosen nation, but also a philosophical nation.” The term philosophy is

here understood in the widest sense. Philo sees the whole Jewish heritage as wisdom and

543 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 8. 544 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 10-11. 545 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf; HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47. 546 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf; HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47.

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in this context, appoints not only himself but also the Jewish nation in general as a nation

of philosophers. In this sense, it also calls on the Jews to emerge from the closure of

tradition and to open to the world for new education, for new currents, directions that

existed in cosmopolitan cities. Openness, in fact, helps you to see things from a broader

perspective and discover that Greek philosophy is also a revelation of divine origin. Later

on, this journey will be decisive for Christians in the late 2nd century AD.547 Clement of

Alexandria considered the Hebrew Law - Torah, along with Greek philosophy, as a

preparatory way to fullness. The Clement also shows the efforts and perspectives and -

in the driver's desire to reconcile Greek culture with Christianity.548

In his work “Πρόνοι A (Pronias)” in translation as De Providentia,549 Philo writes

about Plato, Pythagoras, Zenon of Kittia as a sacred church of divine thinkers. It aims to

bring the Hebrew monotheistic faith to the Hellenized world through philosophical point

of view. It seeks to interpret the Jewish sacred writings of TaNaCh as philosophically

relevant. It seeks philosophical expressions for various topics of faith, formulates

doctrine about God in philosophical terminology. And most importantly, its intention is

based on translation and interpretation, which is a distinctly hermeneutical area. He

clearly uses an allegorical interpretation on the basis of which he interprets the Law - the

Torah and the whole TaNaCh.550

7.2 Character and Structure of Works of Philo of Alexandria

As mentioned above, Philo of Alexandria was a prolific writer. Most of his works have

been preserved in their entirety, others only in infractions. There are also works, that are

a subject to the discussion about his authorship.551 49 works have been preserved

completely. Some authors only talk about 46 works. This is exactly three-quarters of the

total.552

547 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf. 548 SLODIČKA, A.: Orientálne ortodoxné cirkvi. Michalovce: Misionár, 2008, p. 59; KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf. 549 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47. 550 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf; JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teológia, exegéza a vplyv na neskorších autorov. Prešov: University of Prešov, Orthodox Theological Faculty, 2004, p. 12. 551 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf. 552 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 9

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There are several types of breakdowns of works, but the scholars have largely adopted

this breakdown scheme. The works are broken down as follows:553

1) Allegorical works: this includes eight titles in 21 books.

2) Interpretation of the Law - Torah / TaNach (12 episodes).

3) Apologetic writings (4 works).

A special group consists of:

(a) Questions about Genesis (Questiones in Genesis); Exodus Questions [Quaestiones

in Exodum]554 (6 ep.).

b) Philosophical works (4 works).

Works of Philo were published between1822 to 1826 by J. B. Aucherian. These have

been preserved in the Armenian language and their version dates to the 5th century AD.

They are ancient-Latin-translations of Philo's works served to improve the reconstruction

of the original works. The latest translations555 of Philo's works, which have been

preserved in the Greek and Armenian languages, can be found in the Loeb Classical

Library. The authors are F. H. Colson, G. H. Whittaker, and R. Marcus. It is a ten-volume-

work that includes two volumes of amendments. The work was created between 1929

and 1962.556

It is difficult to characterize Philo's works. They are diverse and differ in structure,

and intent. In the field of so-called 'philonistics', there is considerable debate as to

whether Philo's work is systematic or, on the contrary, unsystematic. Researchers and

scientists currently form two groups. The first is in favor of the idea that his work has no

system. The second group is of the opposite opinion, e.g. D. Runia, M. Nikiprowetzky J.

Cazeaux.

V. Nikiprowetzky characterizes Philo's commentary as a structure of questions

and solutions.557 This is a question-and-answer model. From one question and solution

comes the other, etc. The questions and answers are based on the biblical text that is

commented on. In other words, V. Nikiprowetzky finds the nature of Philo's works

553 GOODENOUGH, E. R: Philo Judeus. In: The Interpreter´s Dictionary of the Bible. Volume 3 K - Q. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1992, p. 796-797. 554 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47. 555 Greek-Czech translation of several works was published in 2001. The works were translated, notes and introductory words were written by Miroslav Šedina. Specifically, there are three works: "The Creation of the World", "The Giants", "The Immutability of God". The book was also published thanks to a contribution from the Czech Science Foundation. It was published in Prague by Oikoymene. ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 695-696. 556 DOUGLAS, J. D. a kol.: Nový biblický slovník. Praha: Návrat domů, 2009, p. 255. 557 The question and solution models were relatively well known. It was also used by the writer Démétrios to clarify the chronology of biblical events. DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 84.

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precisely in this method, which is likely to be affected by Jewish exegesis of Palestinian

and Extra-Palestinian schools.

J. Cazeaux comes up with two terms, proving the systematic nature of Philo’s

works. He points out the interdependence of the works, whether in a literary composition

or a structure. Philo uses certain terms as connective material. The first term is the so-

called “replacement.” According to Cazeaux, Philo often uses quotes from other works

to support his basic text. (Even in this case it may be one of the first methodologies of

Jewish updated interpretation of the Hebrew Bible - difficult texts are explained thought

less difficult or simpler ones.) A second term “surplus” illustrates how Philo expects and

anticipates other topics while still commenting on a text. The conclusion is, that certain

topics, certain texts are included in Philo's works, because of their connection with future

themes. Cazeaux further argues that exegesis does not leave room for Philo's

contributions. The main reason is to maintain the unity and coherence of the Hebrew

Bible. D. Runia does not share that view. He argues that it is thanks to the allegorical

method that Philo gets the space for his contributions. Thanks to allegory he can connect

the sacred texts of Scriptures to Greek concepts and ideas.558

7.3 The Influence of Hellenic Philosophy on Philo of Alexandria

Hellenistic philosophy has left its influence on Philo, quite evidently. Despite this fact,

the person of Philo remained faithful to the Jewish religion.559 For Philo, there was a

supremacy of the Jewish Law - Torah / TaNaCh over philosophy. From the research of

his writings, Philo 's dual view on philosophy can be determined. Philo's philosophy is

both, positive and negative. He was convinced that philosophy, on one hand, could help

in finding the truth, but on the other hand, it could also do harm. He sees a positive aspect

of philosophy in its effort to address the causes of the whole reality. Philosophy is the

way to seek wisdom, σοφία.560 Philo calls philosophy a minister of wisdom. It uses

philosophy to achieve its goal. He believes that philosophy is based on religious

revelation and uses it in this way. He keeps on his mind the Jewish religious tradition

constantly. It approaches philosophy in a critical way and limits its authority. But even

caution does not prevent him from referring to many philosophers and various

philosophical schools. His work with philosophical material is not static, meaning, it does

not only remain with a single philosophical stream. The allegorical method of exegesis

allows him to draw on several thought streams found in the Law of Moses. Even Philo

558 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 12-16. 559 JUDÁK, V.: Izrael na úsvite kresťanstva. In: Historická revue [online]. 2005, vol. XVI, no. 4. http://www.historickarevue.com/?id=archiv_86. 560 HUDYMAČ, P., PRISTÁŠ, P.: Grécko-slovenský slovník k Novému zákonu. Košice: Verbum, 2000, p. 169.

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encourages reading the works of great scholars, philosophers, who move a man on the

road to knowing the truth, even if they come from a pagan environment.561

Like other thinkers, Plato played an important role for Philo. However, this does not

change the fact that the philosopher "par excellence" for Philo, remains “Moses, who has

reached the very top of philosophy.”562 For Philo, philosophy is the instrument by which

a mortal man can relate to God and thus acquire immortality. It creates a relationship

between Judaism as a religion, and philosophy. Both religion and philosophy become the

means of helping one to see beyond the limitations of humanity.563

In Philo, parallels with several philosophical currents are recognized, but Plato's,

Aristotle's and Stoic’ teachings appear quite often here. One example of Philo's

continuation of Greek philosophers is the concept of the immovable mover found at

Aristotle. In his doctrine, Aristotle concludes that there are two metaphysical principles:

substance and form. The form is God. God is therefore without body, without matter,

without mass, is invariable. And since God is the form of everything, it follows that He

is the goal, but also the cause of everything. God is not only the first cause; the immovable

mover of all existing, but ultimately the constantly moving mover.564 In this example, we

can see as Philo masterfully takes over and adapts the predecessor's teaching according

to his needs. According to Philo, God did not give all the power of creation to creation.

But as a steersman, the driver keeps the reins firmly in “hands”. He does not need anyone

else to manage, “for God everything is possible.”565 The use of the term steersman, often

used in Greek philosophy, was intentional by the author. It was an expression of the

constant dependence of creation on its Creator. God in the biblical texts of Israel never

ceases to direct the world and the events in it. In the words of God, everything is possible,

Philo emphasizes that the whole order of the cosmos is the result of God and not some

cosmic principle. The term steersman is also used in the work: Πολιτικός (Politikos),

from Plato. Unlike Philo, in Plato's work, the steersman releases the steering wheel, thus

caring for the world:566 “.. then the steersman of all things, let go of the steering wheel of

the hand, and went down to his lookout.”567

561 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 27-32. 562 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 211. 563 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 32. 564 ONDREJOVIČ, D.: Dejiny filozofie. Bratislava: Evanjelická bohoslovecká fakulta Univerzity Komenského, 1996, p. 22. 565 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 255. 566 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 55-256; KUZYŠIN, B.: KUZYŠIN, B.: Vzťah teológie a filozofie so zreteľom na konštrukciu vzdelávania v Byzancii. http://www.pulib.sk/elpub2/PBF/Husar4/pdf_doc/12_Kuzysin.pdf. 567 PLATO: Politikos. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2005, p. 20.

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Another link is found between Philo and the middle Platonists: e.g. Plutarch of

Chaeronea, Apuleius of Madaura. Their work system showed signs of similarity. Both

Philo and the Mid-Platonists chose what they needed from their predecessors. They

helped themselves with existing and extended systems.568 They also dealt with the same

topics, e.g. the doctrine of providence, the theory of the creation of the world, the search

for man's place in the cosmos. On the other hand, it is not possible to say with certainty

that Philo copied the entire procedure of the Mid-Platonists. One evidence is, that Philo

often goes to other topics during exegesis. The second sign is that the Mid-Platonists did

not write anonymously about their predecessors. The names of the teachers and their

works were mentioned in the writings, while Philo does not mention specific names.569

Philo also uses the Platonic dictionary to defend Jewish Law - Torah / TaNaCh and

the image of God. It rejects any attempt to attribute mythical features to the Jewish Law.

He draws attention to the danger of myths that, according to him, as well as Platonists,

obscure the truth. His concerns are mainly about young, yet unwise people. To look at

my history with mythical eyes was to throw away the true beginning of the whole

existence, to return to polytheism and godlessness. He represented Moses as a legislator

who did not seek to obscure the fact of mythical phrases. According to Philo, Moses gave

the laws majestic character with no fiction and tricks. The uniqueness of the Law - Torah

/ TaNaCh is, that Moses, above all, sought to prepare the mind and heart of those to whom

the Law was addressed. He did not prepare “any fables or the ideas of other authors.”570

Even from the very beginning it does not command what to do and what to refrain from.

According to Philo, the division of the Law - Torah / TaNaCh into two parts, on the

history of creation and the part including orders and prohibitions (narrative and legislative

texts), had its meaning. The aim was to avoid tyranny. So that those who accept God's

commandments by free action do not feel that they are becoming a kind of slave. The

idea of preparation of the mind of beneficiaries, was taken by Philo from Plato and his

work “Τίμαιος (Timaeus).”571

As far as stoicism and stoic doctrine are concerned, Philo draws mainly on their ethical

principles. Stoicism in its development line is divided into three periods. Whether in the

middle or the new era of stoicism, the doctrine of ethics is seen as one of the most

important theses of this philosophical direction.572 The harmonic state of the soul is called

568 GAŽIK, P.: Kapitoly z dejín filozofie a kresťanského myslenia [online]. Bratislava: Evanjelická bohoslovecká fakulta Univerzity Komenského, 2003, p. 12. http://www.h2o-energia.wz.cz/knihy/kapitoly_z_dej_n_filroskopie_a_kres_ansk_ho_myslenia.doc. 569 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teológia, exegéza a vplyv na neskorších autorov. Prešov: University of Prešov, Orthodox Theological Faculty, 2004, p. 46. 570 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 207. 571 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 205-207. 572 ŽIAK, J. S.: Stoicizmus. http://www.ziak.estranky.cz/stranka/stoici.

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a virtue by the Stoics. To achieve a harmonious state is conditioned by knowledge.573 The

Stoic School considered four basic virtues: “providence, reticence, courage, and justice.”

Philo, interpreting the biblical parts of the Book of Genesis about the trees in the Garden

of Eden, established on Stoic ethics. He identifies trees with different virtues. Four rivers

flowing from paradise are exactly four stoic virtues.574 Philo follows on stoicism in the

formulation of natural law, νόμος φύσεως (nómos fyseos). For Stoics, it meant to live

following the nature, to live following common law. On that basis, Philo sees the whole

world as a megalopolis, which is controlled by a single law. The unified law commands

what one should do and how to behave. Law of Moses - the Torah / TaNaCh has, for

Philo, universal character. This deduction is based on three causes: The first - the

influence of Greek political thought, which is closely linked to the geographical

transformation of the Hellenic World. The second reason is the defense against the

isolation of Palestinian Judaism. The third reason is motivated by an attempt to protect

Jewish institutions from being incorporated into the administrative structure of

Alexandria. He points out the danger of destruction of the institution of Jewish piety.

Philo’s understanding of Jews as citizens is not connected with membership of a political

system, but as membership of the universal Jewish religious sphere. When Philo speaks

of natural law, he means the Divine Law-giver who has arranged the world and his deed

is the archetype for human action.575

The influence of Platonic and Stoic philosophy is most reflected in the work "De

Opificio Mundi". Platonic ideas are reflected in Philo's claims: “How did God know, the

Divine Creator, before that beautiful imitation would have arisen without a pattern and

none of the sense of things would be without an error as if it was formed respecting its

archetype, and the idea of ideas." For this cause "formed the first thought that after using

non-physical and divine pattern, made the physical world as a younger image of an

elderly ...” However, in other lines of work he abandones Platonic ideas and formulates

the text as follows: “it cannot be said well enough or imagined that the world of ideas

exists in someplace.”576

To explain, Philo uses an example from specific life. For this purpose, he chooses the

example of an educated architect, “άνήρ άρχιτεκτονικός (anér architektovikós).”577 Just

as the architect proceeds in the construction of the city according to a thoughtful plan,

573 KRSKOVÁ, A.: Pri kolíske európskeho politického a právneho myslenia. http://www.cdvuk.sk/ blade/index.php?c=961&politicke_a_pravne_myslenie. 574 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 48 575 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 207-208. 576 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 221-223. 577 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 223.

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which he first outlined, in his mind, likewise, God realizes the creation of the world.578

“So he first saw his basic features in his mind, made them a thought world, and then,

using it as a model, exposed the sensory world.”579 For Philo, the world of ideas is not

placed outside God, but it represents God's reason, logos, the thought of the Creator of

the world. There is a symbiosis of Platonic ideas with the stoic doctrine of the Divine

World Reason, logos. Also, it means the symbiosis of the biblical law and the stoic world

law. Philo, as a Jew, clearly points to a particular God, the Creator. This example

illustrates the grand synthesis and connection of Hellenic wisdom with the Jewish

religion. The thought processes of Hellenism later became apparent in rabbinic scholars.

Thanks to Hellenism they found their values, meaning, a function of Judaism in the

world. Several texts have been preserved where wisdom has been identified as God's tool

for the creation of the world; in the Jerusalemi Targum to Gn 1:1 or the Midrash of Rab

to Gn by Rabbi Hosai, where even the parable of the builder is used , which is so

prominent in Philo’s work, and finally in the first half of the 2nd century AD this thought

structure was lent by Rabbi Akiba in “Avot III, 14” to express the truth about Torah /

TaNaCh, as a law of the nature of God's gift of the salvation of the Israelites. This has

shown consistency between the Law and the world, and vice versa, the world, and the

Law.580

7.4 Philo of Alexandria and the Jewish Interpretation Methods

The Jewish tradition is convinced that Moses, when he adopted the Decalogue as a

written text, was also given the ability - a way - a method - of the skill to interpret it.

Exegesis of the Torah starts on Mount Sinai, where Moses, in addition to the Law, also

received the tradition called Oral Law. After some time, the event of people’s return from

the Babylonian captivity back into their homeland to Jerusalem became the primary

method of interpretation. Quite often, this event is seen as a new exodus. The reason

behind the importance of this event is also the ushering of a new historical period, which

is based on Cyrus' edict (Cyrus II. Great 590 - 530 BC) on religious freedom and the

return of the Jews to their homeland in 538 BC, which allowed them to confess their

faith to God and return to Palestine.581 The primary reason was to update the text, because

the time at which a tradition was established was different from the time at which the

sacred texts of ancient Israel were read. Especially at the time of their return from

578 SCHUBERT, K.: Židovské náboženství v preměnách věků. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1995, p. 134. 579 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 225. 580 SCHUBERT, K.: Židovské náboženství v preměnách věků. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1995, p. 134-135. 581 VARŠO, M.: Počúvaj Izrael ... Prešov: GTF PU, 2013, p. 167-178.

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Babylonian captivity, in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, the Jews felt the differences of

the cultural situation of the time with the previous periods.582

These historical circumstances also influence the way in which Jewish authors are

interpreted. The new political situation and ignorance of the Old-Hebrew language create

new ways of bringing the sacred texts of Israel closer to the nation. The basic theme is

constantly pointing to the salvific act of God which was similar to the deliverance of the

people from the Egyptian slavery. The nation is again called to a firm faith in God,

Yahweh. The release from Babylon's captivity is the beginning of a new era of salvation,

in which God revealed Himself as the Savior of the Jewish people. In the spiritual renewal

of the nation, which is based on the return to the authentic values of the Covenant from

Sinai, the Word of God through which one can find the God of Israel is central.

The Exegetical Tradition in “Erec Jisra'el”

After the return of Jewish communities from the Babylonian captivity in the 6th century

BC, the Hebrew Bible and its main part, the Torah (and their interpretation) play a major

role in the life of the Jewish people. The priests point to the unimaginable love of God

and the mercy of God towards the people of Israel. The resulting theological reflection

subsequently consisted in the fact that while God - JHWH remained faithful to his

promises, the kings, the leaders of the nation and the nation violated the covenant that

was made between God and the people of Israel on Mt. Sinai. The priests wanted to

convince the people with an urgent tone to obediently receive God's message and live

accordingly.583

During this period, the main role is assumed by the Jewish priest Ezra.

