In 1999, while mounted on his tractor, a French farmer namedJose Bove dismantled a McDonald's restaurant in Millau,France. Have and nine members of the Confederation Paysanne(Peasant's Confederation) were upset about American tariffsplaced on foie gras and Roquefort cheese, part of the traderestrictions on regionally produced foods that were threateningthe local farmers' financial livelihood. Sanctioned by the \\TorldTrade Organization (\\iTO), the tariffs had been established inretaliation for the European Union's refusal to accept Americanhormone-treated beef. Later that year, Have appeared in front ofa McDonald's ~t an anti-globalization rally in Seattle to protestthe \;\11'0 meeting. During the rally, demonstrators smashed thewindows of the McDonald's, set fire to dumpsters, and spray-painted buildings and police cars. Hove's crusade against themalbouffe, or "foul food," of McDonald's aptly illustrates a grow-ing treml in anti-globalization movements-a trend that vilifiesfast food as a symbol of the interdependent global marketplaceand the very antithesis of all that is "good" cuisine.'

As anti-globalization movements gain support and garnerworldwide attention through books, boycotts, and demonstra-tions (both violent and non-violent), fast food has emerged as apivotal symbol of globalization. One social movement that hasattempted to combat the cultural implications of fast foodstarted in the rural town of Bra, Italy: Slow Food. Launched in1986 after McDonald's opened across the street from Rome'sPiazza di Spagna, Slow Food is dedicated to "the protection ofthe right to taste," and members see themselves as providing anantidote to the homogenized, mass-produced, and "fast" natureof people's daily lives (Petrini & Watson, 2001, p. ii). Definingthemselves as "eco-gastronomes," Slow Food members encour-age traditional ways of growing, producing, and preparing food(Martins, 2001, p. xiv).

Intrigued by the progressive politics of Slow Food and by theconnections between its goals and the goals of anti-globaliza-tion movements, I contacted Neil,' a Northern California con-vivium (Slow Food's term for "local chapter") president whosename was listed on the Slow Food website. After exchangingseveral emails, he invited me to a convivium meeting at hishome. '\Then I arrived, I saw a truck with out -of-state licenseplates and "Number One Organic Farm" painted on its doorsparked in the driveway. The streets in the neighborhood wereunusually wide, and the sprawling ranch-style houses indicatedthat I had entered a very wealthy part of town. The front yardshared the same tailored, well-kept appearance of the otherhouses on the block. Situated on the right side of the yard was abeautiful, Mediterranean-style garden, and to the left stoodfifty young grapevines, all thoughtfully arranged through thecareful placement of poles and twine.

As I rang the doorbell, I could hear the sounds of laughterand conversation. A thin, short man in his early 70s, with slick,stylish hair, answered the door. Waving his arms and balanCinghis drink, he said "Well, hello there darling!" At that same mo-

98 ::GloualiLing Resistance

rood.CulLure,~..•..Society

\'(J!.7:' nO.2

foil 04

ment, a larger man, nearly bald, with a black suit, black t-shirt.white sneakers, and a martini shaker in his hand, introducedhimself as Neil. Nei] took me inside where a dozen people satin the living room around a table full of appetizers.

While sipping my martini, a woman in her mid-to-Jate 50swhisked a large platter under my nose and asked, "Honey,would you like a stuffed quail's egg?" I graciously declined andreached for some cheese in order to occupy my hands and ad-just my seating arrangement. To my left sat Stuart, a white manin his early-to-mid 70s who sported large, wide-rimmed, blackglasses that nearly covered the circumference of his face. Healso wore an ;\ndean-style beanie on his head, but otherwise hewas dressed conservatively. Stuart explained his fascinationwith food, travel, and literature. brom what I gathered, he onceheld a position as a writer for Esquire magazine. His wife, Julia,worked as a rea] estate agent, and together they owned a vine-yard that was about to yield its first harvest for wine production.Stuart and Julia were not the only members who owned localvineyards. In fact, Stuart and Julia were quite typical of themembers in attendance: white, upper middle-class, and/orupper-class, and highly educated. I met four people withPh.D.s that evening, as well as at least five people who identi-fied themselves as self-employed. One couple had just re-turned from a month-long cruise in the Caribbean.

When Neil rejoined the group, [ asked him when he thoughtthe meeting would begin. He told me that the meeting had a]-ready begun. \Vhen I started listening to the conversationsaround me, I noticed that everyone seemed to be talking aboutfood, mainly swapping recipes and sharing tips on how to huntthe wild boar and deer that roamed the properties surroundingthe members' homes. :\feed less to say. the "meeting" was not ex-actly what I had expected. The evening culminated with agroup effort focused on marinating a large venison haunch, pro-vided by a member who had killed it a few days earlier. Therewas a cookbook positioned upright next to the haunch. and aman whom] had not met exclaimed, "Don't tell me this is arecipe from Joy!' I hate Joy." Neil assured the gentleman thatthe recipe did not come from Joy. During the marinating cere-mony, 1 said my good-byes and returned home confused anddisappointed, despite having enjoyed the festive mood andmeeting such a friendly crowd. I couldn't help but wonder:\Vhere was the discussion of the plight of local farmers andfarm workers' \Vhere was the debate over food production andindustrialization? vVhere was the dialogue about how to con-sume subversively?