Coming to Artaxerxes in Jerusalem with new caravans, is Ezra, the scribe

in charge of the Jewish people, sent by the Persian court. He carries a

binding, legal decree authorizing him to impose upon the society the Law of

Moses, recognized as the King's Law. According to the story of the book,

Ezra came to Jerusalem in the year 458 BC, in the seventh year of the rule

of Artaxerxes I. (Ezra 7:8). Admitting that Ezra came after Nehemiah, but

denying that there was a change in the Persian throne, which the text says

nothing about, some newer exegetes say that Ezra came between the two

missions of Nehemiah. They do this, however, at the cost of making a

correction in Ezra 7:8. As a result, Ezra would have had to come not in the

7th year, but in the 37th year of Artaxerxes rule, i.e. in. 428 BC. Ezra is

582 WRÓBEL, M.S.: Biblia Aramejska. Targum Neofiti I. Księga Rodzaju. Lublin: Wydawnicztwo „Gaudium“, 2014, p. XXXIV-XXXV. 583 RENDTORFF, R.: Hebrejská Bible a dejiny. Úvod do starozákonnej literatúry, Praha: Vyšehrad, 1996, p. 83-103.

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actually the father of Judaism with its three essential ideas: the chosen

generation, Temple and the Law. His sincere faith and the need to protect

the fledgling community explain the intransigence of his reforms and a

certain particularism, which he imposed on his compatriots. He is the

patron saint of the scribes and his influence continued to grow in Jewish

tradition.584

The Jewish Palestinian canon of Scripture ends with a story of the return of the Jewish

people to their homeland through the decision of King Cyrus, who, in the first year of his

reign in Babylon, allowed the Jews to return to Jerusalem and restore the temple and

worship in it.585

As the basis of the interpretation is considered the text of the book of Nehemiah 8:1-

8, where, Ezra, the expert scholar of the Scripture, reads from the book of God's law as

it says: 1 all the people came together as one in the square before the Water Gate.

They told Ezra the teacher of the Law to bring out the Book of the Law of

Moses, which the Lord had commanded for Israel. 2 So on the first day of

the seventh month Ezra the priest brought the Law before the assembly,

which was made up of men and women and all who were able to understand. 3 He read it aloud from daybreak till noon as he faced the square before the

Water Gate in the presence of the men, women and others who could

understand. And all the people listened attentively to the Book of the Law. 4 Ezra the teacher of the Law stood on a high wooden platform built for the

occasion. Beside him on his right stood Mattithiah, Shema, Anaiah, Uriah,

Hilkiah and Maaseiah; and on his left were Pedaiah, Mishael, Malkijah,

Hashum, Hashbaddanah, Zechariah and Meshullam. 5 Ezra opened the

book. All the people could see him because he was standing above them;

and as he opened it, the people all stood up. 6 Ezra praised the Lord, the

great God; and all the people lifted their hands and responded, “Amen!

Amen!” Then they bowed down and worshiped the Lord with their faces to

the ground. 7 The Levites—Jeshua, Bani, Sherebiah, Jamin, Akkub,

Shabbethai, Hodiah, Maaseiah, Kelita, Azariah, Jozabad, Hanan and

Pelaiah—instructed the people in the Law while the people were standing

there.8 They read from the Book of the Law of God, making it clear and

584 HISTORICKÉ KNIHY STARÉHO ZÁKONA S KOMENTÁRMI JERUZALEMSKEJ BIBLIE. Trnava: Dobrá kniha, 2005, s. 265 - 267. 585 BIBLIA HEBRAICA STUTTGARTENSIA. נביאים וכתובים תורה Stuttgart: Deuche Bibelgesellschaft, 1967/77, Vierte, verbessrte Auflage 1990; OXFORD ENGLISH – HEBREW HEBREW – ENGLISH DICTIONARY, Kernerman – Lonnie Kahn, 1995.

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giving the meaning so that the people understood what was being read.”

(Neh 8:1-8)

Ezra is surrounded by priests who interpret and explain the Law / Torah to people.

They undertake these two activities:586

1. Lecturing God’s word

2. Helping people understand God’s word - the hermeneutics of the content of God's

message to Israel; the message is contained in the Scripture, and once it is understood, it

can then be applied to the life of the nation of Israel.

These two positions of interpretation represent limits and boundaries for all kinds of

biblical studies in Judaism. Subsequent generations of Jewish teachers and their students

showed interest in the sacred nature of these words and their transfer to practice. At the

same time, the Torah texts were interpreted / updated and explained in the light of their

current (actual) environment and in the context of the current situation of the Jews. The

dynamic attitude to the possibility of interpreting the Hebrew Bible as God's Word

consistently provided in Judaism the opportunity to renew and update the sacred texts of

the Torah throughout the history of the Jewish people.587 The Torah is understood as the

"Tree or Trees of Life", which provides the Jews with a way to fulfill God's creative will

for man. Until now, the role of interpretation has been entrusted only to Jewish rabbis.

Their interpretation and explanation have been developed through several literary

genres:588

1. Midrash – Sermons and homilies

2. Perush – Commentaries

3. Piyyut – Religious poetry

4. Legal Codices and Responsa (answers to questions)

5. Philosophical and mystical tractates

The foundation of the Jewish biblical interpretation is first and foremost the opinion

and at the same time the irrefutable conviction of the Jews that the Hebrew language is

sacred because it also coincides with the language of God. Types of interpretation can be

explained in two Jewish technical terms that have been used throughout the history of

Jewish interpretation of biblical texts as they are known:589

1. Peshat - Peshat - “a widespread and accepted understanding of a certain biblical

meaning as a meaning passed on in Jewish traditions - as a clear meaning”

2. Derash – “homiletic meaning.”

586 SIGNER, A. M.: How the Bible Has Been Interpreted in Jewish Tradition. In: New Interpreter’s Bible, Vol. 1, 65-82. Nashville: Abingdon, 1994, p. 67. 587 LEŠČINSKÝ, J.: Dynamická antropológia Biblie. Košice: Verbum, 2004, p. 54-59. 588 STEMBERGER, G.: Úvod do judaistiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2010, p. 77-114. 589 NOVÝ BIBLICKÝ SLOVNÍK. Praha: Návrat domů, 1996, p. 1105.

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Both types, Peshat and Derash, exist in a dialectical tension, which provides vital

components for the actual interpretation. It is possible to record the most significant

changes in Judaism throughout its history by pointing to its evolution within the biblical

interpretation.590 “In today's vocabulary, one could speak of ‘literary meaning’ and the

‘spiritual sense.’ However, it is necessary to realize that the adjectives of literary and

spiritual are nowadays understood differently from how they were understood by the

Jews in their time.”591

However, there are three important spheres of Jewish exegetic activity during each

historical period:592

1. The first is lexical or philological. The ancient rabbis and their successors were

responsible for the interpretation of the Scriptures so that sacred texts could be accepted

and understood by the community as an important part of hermeneutic activities.

2. The second area focuses on the sequence or continuity of the sacred biblical text.

Improvement in grammar and syntax allowed the Jewish interpretation to become

particularly creative and resourceful in its exegetical efforts.

3. The third area of the Jewish interpretation is the emphasis on aligning traditional

interest in the sacred texts of the Torah with elements of Hellenistic culture. When

philosophical or scientific development in non-Jewish culture became a subject of

disagreement, specific kinds of biblical interpretation became an important place for self-

expression of Jews and the creation of various polemics about the boundaries between

the profane world and the world of Hebrew Bible texts.

Known are also the Aramaic translations and interpretations of texts called “targum -

pl. targums (targums).” These are works that see the sacred history of Israel in a new

light. They were thus not just some simple commentaries. The Targums, the Aramaic

translations of the Biblical text, pursued the same purpose as the Septuagint, representing

therefore another indicator of the earliest desire to interpret the Hebrew Bible.593 The aim

was to update the text to answer the contemporary questions while also taking into

account the cultural context. These Aramaic works have a dual character: they are both a

translation and an explanation (understanding). It is a translation to understand the text

and the message. The authors of the Targums assumed that the Scripture contained

answers to all questions. The Targums were supposed to bring the holy text closer to the

590 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2010, p. 62-64 and 89-160. 591 VARŠO, M.: Zjec čo máš po ruke. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 88. 592 SIGNER, A. M.: How the Bible Has Been Interpreted in Jewish Tradition. In: New Interpreter’s Bible, Vol. 1, 65-82. Nashville: Abingdon, 1994, p. 66. 593 PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISIA: Interpretácia Biblie v Cirkvi. Spišské Podhradie: Kňazský seminár biskupa J. Vojtaššáka Spišská Kapitula, 1995, p. 56.

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listener.594 Targums are characterized by volatility. They alternate in verbal translation

with enriching, descriptive texts. Knowing that the value of the targum is lower than the

original gave freedom to its makers to translate, update and extend the text. Torah

translators translated into Aramaic every single verse by verse (one at a time), as the text

was read to them. In the case of the Prophetic collection, three verses were read and

translated at a time. The translator was also not allowed to rely directly on the written

text, nor to look into the scrolls of the Torah. Initial custom consisted in a system in which

the interpreter stood next to the person who read the text and immediately translated, at

the same time explaining the read text.595

It may be noted that while the rabbis allowed for a translation of the texts into the

Aramaic language, they laid down precise rules. Targums were used in worship and

teaching. Later, complete targums of the individual books of the Scripture were created,

some of which were not used for worship in their entirety, e.g. Psalms, or Job. From the

Targum to the Torah, we can say that the word targum is “Targum Onkelos”. Targum

Neofiti I is also very important.596 It is usually printed next to the original in the Talmudic

Bible. Its origin is dated to Erec Jisra'el,597 but it has later been the subject of many

revisions in Babylon. Palestinian Targums, e.g. “Pseudo-Jonatan,” enriches the original

text. Finally, it is worth adding that the targums were not created to be the subject of

commentaries, since they were themselves created as a commentary.598

Other methods existed, such as Pešer – pl. Pešarím, or the gematria method. The term

comes from the Greek word geometry, which means counting and measuring. Gematria

was among the 32 hermeneutic rules of Haggadah, which were used in the interpretation

of the Torah. A word can assume a new meaning by calculating the numerical value of

the messages it consists of. Gematria is considered to be one of the more complicated

methods of interpreting the Torah.599

594 WRÓBEL, M.S.: Biblia Aramejska. Targum Neofiti I. Księga Rodzaju. Lublin: Wydawnicztwo „Gaudium“, 2014, p. XXXI. 595 NEWMAN, J., SIVAN, G.: Judaismus od A do Z. Slovník pojmů a termínů. Praha: Sefer, 2004, p. 224. 596 WRÓBEL, M. S.: Biblia Aramejska. Targum Neofiti I. Księga Rodzaju. Lublin: Wydawnicztwo “Gaudium,” 2014. 597 The Term: Erec Jisra'el – denotes the land of Israel. The non-Jewish equivalent is ‘Palestine.’ Erec Jisra'el a deeper meaning, too. It goes beyond the political boundaries of the State of Israel. In other words, it refers to the whole biblical land. NEWMAN, J., SIVAN, G.: Judaismus od A do Z. Slovník pojmů a termínů. Praha: Sefer, 2004, p. 34. 598 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 79-83; NEWMAN, J., SIVAN, G.: Judaismus od A do Z. Slovník pojmů a termínů. Praha: Sefer, 2004, p. 224-225. 599 NEWMAN, J., SIVAN, G.: Judaismus od A do Z. Slovník pojmů a termínů. Praha: Sefer, 2004, p. 37-38; Škola – Cheder, Ješiva. http://kehilazilina.sk/viewpage.php?page_id=48.

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The Essenes (in Greek: Έσσαιοι’)600 used the midrash pesher method of interpretation

of prophecies. In rabbinical Judaism of the later era, explanatory comments were found,

which later became part of the Talmud. And here we distinguish between halachic601 and

haggadic exegesis. Halachic exegesis focused its attention mainly on the development

and explanation of the law. Haggadic exegesis as opposed to halachic exegesis contains

several kinds of texts, genres, ideas. It also includes theological, reflexive, moral, and

practical exegesis.602 The objective is to present the most accurate approach of the Jews

to the sacred texts, which formed from the earliest attempts of Jewish exegesis:603 “The

biblical text contains truths whose value and meaning lasts all the time, but the individual

expressions are not equally clear at all times.”604

The Caves of Qumran605 were a place where a lot of material was found regarding the

biblical text. There appeared manuscripts with biblical texts, various commentaries,

paraphrases and other Scripture-related materials. It should be noted that not all texts

found in the areas mentioned, namely in Qumran, come from this community (the

community of the Essenes). However, the fact remains that the found materials serve to

crystallize attempts to interpret the Hebrew Bible. Finally, “the hermeneutic approach

does not manifest itself in the context of the interpretation of the text, but is decisive in

any handling of it.” Qumran offered many texts of various kinds. E. Tov divided the

material into five groups:606

60% of the material was attributed to the proto-Masoretic type.607

Proto-Samaritan text divested of sectarian elements.

The type of text that is believed to have served as a template for the creation of

theSeptuagint. The text is shorter and arranged in a different way than the Masoretic text.

600 FARMER W. R.: Essenes. In: The Interpreter´s Dictionary of the Bible. Volume 2. E – J. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1991, p. 143. 601 VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 85. 602 MÁTEL, A.: Metódy exegézy. www.andrejmatel.info/Texty/Biblicum/.../Metody_exegezy.doc. 603 VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 88. 604 STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutik. In: VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 88. 605 TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Komunita v Kumráne a jej teologické predstavy. In: Izraelský monoteizmus v kontexte dejín starovekého Blízkeho Východu: Zborník z medzinárodnej vedeckej konferencie konanej v rámci projektu „Biblické dni“ ktoré sa uskutočnili 15. a 16. apríla 2008 na Prešovskej univerzite v Prešove, Gréckokatolíckej teologickej fakulte z príležitosti vyhlásenia Roku svätého Pavla /28. júna 2008 – 29. júna 2009/ a blížiacej sa Synody biskupov o Božom slove v Ríme. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Gréckokatolícka teologická fakulta, 2008, p. 93. 606 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 51-52. 607 VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 81; GECSE, G., HORVÁTH, H.: Malý lexikon Biblie. Bratislava: Danubiaprint, 1990, p. 125; Sväté písmo. Trnava: Spolok svätého Vojtecha, 1995, p. 18.

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The text that is typical of the Community of Qumran is most likely written in this

site. It is characterized by peculiarities in spelling, grammar and adaptation of the text to

the context at that time.

Text that cannot be assigned to any of the above groups.

The process of evaluation of the available material is not easy. There are still

unanswered questions and many conjectures. One of the unanswered questions is whether

any of the communities used only their own text or whether other types of text were also

accepted? There are rumors around the Qumran itself. It is not known whether all of the

found texts were used in the same way for the study of the Scriptures and for reading in

the liturgy.608

For the Qumran community, or namely the way it used the holy Scriptures, is typical

to use the following introductory formulation: “It is written,” “as it is written,” “in

accordance with what is written.” The Qumran society was convinced that the “Teacher

of Righteousness,” that is, their founder, received a complete understanding of the

prophecies through a unique revelation. Some parts of the texts are used in literary,

historical sense in the Qumran scrolls and others are adapted to the current situation. The

interpretation was based solely on Scripture with regard to the community. There was a

belief in the community of Qumran that Scripture contained the authentic words of

God.609 The best-known form of interpretation of Scripture at Qumran is the already

mentioned Pešer (pl. Pešarím); in addition, there were commentaries to the book of

Genesis, the prophets, namely to Isaiah, Hosea, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah,

Malachi, and the individual psalms, all of which were probably considered prophetic

writings. The text and interpretation are visibly separated from each other. Interpretation

is marked with the word "pišró" (from Hebrew – his(her) interpretation). Through the

interpretation, the text refers to its own community, its history, present and future. In the

words of the prophets, they see personalities of their own time, whether they are the

Teachers of Justice, the wicked priest, or the Romans. A prerequisite for the interpretation

of the verse - “pišró” - is the knowledge that society is at the end of history that was

prophesied by the prophets. The interpretation is directed to the Teachers of Justice. They

know the meaning, the secret of the words of the prophets. If the interpretation is the

result of revelation, it cannot be the subject of further discussion. It assumes the role of a

608 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 51-52. 609 PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISE: Židovský národ a jeho svatá písma v křesťanské Bibli. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 2004, p. 27.

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single valid interpretation. For this reason, not everyone can interpret. Interpretation is

closely related to revelation and inspiration.610

Parts of Aramaic and Greek translations of the Hebrew Bible were also found in

Qumran.611 It is not known how the texts got here. We can only hypothesize whether they

were used in this environment at all, and if so, in what way. The individual methods are

outlined on the pages that follow. A more complex treatment was not possible because

the scope of the work does not leave room for their detailed processing. D.I. Brewer dealt

with the exclusion of exegetic material from early rabbinic texts. He discussed the

interpretation techniques of the Pharisees, Sadducees, as well as the schools of Hillel612

and Shamaj.613 He distinguished four main exegetical approaches used before 70 AD:614

peshat – the basic meaning of the text;

the nomological approach;

super-literal (ultra-literal), or allegorical approach;

derash – an extensive teaching/admonition – later became Midrash.

Peshat and derash are the terms for “simple” and allegorical meaning respectively.

The Nomological Approach is an indication of access to Scripture as a precisely

formulated legal document. When it comes to the super-literal approach, its name makes

it evident that it emphasizes the verbal meaning of the biblical text, even if it contradicts

the context. Based on the analysis of D.I. Brewer, we are lead to the conclusion that the

schools of Hillel and Shamaj, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, differ from the later rabbis,

that is, those living after 70 AD. He noted the absence of a nomological approach in the

Sadducees. He includes Sadducees and later rabbis in the scribal exegesis group – known

for its legalistic interpretation. The group is further characterized by compliance with the

following rules:615

610 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 62-63. 611 The fragments of about 830 manuscripts were mostly written in Hebrew language, 10% in Aramaic, and a smaller portion in Greek. About 70% of the texts were found in Cave 4. TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Komunita v Kumráne a jej teologické predstavy. In: Izraelský monoteizmus v kontexte dejín starovekého Blízkeho Východu: Zborník z medzinárodnej vedeckej konferencie konanej v rámci projektu „Biblické dni“ ktoré sa uskutočnili 15. a 16. apríla 2008 na Prešovskej univerzite v Prešove, Gréckokatolíckej teologickej fakulte z príležitosti vyhlásenia Roku svätého Pavla /28. júna 2008 – 29. júna 2009/ a blížiacej sa Synody biskupov o Božom slove v Ríme. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Gréckokatolícka teologická fakulta, 2008, p. 93. 612 VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 89. 613 In the Talmudic terminology, the study, exploration, and relational analysis between doctrine and live is called “daraš (darash).” The scholar is called “daršan (darshan)”, i.e. expositor or preacher. The founders of important schools, such as Šamaj and Hillel, were also called “daršani (darshans).” DE VRIES, S. P.: Židovské obřady a symboly. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2008, p. 45. 614 JEANROND, W. G.: Hemeneutyka teologiczna. Krakow: WAM, 1999, s.28. 615 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 49-50.

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1. Scripture is in itself consistent, self-sufficient.

2. Every single detail is essential (the sanctity of the Hebrew language).

3. The context must be taken into account in Scripture.

4. Absence of secondary meaning of Scripture.

5. There is only one valid form of Scripture.

The opposite of this group is the non-scribal exegesis group. Here he assigns authors

such as Philo of Alexandria, Josephus Flavius and the targums. Both groups share the

first two points. He sees differences in the next three points:

1. The interpretation of Scripture can be done regardless of context, even against it.

2. There are secondary meanings in Scripture.

3. Texts containing certain deviations as well as the translations themselves are

authentic and valid forms of Scripture.

Brewer's efforts to reconstruct the principles and rules of rabbinic exegesis serve to

enrich knowledge, but there are still many shortcomings and inconsistencies that prevent

us from having a clear picture about the existing exegetical methods before 70 AD.616

In the 1st - 2nd century AD, there are already hermeneutic systems for the

interpretation of the Hebrew Bible - Torah / TaNaCh / Septuagint in Judaism. These are

the rules (regulations) – middót617 of the rabbis Hillel, Jišmael, and Eliezer. More

precisely, these are the seven rules that are attributed to Rabbi Hillel the Elder (20 BC -

15 AD), thirteen middots of Rabbi Jišmael and thirty-two middots of Rabbi Eliezer.618

These rules themselves have been the subject of many hermeneutic debates and have

been supplemented on a large scale. In the 2nd century AD, the principles of a new

rabbinic interpretation were formed. Rabbi Jizmael insisted on adding rules of

interpretation to those provided by Rabbi Hillel. The work with the biblical text consisted

mainly in comparing grammatical forms, parallels in Scripture, exploring its content and

so on.619

616 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 49-50. 617 The term “middót” (hebr. middót = rules, legal decrees), Hebrew herm. – “Collections of exegetical principles taught by the rabbis when interpreting biblical texts. The Collection of Hillel’s Seven Norms belongs among the most known and used collections.” HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: PSÚSCM, 1992. 618 STEMBERGER, G.: Talmund a Midraš – Úvod do rabínskej literatúry. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1999, p. 43-45. 619 LEVINASOVÁ, P. N.: Úvod do židovské exegeze Písma. In: Teologické texty. roč. X, 1999, p. 19; PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISIA: Židovský národ a jeho Svätá Písma v kresťanské Biblii. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 2003, p. 26-29.

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7.5 The Exegetical Tradition in Hellenistic Judaism

In recent times, the researchers have come to believe that the fundamentals of exegesis

lie in the Alexandrian oikoumenè. These conclusions come from the fact that it was here

that interpretations of Homer's texts were made. In the Hellenic world, exegesis merged

with elements of rhetoric and legislation. The Jewish tradition is based on the assumption

that many answers to current questions are implicitly present. Two types of exegetic

tradition are distinguished: “the first bases its authority on its origin in the words of the

Bible. The second tradition relies on authority, which is based on the believer community

that lives according to Scripture and its customs are therefore considered a form of

exegesis.”620

Jews in the diaspora have their own Scripture, their own speech, phonology of the

language, the phoné. Therefore, the translation, “ermhnei,a (hermeneia)” of the Torah is

so important. Philo’s view of the translation after the sacred text lies in the idea that every

translation requires a great deal of effort. He highlights the difficulty of translations.

There is a re-emergence of the already expressed idea that nothing should be added or

removed. Philo appeals to translations to preserve the primary idea and character of the

text, i.e. ‘idean kai typon.’ He recalls that the translation partly requires a new revelation.

Philo writes that the translation into another language is at the same level as the original.

For this reason, the authors are not called translators, but priests of mysteries,

hierophanias, and prophets, which Septuagint translated from the Hebrew word ‘nabí,’

which means to speak, to shout.621 Philo considers translators as inspired authors who

wrote the holy text as a literal dictation, regardless of the difficulties and possibilities of

the language.622 Josephus Flavius was critical of Philo. He did not consider the Septuagint

as equal to the Hebrew Bible. Knowing both languages perfectly, he noticed some

differences and therefore refused to accept both texts as one and the same.623

The works of the representatives of Hellenic-Jewish philosophy are deep in content

due to religious ideas. Not only Philo but also other Hellenized Jewish authors encounter

the following problem in their reflections. On the one hand, there is a desire to maintain

the belief that the truth is revealed only in their sacred writings, but on the other they are

very well aware that Greek philosophers, especially Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics

possess the philosophical truth. They find some consolation in the assumption that Moses'

620 VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 80. 621 MÁTEL, A.: Sociálne posolstvo proroka Micheáša. Proroci. http://andrejmatel.info/Texty/Biblicum/ StaryZakon/Micheas.doc. 622 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: De Vita Mosis, 2,37-2,40. In: DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 68 623 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 68-79.

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books were long known to the Greeks and that the thinkers themselves drew on them.

Jewish writers are increasingly starting to use figurative interpretation. “As far as their

own sacred writings are concerned, they are moving to bring their content into line with

Greek philosophy, increasingly from verbal interpretation to metaphorical, figurative

(allegorical) interpretation.”624 Philo of Alexandria also knows the third source of

knowledge. In addition to Greek philosophy and allegorical interpretation, the third

source is enlightenment that comes immediately from God.625 The allegorical

interpretation of the biblical stories, the provisions of Moses, is marked by an effort to

reach deeper into the biblical tradition, which, according to him, is not linked only with

a verbal understanding of sacred texts and the observance of prescribed commands

(micvot). He believes that biblical truths do not only apply to the Jewish community but

are universal.626

Thanks to Philo, the Jews could be proud of the philosophical depth of their ancient

heritage of the Hebrew Bible and continue to preserve it in the foreign seductive

environment of Alexandria. An important process of this direction is the already

mentioned and most significant translation of the Hebrew Bible - the “Septuagint” of the

Jews in the diaspora in Alexandria, and then other books into the Greek language. It was

the first translation of a foreign language work into the Greek language, and at the same

time the first translation of the Bible at all, with the catechetical and educational reasons

for the new Hellenistic environment.627 Today, it is not possible to determine the exact

measure of Greek influence on the rabbinic interpretation of Scripture. However, it is

important to realize that Greek and Jewish interpreters share a common goal - to

understand and apply their classical - ancient works to new cultural, linguistic political

and ethical, social and economic conditions. In any case, it should be noted that:

The interpretation of Scripture began in this environment. One of the

earliest testimonies of the Jewish interpretation of the Bible is the ancient

Greek translation of Septuagint. The Aramaic Targums are another

testimony to the same effort that continues today. Judaism has produced an

unusual amount of scientific means that served to preserve the Old

Testament text and to explain the meaning of Bible texts. At all times, the

best Christian exegetes, from Origen and Hieronymus, have sought to use

624 STÖRIG, H. J.: Malé dějiny filozofie. Praha: Zvon, české katolické nakladatelství, 1991, p. 149. 625 STÖRIG, H. J.: Malé dějiny filozofie. Praha: Zvon, české katolické nakladatelství, 1991, p. 149. 626 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 9. 627 TIRPÁK, P.: Odovzdávanie viery v rodine ako edukačný proces. In: Školská a mimoškolská katechéza v európskej edukačnej štruktúre. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Gréckokatolícka teologická fakulta, 2008. 35-70.

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Jewish biblical erudition to better understand the Scriptures. Many modern

exegetes follow this example.”628

Concerning the religion of the Jews in Alexandria, Philo's sophisticated syncretism was

a counterweight to the far less sensitive religious syncretism promoted by some members

of the clergy and Jerusalem aristocracy.629 Not much is known about the evolution of

Judaism in the era following Alexander the Great, when Jews were citizens of the State

of the Diadochs. However, the existing evidence indicates that there were strong

assimilation tendencies.630 The Jewish religion came into contact with Hellenic culture

since the end of the 4th century and the beginning of the 3rd century BC. Hekataios of

Abder, who was active during the time of Ptolemy I, holds the primacy of being the first

Greek to record the relations of the Greeks with the Jews. He summarized the information

about the Jews in a work entitled “History of Egypt.” A more significant symbiosis of

Jews and Greek culture occurred in the translation of the aforementioned Septuagint. The

link between the two cultures gradually grew stronger. Judaism opened the door to Greek

culture. Philo himself embarked on this journey with his allegorical interpreta-

tion.

Judaism itself left a number of methods that have later been used to explain sacred

texts. These constitute a wide range of forms, e.g. parabola, allegory, psalms, anthems,

revelations, dreams, visions. The outcome of Jewish work served for the exegesis of the

aforementioned Old and New Testaments. E.g. “The ancient Jewish traditions allow us

to better know the Septuagint, the Jewish Bible in the Greek language, which, at least

during the first four centuries of the Church, was the first part of the Christian Bible; this

is still the case in the East.”631

7.6 The Alexandrian Translation: The Septuagint – LXX and its

Importance in Hellenism

The Canon (Codex) of Alexandria is also called the Alexandrian Translation.632 As a

canon of the Hebrew Bible of the inspired books, it is known in scientific circles under

its Latin name, Septuagint, and Greek name “ἡ μετάφρασις τῶν ἑβδομήκοντα (hē

628 PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISIA: Interpretácia Biblie v Cirkvi, 1993, Spišská kapitula – Spišské Podhradie: Kňazský seminár biskupa J. Vojtaššáka, 1995, p. 56. 629 FISBANE, M. A.: Judaismus - Zjevení a tradice. Praha: Prostor, 2003, p. 42-43. 630 SCHUBERT, Židovské náboženství v proměnnách věku, Praha: Vyšehrad, 2010, p. 142. 631 PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISIA: Interpretácia Biblie v Cirkvi. Spišské Podhradie: Kňazský seminár biskupa J. Vojtaššáka Spišská Kapitula, 1995, p. 57. 632 This text was previously published in: SLIVKA, D.: Posvätné spisy judaizmu (vybrané kapitoly: ת נ ״ ך – TaNaCh, מקרא – Mikra). Vysokoškolská učebnica pre študentov z odborov religionistika, multikultúrne európske štúdia a teológie. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, 2018, p. 92-97

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metáphrasis tōn hebdomḗkonta).” The Latin abbreviation of Septuagint is LXX.633 This

is the oldest and most important translation of the Hebrew Bible into the Greek language.

The story about its author as well as about how it was created is recorded in the legend

of Aristaeus’ Letter.634 This letter also contains historical events that occurred after the

death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC. After the division of Alexander's Empire among

his generals, Ptolemy I, called Soter, gains control of all of Egypt. He would eventually

become the founder of the Ptolemy Dynasty in Egypt for centuries. At that time,

Alexander the Great founded the city of Alexandria, which became the capital of the

political and social world and the seat of various scientific and cultural centers of the

Mediterranean. Alexandria was most famous for its huge library, which contained the

most important documents and works of the world known at that time, except for the

texts of the Hebrew Bible. Its administrator was the historically known librarian

Demetrius of Faleron. In Alexandria, there was already a large Jewish colony, probably

a million Jews. “There was probably also the largest Jewish colony in the diaspora,

which could compete with Palestine in many areas of cultural-religious life. There were

prominent representatives of Jewish life, such as Philo of Alexandria and the author of

the deuterocanonical book Jesus ben Sirach.”635 The second ruler of Alexandria, known

as Filadelfos, decided, after consulting the library administrator, to request a translation

of the Hebrew Bible into the Greek language for Jews living in the Hellenistic

environment in Alexandria. They turned for help to the Jewish high priest Eleazar in

Jerusalem. In order to receive a positive response to their request, the author of the letter

Aristaeus had previously asked King Filadelfos to release the 100,000 detained Jewish

slaves. The petition sent to Jerusalem contains a request for translators and generous

donations for the Temple of Jerusalem. High Priest Eleazar then sends 70 Jewish scholars

who would translate the Hebrew Bible into the Greek language in 70 days.636 Hence the

Latin name of the translation Septuagint - LXX, which means seventy. Another tradition

says that the translation was done by 72 Jews living in the diaspora in Egypt, in

Alexandria. The name of the Septuagint is also derived from the number of translators,

which means a translation of seventy in 72 days.637

633 PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISIA: Židovský národ a jeho Svätá Písma v kresťanské Biblii. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 2004, p. 30. 634 “Aristeos’ Letter is actually a legend about the origin of LXX. The Hellenic apocrypha have a missional purpose. They introduce Judaism to the surrounding world and represent a response to the then growing anti-semitism.” DUKA, D.: Úvod do Písma sv. Starého zákona. http://krystal.op.cz/pub/udps1.htm 635 DUKA, D.: Úvod do Písma sv. Starého zákona. http://krystal.op.cz/pub/udps1.htm 636 DUKA, D.: Úvod do Písma sv. Starého zákona. http://krystal.op.cz/pub/udps1.htm 637 RENDTORFF, R.: Hebrejská bible a dějiny. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1996, p. 355; STRUPPE, U.: Úvod do Starého zákona. Nitra: Kňazský seminár sv. Gorazda, 1998, p. 20.

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The translation of the Hebrew Bible into the Greek language probably originated in

the 3rd - 2nd century BC for those Jews who no longer understood the books written in

the Hebrew language.638 Jews of this period lived in an environment that used the Greek

language every day, and most of the Jewish people themselves no longer understood the

Hebrew text. Other reasons for translating the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek were

pedagogical, catechetical, liturgical, and religious.

The Greek text of the Septuagint was used by the Jewish community in Alexandria:639

in the synagogue liturgy,

in lectures and in religious education,

in Jewish apologetics,

in controversies and exchanges of opinions between Hellenistic philosophy /

culture and the Jewish culture.

In the Hellenistic environment, Septuagint brought the Jewish religion closer to

pagans / non-Jews, and at the same time consolidated Israeli monotheism against

polytheism and, from the Jewish perspective, pagan idolatry.640

The boundary of the Canon of Alexandria, (i.e. the Septuagint Codex) is determined

by the following conditions:

first of all, it accepted the conditions set out in the Hebrew canon – TaNaCh, and

expanded them for educational, catechetical, liturgical, cultural or religious reasons;

that is, to include books written not only in Hebrew,641 but also in Greek

language, written outside of Palestine;

this also meant that it included books written after the 3rd century BC;

these books, however, had to be in a perfect unison with the Torah;

it also accepted books of insignificant value - books that were important only for

the Jewish community in Alexandria and other Jewish communities in the Hellenistic

world of that time.

In Judaism, the Septuagint was first very much appreciated, but after the

Synod in Jamnia around 90 AD, the Jews began to distance themselves from

it not only because (a) it was used by the Christian Church, but also because

(b) it contained writings that were not in the Jewish canon of the Hebrew

Bible. At the time of Septuagint's creation, the Hebrew text of the Old

638 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: PSÚSCM, 1992, p. 916. 639 TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Úvod do knihy Žalmov. Ružomberok: Pedagogická fakulta Katolíckej univerzity v Ružomberku, 2008, p. 95. 640 TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Úvod do knihy Žalmov. Ružomberok: Pedagogická fakulta Katolíckej univerzity v Ružomberku, 2008, p. 95. 641 Many of the books in Greek language had probably been originally written in Hebrew but the Hebrew originals were preserved.

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Testament was not yet stable, and therefore, compared to the later

Masoretic text, there are many variants that point to an earlier different

presentation of the pre-Masoretic text of the Old Testament. As the

Septuagint contained inconsistencies and inaccuracies in comparison with

the Hebrew text, other Greek translations emerged already in the 2nd

century AD known as Aquila’s, Symmachus’ and Teodoción translations.

Later, Origen († 254 AD), in his work Hexapla, attempted to review the

Septuagint based on the Hebrew text, but only partially. The significance of

the Septuagint is that it had made the Old Testament available to the

Hellenistic world, thus paving the way for the proclamation of the Gospel

to the Jews in the diaspora.642

Other parts were later added to the translation of the Hebrew text into Greek, that were

written in Hebrew or Aramaic, and thus translated again into Greek to form the

Septuagint together with seven more books not included in the original Hebrew, i.e. the

Palestinian Canon.643 These books have come to be known as Deuterocanonical

writings.644 These are 7 deuterocanonical books, which are included in to Canon of

Alexandria - the Septuagint, but not included in the Palestinian Canon - the Hebrew

Bible:645

4 historical books: Tobias, Judith, First and Second Books of the Maccabees

2 books of wisdom: Wisdom and Sirach,

1 prophetic book: Baruch and letter to Jeremiah,

Other: additions to the book of the prophet Daniel (Daniel 3:24-90; 13:1 - 14:42)

and additions to the book of Esther 10:4 – 16:24. The Reformed Churches also include

Menashe’s Prayer, Book 3 and 4 of Ezra, and Book 3 and 4 of the Maccabees.

A previous quotation from Professor J. Heriban states that the canon was closed in the

year 90 AD at the Jewish Synod in Jamnia. Concerning the Palestinian and Alexandrian

Canons, some Biblical researchers are currently questioning the deadline for the closure

of the Hebrew Bible Canon at the synod in Jamnia, and for the last 10 years they have

also questioned the division into two separate canons. They claim that in the diaspora,

this Canon had evolved for about three centuries. It is certain that after the year 70 AD,

i.e. after the fall of Jerusalem into the hands of the Romans, the religion of the Jews

became a religion of the book. The Synod in Jamnia just confirmed this trend, because it

642 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: PSÚSCM, 1992, p. 915-916. 643 RENDTORFF, R.: Hebrejská bible a dějiny. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1996, p. 355. 644 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Rím: PSÚSCM, 1992, p. 308. 645 TYROL, A.: Všeobecný úvod do biblického štúdia. Svit: Katolícke biblické dielo, 2000, p. 41.

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certainly took place. But here it is debated whether the canon was closed at all. “What is

referred to as the Jamnia Assembly was more like a school or academy set up in Jamnia

between 75 and 117 AD. There is no evidence of any decision to make a list of books

there. It can be assumed that the canon of the Jewish Scriptures was not fixed before the

end of the 2nd century. Professional discussions on the status of some books continued

until the 3rd century.”646 This is an unsettling discovery to many historians and religious

scholars. “These facts lead researchers to new hypotheses regarding the creation of the

canon of the OT. Basically, we can distinguish three opinions.

Some believe that there was only one canon, the Palestinian - shorter one, which

contained only proto-canonical books and was binding for the Jews in both Palestine and

the Diaspora. This view is held mostly by Protestant authors, but also by some Catholics.

Others believe that the original canon was obligatory for all Jews (Alexandria),

which also contained deuterocanonical books, which, however, only the Alexandria

diaspora retained in use and considered inspired (A. Merk, Zarb).

Advocates of the third opinion think that the Jews had two canons, Palestinian

and Alexandrian, and that Palestinian Jews also had great respect for some

deuterocanonical books (A. Vaccari, H. Höpfl, L. Leloir).

On the above, we can safely say that the last two groups are closer to reality, as they

appear to us today in light of new discoveries. Nor can the fact be denied that the

synagogue has increasingly distanced itself from the deuterocanonical books in the

struggle with early Christianity. The Pharisees often called for books that were not

written in the holy language (i.e. Hebrew) to be excluded from public use. In the time of

Jesus Christ, the canon of the OT was not clearly defined by the synagogue as it is

today.”647

In addition to this canon, there are so-called apocryphal books in Jewish literature.