In this article, I explore how members of Slow Food producecu !ture, identity, and resistance through what (call new localimaginaries, I3uilding on Arjun Appadurai's (I 996) notion of"the imaginary," new local imaginaries arc contemporary sites,or culturescapes, where articulations of "the ]ocal" are re-in-scribed through discourses of "the global." Within new localimaginaries, people use tradition and nostalgia to negotiate

Gaytan :: 99

ahistorical geographies of cultural belonging that shape innova-tive enactments of resistance. Through new local imaginaries,members of Slow rood situate the local as an imaginative sitewhere multiple identities come together as a fusion of socialand politieal mobilization. By re-routing stories of the localthrough the global, members of Slow Food perform identity, es-tablish community, and participate in a politics of consumptionthat is grounded in new Hglobal-Iocal" articulations.

However, although members of Slow rood embrace a poli-tics of consumption that promotes geographical know ledges ofglobal identities, local expressions of culture invariably are dis-placed through the movement's discursive and culture-creatingpractices. That is, through the use of new local imaginaries, the"local" is continually constructed as a site outside of members'locality, region, and country of residence. As a result, when for-mulating discourses of the local, Slow Food members neglectto incorporate "distinct routes/roots" or "embattled histories"that could link Hcrucial community insiders" to broader politi-cal alignments (Clifford 1997, p,36),

My use of the terms local and global is not intended to re-in-scribe the modernist binary that separates these spaces into asimple, dichotomous, analytical categorization. Rather, my aimis to emphasize the tensions that are inherent to such a distinc-tion-a distinction that is hierarchically and historically organ-ized when spatial binaries are fabricated. Ironically, however,these fabrications help "make sense" of community alliancesand regional, contested identifications that fuel sentiments ofallegiance and possibilities for mobilizing social action. Iloosely define the local as a symbolically achieved discursiverealm of belonging that is, metaphorically speaking, a geo-graphically distinct logic of organization when compared withthe larger physical terrain of the global. Indeed, these sites areby no means mutually exclusive, nor do they reflect a universalcoherence; they are at best fluid and riddled with paradox. Inthis paper, I will engage with these unruly parameters of spatialdistinction as they pertain to meaning-making within new localimaginaries.

\Vhile invoking spatial distinctions made possible throughnew local imaginaries, members of Slow food employ popularanti-globalization discourses and partake in social action thatconsiders the extensive consequences of industrialization. Inone such effort, members initiated a project called The Ark ofTaste. Inspired by the biblical tale of Noah's Ark, The Ark wasestablished in order to protect local fanners, endangeredspecies of animals, and rare varieties of fruits and vegetables.According to Patrick Martins, president of Slow Food USA,The Ark is intended to shift Slow food's focus from gastronomyto ecology. As :VIartins (200]) explained, "It was no longerenough to know good food: now we needled] to know where itcame from, who produced it, and how we could ensure a securefuture for its existence" (p. xiv). Foods in Ark LSA include theDelaware Bay oyster, the Bourbon Red turkey, Aged Dry Jack

100 :: Globalizing Resistance

I'ood,CulLure.

G-

Society

\01. j nO.2

.full 04

cheese, and wild rice from Minnesota and \Visconsin. SlowFood members attempt to increase awareness and demand forendangered foodstuffs so as to "help make them viable prod-ucts that \vill bring pleasure for generations to come" (I" xiv).

Protecting endangered culinary forms requires the skillfulnegotiation of shared meanings associated with local and globalcultural processes. Managing multiple knowledges is a compli-cated practice that influences how local articu lations of globalculinary cultures deploy "geographical knowledges" about thefood, places, and people associated with them (Cook & Crang,1996, p. 140). Often, such geographical knowlcdges inadver-tently obscure how production connects with local culturesand meanings (Sack. 1992). \Vhen such social connections areoverlooked, geographical knowledges "re-enchant" acts of con-sumption and production, impeding political interventionsthat link local and critical consciousness (Cook & Crang,1996, p. 132).

Building on Cook and Crang's discussion regarding howmanaging multiple articulations complicates the establishmentof local connections, I am interested in the missed opportuni-ties of political intervention within the realm of consumption.Therefore, I ask: Do new local imaginaries complicate thesenegotiations)

Methods

in order to understand how global notions of culture, identity,and resistance shape the politics of consumption in an interna-tional movement, I became a participant observer at nine SlowGood convivia throughout Northern California. Over a 14-month period, from September 2001 through November 2002,I attended meetings and events with presidents and membersof Slow Food. In addition, I interviewed 10 presidents and 21members at their homes, places of employment, and restau-rants. My interviews with presidents lasted between one andtwo hours and were tape recorded with their permission, whilemy interviews with members were less formal and generallytook place after meetings and during events. T also conductedinterviews over e-mail when members' busy schedules pre-cluded a face-to-face conversation. To complement my inter-views, I collected articles posted on Slow Food's website, aswell as information, such as event tlyers, posted on independ-ent convivia websites. I examined books and newsletters writ-ten by Slow Food members as a secondary source of data.

I began gathering contact information through Slow Food'swebsite. i\fter meeting presidents and members, I inquiredabout the names, telephone numbers, and e-mail addresses ofother Slow Food participants who might be willing to be inter-viewed. Collecting this information was relatively easy, as thosewhom I had interviewed had extensive knowledge of membersthroughout Northern California. For example, some convivia

Gaytan :: 101

worked together in sponsoring particular events, and, as a re-sult, they were familiar with active memners in the surroundingarea. In fact, it was yuite normal to attend convivia events out-side one's locale when there was not a limit on the number ofmembers who could participate.