These books were discarded because they were not considered inspired. They were also

found in Qumran, such as the Apocrypha of Henoch or Apocrypha of 12 Patriarchs.

Although the Jews rejected the deuterocanonical writings, they still used them in the past,

as evidenced by the findings of the book Sirach - Ben Sira in Masada or in Qumran.648

The following question arises: were these books considered to be inspired? There are

more reasons why they were not accepted, as Joseph Flavius writes in Contra Apionem

1.8. They were missing the following elements:649

646 PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISIA: Židovský národ a jeho Svätá Písma v kresťanské Biblii. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 2004, p. 30. 647 DUKA, D.: Úvod do Písma sv. Starého zákona. http://krystal.op.cz/pub/udps1.htm 648 PÁPEŽSKÁ BIBLICKÁ KOMISIA: Židovský národ a jeho Svätá Písma v kresťanské Biblii. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 2004, p. 31. 649 TYROL, A.: Všeobecný úvod do biblického štúdia. Svit: Katolícke biblické dielo, 2000, p. 46.

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a prophetic sequence, that is to say, with the help of the authority of the “divinely

appointed man-guarantor,” the book would be declared inspired,

the text was written in Greek, contrary to the rabbinic tradition,

the text was mainly written outside the betrothed land that bore the primacy of

God's revelation.

Until recently, it was believed that all the deuterocanonical books that were

preserved in the Greek LXX translation were also written in Greek for the

needs of the diaspora and were not known or rejected by the Palestinian

Judaism. However, it is a fact that LXX is a translation from Hebrew, so we

can assume that LXX assumes a different model from the Hebrew Masoretic

text that was known to us. Qumran excavations only confirm that

deuterocanonical books were known and used in Palestine. Thus, Joseph

Flavius even claims that he uses only holy books, citing the

deuterocanonical parts of the book of Esther and 1 Macc (Contra Apionem

1,1; Antiq 10,1). This suggests that these books, when called "holy books",

were considered inspired. Even as late as the 10th century AD, Palestinian

writers cite some fragments from Sirach's book, Judith and Tobias. 1 Book

of Maccabees, Baruch, Tobias, Judith were publicly read in synagogues.650

As for the Alexandrian translation, it is not a literal translation of the Hebrew Bible. To

the Hebrew model, the translators added religious themes from theological exegesis,

clinging to a certain exegetic tradition (the type of midrash exegesis) and didactic

intentions (actualizations), so these translations are very similar to targum translations.651

One important piece of information for us is that at the time of the earliest translations of

the Hebrew Bible, there was still no standardized text or sacred writings of Judaism.

Hence the interesting fact that different kinds of interpretations played an important role

in the emergence of the standard Hebrew Bible.

Among the Jewish-Hellenistic apocrypha are: The Letter of Aristeus - (see Canon of

Alexandria), Jewish Books of Sybil, 3rd Book of Ezra, Prayer of Menashe, 3rd Book of

Maccabees, 4th Book of Maccabees, Enoch (2 Hen), Greek Baruch (3 Bar).

There is no official list of apocrypha. It is used primarily by the works of J.B. Frey

and R.H. Charles, prominent scholars in the field of apocryphal literature. Apocrypha

draw and come from the Old Testament world. However, they are already beginning a

650 DUKA, D.: Úvod do Písma sv. Starého zákona. http://krystal.op.cz/pub/udps1.htm 651 CHALUPA, P.: Význam židovských interpretačních tradic pro současnou exegezy. In: Studia Theologica. Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci – Cyrilometodějská teologická fakulta, roč. IV., č. 1, jaro 2002, p. 4-5.

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new literary phase and are bringing in new literary species that we do not know in the

OT. The Palestinian apocrypha were written in Hebrew or Aramaic and some in Hellenic

Greek. They were usually not preserved in their original form, but they are translations

from translations. The most common literary species is the Apocalypse - “Revelation.”

Old Testament apocrypha fills the gap between the OT and the time of Jesus Christ. They

often show us the crystallization of the Messianic expectations of Judaism in folk form.

Many of the turnovers we find in the NT were extremely close and clear to the people of

that period. Here lies the importance of apocrypha for our biblical research.652

7.7 Precursors to Philo of Alexandria

Jews in the diaspora lived their faith in a slightly different way than the Jews in Palestine.

In the diaspora, the Jews had to adapt to the new conditions given by the cultural context

and the general circumstances of life. Gradually, they were subjected to Hellenization,

which also took place in Egypt.653 As the Temple of Jerusalem and the cult associated

with it were distant, they gradually lost importance. Some Jews in the diaspora were not

able to visit this temple throughout their lives, which is why the synagogue became the

new center of public and religious life. Similarly, with the passage of time, Jews stopped

using the Hebrew language. It became an incomprehensible language to them, since in

the territory of Palestine the Jews had already used the Aramaic language, that is, after

they had been released from the Babylonian captivity. For this reason, religious services

were held in the Greek language and the most widely used sacred text became a Greek

translation of the Hebrew Bible known as the Septuagint. The author who interpreted the

Scriptures had to take into account the addressee and the environment in which he was

located. Thus, in Alexandria, he had to take account of the Hellenic world when

interpreting, because to some extent it influenced the thought, cultural traditions, customs

and ideals. Despite of this, however, the Jews in the Diaspora remained constant in their

primary vision of God and questions of belief. It is expressed in the Hellenic Jewish novel

“Joseph and Asenat” in the following way: “... The God of Ages, who gave everyone the

breath of life, who brought to light what was invisible, who created everything and

revealed what was Hidden, who lifted up the heavens, and set up the earth over the

waters, who fixed the great stones that would not sink over the abyss of water; I will do

your will until the very end, oh Lord my God, I will call to you...”654

652 DUKA, D.: Úvod do Písma sv. Starého zákona. http://krystal.op.cz/pub/udps1.htm 653 TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Svet Nového zákona. Svit: Katolícke biblické dielo, 2008, p. 42. 654 RYŠKOVÁ, M.: Úvod do Nového zákona a novozákonnej teológie. http://209.85.129.132/search?q=cache:7bwq7ChUV4J:www.jabok.cuni.cz/download/ktf/ryskova/unzI.doc+Artapanos+O+%C5%BEidoch&cd=1&hl=sk&ct=clnk&gl=sk.

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Greek education, its rationality and philosophy, came into conflict with ancient

mythology. The ideas of gods contained in the old myths could only be preserved if they

were explained in an up-to-date way, i.e. in the spirit of the age. The old heritage sought

deeper principles. It was a transformation of understanding of the content of the text. In

the first place, anthropomorphic notions of divinity were suppressed. This tendency was

also evident in the Septuagint, where anthropomorphisms were eliminated, e.g. the hand

of God becomes God's power, etc. And because of these needs, allegory began to develop.

Even though the process of allegorical interpretation is known already from the 6th

century BC, the term itself appears much later. Until then, the term “ὑπόνοια (hyponoia)”

had been used, which in translation meant a hint, a hidden meaning.655 So the

interpretation of the sacred Hebrew texts in Egypt, or more precisely in Alexandria, could

build on the existing tradition of interpreting religious texts, since the problem of

actualization had already existed and been dealt with. “Hellenistic Judaism took its

biblical hermeneutics from the Greek teaching of Homer.”656 Hyponoia also served in

the apology of Homer. Homer's epics were not only part of school instruction but were

considered inspired writings and oracles.657 Homer's works had the character of a kind of

pre-Greek education. Nevertheless, Homer's texts were criticized by the rationalists. For

example, even Plato did not allow the use of Homer in his ideal state. His criticism was

particularly directed at the drastic scenes from the life of the gods. This kind of criticism

was countered by Alexandrian Homeric philology with an allegorical interpretation. It is

in Alexandria that the allegorical interpretation developed and acquired systematic

shapes already from the beginning of the 3rd century BC. The predecessors of the Jewish

biblical exegesis in Alexandria are mainly Pseudo-Heraclitus and Pseudo-Plutarch.

Pseudo-Plutarch recognizes the different senses of the text. The first is the historical

sense, which gives facts, data. The second is a theoretical sense, which is associated with

655 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 84. 656 SIEGERT, F.: Homer und Mose. Der Ursprung der jüdischen Schrifthermeneutik im Homer-Unterricht. In: DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 84. 657 The term: Oracle - lat. ōrāculum, means prophecy, statement, testimony. In ancient times, pagan religions referred to this as a mysterious statement, a mysterious prediction of the gods about the future or the fate of people. They were known in the religions of ancient Egypt. The Israelites were forbidden to engage in fortune telling in Lev 19:26; Dt 18:10. To find out God's will, they used lots, e.g. Lev 16:8; Joz 7:14. Priests and high priests used urim and tummim, e.g. Deut 33:8; Ex 28:30 or they used the ‘ephod’, e.g. 1 Sam 14:3; 22:18. These measures ceased to be used during the time of the prophets and they are not mentioned very much after the Babylonian captivity. HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 753-754; FREEDMAN, D. N. a kol.: The Anchor Bible dictionary. Volume 5, O-Sh. United States of America: Doubleday, 1992, p. 28. The Oracle can also be understood as a literary species. It is a solemn statement used by the prophets as a tool of God's revelation. Its wording was mostly “This says the Lord” and ended with the words “The statement of the Lord.” We distinguish, for example the so-called ‘the oracle of salvation’ that spoke of liberation from evil or the oracle ‘against the Gentiles.’ VII. Prorocké knihy a proroci Starého zákona. http://dkc.kbs.sk/dkc.php?frames=1&dbi=0&uvodid=31.

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a physical and ethical allegory. According to the theoretical sense, Homer’s texts are not

only about the physical structure of the world, but Homer speaks mainly of virtues.

Pseudo-Plutarch adds the third sense, a political interpretation, to these two senses. In the

character of Homer, he sees the author of the doctrine of the state. Thus, Pseudo-Plutarch

pointed out that there are several senses that the Hellenistic Jews can find in their sacred

texts.658

In late 3rd century BC, the Jewish historian Demetrius took over the structure of

quaestio and solutio from Homeric philology, which was later found by V.

Nikiprowetzky in Philo. Demetrius used this model to explain the chronology of biblical

events. He had no problem perceiving the Torah / TaNaCh as an important historical text.

He started from Homeric exegesis to point out the antiquity and behavior of Israel's

forefathers, that is, the antiquity of its tradition, but did not use allegory.659

Other historians dealing with the origins of the Jewish people were “Ἀρτάπανος ὁ

Ἀλεξανδρεύς" (Artapanos of Alexandria)” and “Eυπόλεμoς" (Eupolemos).”660

Eupolemos introduced Moses as the first scholar of the world. “Αριστόβουλος

(Aristobulos)” is the first historical figure mentioned by the historian Eusebius of

Caesarea. Only five fragments remain from his work, which was most likely dedicated

to King Ptolemy VI, Filometros.661 Aristobulos was yet another author who used

allegorical interpretation to explain anthropomorphisms:

... Our legislator, Moses, often uses words that relate to other things - I mean

external and obvious things - when he wants to express something - and

through them he tells us about the essential facts and the nature of important

things. Those, however, who are able to think properly, admire his wisdom

and divine spirit, thanks to which he was bestowed the honorary title of

prophet ... However, those who are not blessed with the power of the spirit

and understanding, but hold on to the literal meaning of the text, they

misunderstood his intention to clarify something noble.662

658 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 85. 659 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf; DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 86. 660 FLAVIUS, J.: O starobylosti Židů. Odpověď Apiónovi [online]. Praha: Odeon, 1998, p. 20. http://www.docstoc.com/docs/1480307/JOSEPHUS-FLAVIUS---O-Starobylosti-%C5%BDid%C3%B9. 661 RYŠKOVÁ, M.: Úvod do Nového zákona a novozákonnej teológie. http://209.85.129.132/search?q=cache:7bwq7ChUV4J:www.jabok.cuni.cz/download/ktf/ryskova/unzI.doc+Artapanos+O+%C5%BEidoch&cd=1&hl=sk&ct=clnk&gl=sk. 662 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 86.

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Aristobulos further argues that when God created the world in seven days, it does not

mean that on the seventh day he did nothing. The creation of the world in seven days

indicates the order of things and the division of time. In Aristobulos, that is, in the

fragments that have been preserved, the idea of how the Hellenic virtue is to be

accomplished through the laws of the Torah is not developed. On the contrary, in

Aristeos' Letter this thesis is developed. It begins with the question of why Jews

differentiate between clean and unclean animals,663 when their origin is the same? The

allegorical interpretation served the author in defense of the Jewish law. The rules on

separating animals into clean and unclean animals have a deeper meaning. Moses, the

law-giver, laid down these regulations to point out that everything should be done with a

view to distinguishing deeds with respect to justice, for one of the first laws was the

commandment concerning piety and justice. The author concludes that all creation is

good in itself, that is, real animals are not divided into unclean and pure. The ingestion

will not make a person unclean. The symbolic content of the laws will be understood only

by those who think correctly, those who are endowed with the spirit of understanding.

Nor does the text respond to whether a person who has recognized the symbolic meaning

of laws should abide by them literally. Even the author himself does not ask this question.

For him, laws are a tool that helps Jews maintain their own identity.664

These facts point to the parallels between the above-mentioned authors and Philo of

Alexandria. Aristobulos’ efforts to explain anthropomorphisms are later manifested in

Philo. Along with Aristeos' letter, Aristobullus, and Eupolemus, Philo sees in the Moses,

the law-giver, a scholar of Greek philosophy and in the sacred texts of Israel the highest

wisdom and authority. Philo himself writes about his predecessors and contemporaries.

They are mentioned in the works “On Moses' Life” (De Vita Mosis), “On Special Laws”

[De Specialibus Legibus], “On Contemplative Life” [De Vita Contemplativa], “On

Abraham's Wandering” [De Migratione Abrahami], “Who is the heir of divine things”

[Quis Rerum Divinarum Heres sit].665

During Philo’s time, the Hellenized Jews were fairly active. Different groups and

streams emerged and differed in opinions. A wide range of activities within Judaism has

been recorded from that era. These included the so-called therapeutae, whom Philo

663 Lv 11:1-47; Dt 14:3-21. 664 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 87-88. 665 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 23; HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Vydavateľstvo Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47.

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mentions in his work "De Vita Contemplativa."666 The group was considered to be a kind

of heretical stream by other Hellenized Jews. From an etymological point of view,

therapeutae is derived from the word “therapeutoi - which means not only a healer but

rather a nurse in terms of helpers in the rites of initiation.”667 They considered

themselves to be healers, i.e. initiators of the "sick," that is, seekers. So far, researchers

have been divided on whether the ‘Therapists’ and the ‘Essenes’ are the same Jewish

group. Philo writes about them as two different groups. Therapists, active mainly around

Lake Mareotis,668 were a contemplative group, whereas the Essenes lived a more practical

life. Their teachings and practices are well known through the works of Philo, Josephus

Flavius, Pliny, and Porphyrius.669 From their works, we are informed that they lived

mostly in villages, and devoted themselves to agriculture. They spent a large part of their

lives reading holy books, studying religious and moral issues. They chose life in celibacy,

their property was common, they did not make animal sacrifices, did not own slaves, and

they cared for those who could not work because of illness or old age. They also refrained

from military service and business activities. Philo highlights their overall virtuous life.

He writes that the group had about four thousand members. Philo’s intention behind his

depiction of the Therapeutaes and Essenes is to support his own idea that only a good

person is truly free.670 Philo talks about his predecessors and both groups in a positive

light. On the basis of their example, he could emphasize the importance of living

according to Moses' law not only on the theoretical level, but especially on the practical

level. The intention is to point out the differences between the lives of these groups and

the pagan world, which was slowly conquering the ranks of Judaism.671

666 Zdeněk Kratochvíl argues this way in his work “Prolínání světů.” Mid-Platonic philosophy mentions the work “De Vita Centemplativa” as a Pseudo-Philo’s writing in the religious streams of the Late Antiquity. Modern researchers consider it to be a Christian forgery or a writing of heterodox Judaism edited by Christians. The work translates as “On the contemplative life and virtues of supplicants”. The final part of the title 'Virtue of the supplicants' or its equivalent 'of the virtues of those seeking refuge' demonstrates the habits of the sects to group together in 'protective places' and in places not occupied by anyone. KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf. 667 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf. 668 CERCLE CATHOLIQUE SYRIAQUE: Alexandrie, une métropole chrétienne. http://www.cerclesyriaque.fr/Etudes/M/Alexandrie_une_metropole_chretienne.pdf. 669 SYLVAN, K., GUTHRIE, L.: The Alexandrian Philo Judaeus: The Platonizing Hebraist´s Complete Message 1909 [online]. London: Kessinger Publishing, 2004, p. 87. http://books.google.sk/books?id=iKWIHECWqN8C&pg=PA87&lpg=PA87&dq=therapeut+philo&source=bl&ots=YchqMTFJXN&sig=UvX3HNdyq3KXMVqza8d1qII-xRI&hl=sk&ei=fNjRSqqgKoSlsAahsfmPBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=8&ved=0CCMQ6AEwBw#v=onepage&q=therapeut%20philo&f=false. ISBN 978-1417978069. 670 DOUGLAS, J.D. a kol.: Nový biblický slovník. Praha: Návrat domů, 2009, p. 227. 671 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 25-26.

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7.8 Allegorical Interpretation in Hellenism

Hellenistic Judaism uses allegorical hermeneutics as the Hellenistic world encounters the

thought world of the Hebrew Bible of Jews. Already “Μητρόδωρος ο Λαμψακηνός,

(Mētrodōros o Lampsakēnos)” Metrodóros from Lampsak, who wrote the work “About

Homer,” said that Hera, Zeus, or Athens are not what people believe. They are only

natural substances and not sovereign gods,672 to whom people built and consecrated cities

and temples. The Greeks were characterized by a belief in the divine power that governed

the world. They expressed their faith in this power through a mythology in which they

narrated the history of the gods. They were convinced that divine power was found

everywhere, in the earth, in the fire, in human activity. Heraclites said that the gods are

also present in the kitchen. The boundary between sacral and profane disappeared. The

Greeks saw the sacred sphere as part of everyday life. The Stoic stream transformed the

names into attributes of the divine logo that governs the whole world. The divine logos

is called Deus, because through him, διά – all things arise; and Zeus, since he is the cause

of living, ζήν; Hera, because this god is the master of the air, άήρ; Hephaestus, on the

grounds that he is the ruler of the smith fire, τό τεχνικόν πύρ; Poseidon, for his dominion

over the sea, τό ύδρόν.673 According to the Stoics, the role of poets lies in shaping the

mythical image of the gods. Their cultural form depends on the clergy of the region and

the philosophers' role is to explain their physical form.

Hellenistic Judaism also presents the main themes of the Hebrew Bible as a great

legacy of philosophy and wisdom not only for the Jews, but also for the outside world.