California is an ideal research site necause it is home to thelargest number of convivia in the world outside of Italy; more-over, most of these convivia are located in ='Jorthern California.As a retleetion of Slow rood's impressive growth in the region,the first-ever Congress of Slow Good USA gathered in July200 I for a two-day conference in San Francisco and Napa Val-ley to discuss the organization's "guiding principles," rangingfrom authenticity and integrity, to sustainability and cultural di-versity. Speculating about the large number of convivia in theregion, a local newspaper reported, "Food and wine obsessedI\'orthern California is the ideal place for a new political move-ment focused on the plate" because, as one member described,"... [residents] cook competitively, dine out often, and discussrestaurants with the fervor devoted to sports elsewhere" (\\lat-son, 2003, p.6).

My research attempts to unpack the strengths and limita-tions of global projects of resistance, and therefore it is notmeant to solely address the Slow Food movement. Nor do Imean to suggest that all Slow Food convivia are organized uni-formly. Instead, these findings are intended to provide insightinto how particular ideologies of culture, identity, and resist-ance unfold discursively in localized contexts where, as Ap-padurai (1996) explained, "the small habits of consumption"reveal "more complex orders of repetition and improvisation"(p. 68). Such macro-micro linkages shed light on how localstruggles shape global processes through the organization of"transnational connections" (Burawoy, 2000, p. 34).

Globalizing Resistance

Food consumption is highly embedded in social relationships(Barthes, 1979: Belasco, 1989; Bourdieu, 1984: Douglas, 197'5;Goody, 1982; :\:Iintz, 1985;\:Iiele & Murdoch, 2002) that affectthe negotiation of local and global identities (lIall, 1997;Silverman, 1999; Tilley, 1997; Wilk, 1995). With more than65,000 members worldwide, Slow Good emphasizes an identi-ty centered on the historical and traditional aspects of rood-ways. The movement, as described by one member, "is forthose whose concerns run to the historical aspects of food ... or[those who are concerned with I the examination of traditionalfoods and food methods found in different regions of the COllI1-

try" (Madison, 2001, p. ix). Accordingly, Slow Food membersnegotiate a collective identity by preserving past traditions,while shunning contemporary consumption habits that theyfeel threaten particular cultures and culinary practices. This isespecially evident in their position against the "destructive

102 :: Glnhali7.ing r1esistance

Fuod.Culture,

S()cicty

\01. 7:: nO.2

Iallo4

forces" of fast food. In their opinion, fast food represents thediminishment of taste, the deterioration of the family, and thecollapse of tradition.

In contrast to this negative portrayal of fast food, \Natson etal. (1997) argued, in their research at McDonald's restaurantsin five East Asian cities, that consumers actually experience awide range of positive encounters at fast food restaurants.More specifically, these researchers focused on how con-sumers, as agents, construct local meanings at McDonald'sthat do not necessarily signify an "American" experience. Inone example, Sangmee Bak (1997) described how residents ofSeoul. South Korea eat J\IcDonald's food slowly, transformingfast food restaurants into leisure centers.

Indeed, processes of globalization raise some interestingquestions with regard to identity and resistance-especiallywhen one considers, ironically enough, that the Slow Foodmovement emerged from the tensions of such a milieu, Fit-tingly, many scholars have called attention to how glohal forceslead to the development of hybrid identities. For example, Hall(1997) suggested that as the narrative of the nation-state weak-ens in response to the shifting effects of globalization, negotiat-ing local and global identities becomes more complicated. Thatis, individuals seek to identify "traditional" stories of time andplace that provide a sense of stability and a point of reference tohelp them navigate "some of the new forms, some of the newrhythms, [and] some of the new impetuses in the globalizingprocess" (Hall, 1997, p. 173). With the increased expression ofhybrid identities, modes of opposition and resistance transformin ways that result in new forms of global mass culture-a massculture no longer limited by national boundaries (Hall, 1997).

Estahlished less than 20 years ago, with members in over 42countries, Slow I-ooodis just one example of the many "newforms" to emergc as a result of globalization. Although nationalborders no longer limit such movements. sometimes maintain-ing a national identity reveals resistancc to the processes ofglohalization. for example, Ohnuki-Tierney (1993) argued thatglobal forces articulatc, heightcn, and mobilize new discoursesof national identity by exploring how the centrality of rice inJapanese culture creates an "invented" discourse of traditionand authenticity when people attempt to preserve the repre-sentation of national culture. 8y consuming rice, residents ofjapan can celcbratc an "authentic" national identity while si-multaneously opposing \Vestern discourses and imports. forjapanese consumcrs, continuing to purchase locally grownrice, even when imported rice is considerahly less expensive,symbolizes the prcscrvation of "japaneseness" (Ohnuki-Tier-ney, 1993).

Nevertheless, othcr scholars have bccn ambivalent aboutthe growing body of literature that links consumption and iden-tity. According to Campbell (1995), the sociological emphasison consumption as an activity that conveys messages ahout in-dividual identity is overstated. '\lore specifically, Campbell

GayUin :: 103

contended that taking the view that individuals can freely pickand choose their identities based on their patterns of consump-tion places too much emphasis on the notion that those indi-viduals solely construct their identities. In addition, he stressedthe drawbacks of concluding that modes of consumption carrycollective meanings of identity, as consumers almost nevershare a universal understanding of wealth and value. Instead,he underscored the importance of considering consumption asan aet of "imaginative pleasure-seeking," in which the noveltyof consumption becomes the central analytic point of depar-ture (Campbell, 1995, p. llR).

Positioning consumption as "imaginative pleasure-seeking"neglects the multi-layered meanings that agents bring to andexperience from their role in consumption processes. vVhilemembers of Slow Food engage in "imaginative pleasure-seek-ing," they do so collectively, with politically relevant intentions.These intentions are expressed through a shared perception ofplace, or what Benedict Anderson (1991) called an "imaginedcommunity." According to Anderson, every community is an actof imagination, where members maintain connections withpeople whom they may never meet face-to-face. Tn imaginedcommunities, members create mutual meanings and bound-aries of inclusion (and consequently, exclusion).

The notion of the imaginary is particularly relevant whenmapping discourses of identity and resistance with regard tothe Slow f-ood movement. The imaginary is a central organiza-tional apparatus in what Appadurai (1996, p. 31) called the"imaginary landscape." In the imaginary landscape, individualsami groups affect the politics within "diasporic communitiesas well as subnational groupings and movements" (p. 33). ForAppadurai, the imaginary directs us to a new global culturalprocess that is characterized by disjunctures in human move-ment, finances, and technology. Furthermore, in the imaginary,actions and processes are no longer simple forms of escape thatare limited to the elite. Instead, the imaginary "is itself a socialfact, and is the key component of the new global order" (p. 31).Examining movements, such as Slow Food, in this "new globalorder" allows for empirically grounded critique and the theoret-ical advancement of the multiple scapes we occupy.

Slowness as Metaphor

Slow Food International was founded in 1989, three years afterits establishment in Italy. Soon thereafter, Slow Food leadersfrom 20 countries, together with its founder, Carlo Petrini,drafted a manifesto that outlined the movement's focus againstthe "universal folly of fast life" (Stille, 2001, p.lll. The mani-festo begins by declaring:

Our century, which began and has developed underthe insignia of industrial civilization, first invented themachine and then took it as its life model. \'Ve are en-

104 " Globalizing Hesistance

cooJ.CulLure,

Soci('t~

vol. 7 nO.2

fall 04

slaved by speed and have all succumbed to the sameinsidious virus: fast life, which disrupts our habits,pervades the privacy of our homes, and forces us to eatfast foods. (Petrini & Watson, 2001, p. ii)

Industrialization, which favors machines over human life,increases the speed at which people consume, disrupts peo-ple's daily habits, and compels individuals to eat fast food. Themanifesto continues to explain how the movement resists theforces of modernization:

A firm defense of quiet material pleasure is the onlyway to oppose the universal folly of fast life. !\:lay suit-able doses of guaranteed sensual pleasure and slow,long-lasting enjoyment preserve us from the contagionof the multitude who mistake frenzy for efficiency.Our defense should begin at the table with Slow Food.Let us rediscover the flavors and savors of regionalcooking and hanish the degrading effects of fast food.(Petrini & Watson, 2001, p. ii)

Slow Food leaders call for opposition to the "fast life" hy de-fending "material pleasure"-a pleasure that takes the form offood. In this passage, contemporary lifestyle hahits are seen asproblems, while Slow Food is a solution to those problems.However, industrialization is not the only force implicated indefiling contemporary eating habits; "the multitude" is alsoguilty of promoting and sustaining fast lifestyles. Slow Foodmembers, as stated in their manifesto, seek to "preserve" theirmethods of enjoyment by distinguishing themselves from thosewho "mistake frenzy for efficiency." Through the metaphor ofslowness, members can address issues related to culture:

That is what real culture is all about: developing tasterather than demeaning it. And what better way to setabout this than an international exchange of experi-ences, knowledges, projects? Slow food guarantees abetter future. (Petrini & Watson, 2001, p. ii)

Central to "real culture," taste is a vital aspect of a li[estylethat restructures people's priorities from fast to slow.

Slow food, by "guaranteeing a better future" seems, para-doxically, to invoke progress both as a form of resistance and asa form to be resisted. Even though members associate industri-alization with contemporary lifestyles' negative aspects, mod-ern technologies arc necessary [or promoting Slow Food as aninternational movement. For instance, the Internet is an impor-tant advertising tool. Slow Food's website operates in Italian,[rench, German, and English and includes information ahoutthe movement, statements from its president, postings of its in-ternationallocations, and directions regarding how to become aconvivium president. The site also includes an on-line registra-tion form that connects new memhers to their local convivia.Updated frequently, the site allows members to read storiesfrom Slow\Veb's "Round the Clock Food 01ews Review" or\Vine, the movement's "drink supplement."

According to Carlo Petrini, the group's cultural goals are "to

Gaylan :: 105

defeat all forms of chauvinism, to re-appropriate diversity, andto indulge in a healthy dose of cultural relativism" (Petrini,2001, p. xii). To promote Slow Food's message, the movementbegan publishing Slow, a quarterly review, in 1996. Petrini de-scribed Slow as an archive of the movement's evolution from a"purely wine and food association into an organization for thedefense of vegetable, animal, and cultural diversity" (p. xii).Petrini added that although the publication's focus haschanged over the years, its publishers and members are sti]]loyal to the "pleasure of food, wine, and conviviality" (p. xii).Available on-lin~ and in print, Slow features local and interna-tional stories of food diversity and articles on member activism,and up-to-date developments on the movement's expansionand cultural events.