The most important representative of the allegorical Hellenistic Judaism, Philo of

Alexandria, was already mentioned (13/20 BC - 50/54 AD).674

Philo of Alexandria tried to respond to Hellenism in an intellectually creative way. As

a Jew, he respected the Torah, kept its commandments, and studied available rabbinic

interpretations. As a member of the Hellenistic world, he was also committed to

contemporary Greek thought and ideals. He refused to give up one for the other and

considered the Torah the highest value and truth. He resolved this contradiction by

adapting the adopted philosophical tradition to the accepted Torah tradition through

sophisticated allegories. No Jew should therefore reject the Torah because of philosophy,

because the truth of philosophy was included in the best possible way already in the

Torah. What mattered was to know how to find it. Although allegory had been applied in

early (earlier) Orthodox Judaism, it was not done as systematically and convincingly as

672 VERGELY, B.: Antičtí filozofové. Praha: Levné knihy KMa, 2006, p. 12-13. 673 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 23; ELIADE, M.: Dejiny náboženských predstáv a ideí I. Od doby kamennej po eleusínske mystériá. Bratislava: Agora, 1995, p. 226-237. 674 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 21

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in Philo.675 Such an approach - an allegorical interpretation of the Hebrew Bible, became

later, during the period of patristics, the basis for the Christian theological and

philosophical use of allegories. It was especially the writers from the Alexandrian school

of interpretation who used allegory in their theological works.

Although Jewish schools in Palestine provided the previously mentioned methods of

interpretation, the topic of interpretation always ranged between the basic (literal)

meaning of the text and the higher, spiritual meaning of the text “For it is written in the

Law of Moses: “Do not muzzle an ox while it is treading out the grain.” [Deuteronomy

25:4] Is it about oxen that God is concerned? Surely he says this for us, doesn’t he? Yes,

this was written for us, because whoever plows and threshes should be able to do so in

the hope of sharing in the harvest.”:676 “The methods in Judaism can be summarized in

two kinds. Both are based on the certainty of the belief that the Holy Scripture is inspired

by God. Both draw from it exaggerated consequences, albeit contradictory.”677

On the one hand, there is a verbal (sometimes literal) interpretation / meaning, in

which the Jewish exegetes thought that inspiration refers not only to the text itself, but

also every word, linguistic peculiarities (the sanctity of the Hebrew language), in an

elevated sense. They saw inspiration even in the vowel and other punctuation marks, as

described in previous chapters. At the same time, however, there was a danger that the

interpretation had approached the boundary of fundamentalism. Interpretation thus often

became an effort to merge the incompatible and the explain the inexplicable.678

The other side was an attempt to avoid this extreme, and this includes ancient

Hellenistic Judaism headed by Philo of Alexandria,679 who developed his own allegorical

interpretation. The aim of allegorical interpretation was to find a different sense, a deeper

sense, one above and beyond the written word. Philo’s considerations later became an

inspiration for representatives of Christian allegorists and many other Christian teachers

and writers.680 It was primarily his allegorical interpretation of the Torah-Pentateuch,

which is part of the Christian Old Testament, that has greatly influenced Christian

scholars.681

675 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 21 676 1 Kor 9:9-10. 677 MASINI, M.: Úvod do Lectio Divina. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 1993, p. 35. 678 MASINI, M.: Úvod do Lectio Divina. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 1993, p. 35. 679 CERCLE CATHOLIQUE SYRIAQUE: Alexandrie, une métropole chrétienne. http://www.cerclesyriaque.fr/Etudes/M/Alexandrie_une_metropole_chretienne.pdf. 680 Christian allegory is also present in the writers of the New Testament, e.g. in Paul of Tarsus, in the Letter to Hebrews, in John. It was also used by the church Fathers and writers like Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Gregor of Nyssa, Ambrose. See: MASINI, M.: Úvod do Lectio Divina. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 1993, p. 35-36. 681 JOHNSON, P.: Dějiny židovského národa. Řevnice: Rozmluvy, 1996, p. 146.

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In the period of antiquity, the concept of allegory (not the same as rhetorical allegory)

indicates the hermeneutical method as the method by which the aim is to explain images,

symbols or prophetic vision of the sacred texts. This part of my exposition builds on the

previous chapter and its position on the ancient mythological texts. It is clear that also in

this period there was an intense search for meaning that would be acceptable to the more

developed thinking of later antiquity and the patristics.682 “Allegory is one of the oldest

methods of interpretation. It was used in ancient Greek literature, in the Bible, already

in the Old Testament. It found its place among the Stoics and the representatives of the

Alexandrian Catechetical School. It was used to express the meaning of a text. The text

was taken from its historical context and was incorporated into another historical or

imaginary context that was more comprehensible to the reader.”683

The term ‘allegory’ is derived from the Greek word “άλληγορία" (allegory),” which

is based on “άλλα άγορεύω (álla ágoreúo),” which means “other saying/I am saying

something else.” It is a “figurative expression of thought, concept, imagination, or

figurative storyline that shows the real story.” Allegorical exegesis has the Greek

equivalent “άλληγορικός (állegorikós),” which means having another, nuanced meaning

and “έξήγεσις (exegesis),” meaning interpretation. It is an interpretation of sacred texts

that points to their spiritual meaning, a secret or even hidden meaning, which is beyond

their verbal meaning.684

Similarly, the allegoric exegesis “ἐξήγησις of ἐξηγεῖσθαι (exégesis of exegeisthai)” is

a hermeneutic procedure that seeks to explain the images or symbols found in the text.

The main theoretical assumption is based on an understanding of the sacred

(mythological - biblical) text, which has not only verbal meaning but also a deeper

meaning. Similarly, the basis of revealing the deeper sense is its analogous connection,

so allegoric hermeneutics uses analogies to reveal it. The revelation of the allegorical

sense is carried out in the search for other parallel planes in which speech, symbol or

image would give much better and new meaning. Since the application levels may be

different, there may be several types of allegory.685

The allegorical sense, from the Greek “άλληγορικός (allegoricos),” which means

distinctive, figurative or symbolic, is a variant of the spiritual, more noble sense as part

682 FRYE, N.: The Great Code. The Bible and Literature. London: 1982, p. 6-10. In: PANCZLOVÁ, Helena. Úvod. Exegetické metódy – Alegorický výklad. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Život Mojžiša alebo O ceste k dokonalosti v cnosti. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 61. 683 POKORNÝ, P.: Hermeneutika jako teorie porozumění od základních otázek jazyka k výkladu bible. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2005, p. 145-146. 684 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 186. 685 CHRISTIANSEN, I.: Die Technik der allegorischen Auslegungswissensschaft bei Philon von Alexandrien. Beiträge zur Geschichte der biblischen Hermeneutik 7. Tübingen, 1969; In: PANCZLOVÁ, Helena. Úvod. Exegetické metódy – Alegorický výklad. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Život Mojžiša alebo O ceste k dokonalosti v cnosti. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 11.

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of the interpretative process, especially in Christian hermeneutics. The spiritual meaning

of the sacred texts of the Hebrew and Christian Bibles is hidden in and behind the verbal

sense.686 P. Chenu pointed out that the allegorical sense works with symbols, the hinting

property of the text, where the main goal is to achieve increased apologetics and the faith

of the listeners, or readers. It reveals the content of faith and works to increase it. The

lack of an allegorical method lies in the risk that “it is too far from the letter of the text

and that the connections are too poor or even fantastic.”687 For this reason, the allegorical

sense has many critics and opponents, some of whom even consider the allegorical

method harmful. On the other hand, the allegorical method of interpretation cannot be

completely rejected. It, too, has a beneficial contribution to the understanding,

interpretation or inculturation of sacred texts.688 Several levels of interpretations and

meanings can be distinguished in Philo’s allegorical hermeneutics. They are:

cosmological, ethical and spiritual. It is essential for Philo to reveal the spiritual meaning

hidden in the text.689 In the allegorical sense, it is important to understand the notion of

truth that is employed here:

The Greeks and Western civilization understand the truth as an area that has

dimensions: width and length.

The Semitic peoples and authors of the Scriptures give the truth a third

dimension, the depth of life that the allegorical sense is trying to uncover.690

According to E. Stein, the Jewish allegory favored an ethical interpretation. Stein is

of the opinion that their allegory was mainly driven by theological principles. It was a

certain scheme of good and evil that pointed out the need of following examples, and so

on. Also, the object to be interpreted was first transformed into a symbol. In Philo, J.

Christensen considers that the words of the Torah were understood as symbols of the

world of existing phenomena. “The understanding of Jewish allegory is complicated

because there are several “traditions” tied into the material of the interpretation. It is

therefore necessary to discover the Jewish guiding idea.”691

Other texts that have been subjected to a Hellenistic Jewish allegorical interpretation

are various biblical genealogies, especially pedigrees contained in the "Chronicles"

686 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 186-187. 687 MASINI, M.: Úvod do Lectio Divina. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 1993, p. 45-46. 688 TYROL, A.: Všeobecný úvod do biblického štúdia [online]. Svit: KBD, 2000, p. 27. http://www.kbd.sk/dokumenty/vseobecny_uvod_do_biblickeho_studia.doc.; SLIVKA, D.: Biblické encykliky. In: Duchovný pastier. 2008, roč. 89, č. 2, p. 79-80. 689 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 141. 690 MASINI, M.: Úvod do Lectio Divina. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 1993, p. 46. 691 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 179.

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[Paralipomenon].692 The rabbinic allegorical interpretation, which was largely based on

etymology, was characterized by an attempt to find the deeper meaning of texts which

seemingly, externally, are not religious in nature. Unlike Philo's new allegorical

interpretation, extrabiblical sources and philosophical ideas are brought to a lesser extent.

The rabbinic allegory only works with the text of the Hebrew Bible, although it is likely

that up until the 4th century AD it also worked with the Greek version of the Jewish

Bible, the Septuagint. Both versions of the sacred texts are considered as the sole basis

of any interpretation. B. Mack distinguishes two moments in the Jewish interpretation:

The scripture contains the narrations of various heroes that serve as paradigms693

for characters such as logos or wisdom.

The second is the interpretation of these characters (i.e. logos, wisdom) in ethical

or physical categories.

Researchers such as B. Mack claim that the Jewish allegory was much more complex

than the Egyptian or Greek allegory. This stems from the fact that the Jewish allegorical

technique did not have a single thought system. On the contrary, it consisted of several

systems that formed the basis for allegory.694

“Hellenistic Judaism could have relied on allegorical hermeneutics to harmonize the

thought world of the Old Testament with the Greek level of education.”695 The Hebrew

Bible as well as its Greek translation, the Septuagint, constituted the basis of common

life policies, the legal system and the associated responsibilities towards people, animals,

the environment, the spiritual interests of the Hellenistic and Palestinian Jews. It is a key

to understanding the Jewish religion.696 Various types of hermeneutics existed and exist.

Hermeneutics allowed the Old Testament tradition to present and express the philosophy

and wisdom of the Jewish people, not only to the outside world, but also to Jews who

slowly retreated from traditional religion because of the enchantment of the ancient

“Enlightenment.” With the help of the Greek exegetic tradition, Philo sheds light on the

difficult passages in the Torah. This type of exegesis allowed Hellenic thinkers to align

the world of Greek myths with the religious ideas of the ancient East, just as it later

enabled Philo to integrate the Greek thought world with the Jewish faith.697 The

allegorical interpretation is based on the belief that the interpreted text is not a text of the

692 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 139. 693 BRUKKER, G., OPATÍKOVÁ, J.: Veľký slovník cudzích slov. Bratislava: Robinson, s. r. o., 2006, p. 303. 694 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 179-181; DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 139-141. 695 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 20. 696 LEVINSONOVÁ, P. N.: Úvod do židovské exegeze Písma. In: Teologické texty. 1999, roč. X, č. 1, s. 19. 697 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 24.

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past. It assumes its constant effect and timelessness. The intention is to update the

significance and meaning of the document to make it understandable for the time it is

addressed. It takes into account the intellectual but especially the spiritual development

of the addressees.698

But Philo was not the first and only one to be influenced by the Hellenic world. The

Jewish religion came into contact with Hellenic culture since the end of the 4th century

and early 3rd century BC. Hekataios of Abder, who was active during the time of Ptolemy

I, holds the primacy of being the first Greek to record the relations of the Greeks with the

Jews. He summarized the information about the Jews in a work entitled “History of

Egypt.” It should be added that his references to the Jewish population were of a more

general nature. This was because he had no written sources to rely on, as he lived before

the writing of the Septuagint. This was reflected in the written fact that the exodus of the

Jews from Egypt (or, more precisely, the true reason behind it) consisted in their hostile

attitude towards foreigners and not in their enslavement. A more significant symbiosis of

Jews and the Greek culture occurred in the translation of the aforementioned Septuagint.

The link between the two cultures gradually grew stronger, until it intensified

significantly in the 2nd and 1st century BC. A practical example is the Essenes of

Qumran, who initially radically rejected Greek influences, but later adopted some

Hellenic thought structures. More than in Palestinian Judaism, Greek culture manifested

itself among the Jews in the diaspora, especially in Alexandria, where Philo of Alexandria

lived and worked, as confirmed by the words of Kurt Schubert:699 “The Platonic-Stoic

synthesis of Philo Alexandria becomes even more evident, especially in his work on the

creation of the world.”700

The methods of interpretation used in ancient Greece for the interpretation of

mythological texts and their methodological procedures influenced Hellenistic authors of

both Jewish and non-Jewish origins. Even in this case, each generation had to undergo a

similar situation, that is, adapt the old text to make understanding the needs of new

generations. In addition, the Jews of Alexandria had to interpret the Septuagint biblical

texts, to interpret the doctrine in an intercultural dialogue. Allegorical hermeneutics was

very suitable in this respect, as it easily provided answers to several problems.701

One of the oldest writings, which also happens to be an example of Alexandrian

Jewish allegory is “Αριστας (Aristeas – Aristeos’s Letter).” It is a Jewish apocryphal

698 POKORNÝ, P.: Hermeneutika jako teorie porozumění od základních otázek jazyka k výkladu bible. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2006, p. 145. 699 SCHUBERT, K.: Židovské náboženství v preměnách věků. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1995, p. 129-134. 700 SCHUBERT, K.: Židovské náboženství v preměnách věků. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1995, p. 134. 701 NEHOFF, M. R.: Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria. Cambridge, 2011, p. 19-37 a 112-129. PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1-5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 14-15.

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letter, which tells about the formation of the Greek translation of the sacred Jewish texts

of the Hebrew Bible known as the Septuagint. The author is unknown though he presents

himself as a Hellenists sympathetic towards the Jews, but his detailed knowledge of the

Torah and Tanach rather points to his Jewish origins. The work, however, is quoted in

the Philo of Alexandria and is also quoted by Josephus Flavius. The place of origin of

this writing was most likely Alexandria in Egypt. Aristeos’ Letter contains, in addition

to the main theme, other narratives concerning the release of all Jewish slaves in Egypt

during the reign of Ptolemy II. Filadelphos. It talks about the importance of Jewish laws

and rules (Jewish statements about the prohibition of the consumption of unclean animals

became more acceptable in the Hellenistic environment when interpreted in the style of

ethical and moral allegory as a requirement of perfection to avoid the same mental

attitude that is represented by pigs).702 It also contains dialogues between Ptolemy and

Jewish translators of sacred religious texts. The actual legend of the origin of the

translation of Septuagint was later promoted by Philo of Alexandria. According Aristeos’

Letter, 72 scholars worked on the translation of the Hebrew Bible that would later become

known as Septuagint. They were sent from Jerusalem (6 from each Jewish tribe). They

met at the end of each day to compare notes and discuss their translations, adopting the

text that most of them could agree on. This process took them 72 days. Philo adds that

they all worked 72 days in solitude and after 72 days compared and corrected their texts,

making sure that the translation matched in every detail.703

There is another Jewish allegorical exegesis from the 3rd - 2nd century BC, from

which only fragments survived till this day, “Ἀρτά πανος ὁ Ἀλεξ ανδρεύς (Artapanos),”

“Eυπόλεμoς (Eupolemos),” “Αριστό βουλος (Aristobulus)” in the works “Εὐσέ βιος ὁ

Κα ισάρειος (Eusebius in his work Praeparatio Evangelica).”

7.9 The Characteristics of Philo's Allegorical Interpretation

Philo of Alexandria explicitly distinguishes between two senses (cf. Plato): literal

(verbal) sense and allegorical sense based on the division of man into body and soul,

corresponding respectively to the verbal meaning and hidden meaning in the texts. He

developed the so-called supraliteralist method of allegorical interpretation

(supraliteralism).704 “According to the author, the very meaning of Scripture is

allegorical.”705 He sought a different meaning in the sacred biblical texts - the sense of

702 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1-5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 15. 703 SOUŠEK, Z. (ed.): Knihy tajemství moudrosti I. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2013, p. 19-77. 704 GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikúmené, 1997, p. 43. 705 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 21

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higher knowledge.706 However, the problem is that “he does not define his allegorical

method anywhere.”707 And his way of interpretation was strongly influenced by Greek

stoics and Judaism. Stoics took over and subsequently develop an allegorical

interpretation of Homer already from the 3rd century BC.708 Their intention was to adhere

to the old myths about gods, but their goal was a rational explanation of myths. They

wanted to emphasize the ethical significance of these stories. Aristotle or the

Neoplatonists taught that myths contain wisdom because they reveal and analyze the

causes of various phenomena occurring in nature. Myths formulated a similar truth to

philosophy. Myth represented the body and ethical meaning represented the soul.709 An

allegorical interpretation assumes that the text conceals within itself something other than

what it literally speaks of. This is based on the assumption that the real meaning must be

discovered. Similarly, Philo distinguishes the soul of the text from the body, and it is the

soul of man that needs to be discovered.710

Philo was inspired by the Greek allegorical method. Several different elements are

recognized between the Greek and Jewish allegories. The Rabbinic tradition did not leave

behind any significant system of allegorical methods of interpretation like the one we see

in Philo. Allegory, in Hebrew "mašal," included his rules of interpretation also Rabbi

Eliezer. For him, the allegorical interpretation concerns only individual words. In

addition to the area of law, allegorical interpretation also applied to lyrical poems such

as the Song of Songs. In this text, the rabbinic tradition preferred allegory to verbal

interpretation. In 'Sanhedrin 12, 10' [Court of Justice]711, which is part of Section IV of

Mishnah called Nezekin, which in translation means Damages, Rabbi Akiva demanded

that the text of the Song of Songs be not included in a profane group love of collections:712

“Whoever sings the Song of Songs in a pub and makes it one of the (ordinary) songs, has

no part in the coming world.”713

706 MASINI, M.: Úvod do „Lectio Divina“. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 1993, p. 35. 707 CHRISTIANSEN, I.: Die Technik der allegorischen Auslegungswissenschaft bei Philon von Alexandrien. Tübingen, 1969, p. 134; GRONDIN, J.: Úvod do hermeneutiky. Praha: Oikúmené, 1997, p. 43. 708 OEMING, M.: Úvod do biblické hermeneutiky. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2001, p. 20.; STEMBERGER, G.: Talmud a midraš. Úvod do rabínské literatury. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1999, p. 43-45. 709 KARDIS, M.: Mytológia. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, GTF, 2009, p. 5. 710 ÁBEL, F.: Dejiny novozmluvnej doby. Dobové pozadie Novej zmluvy (Nového zákona). http://www.fevth.uniba.sk/uploads/media/dejiny_novozmluvnej_doby_01.pdf. 711 COHEN, A.: Talmud pre každého. Praha: Sefer, 2006, p. 22. 712 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 179; DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 137; COHEN, A.: Talmud pre každého. Praha: Sefer, 2006, p. 22. 713 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 137.

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Several kinds or types of allegory can be distinguished in the Philo’s allegorical

method:714

The first type of allegory is cosmological or, in Philo’s terminology, physiological.

It deals with the essence of things, "φύσις" (fysis). An example of allegory is the high

priest and his garment in which Philo sees the Logos and the.715

The second type of allegory is (moral) ethical. This type consists of two

subcategories, psychological and moral. The moral category is based on the etymological

interpretation of the characters. In the cosmological (physiological) and psychological

type, the influence of stoicism and, to a lesser extent, the pythagorean and platonic

influences are investigated.

The third type of allegory is a psychological allegory. An example is the episode of

Moses, who is on the run from Egypt and who helps Jetro's daughters. Philo sees here the

synergy of spirit, senses and reason that represent the three Jetro’s daughters. Marriage

with the foreigner Sephora again symbolizes Moses' association with wisdom and

virtue.716

The fourth type is called. a mystical allegory that touches the path of the human

soul. By way of example, in his work, Legum allegoriae II.86, the water that Moses

brought out of the rock represents wisdom, the only means of extinguishing the inordinate

passions of the soul. Manna is the divine word of Septuagint, a logos that saturates the

soul of man.717

Philo’s allegorical method applies in particular to the Torah. The other parts of

TaNaCh, however, serve as a commentary on the Torah. With regard to revelation, it is

only used and quoted exceptionally.

Philo mentions that during his times there existed in Alexandria718 three ways of using

the allegorical method. The first group consisted of literal interpreters. They were

characterized by a negative attitude to allegory and refused to use it. The second group

was the middle road. They used both verbal and allegorical interpretation. Philo counted

himself as part of this group. The third group included artists who, in contrast to the first,

714 DOUGLAS, J. D. a kol.: Nový biblický slovník. Praha: Návrat domů, 2009, p. 255; PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1 – 5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 16. 715 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: De vita Mosis II. 117. In: PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1-5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 15. 716 PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1-5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 16. 717 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 79, Quod deterius potiori insidiari soleat 118. In: PANCZLOVÁ, H.: Úvodná štúdia. In: SV. GREGOR Z NYSSY: Výklad Veľpiesne (1. časť) Prológ a Homílie 1-5. Bratislava: Dobrá kniha for TF TU, 2012, p. 16. 718 TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Patristická interpretácia Žalmov. http://www.kapitula.sk/files/trstensky/patristik.doc.

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refused verbal interpretation and focused exclusively on the use of allegory. The first

group, together with the third, pose a danger of leaning towards a fundamentalist

interpretation of Scripture. In Philo, allegorical and verbal interpretations are not

mutually exclusive, but on the contrary, they coexist. Man as a thinking being needs body

and mind for its functioning (in its broadest sense), so faith in God needs the spirit and

the text of the Torah - the Law. Ignoring the literal text means degrading the spiritual life

of the believer.719

Philo was careful not to reach the point where TaNaCh would lose their meaning,

originality and Judaism would reach the border of illusion and loss of their identity. For

this reason, he emphasized the reality of biblical stories and the historical context. In the

articles on Abraham he underlines that the places he visited really existed. Another

example where Philo supports verbal and also allegorical sense is a passage from the

book Genesis 18:1-5. The three men who appeared to Abraham considered Philo to be

true angels, but also metaphysical truths. Philo possesses the skill that is characteristic of

some of the Hellenistic writings, but we can also observe it in rabbinic interpretation,

namely that in interpreting a text one offers several versions of the interpretation, and

they are placed side by side, none prevailing completely.720

The allegorical interpretation of Philo of Alexandria is based on the belief that Greek

philosophers have worked with texts in a similar way to the one he was using in his

approach to the Torah. According to him, his analysis of the Torah does not differ much

in basic parts from observing the cosmic predecessors whom he calls the Greek disciples

of Moses' philosophy. They are also involved in the elaboration of cosmological

theories721 inspired by the voice of the divine logo. That is, the Torah does not only mean

a description of individual historical events in Jewish history, but its intention is to draw

the reader into the "history of creation". Of course, this does not exclude Philo’s ability

to read biblical text as a "historical document". He even criticizes, and not once, the

extreme allegorists who in no way accept the verbal meaning of the holy texts, e.g. in

“De Migratione Abrahami 89-90:” “At the most elementary plane of his allegorical

interpretation, therefore, Philo attempts to interpret the biblical text as a cosmological

transcript of the physical structure of the world.” The Greek material provided him in

this respect with many examples and patterns such as the above-mentioned authors,

719 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 143. 720 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 144-145. 721 The term ‘theory’ has a Greek origin, meaning meditation or perception. This term served as Plato's main term to refer to "the perception of ideas" and to prove that perception, or vision. The term is also used in the Latin equivalent, namely: contemplatio, contemplation. POKORNÝ, P.: Píseň o perle. Tajné knihy starověkých gnostiků. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1998, p. 313.

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including “'Θεαγένης (Theagenes).” Theagenes from Rhegio dealt with a grammatical

analysis of Homer's works. Theagenes linked grammatical analysis to a “physical”

interpretation of the content of Homer's poems. He concluded that Homer used a

figurative language. The names of the different gods reflect the natural phenomena in the

cosmos. Fire is Apollo, sea is Poseidon, rationality is linked with Athena, desire with

Aphrodite and reason with Hermes. The “Διογένης Λαέρτιος (Diogenes Laertios)” wrote

about the Metrodóros of Lampsak that he dealt with Homer from a “scientific” point of

view, περί τήν φυσικήν πραγματείαν.722

Philo states that all the sages, be they barbarians, Greeks, Persians, Indians, have a

universal ethos of this type of allegorical interpretation. Thus he explained why Moses

placed the text dealing with the creation of the world before the text of the laws. There

was a harmony between the text with God's law and the text containing the cosmic order.

Philo encourages all interpreters of the Hebrew Bible to align their interpretation with the

Divine φύσισ. At the same time, however, he draws attention to the dangers of the

physical interpretation of a religious text that the authors themselves will succumb to the

admiration of the world itself and forget its Creator, God. It supports the contribution of

natural sciences in seeking God's will, but on the other hand sees them as part of a more

comprehensive whole. Any physical interpretation cannot do without taking into account

the biblical logos (i.e. the logos of a given text) because it fails in the absence of the

ethical dimension of creation. In this warning, Philo probably means Greek oύσικος

λόγος of the Greek Stoics who only dealt with the external, material, physical horizon,

cosmos.723 They attributed existence to what was embodied (physical). They were

developing the materialistic doctrine that Philo had just reprimanded them for. Stoic

logos means the power that forms and acts from within and is also called providence,

soul or god, i.e. Zeus. The whole stoic teaching is based on observing nature, which is a

dynamic, living whole.724

In contrast to this, the allegorical interpretation of Philo is based on the ethical

interpretation of the world, ήθικός λόγος, which makes it possible to know the true

foundation of the whole being, which is God. J. Mansfeld in the book “Philosophy in the

service of Scripture” [Philosophy in the Service of Scripture] commented on the character

of Philo’s interpretation in the sense that it is directed towards the inside and not the

outside world. It is the character of his allegory that allows him to see the symbolism of

722 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 23-25. 723 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 25-26. 724 STÖRIG, H. J.: Malé dějiny filozofie. Praha: Zvon, české katolické nakladatelství, 1991, p. 149; VERGELY, B.: Antičtí filozofové. Praha: Levné knihy KMa, 2006, p. 49.

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human virtues and not cosmological structures behind individual biblical events and

figures. Philo focuses mainly on the Jewish patriarchs. His interest in them has a simple

explanation. According to Philo, they symbolize the spiritual ascension of man's soul to

God. They are the foundation of Jewish piety. They embody three types of people who

in their own way have come to wisdom. Abraham by learning, Jacob by asceticism and

Isaac represents a man whom God has given wisdom since birth and at the same time is

perfect from birth. E.g., the name Abraham evokes in Philo’s mind the proficiency of

learning and judgment. This is due to his obedience and always a positive and non-

contradictory response to God. Etymological interpretation of biblical names opens room

for Philo to speculate. Like Homerian allegorists attributed psychological motives to the

Olympian gods, Philo attributed them to the characters of Jewish biblical history. Thus,

he crossed the boundaries of Judaism and came to the universality of the Law of Moses.725

Philo of Alexandria also assumed a close link between the allegory and the reader's

spiritual maturity, which is another essential feature of his allegorical exegesis. His

exegesis is based on the spiritual formation of man. One should have spiritual openness

to God. And it is precisely this spiritual predisposition that one acquires by renouncing

the influence of sensual pleasures.726

The tension between the wording of the text, the spiritual maturity of the interpreter

and the world of addressees to whom the interpretation is directed will culminate in a

multidimensional allegory. Even though the allegorical method is not without risks, it

offers the possibility of orientation in the faith, revealing its secrets and then building the

faith.727

Given the nature of Philo’s allegory, it is necessary to take into account the theme of

inspiration of the allegory’s authors in their exegesis. In other words, how did Philo

evaluate the way an individual was inspired, and what position did the individual have

during the inspiration, during his work? Subsequently, how did Philo link this concept to

the Greek tradition? The Greek tradition was based on the claim that individuality was

suppressed during inspiration. The individual takes on the role of God's will.

H. Burckhardt does not share this notion. He denies that human reason and potential

would be reduced during inspiration. He is of the opinion that the inspired person is

working with God. In some places, Philo states that an individual's initiative alone is not

725 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 27-28; BENKA, D.: Obetovanie Izáka a jeho výklad. http://www.cdvuk.sk/files/UTV/ prednasky%20a%20skripta/benka_obetovanie_izaka.doc. 726 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 150. 727 POKORNÝ, P.: Hermeneutika jako teorie porozumění od základních otázek jazyka k výkladu bible. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2006, p. 146; MASINI, M.: Úvod do Lectio Divina. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 1993, p. 48.

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enough. Even ascetic practices do not guarantee the attainment of the goal, for he himself

tried to approach God through ecstatic states. God's grace is needed here. Then the

inspiration takes the form of spontaneity. In the “Legum Allegoriae”, Philo writes:

I have left relatives, friends and houses several times to go into the

wilderness to deal with something worthy of contemplation, but I have not

gained anything. Instead, my mind was distracted and experienced a

passion, and on the contrary, it began to deal with completely opposite

topics to what I had originally intended. But sometimes, in the midst of the

crowd, I managed to gain the silence of the mind at a time when God

recognized the psychic state, teaching me that it was not about my

whereabouts but rather about God who accomplished higher and lower

things by energizing the vessel of the soul and he leads her wherever he

wants.728

Philo emphasizes that the level of interpreters' ability depends on God's grace. In one

sentence, the quality of the allegorical interpretation reflects the author's relationship with

God. The processing of spiritual observations depends on spiritual maturity. This direct

proportion concerns not only the authors but also the addressees. The degree of

understanding of the interpretation also depends on the spiritual maturity of the reader.

The observations of exegetes are the same as those shared by Moses, the prophets, and

the other authors of the Bible. The result of such mutual similarity and continuity is an

understanding of the meaning that the authors of the sacred texts wanted to leave us. In

this reflection, Philo highlights one of the important features of allegory. For him, the

allegorical interpretation is timeless. It knows no bounds of time. An important element

of those who use the allegorical method is that they have repulsed desires and passions

for the created things. They removed the “veil” that prevented them from seeing

clearly.729

In the work “About the Giants” [De Gigantibus], Philo writes: “... Moses erected his

tent inside the camp, away from the body all the military, which means that he exhibited

a firm mind, he began to call upon God, and when he entered the darkness of the invisible

space, he stayed there and celebrated the most sacred mysteries”730 of the ceremony in

728 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 151. 729 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 151-152; HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 216. 730 The term ‘mystery’ is derived from the Greek word "μυστήριον" (mystérion) and denotes a mystery. These are mysterious rites (mystery rites) in which consecration is given to a deity, or deities. It is related to penetrating into the secrets of life. POKORNÝ, P.: Píseň o perle. Tajné knihy starověkých gnostiků. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1998, p. 318.

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which the sacral intersects with the interior of the consecrated initiate.731 However, Philo

adds that Moses does not take on the role of the initiate, but rather that of a hierophant of

sacred rites and, to a considerable extent, a teacher of Divine truths. It distinguishes the

person of Moses from the initiates of mystery associations.

The mysteries of the goddess Demeter with the center in Eleusis were among the most

well-known and popular associations. In Ptolemaic Egypt, besides the cult of Isis, the

mystery of the god Sarapid was also widely spread.732 Another one was the cult of

Atargatis, who was a Syrian goddess. The time when mystery cults were on the rise was

also the time of Philo. P. Pokorný characterizes Hellenic Judaism as a Jewry subject to

syncretism. But in spite of this fact, Philo was trying to remain a true Jew.733 For this

reason, Moses never identified himself with God. On the contrary, he saw inspiration as

a gift of salvation. As already mentioned, the inspiration was spontaneous, unexpected.

Philo himself repeatedly said that readers should not mindlessly accept his interpretation.

He even suggests uncertainty in his interpretations, e.g. De Gigantibus 4: “... but begets

so many feminine generations, weak by nature and infirm in their thoughts, from which

no virtue tree grows, bearing necessarily good and noble fruits ....” He shares similar

thoughts in “On the Creation of the World 72” [De Opificio Mundi].734

In some places, he outlined indirectly a deviation from the allegorical understanding

of the Torah, which is contrary to the faith of the Israeli God. He warns against the danger

of falling into a false, heretical understanding of God and the Torah. He writes that some

Jews have fallen into such a vicious teaching, especially Jews who lived in separation

from the outside world. To conclude on the issue of inspiration, it should be added that

the works coming from Philo are the works of the soul experience, as A. Jaubert and J.

Cazaeaux believe.735

The character of the Philo’s allegorical method is complemented by the way in which

the ethical views that arise from the Septuagint combine, on the one hand, with traditional

Jewish thinking, and on the other hand, with a philosophical tradition. The approach

outlined applies to the entire Torah. The use of verbal meaning together with an

allegorical method creates a consensus between the observance of legal practice, laws,

Torah ordinances and the search for deeper meaning. This approach allowed Philo to

731 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 460. 732 HOŠEK, R.: Náboženství antického Řecka. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2004, p. 200. 733 POKORNÝ, P.: Píseň o perle. Tajné knihy starověkých gnostiků. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1998, p. 47-56. 734 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47. 735 POKORNÝ, P.: Píseň o perle. Tajné knihy starověkých gnostiků. Praha: Vyšehrad, 1998, p. 56; JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 153.

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create a synthesis of Jewish and philosophical thought. Later, the developed system was

applied in the rabbinic environment in the Haggadic interpretation.736

In his exegetical work, Philo’s starting point was the Septuagint. He considered its

content inspired and did not diminish its authenticity when compared to the original text

of the Hebrew Bible.737 His exegesis does not show signs of standard structure. The

allegorical method used in the interpretation of sacred texts has its specific

characteristics. The main feature of Philo’s allegory is the biblical text or the “λῆμμα

(lemma)” assumption, which Philo (and others) comments on. Another important point

is the associated text, whose role is to support the interpretation of the main biblical text

and which can provide an incentive to create a new topic. With Philo, it is possible to

distinguish the cyclical nature of allegory, since he keeps returning to the biblical lemma,

although long variations can be observed many times. Philo’s exegesis consists of four

parts:738

1. citation of the primary biblical lemma;

2. paraphrasing or commenting on the primary biblical lemma;

3. using an affiliate or a secondary biblical material to explain the main

lemma;

4. returning to the primary text.

In Philo’s interpretation, regardless of whether he deals with the main biblical lemma

or the secondary biblical text, the following elements can be recognized:739

introduction, but it can also be a transition from the previous chapter;

citing the primary biblical lemma;

initial observations, usually in the form of quaestio or objection;

information on the context needed in allegory;

a detailed allegorical interpretation;

and example, illustration, comparison or contrast;

an allegorical application on the soul, since the purpose of allegory is also a moral

and mystical upbuilding;

a proof or a testimony;

736 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 97. 737 GOODENOUGH, E. R.: Philo Judeus. In: The Interpreter´s Dictionary of the Bible. Volume 3. K – Q. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1992. p. 796. 738 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 158. 739 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 158; DOUGLAS, J. D. a kol.: Nový biblický slovník. Praha: Návrat domů, 2009, p. 255.

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the conclusion or a return to the primary biblical lemma.

Despite the contradictory opinions of the authors, the prevalent opinion has it that

Philo of Alexandria laid the foundations of the Septuagint's allegorical interpretation,

which enabled him to present the Jewish religion in a positive light to the outside world.740

At present, his work with philosophy is particularly emphasized, which created a strong

basis for the rational interpretation of religion. The essence of his intellectual

contribution, then, is the combination of the missionary effort that is typical of most Jews

and the mystical experience with God.741

* * *

According to N.G. Cohen, the works of Philo of Alexandria “are among the

mainstream of the Jewish tradition of midrash.”742 Midrash, from the verb drs (dāraš), is

a Hebrew root which means to seek, to search, to examine, in other words, to seek an idea

which at first sight is not clear, distinct.743 The term Midrash is generally used to denote

Jewish interpretation. “Midrash (Heb. Midrāš; pl. Midrāším = interpretation, research)

is a technical term referring to the method and literary type of Jewish interpretation and

religions of the Bible which began to apply after the Babylonian captivity. The word is a

verb derived from the verb dāraš (= seek, investigate, interpret) and means ‘to recourse

to the law and look for God's answer in it’ (c.f.: Ezra 7:10). Thus, Midrash has primarily

an actualizing function, that is, it facilitates an interpretation of Scripture relevant to

current circumstances. It is mostly homiletic in nature.”744 The roots of Midrash can be

found already in the TaNaCh. The book of Ezra states: "For Ezra had devoted himself to

the study and observance of the Law of the Lord, and to teaching its decrees and laws in

Israel." (Ezra 7:10). Midrash is derived from the word "explore", or dāraš, i.e. to seek,

explore, explain, interpret. For years, Jews followed the teachings of the early masters. If

an objection was raised that an event is not present in the Hebrew Bible, the answer was

as follows:745 “Turn it [the Bible] back and forth, because everything is in it.”746

In the first form of Scripture there are two types of exegetic tradition. Written tradition

whose authority lies in the words of Scripture and oral tradition whose authority

740 TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Patristická interpretácia Žalmov. http://www.kapitula.sk/files/trstensky/patristik.doc. 741 DOUGLAS, J. D. a kol.: Nový biblický slovník. Praha: Návrat domů, 2009, p. 255. 742 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 70. 743 VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 89; DOUGLAS, J. D. a kol.: Nový biblický slovník. Praha: Návrat domů, 2009, p. 1019. 744 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 695. 745 LEVINSONOVÁ, P.N.: Úvod do židovské exegeze Písma. In: Teologické texty. 1999, roč. X, č. 1, s. 19; DOUGLAS, J. D. a kol.: Nový biblický slovník. Praha: Návrat domů, 2009, p. 1019. 746 LEVINSONOVÁ, P.N.: Úvod do židovské exegeze Písma. In: Teologické texty. 1999, roč. X, č. 1, s. 19.