Slow Food, loyal to "slowness," adopted a snail as its em-blem. The snail is "cosmopolitan and thoughtful, it prefers na-ture to civilization, which it takes upon itself, with its ownshell. ... [It is] unaffected by the modern world" (Petrini, 1996,p. 2). According to members, the snail symbolizes unity (thegoals of the international movement) and individuality (thegoals of local convivial because it is "readily at home every-where" (p. 2). The "prehistoric-looking mollusk" also repre-sents the desire to reverse time and resist contemporary badhabits (Petrini, 1996, p. 2). The snail, by its very nature, can op-pose the temptations of the modern world and is described as"an amulet against exasperation, against the malpractice ofthose who are too greedy to feel and taste, too greedy to remem-ber what they just had devoured" (p. 2). Here, the "slowness"metaphor is used to distinguish the snail as a representation ofgoodness that is associated with those whose lifestyle choicesresist "the modern world," the desire to taste, and the ability toret1ect upon what they consume. Conversely, those who adopta "fast" lifestyle are depicted as unable to resist the forces ofmodernity; they are described as "greedy" and unappreciativeof what they consume. The Slow Foocl manifesto identifiesforces from the fast-paced "modern world" that result inthe mass tarnishing of individual taste. As Deborah ;\Iadison(2001), a chef, author, and eonvivium president explained,Slow Food is for people "seeking a tempo of life that is more instep with life's natural rhythms, un like America's present fast-paced model" (p. ix).

Collective Conviviality

0Jearly all of the Slow Food convivia presidents recruited mem-bers by extending invitations to friends whom they believedwould be interested in joining the movement. ;\Iembership in-creased at a steady pace after Slow Food began to receive wide-spread coverage in local newspapers and internationalmagazines. \Vith a S65 annual registration fee, members are as-signed to convivia based on where they live. \Vhile some presi-

106 :: Glohali7ing Resistance

Food,Culture,c~Socit'tv

\'01.7:: nO.2

fall 04

dents see the movement's overall growth in membership as pos-

itive, many have reservations about the growth of their particu-lar conivivium. As one president put it:

I get emails quite frequently from people who want tojoin our convivium, but we don't like to open it up tothe masses hecause as T mentioned we like to come to-gether in each others' homes so it kind of makes sensenot to be a huge convivium.

Another president explained that with a large convivium,they risk:

becomlingl too glohal in your own town, and thenyou've lost it again. You need to sift through the peoplewho are sincere and people that think it's just a placeto go and cal. \Ve arc not a gourmet club. \Ve may catlike gourmets, but it's not a gourmet club.

Balancing membership size is often related to the managea-bility of convivia events. In each convivium, members come to-gether and participate in a range of different events, fromtomato tasting at an organic farm to taking part in an apple-bak-ing contest at a local [armer's market. Slow Food events are in-tended to educate both members and non-members, and oftenserve as places where families, friends, and the community cancome together and learn about locally grown produce. For ex-ample, one convivium visited an organic peach farm that pro-duces 15 varieties of peaches. Members toured the orchard,picked peaches, and tasted the seasonal peaches together withthe farmer. The same eonvivium also held a mushroom event ata local state park. Accompanied by a professor o[ mycology,memhers and their children spent the day picking mushrooms.Later that evening they reconvened at a friend's restaurantwhere they dined on five courses of mushrooms.

Slow Food members and presidents often referred to theimportance of eating together at the table. For many, comingtogether at the table served as a useful metaphor [or illustratingthe movement's ideals, while also retleeting their beliefs regardingeducation. One member referred to eating at the table as the "cre-ation of food and coming and educating ourselves in the processand educating other people about the movement." Another mem-berexplained: "It's about the celebration ofthe table, ahout the rit-ual at the table, and artisanal foods and wines." Building on thesymbolism of eating at the table, many convivia held themedevents, such as "colonial" dinners, "Chinese" dinners, or "Italian"dinners. One president described to me a "French"-themed eventthat her eonvivium was planning to hold. The "family meal" sheorganized was going to be "served with bowls on the table like alarge family get together where there aren't any waiters or servants,there isjust one cook that works [or you. "

For others, however, eating together at the table symbolizedan event that was increasingly ahsent in the C nited States. Asone memher put it:

We like to come together at the table, that's a big focusof ours, conviviality, you know? The nature of break-

Gayt;in :: 107

ing bread. You know a communal experience which Ithink in America is eroding because families don't eattogether any more.

Many members and presidents agreed that there was some-thing "missing" or "lacking" with regard to how cultural prac-tices in the United States were reflected in eating habits. Inparticular, some believed that a lack of education was to blamefor the country's culinary lifestyles. One president speculated:

I think that's one of the big things about Slow Food,taste education. \Ve as a country really have developedthis taste for fat .... I think you just have to win peopleover with taste and convince them to slow down andenjoy life a little bit. The Italians, they have eatingdown right.

Another president, also comparing cultural practices, com-mented, "People in the U.S. think it's wrong to be openly pleas-ure-loving. Europeans are very, very serious about that."

Some convivia presidents believed that they could instillparticular cultural practices by providing classes on how totaste, and consequently, offered Slow rood-sponsored taste ed-ucation programs to children and adults. Locating culturalpractices of the past, or from outside of the United States was acommon theme for the organized events. '1}lJically, events hada distinctively foreign and "old-world" flair. foorinstance, someconvivia held events that featured foraging for fennel, visiting afig arboretum, and learning how to prepare "traditional" tor-tillas. One convivium held a lecture by a French affineur. For$10, members listened to the affineur give a seminar on cheesemaking. The convivium president explained:

[The affineur] is someone who ages cheese. He buysdirectly from the shepherds and then he cares for thecheese and ages the cheese until its ripe and then hesells it. It's an important step in cheese making and it'san ancient tradition that's being lost in France and sowe brought him from France to teach us about cheese.