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originates from the Jewish community (Scriptural life, customs, etc.).747 These types of

Jewish exegetic traditions are called written and oral Torah.748 They are summarized in

Halacha and Haggadah.749 The term Midrash is used both to denote one of the ways of

rabbinic interpretation of the Torah and second to all interpretations using the midrash

technique.750 Prior to the creation of midrash works, oral explanations existed. Over time

they began to take a written form. The editorial period cannot be determined with

accuracy, as most of the original works have not been preserved. Midrash is to reveal a

deeper meaning that is hidden in the biblical text in accordance with Halacha751 or

Haggadah. The subject matter of Midrash Halacha are regulations and their observance.

This is a legal method. These include e.g. Mechilta (linked with Exodus), Sifra (to

Leviticus) and also Sifra to the book of Numbers and Deuteronomy. Midrash Haggadah

is a homiletic method. The aim is to offer the reader comfort, hope, moral and religious

understanding of the biblical text. However, it is comprised of a variety of materials and

genres.752 The Midrash tradition is often named as Haggadah. According to S. Stein, the

haggadic midrash interpreted the text either by allegorizing it or historicizing it. And it

was the historicizing element of Haggadah that became the basis for the allegorical

Haggadah, characteristic of Hellenistic Judaism. Although Midrash works were mostly

the result of rabbinic literature, this kind of interpretation is also found in authors outside

the Palestinian territory, e.g. in Demetrius or Artapan, and in Philo himself. There are

two types of opinions about the comparison of Philo and Midrash. Among the authors

who have dealt with this issue, the following can be named: B.J. Bamberger, L.L. Grabbe,

E. Stein, P. Borgen, P. Sandmel and others. P. Borgen sees a common feature between

Midrash and Philo in the infiltration of Hellenistic elements into Judaism. D. Runia points

out again that Philo uses exegetic elements of Haggadah, e.g. “The use of secondary texts,

the interpretation of the main biblical lemma and word parallels.”753

L. L. Grabbe belongs to a group of researchers who are more cautious about

statements that would show similarities between Philo and the tradition. The figure seven

is an example. It occurs in Philo, but also in the “Midrash Tadse.” However, L. L. Grabbe

points out that this is not yet proof of similarity, since the method of gematria has been

widely used and popular in antiquity. L. L. Grabbe goes on to say that even interpretations

747 VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 80. 748 LEVINASOVÁ, P.N.: Úvod do židovské exegeze. Písma. In: Teologické texty, roč. X, 1999, p. 19. 749 VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 79.93; HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 432-433. 750 VARŠO, M.: Zjedz, čo máš po ruke. Úvod do biblickej exegézy. Nitra: Zrno, 1998, p. 89. 751 NEWMAN, J., SIVAN, G.: Judaismus od A do Z. Slovník pojmů a termínů. Praha: Sefer, 2004, p. 42; COHEN, A.: Talmud pre každého. Praha: Sefer, 2006, p. 27-28. 752 NEWMAN, J., SIVAN, G.: Judaismus od A do Z. Slovník pojmů a termínů. Praha: Sefer, 2004, p. 116. 753 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 71.

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that would seem to be identical are merely the result of a logical approach, and the authors

could have come to them independently of each other, as a result of pure coincidence. S.

Sandmel notes, in the context of this issue, that Philo's interpretation is never anecdotal,

and midrash uses this genre. Secondly, the haggadic Midrash refers more specifically to

interpreting smaller units of the biblical text. These comments are then considered closed.

Philo is devoted to the interpretation of the main theme or idea, but which does not take

the form of a smaller unit such as a sentence. The question of similarities and differences

between Philo and Midrash is not closed. Researchers share different views and it should

be added that there are still different rules in place to help find a solution to this

problem.754

In addition to allegory, Philo used typology as an allegory in his interpretation of texts.

In Philo's opinion, even typology can reveal spiritual meaning. In order to do so, it must

find the text that will help it find the meaning of the next text.755 Typology brings the text

to an allegorical sense. The allegorical method offers the meaning of the text, with the

typology based on both the text itself and the anti-typos.756 This is because the text would

make no sense.

In Philo's interpretation, the verbal and allegorical interpretations are on one level,

although he prefers allegorical interpretation. The interplay of the two interpretations can

be found in the works “Quaestiones in Genesim and Quaestiones in Exodum.” The

reasons for using and harmonizing both interpretations were pragmatic - the need to

emphasize biblical history for shaping Israel's identity, the importance of the Torah-Law

in practice, and ultimately the continuation of the Palestinian tradition of the

interpretation of sacred texts. The Jews in Alexandria were aware of two main facts. The

task of allegorical interpretation was to provide an interpretation that would stand up

from a scientific and philosophical point of view, and a verbal understanding of the

important parts of TaNaCh ensured the durability of Judaism itself. Many understand the

verbal sense. It is obvious to them. The allegorical sense is not intended for all but for a

handful of the elite. It is perceived by those whose souls are endowed with reason, by

those who are concerned with the state of mind of the soul. Less gifted people must rely

on verbal meaning. Philo’s claim has reached a stage in which the use of

anthropomorphisms to outline God has been justified. Verbal (literal) sense welcomes

places where laws are spoken. As an example, he talks about the circumcision in the text

754 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 70-71. 755 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 141-142. 756 POKORNÝ, P.: Hermeneutika jako teorie porozumění od základních otázek jazyka k výkladu bible. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2006, p. 144.

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About Abraham's Wandering [De Migratione Abrahami].757 He writes that circumcision

should be followed, although everyone is familiar with its symbolic interpretation. “And

just as we care for the body inhabited by the soul, we must also take care of the literal

wording of the laws. Indeed, in their proper observation, we can gain a clearer

understanding of what they symbolize, notwithstanding that one also avoids many

remorse and indictments.”758 Literal meaning is therefore needed not only for practical

reasons, but also because it helps to understand the symbolic meaning of laws. Placing

the symbolic meaning higher than the literal one can be traced to the influence of

Platonism, where the soul has a higher value than the body. The soul is similar to the

divine, immortal, rational, beautiful, righteous, what lives in itself and for itself and the

body belongs to what is human, mortal, unreasonable and not in itself and for itself.759

Thus, the symbolic meaning has a higher value, according to Philo.760

Philo is now attributed the character of an inspiring inter-culturologist and a prolific

author of antiquity. He served as inspiration to many writers, as Mordel points out:

“Later, Christian scholars were influenced by his allegorical interpretation of the Old

Testament. Philo was very prolific commentator of the books of the Pentateuch and also

the Jewish law.”761 He gained the reputation of a rationalist philosopher, but at the same

time he was a believing Jew and was governed by a Mitzvot.762 It is unlikely that he spoke

Hebrew but he had an excellent command of Greek writing.763

The works of the representatives of Hellenic-Jewish philosophy are deep in content

due to religious ideas. Not only Philon, but also other Hellenized Jewish authors were

faced with the following problem. On the one hand there is a desire to maintain the belief

that the truth is revealed only in their sacred writings, but on the other they are very well

aware that Greek philosophers, especially Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics possess the

philosophical truth. They find it helpful to assume that the knowledge of the Hebrew

757 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47. 758 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 92. 759 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 90-92. 760 SCHERER, G.: Smrt jako filosofický problém. Kostelní Vydří: Karmelitánské nakladatelství, 2005, p. 134-135. 761 MORDEL, Š.: Svet vyvoleného národa. Pojednanie o živote a viere židovského národa z hľadiska Biblickej archeológie. Spišské Podhradie: Kňazský seminár biskupa Jána Vojtaššáka Spišská Kapitula, 2001, p. 14. 762 The term ‘Micvot’ denotes a set of commandments to be kept by every Jewish man from the age of 13 and every Jewish woman from the age of 12. It is one of the most important phenomena of early rabbinic Judaism. The Mitzvot contains 613 commandments. Of these, 365 are negative (micvot lo ta'ase) - the number corresponds to the number of days a year. 248 are the positive commandments (micvot ase) - the number corresponds to the number of parts of the human body according to rabbinic teaching. SLÁDEK, P.: Malá encyklopedie rabínského judaismu. Praha: Libri, 2008, p. 151. 763 ARMSTRONGOVÁ, K.: Dějiny Boha. Praha: Argo, 1996, p. 91.

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Bible (Septuagint) had long been known by the Greeks and that the thinkers themselves

drew from them. Jewish writers were increasingly starting to use figurative interpretation.

“As far as their own sacred writings are concerned, they are moving to bring their

content into line with Greek philosophy, increasingly from verbal interpretation to

metaphoric, figurative (allegorical) interpretation.”764

Philo of Alexandria also knows the third source of knowledge. In addition to Greek

philosophy and allegorical interpretation, the third source for him is enlightenment that

comes immediately from God.765 The allegorical interpretation of the biblical stories of

Moses is in Philo marked by efforts to penetrate deeper into the biblical and religious

traditions of ancient Israel, which, according to him, is not bound only with the verbal

understanding of the sacred texts of Judaism and one’s compliance with prescribed orders

(mitzvot). Philo believes that biblical truths do not only apply to the Jewish community,

but are universal. And this interpretation is also a key understanding for him.766

7.10 Philo of Alexandria and his Art of Interpretation and Works

Philo of Alexandria used allegorical interpretation especially in the work of “Allegory of

Laws,” the Greek “Νόμων Ἱερῶν Ἀλληγορίαι (Nomón hierón allégoria),” lat. Legum

Allegoriae. The treatise consists of 16 books. The allegorical interpretation concerns the

book of Genesis and begins with Chapter 2, where it discusses the creation of man. The

treatise from Chapter 4 is mostly cited by the title of the writings it includes.767 Allegory

is also used in other works. Because of their philosophical form and structure, they are

rather classified in the category of philosophical writings, of which there are five.768 This

group includes the work “The eternity of the world” [De Aeternitate mundi],769 though

the authorship of this work is disputed today.770

In Philo of Alexandria's “De Vita Contemplativa,” it is stated that interpretation means

revealing and explaining the hidden meaning of the text. The hidden meaning of the text

is revealed by an allegory that allowed the distinction of the inner and the hidden through

the outer and visible. R. Williamson is of the opinion that Philo is not the creator of an

764 STÖRIG, H. J.: Malé dějiny filozofie. Praha: Zvon, české katolické nakladatelství, 1991, p. 149. 765 STÖRIG, H. J.: Malé dějiny filozofie. Praha: Zvon, české katolické nakladatelství, 1991, p. 149. 766 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 9. 767 KRATOCHVÍL, Z.: Prolínání světů. Středoplatónská filosofie v náboženských proudech pozdní antiky. http://www.fysis.cz/filosofiecz/texty/krato/krato.pdf; HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47. 768 The number of philosophical books varies in different publications. There are three philosophical works in the Oxford Dictionary, and these are: “De Aeternitate Mundi,” “Quod omnis probus liber sit,” “De Providentia.” See: CROSS, F. L., LIVINGSTONE, E. A.: The Oxford dictionary of the Christian Church. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983, p. 1083. 769 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47. 770 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 141.

172

original and unique allegory, since he often uses the allegory of other authors. He gives

the example of Philo’s interpretation of the text from Deuteronomy 21:15-17 in the work

“On the Sacrifice of Abel and Cain” [De Sacrificial Abella et Caini].771 There is a man

who has two wives. Philo interprets the passage as follows. Every man has two wives.

He loves one, he hates the other. The one she loves is virtue. The one who is hated is

pleasure. Pleasure is presented as a prostitute. Virtue encourages people to watch out for

pleasure. In addition, Philo lists up to 150 vices that can cause a total decline and

destruction of man. Virtue is a moral responsibility, one perceives it as a "heavy boulder",

but this boulder leads to liberation. R. Williamson argues that Philo uses ideas from a

fable by Xenophon.772 J. Pascher claims that “he was too little of a spirit to be expected

to develop his Jewish heritage in a truly creative way under the influence of new

philosophical impulses.”773 A defensive stance against skepticism directed at Philo of

Alexandris was taken by G. Pfeier in “ZAW 77” from 1965 on pages 212-214. Pfeier

argues that despite the objections of some researchers, including A.J. Festugière, Philo

of Alexandria became a model for later authors using allegory. By using allegory, Philo

could present the world with a positive dimension of the Jewish religion.774

In his work “On Cain’s Offspring” [De Posteritate Caini]775 Philo limits the use of the

allegorical method. In doing so, setting boundaries reveals another feature of his

allegorical method. The limits of allegorical work lie in the fact that allegory cannot lead

the author to know the nature of God. Philo is a teacher of monotheistic mysticism, in

which the human mind has an intuitive disposition to understand God’s self-revelation.

It is by no means a complete rational understanding of God's existence. Furthermore, one

can never understand His (i.e. God’s) essence.776 He reiterates, as an example, the person

of Moses, who realized this impossibility and manifested his wisdom by asking God to

become a counselor to him and to reveal to him his nature. Man knows God as much as

God reveals Him. He is not capable of knowing the essence of God by himself. Philo

substantiated his claim with a quotation from the Septuagint, citing an article from Ex

33:13. He linked his considerations to an inherent part of his allegorical method, namely

the anthropomorphic777 and anthropopathic statements about God.778

771 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47. 772 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 141-142. 773 PASCHER, J.: Η ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ ΟΔΟΣ. In: ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 10. 774 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: O stvoření světa. O gigantech. O neměnnosti boží. Praha: Oikoymenh, 2001, p. 10; TRSTENSKÝ, F.: Patristická interpretácia žalmov. http://www.kapitula.sk/files/trstensky/patristik.doc. 775 HERIBAN, J.: Príručný lexikón biblických vied. Bratislava: Don Bosco, 1998, p. 47. 776 DAGOBERT, D.: Slovník judaizmu. Bratislava: Danubiaprint, 1992, p. 63. 777 JEKKELOVÁ, J., ORAVEC, T.: Lexikón svetových náboženstiev. Bratislava: Aktuell, 2006, p. 139. 778 JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 146-148.

173

When speaking of God, Philo says that he has no human qualities and on these grounds

it is inadequate and incorrect to state that “God is angry.” He emphasizes that the only

thing a man can say about God is the fact of God's existence. All anthropomorphisms

mentioned about God must not be understood literally. The method of allegory serves for

their interpretation. They are merely a pedagogical means for those who are at a lower

level in the spiritual field. At the same time, the question arises, how is it possible that

God revealed himself to a prophet? Philo solved this problem by saying that it is

necessary to distinguish the nature of God, i.e. “Οὐσία (Ousia),” which is absolutely

ineffable, from God’s interventions made in the world, i.e. in terms of His strength

“Δυνάμεις (dynameis),” or energy, i.e. “Ἐνέργειᾰ (energeia).”779 According to this view,

man will never know God as he really is. According to Philo, God says to Moses, “To

understand me transcends the possibilities of human nature, even the possibility of

heaven and the universe.”780 God approaches our limited understanding through

dynameis. They are the highest reality that human reason can comprehend. Both forces

cannot be confused with the divine ousia, because it still remains a mystery for the human

mind; they only help to catch a glimpse of reality that is beyond human understanding.781

Philo considered Moses to be the sole author of the Torah-Law, believing that Moses

wrote it under God's direction. He attributes many qualities to Moses, as we can see in

his book “De Vita Mosis:” “The readers of the holy books know this, for he could never

write these under the guidance of God unless he was infused with these properties, nor

retain them for those who are worthy of them, these most beautiful of all passages, true

images of the archetypes of the living souls.” As it was already noted, Philo’s source was

the Septuagint, which he considered equal in authority to the original Hebrew Bible.782

779 ARMSTRONGOVÁ, K.: Dějiny Boha. Praha: Argo, 1996, p. 92. 780 ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F.: De Specialibus Legibus 1:43. In: ARMSTRONGOVÁ, K.: Dějiny Boha. Praha: Argo, 1996, p. 92. 781 ARMSTRONGOVÁ, K.: Dějiny Boha. Praha: Argo, 1996, p. 92; JEŽEK, V.: Filón Alexandrijský. Jeho teologie, exegeze a vliv na pozdější autory. Prešov: Prešovská univerzita v Prešove, Pravoslávna bohoslovecká fakulta, 2004, p. 148-149. 782 DOHMEN, CH., STEMBERGER, G.: Hermeneutika židovské Bible a Starého zákona. Praha: Vyšehrad, 2007, p. 88.

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CONCLUSION

This scientific monograph presents a comprehensive overview of the genesis of the

phenomenon of "hermeneutics" in the context of its Greek origin, with an emphasis on

Greek and Hellenistic cultures. From the very beginning, Homer's mythological

narratives were subject to the phenomenon of interpretation and actualization, forming

the basis and essential component of the emergence and subsequent formation of the

Greek culture. Oral culture is represented by the hermeneutic activity of poets, narrators,

oracles, as well as interpreters of mythological narratives. It was in these narrations where

paradigms for the art of correct, relevant, and current interpretation were sought. That

was why the practice of allegorical interpretation of myths came to the fore within the

methodological search for something deeper, something beyond the literally expressed

meaning. The aim of such an interpretation was to respond to questions of value and

existence, concerning the meaning of life, or the search for expressive forms of human

desire for eternal life, etc. Belief in the deities and gods of the existing world of ancient

antiquity represented stability, security and a firm confession of belief in the unchanging

principles of world order. Myths, therefore, gained a symbolic and sacred value and

accounted for existentially relevant expositions of the culture of ancient peoples, as they

and their interpretations brought to humans the answers to basic questions of existence.

What was obvious for the ancient human, however, is distant and incomprehensible

to the modern man. Contemporary humans tend to understand the ancient religious

phenomena in their literal sense. However, if they are not studied in depth, they may seem

trivial and irrelevant. Mythology is the primordial civilizational thought ground of social

organization, world view, religion, morality, law and the like. That is why mythology is

also referred to as pre-philosophy or proto-philosophy, primarily in the form of

metaphysics. We can thus say, in this case, that the first hermeneutics is referred to as ars

interpretandi [the art of interpretation].