In Tlze Country and the City, Haymond Williams (1973) ex-plained how common images of the country develop into idyllicimages of the past that pay "perpetual retrospect to an 'organic'or 'natural' society" (p. (6). I3y tracing how pastoral depictionsof literature and art evolve into an intensified attention to natu-ral beauty that collapses both time (the past) and place (thecountry), Williams described how the middle-class (i.e., scien-tists and tourists), who create romanticized ideologies of pas-torallifestyles, perpetuate discourses of nature and nostalgia.These romanticized ideologies reify collective memories andsymbolize "a deep desire for stability that servc[s] to cover andevade the actual and bitter contradictions of time" (p. 45). foor\Villiams, the country and the city myths "promote superficialcomparisons and prevent real ones" (p. 54).

Like \Villiams's account of middle-class pastoral ideologies,Slow Food members also invoked collective memories that col-lapsed time and space boundaries bv drawing on an imaginary of

108 ;: Globalizing Resistance

Food,Culture,c~Socif't~

\'ul, 7 :' nO.2

fall 04

the past and life outside of the city. As a result, they locatednotions of the local through a new and expansive, global, discur-sive lens. \Nhereas in the past, members of the middle-class haddrawn on myths of the countryside to "evade the biller contra-dictions of time," today's middle-class laments invoke time andspace on a gram]er and more uneven scale. As a dynamic reflec-tion of the fluidity of glohal linkages, new ]ocal imaginariesenable Slow Food members to enact practices of the "country"(appreciating a French affineur's ]eeture) and practices of thepast (holding co]onia]-therned meals).

Resistance and Tradition

According to Carlo Petrini (200 I), a major role of Slow Food isto protect "high quality food purveyors from the source to con-sumption" (p. 2). Safeguarding local "food purveyors" is impor-tant for Petrini because "[t]hose in trade must be aware thatthey are the bearers of cu]ture" (1'. 2). llowever, an act of ex-change must take place in order to secure and elevate the sta-tus of the "bearers of culture." As Petrini explained, "We thegourmets, the wine and food publicists, must do our utmost togive dignity to these makers of food culture" (1" 2). In this ex-change, Slow Food members support, restore, and become partof the tradition-making process by ascribing dignity to thosewhom they consider the "makers of food culture."

For many Slow Food members, fast food symbolizes the an-tithesis of culture. For example, Randall regarded fast food as "aconsequence of industrial society" that "tastc[s] like shit. It'sjunk food, so it's high in fat, low in nutrition." He considers fastfood "tragic" and described it as follows:

It's a diminishment of taste so you want somethingthat's salty like French fries. So, [fast food] had amajor impact on the American palate and a decline oftaste is the beginning of the dee]ine of culture andthat's why the turn back to organic integrity and thepromotion and support of artisan efforts is the restora-tion of culture.

Max and his co-president Jill had similar views regardinghow consuming fast food creates a tension across the presentand the past. Max explained:

r wouldn't eat that food if I was starving and so what'sworse is that it's the same everywhere and it's a prob-lem of [a] commercial, economic system that wants togrow and expand as its goals and so this is in conflictwith the desire we hold as a part of our ideals withSlow rood and our personal ideals to maintain or de-velop a region a] identity and regional traditions.

Mary saw fast food as threatening rituals of the past. Asshe put it:

Instead of eating fresh like Ita]y has done for howmany years now you're going to eat some processed

Gaytan :: 109

imitation food? .. [\Vhere's] the wholesome goodnessin going to the yard, picking your own tomatoes, andmaking your own marinara sauce and eating togetheras a family versus six people going in six different di-rections? What kind of philosophy is that? So, SlowFood is trying to restore and keep that from goingaway, preventing that from disappearing altogether soyears from now we're not just eating pills. The way ofthe future, right) Eat your breakfast in a pill form andlunch and dinner. I know, it's scary.

;\:TanySlow Food members in :\forth ern California buy theirproduce directly from small-scale farms or at weekly farmers'markets and consider their local purchases to signify a culturaland political act. As one Slow Food member described it,"Who[m] you decide to support has an impact on our society,our community, and our culture. That's why we really supportfarmers' markets and huying from farmers and heing ahle tosupport them."

Ruying fresh food directly from farmers is also a means ofcreating tradition. Mary described the process in the followingmanner,

Once a week go to the farm and get the fresh stuff andtreat your family to a great meal over the weekend, andtry to start a tradition. One night a week, make some-thing fresh that your great-grandmother or great-auntmade and hand it down to your kids so they will hangon to that tradition when they grow up. I'd like toknow the numbers of people who sit down as a familyand eat. Yet, a hundred years ago, we did that all thetime, even 1bet 50 years ago, they did it more than wedo now.

Slow Food members look to the past or abroad for methodsof locating particular "cultural moments" that are absent inAmerican lifestyles. These cultural moments take the form ofdiscourses of tradition (or lack thereof) that invoke linkages tothe past and cultural characteristics that are unavailable in theUnited States. In one example, Max told me why he helievedAmericans were more likely to indulge in fast food:

Traditionally a woman made meals in a nuclear family.Now she doesn't want to be a stay at home mom; shewants to have a career. Then who does the cooking?Probahly no one. They [hushands and wives] are tiredand hungry and don't want to spend a lot of timepreparing food since they don't have anyone to helpwith childcare [like] in many traditional cultures.

Here, notions of how families and gender relations "used tobe" in the United States are invoked to explain why Americans'lifestyles are more prone to adopt fast-food culture.

Coontz (1992), in her research on changing family formsthroughout U.S. history, found that people often invoke memo-ries and images of "traditional families" that arc neither accu-rate nor historical. Rather, she discovered that the ideali7ed

110 :; Globalizing Resistance

Food.Culture,G-

Sucil!ty

voI.7:· nO.2

fall 04

traditional family, one that consisted of a breadwinner fatherand a homemaker mother, was more mythical than it was typi-cal. In her opinion, the erosion of the family system has less todo with values than with the social and economic structuralbarriers that strain contemporary family relationships.

For members and presidents of Slow Food. stories of resist-ance and identity arc negotiated within new local imaginariesthat transcend time and space, simultaneously al10wing for theconcurrent articulation of local and global identities. Accordingto Gille and 6 Riain (2002), invoking the imaginary providessocial movement members with entree into globally circulatingdiscourses of resistance. For example, Thayer (2000), in herexamination of "traveling discourses," found that Brazilian femi-nists appropriated messages about women's rights regardingmedical care and the right to control their own bodies from the]976 North American bestseller, Our Bodies, Ourseh'es. Throughusing the imaginary, Brazilian feminist groups transformed glob-al discourses to meet their own local needs, successful1y mobi-lizing low-income women and middle class women by incorpo-rating issues of gender and citizenship,

Discourses of resistance and identity negotiated in new localimaginaries often appeal to nostalgia when addressing traditionand culture, According to Hobsbawm (1992), the reinvigora-tion of nostalgia and the "invention" of tradition are anythingbut new. "Invented traditions" are "a set of practices, normallygoverned by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual ofsymbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain norms of be-haviors by repetition, which automatically implies continuitywith the past" (p. 1). Hobsbawm claimed that al1 invented tra-ditions refer to the past as a method of creating group cohesionand to justify their actions, IIowever, he also pointed out thatinvented traditions are more likely to occur during times ofrapid social transformation when "old" traditions seem to disap-pear. Thus, Hohsbawm predicted that there wou Id be an over-all increase in the number of "new" traditions invented withinboth "traditional" and "modern" societies in the future. ForSlow Food members, partaking in acts of tradition and culturefortifies their identity and shapes their efforts of resistance.Nostalgia also serves as a means to cohesiveness, as new globalsocial movements must strategically articulate multiple identi-ties into their political repertoire by protecting, expanding, andreformulating their transnational goals and visions.

(Re)locating Culture

Randal1 first heard of Slow Food \vhen he read an article by hisfavorite food writer who had attended the Slow food Interna-tional conference in ltaly. He was attracted to the idea of amovement that emphasized the ideals of organic farming andpromoted artisanal efforts. Randall described an event that ledto his decision Lostart a convivium:

Cay tan :: III

The big lament for me was when the guy who runs thebest grocery store in town told me that there was awhole series of Italian dairies up and down the coastnorth [of California 1 and they had all their own cheeseand when standardization procedures came in and thelaws tightened up regarding pasteurization, it drovethem all out. So for me it was a real eye opener as faras industrialization ruining artisanal efforts.

The presence of Italian farmers was important for Randallbecause, in his opinion, Americans had never been exposed togood cheese, and therefore they could not appreciate it. He ex-plained:

In this country it's all kinds of derivations of Kraft,which is basically processed cheese from wastes andonce you learn and begin to enjoy good cheese, you re-alize that it's one of the arguments for the existence ofCod. So when I went to France and went into a cheesestore, I think I fainted. I mean, I had no idea that therewere 400 varieties of cheese, eaeh one better than an-other, in one space in the world.

Randall's description nicely contrasted the American versionof cheese, "processed cheese from wastes" with that of Frenchcheeses, numbering "400 varieties." In Randall's view, Ameri-cans cannot enjoy good cheese because they have not had thechance to learn how: U.S. laws requiring pasteurization do notallow small business owners (in this case dairy owners) to com-pete in the market successfully. Standardization also promoteslarge businesses; as a result, American cheeses (and Americantastes) are limitcd to "derivations of Kraft."

Randall explained another reason why the United States isdeficient in its ability to create a suitable atmosphere for pro-moting a large variety of foods and supporting small farmers:

You could say that poor people are the artisans butlargely not in this country. That's mostly European interms of the lower class being the artisan class. So, inthis country you have poor people without the artisanbackground. vVe've lost all that, or it's never eventaken root.

According to Randall, unlike the "lower" classes in Europe,who were able to establish themselves as "artisans," the Ameri-can poor either lost that opportunity or never had it to beginwith. In Randall's opinion, supporting artisans is one method ofrestoring culture.

Diana, a small business owner, manager of an upscalerestaurant, and convivium president, also discllssed how thedeterioration of American culture is related to a particular void:

The problem is that there is no peasant food in Amer-ica. In other cultures, in Italy, there's polenta andpasta and things that are inexpensive and easy to makeand Americans don't have peasant food. 'Youknow in\:Iexico you can have a tortilla and cheese and it's ameal. And then there's beans and rice and [they are]

J 12 :; Globalizing Hesistance

Food.Culture,

Society

vol. 7:' nO,2

fall 04

inexpensive things to eat but are really nutritious anddelicious .... It"shard to find an American food that [itsthose requirements.