Its etymological origin is still not completely clear, and many people explain it from

different words and situations. Many scholars assume that this may be a pre-Greek term

referring to ancient interpretations of mythological narrations. Linguists themselves, with

their etymological rationale, along with a significant portion of religious scholars, are

returning to Greek mythology. This shows that the purpose of hermeneutics of myths is

still relevant and helpful, as long as it helps one to understand the world. Hermeneutics

thus maintains its practical meaning: it helps us to orient ourselves in life and to find its

meaning, even if modern people express this meaning in different language and with the

help of different conceptual schemes from the ancient ones.

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The spread of Hellenization did not only create important political changes, but also

cultural and social changes. The topics of Hellenistic philosophy, however, revolved

around themes which had been previously considered as crucial philosophical themes,

such as the meaning of the movement of the world as a whole; these ‘metanarrative’

topics then helped develop the subsequent history of thought. More importantly, ethical

issues, especially those connected to personal ethics, came to the fore in Hellenism.

Philosophy in this period started to deal primarily with personal problems of man and

offered a diverse array of answers to the problems of private and public life. In this sense,

the Hellenistic thought was close to our present intellectual endeavor. Also, philosophy

led to the emergence of experimental science, which was later developed by Western

civilization. The Greek man began to free himself from the mythical interpretations of

the world and sought to understand and explain the world, using experientially known

and logical considerations.

Hellenistic religion brought about not only the identification and confluence of the

individual deities in the peripheral regions, but also the overall transformation of the

existing religion. Hellenism brought a new religious wave where new deities and new

approaches were introduced. The Hellenization period also caused an unprecedented

expansion of international trade, intensified architectural activity in the cities, and helped

human societies to flourish everywhere. The roots of the European civilization found a

fertile soil in the cultural and religious/philosophical environment of Hellenism.

Hellenism also had a considerable impact on the economic structures, legal and social

forms that penetrated into later classical Judaism. The Jews came under strong cultural

influence of Hellenism. It greatly elevated the ideas of wisdom and the study of the Torah

/ TaNaCh and in the following period it was also reflected in the language and ideology

of Judaism. Hellenistic Judaism had to deal with two contrasting positions or aims. On

the one hand, many tried to assimilate into the pagan environment, but on the other hand,

this process also consisted in preserving the traditions and beliefs of their ancestors and

their religious monotheism, even if it meant resisting to the prevailing cultural trends to

defend the traditions of the fathers and their monotheistic faith. Resistance, however, was

not directed against Hellenism itself, only against its wrong interpretations and

implementations. The fact remains that Hellenistic culture had never left the area or its

inhabitants.

In later periods, Hellenistic Judaism started to emerge outside Palestine. We can

observe this trend on the basis of preserved literary artifacts. In the Hellenistic period,

there was a rich Judaic literature, which is characterized not only by Hellenistic literary

forms, but also by Hellenistic thinking. Nevertheless, the great Jewish thinkers of the

Hellenistic era did not lose their awareness of the specific Hebrew spiritual tradition.

176

Also, in the vast majority, there were good relations between the Hellenists and the Jews,

as the Hellenistic monarchs allowed the Jews to practice their religion freely. It can be

assumed that for many Jews the benefits of participating in new culture and structures

outweighed the disadvantages and they considered, therefore, the threats from Hellenism

to be minimal.

For this reason, there was a long discussion about the person of Philo of Alexandria

in this book as well as in the books and treatises of many ancient and contemporary

authors. Many authors had a problem where to classify him, i.e. whether Philo was more

a philosopher or exegete, or a religious thinker. In any case, Philo’s hermeneutic work

was created just for the Jewish and Greek background. Philo creates a symbiosis between

Jewish tradition and Greek education. He calls on the Jews to come out of the closure of

tradition and to open up to the world, embracing new education, new currents and

directions. Thanks to Philo, his Jewish contemporaries as well as the subsequent

generations could remain strong and proud of their ancient heritage of the Hebrew Bible

even amidst the highly intellectually seductive environment of Alexandria. They were

able to preserve it, among other things, due to one event that proved crucially significant

– the translation of the Hebrew Bible into Greek language - the “Septuagint.” Today, it

is not possible to determine the exact degree of Greek influence on the rabbinic

interpretation of Scripture. However, it is important to realize that Greek and Jewish

interpreters share a common goal - to understand, adapt, and apply their classical - ancient

works to new cultural, linguistic, political, ethical, social and economic conditions.

When meeting with the Hellenistic world of thought, the world of the Hebrew Bible

experiences with a new force the trends of allegorical hermeneutics. Though allegory had

existed in the culture of Jewish interpretation before the age of Hellenism, it was brought

to a new level of sophistication during this period. Philo was highly inspired by the Greek

allegorical method. In Philo, allegorical and literal interpretations are not mutually

exclusive, but on the contrary, they coexist. Philo emphasizes that the level of

interpreters' abilities is dependent on God's grace, while the quality of the allegorical

interpretation reflects the author's relationship with God. This ratio applies not only to

the authors but also to the addressees, as the degree of understanding / comprehending of

the interpreted text depends on the spiritual maturity of the reader. The observations of

exegetes are the same as those of Moses, the prophets, and the other authors of the Bible.

The result of such interaction and continuity is an understanding of the meaning that the

authors of the sacred texts wanted to leave us. Philo highlights one important feature of

allegory within this kind of reasoning: allegorical interpretation has timeless character

for him. Philo is now considered an inspiring inter-culturologist and a prolific author of

177

antiquity who has much to say about the nature of allegoric interpretation and its usage

in the intersections of the Jewish and Hellenic cultures.

178

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189

INDEX

ÁBEL, F. .................... 121, 159, 178

Achilles ....................... 21, 24, 33, 35

Agamemnon ........................... 24, 35

ALDEBERT, J. ......... 78, 83, 87, 178

Alexander of Macedonia .....See, See

Alexander the Great

Alexander the Great ... 14, 76, 77, 78,

79, 81, 83, 85, 86, 92, 93, 99, 100,

104, 106, 109, 111, 112, 119, 141,

142

ALEXANDRIJSKÝ, F. ..... See Philo

Anaximander ................................ 13

Anaximenes .................................. 13

Aristobulos ......................... 149, 150

Aristotle ... 32, 36, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55,

76, 86, 87, 97, 120, 126, 139, 159,

170

ARMSTRONG ............... 17, 42, 178

ARMSTRONGOVÁ, K. ... 120, 170,

173, 178

BAČA ................................... 52, 178

BAK ...................................... 45, 178

BAMM, P. ............................ 79, 178

BARKER, C.H. ............................ 86

BEEKES ......................... 59, 61, 178

BĚLSKÝ J. ......................... 109, 178

BENDER, J. ......... 76, 78, 83, 87, 93

Benveniste ...................................... 9

BORECKÝ, B. .... 77, 81, 82, 85, 91,

93, 94, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102,

103, 104, 106, 108, 109, 179

BORYS, E. ......... 88, 89, 90, 91, 179

BORŽÍK, Š. ......................... 68, 179

BOUZEK, J....... 84, 85, 86, 87, 100,

102, 104, 106, 108, 179

BOWKER, J. ....................... 67, 179

BRUKKER, G. .................. 156, 179

BUDIL ................................. 16, 179

CHALUPA, P. ................... 146, 179

CHANTRAINE, P. .............. 60, 179

CHLUBNÝ, J. ................... 119, 179

CHRISTIANSEN, I. .......... 159, 179

Cleopatra ...................................... 85

COHEN, A. ................ 159, 168, 179

COL, R. .......................... 60, 62, 179

COLE ................................... 49, 179

COTTERELL, A.................. 64, 179

CROSS, F.L. .............................. 119

DAGOBERT, D. ................ 172, 179

Dannhauser .................................... 7

DE LUBAC ......................... 32, 179

DE VRIES, S.P. ......................... 137

DOHMEN ..... 31, 33, 133, 134, 135,

136, 137, 138, 139, 148, 149, 150,

156, 159, 166, 170, 173, 178, 179,

185

DOUGLAS, J.D. ........ 124, 151, 160

DRAŠKABOVÁ, E. ...... 77, 92, 180

DROZDÍKOVÁ, J. ..... 79, 112, 113,

114, 180

DUKA, D. .. 142, 145, 146, 147, 180

Dumezil.......................................... 9

DYBIZBAŃSKI .................. 13, 180

ELIADE ..... 16, 44, 46, 48, 152, 180

190

ESTINOVÁ .......................... 40, 180

Euripides .............................. 24, 122

Eusebius of Caesarea ................. 149

FARMER W.R. .......................... 135

FARRINGTON, K. ...................... 77

FILIPIAK, M. ...................... 65, 180

FINDRA ......................... 40, 45, 180

FISBANE, M.A. ........................ 111

FLAVIUS, J. .. See Josephus Flavius

FRANEK, J. ....... 112, 115, 116, 180

FREEDMAN, D.N. .................... 148

FRYE, N. ........................... 154, 180

Gadamer ..................... 8, 53, 68, 184

GAŽIK, P. .......................... 127, 181

GĘBURA ....................... 14, 19, 181

GECSE, G. ......................... 135, 181

GOMBALA ................... 40, 45, 180

GOODENOUGH, E.R. .............. 166

GRASSI, M. ......................... 65, 181

GREEN, P. .... 76, 78, 80, 83, 84, 85,

93, 181

GREGOR Z NYSSY. 26, 34, 35, 36,

37, 41, 154, 157, 158, 160, 178,

180, 184

GRONDIN .... 31, 32, 33, 34, 51, 54,

63, 66, 68, 158, 159, 181

GUTHRIE, L...................... 151, 186

HARENBERG, B. ............... 82, 181

HASENFRATZ.......... 9, 12, 16, 181

Herakles ....................................... 21

HERIBAN ..... 40, 44, 45, 56, 57, 79,

97, 116, 117, 120, 121, 122, 123,

124, 138, 143, 144, 148, 150, 154,

155, 165, 167, 168, 170, 171, 172,

181

Hésiodos ....................................... 20

HLOUCH, L. ...... 50, 53, 66, 70, 181

Homer 10, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28,

29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 52,

56, 61, 64, 65, 122, 139, 148, 152,

159, 162, 174, 185

HORVÁTH, H. .................. 135, 181

HORYNA ............................. 45, 185

HOŠEK 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18,

19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 30, 44, 85,

101, 106, 164, 165, 181

HROCH ........ 43, 50, 53, 66, 70, 181

HUDYMAČ, P. .................. 125, 181

HULÍNEK ............................ 12, 181

JEANROND ........... 26, 57, 137, 181

JEKKELOVÁ, J. ........ 121, 172, 182

JELONEK ............................ 25, 182

JEŽEK, V. . 119, 122, 123, 125, 126,

127, 128, 150, 151, 155, 156, 159,

161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168,

169, 171, 172, 173, 182

JOHNSON, P. ............ 121, 153, 182

Josephus Flavius 112, 138, 139, 151,

158

JUDÁK, V. ......................... 125, 182

JURJEWICZ .......... 38, 45, 178, 182

KALAŠ, A. ........................... 86, 182

Kallimachos .................................. 97

KARDIS ...... 40, 41, 42, 45, 48, 159,

182, 186, 187

KAZAN, A.P. ....................... 98, 109

KAŽDAN, A.P. .................. 103, 108

191

KESIDI ................................. 42, 182

KICZKO, L. ............. 86, 90, 91, 182

KOMOROVSKÝ ........... 12, 41, 182

KONEČNÁ, M. .. 50, 53, 66, 70, 181

KÖNIG ................................... 9, 182

Korfmann ...................................... 22

KOŠTÁL, A. ................ 76, 110, 182

KOTALÍK, F. ..... 111, 113, 115, 182

KRATOCHVÍL ... 40, 121, 122, 123,

149, 151, 171, 182

KRAVČÍK, M. ... 71, 72, 73, 74, 185

KROVINA, M. ............... 71, 72, 182

KRSKOVÁ, A. ........... 119, 128, 182

KRUPP, M. ......................... 115, 183

KVOKAČKA ....................... 27, 183

LAPORTEOVÁ .................... 40, 180

LEŠČINSKÝ . 26, 27, 30, 31, 34, 39,

43, 46, 47, 49, 52, 54, 55, 132, 183

LEŠKO, V. .... 81, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91,

183

LEVINASOVÁ, P.N. ................. 138

LEVINSONOVÁ, P.N. .............. 156

LÉVI-STRAUSS .................. 39, 183

LINGUŠ ... 50, 52, 53, 54, 56, 65, 67,

183, 184

LONG, A.A. ............. 88, 89, 91, 104

LURKER .............................. 45, 183

MAGA .................................. 43, 187

MARCONI ......... 16, 19, 20, 21, 183

MARSZAŁEK .... 15, 17, 18, 20, 183

MASINI, M. ...... 153, 155, 159, 163,

183

MÁTEL, A. ................ 135, 139, 183

MENGHI, M. 76, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84,

88, 89, 98, 100, 107, 183

MIERZWA .......................... 45, 178

MIHINA, F. .. 81, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91,

183

MIODOŃSKI ....................... 11, 183

MIREAUX .... 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 37,

38, 183

MOCNÁ .............................. 44, 183

MOĎOROŠI ........................ 42, 183

Monsperger .................................... 7

MORDEL, Š. ..... 119, 120, 170, 183

MOSSÉ, C. .......................... 99, 184

NANDRASKY, K. .......... 82, 83, 93

NEHOFF, M.R. ......................... 157

NEŠKUDLA .................. 27, 28, 184

NEWMAN, J. ............ 134, 168, 184

NOVOTNÁ, M. .. 96, 100, 101, 103,

184

Octavian ....................................... 85

Odysseus .................... 21, 24, 36, 37

OEMING 32, 33, 51, 53, 54, 56, 58,

152, 153, 156, 158, 159, 184

OLIVA, P. .......................... 106, 184

ONDREJOVIČ, D. ............ 126, 184

OPATÍKOVÁ, J. ............... 156, 179

ORAVEC, T. ............. 121, 172, 182

PALMER ............................. 53, 184

PANCZLOVÁ .... 26, 34, 35, 36, 37,

41, 154, 157, 158, 160, 178, 180,

184

PANCZOVÁ 45, 57, 58, 60, 61, 184

PANINI .......................... 21, 22, 184

PAPROTNY, T. ..................... 88, 91

192

PASCHER, J. ..................... 172, 184

PATZIG ............................... 56, 185

PAULIČKA, I. ..................... 79, 185

PAVERA.............................. 45, 185

PAVLIKOVA ...................... 43, 188

PAVLINCOVÁ.................... 45, 185

PELIKÁN, O................................ 82

Perseus ......................................... 21

PETERKA............................ 44, 183

PETIŠKA, E. ........................ 63, 185

Philo .. 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124,

125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 138, 139,

140, 141, 142, 147, 149, 150, 151,

152, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159,

160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166,

167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173,

176, 181, 186

PIAČEK, J.......... 71, 72, 73, 74, 185

Plato .. 32, 33, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 87,

119, 120, 122, 123, 126, 127, 139,

148, 158, 161, 170

PLINTOVIČ .................. 40, 45, 180

Pliny ........................................... 151

Plutarch ........................ 56, 127, 148

POKORNÝ, P. .... 67, 77, 78, 81, 92,

94, 96, 99, 101, 105, 106, 109, 110,

154, 157, 161, 163, 164, 165, 169,

185

Porphyrius .................................. 151

PRISTÁŠ, P. ....................... 125, 181

PUHVEL ............ 10, 11, 19, 20, 185

REBENICH.............. 25, 30, 41, 185

RENAUL, M. ................. 78, 85, 185

RENDTORFF, R. ...... 130, 142, 144,

185

RICOEUR ............................ 47, 185

RIST, J.M. ........................ 87, 89, 90

ROUBALOVA ..................... 43, 188

RUNES, D.D. ............................. 120

RYŠKOVÁ, M. .......... 147, 149, 185

SCHERER, G. .................... 170, 185

Schliemann ......................... 9, 22, 23

SCHUBERT, K. . 116, 129, 157, 185

SIEGERT, F. ...................... 148, 185

SIGNER, A.M. ........................... 132

SIMONETTI 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 186

SIVAN, G. .................. 134, 168, 184

SLÁDEK, P. ............... 120, 170, 186

SLIVKA, D. . 64, 141, 155, 186, 187

SLODIČKA, A. .......................... 123

Socrates .................................. 32, 52

SOUŠEK, Z. ....................... 158, 186

SPIEGEL, P. ....................... 113, 186

STEHLÍKOVÁ, E ...................... 186

STEHLÍKOVÁ, E. ............... 99, 186

STEMBERGER .... 31, 33, 132, 133,

134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 148,

149, 150, 156, 159, 166, 170, 173,

178, 179, 185, 186

STOLARIK .......................... 26, 186

STOLÁRIK ........... See STOLARIK

STÖRIG .. 26, 43, 50, 119, 140, 162,

171, 186

STRUPPE, U. ..................... 142, 186

SVOBODOVÁ, L. ............. 119, 179

193

ŠWIDERKOVÁ, A. .. 80, 84, 86, 88,

89, 90, 95, 96, 102, 103, 105, 107,

109, 110, 187

SYLVAN, K. ...................... 151, 186

SZTURC ............................... 13, 180

Tales ............................................. 13

TARDAN-MASQUELIER ..... 9, 10,

11, 13, 14, 15, 21, 24, 187

Theseus ......................................... 21

TRSTENSKÝ, F. ....... 111, 113, 135,

137, 143, 147, 160, 167, 172, 187

TRUTWIN ............................ 43, 187

TYROL .. 48, 68, 115, 144, 145, 155,

179, 187, 188

VALACHOVIČ, P. .... 104, 106, 188

VALCOVA .......................... 43, 188

VARŠO11, 112, 113, 114, 129, 133,

135, 137, 139, 167, 168, 186, 188

VERGELY, B. ........... 152, 162, 188

VON BORMAN .................. 50, 188

VOREL ................................ 27, 188

VŠETIČKA.......................... 45, 185

WALDENFELS ..................... 9, 182

WELLNER, L.V. 78, 81, 82, 83, 84,

95, 96, 188

WRÓBEL, M.S. ................. 130, 134

Xenophon ................................... 172

ZAMAROVSKÝ ..... 23, 63, 64, 188

ŽIAK, J.S. .................................. 127

ZUBÁCKA, I.77, 78, 80, 82, 83, 88,

107, 108, 109, 188

194

POSEBNE IZDAJE / MIMO EDICIJ 54

Scientific Reviewers: Pavol Dancák, Michal Valčo,

Kamil Kardis, Jozef Leščinský, František Trstenský

Academic Translators and Language Editors:

Katarína Valčová and Martina Slivková

Author: Daniel Slivka

Title: Hermeneutics in the Ancient Greek and Hellenistic Culture

Publisher: KUD Apokalipsa

Place of Publishing: Ljubljana, Slovinsko

Technical Editor: Juraj Blaščák

Cover Design: Jana Lukáčová

Year of Publishing: 2019

Number of Pages: 194

Published Volume: 300

Price: 10 EUR

ISBN 978-961-7054-19-4 (KUD Apokalipsa)