For Diana and Randall, U.S. residents arc unable to create anatmosphere conducive to establishing "cu lture," in part, due todifferences between non-American and American lower class-es. By employing stereotypes that essentialized how particu larcultures live as they simultaneously maintain and appreciateculture, Randall and Diana appealed to a discourse that enabledthem to invoke uneven notions of time and space, whereby"peasants" (the past; Non-American) mark the existence of cul-ture, and "the poor" (the present;American) mark its absence.

Levine (1988), in his study of the emergence of cultural hi-erarchy in the United States, described how a hierarchy of cul-ture is maintained by highbrow elites who claim to "know" whatculture is and what it is not." American highbrows, he argued,have a set of rigid parameters that need to "be conserved andprotected from the incessant Philistinism that threatens it" (p.255). As a means to protect their hierarchy, highbrow elites ex-ercise cultural authority by taking recent developments and in-vesting them with the "mystique of age" (p. 241). rurthermore,through traditions, discourses of culture frequently becometrapped in static classifications. \Vhenever the hierarchy of cul-ture is challenged, skeptics are accused of attacking the verynotion of culture itself.

Much like Levine's (19RR) discussion of highbrow elites,Slow Food members drew upon comparisons of the past-pri-marilya European past.;\s Max explained:

In Europe, the focus is safeguarding traditions that al-ready exist, that developed over the last 2000 years orso as European civiliLation as we know it. It grew outof the Roman Empire and became the Spanish cul-ture, the Italian culture, the French culture, etcetera.\Vhereas in the Cnited States, our culture is quitenew. I\:ow there is a native culture, but most of ushave no particular claim to that on account of beingEuropean [in] heritage. So we're trying to create tradi-tions rather than sa[eguard traditions.

Tony, also a eonvivium president, speculated:I think [Slow Food] will become more of a socialmovement here mavbe because we don't have thesame kind of food history or same kind of food tradi-tions that Europeans have. You know, [with] a lot ofthe traditions we have, r it1 seems like we have redis-covered them rather than having an ongoing tradition.\Ve don't have some town that has been makingcheese [or 300 years, or something like that.

According to Tony, the United States and Europe havedifferent kinds of traditions: traditions of rediscovery and tradi-tions that are on-going. Tony also believes that different kindsof food histories will affect Slow food USA, as members willhave to "rediscover" particular cultural moments that are

Gaytiln :: 1I3

absent in the social history of the United States, as well as ne-gotiate how to enact, preserve, and maintain that "rediscovery,"

Conclusion

Slow food members creatively invoke new local imaginaries asa strategic tool in shaping a politics of consumption, Position-ing Slow food as an innovative international movement o[ re-sistance, memhers manage multiple articulations of local andglobal identities, The Slow Food movement's use of new localimaginaries is just one example that "direct[s] us to somethingcritical and new in global cultural processes: the imaginary as asocial practice" (Appadurai, 1996, p, 31), However, althoughmcmbers of Slow Food exercise an original form of resistance,they regularly eircu late discourses of culture and hierarchy thatare anything but new, Consequently, by appealing to a "global"articulation of "the local." Slow Food memhers situate Euro-pean culture and tradition as benchmarks o[ superior lifestyleand consumption practices, which results in the discursive ex-clusion o[ ;\Jon-European and urban working-class expressionsof culture from articulations of resistance. Moreover, whenglobalization is assumed to be a distinctively contemporaryphenomenon, stereotypes of the past often "get in the way ofappreciating the past and the present" (Tsing, 2002, p. 459).

Limited by particular "geographical knowledges," the relianceon stereotypes of the past hinders efforts towards incorporatinglocal sources of resistance (Cook & Crang, 1996, p. 140).

During the 14 months that I attended meetings and eventsin l\'orthern California, I often wondered how working-classconsumers could afford to participate in events that sometimescost upwards o[ $200. Some events, such as those held at localfarmers' markets, were free and open to the public. IVlembersalso have established relationships with grade schoolsin an at-tempt to educate students on the importance of variety and di-versity of natural foods. Such events exemplify how new localimaginaries enable members to connect with a broader notionof the local.

Ry participating in a new politics of consumption, Slow Foodmembers manage multiple identities in an attempt to resist andmohilize against the negative consequences of industrialization.10 accomplish this, they scek to rediscover cultural momentsthat they perceive to be absent from traditions in the unitedStates, However, it appears that managing multiple identitiesruns the risk of overlooking local connections. This tension rais-es some provocative questions regarding the future of interna-tionalmovements that incorporate global visions and local artic-ulations of resistance. As movements of resistance continue topoint to a glohal the level of organization, what will become oflocal political articulations) Will Jose Rove and the followers ofthe Confederation Paysanne's anti-globalization message res-onate with the concerns of those in urban. working-class areas)

If 4 :: Globalizing Hesistance

Food,Culture,

cSorict!

vuL 7:' nO.2

fall 04

Perhaps movements of resistance that invoke a politics ofconsumption will always have to face disparities if they do notattend to the interstitial cultures, voices, and practices that alsoconstitute the local. Additional ethnographic research in thearea of consumption is needed to explore the discursive organi-zation of local and global articulations. future analyses wouldgreatly henefit from studies that have focused on "the missedencounters, clashes, misfires, and confusions" that take placewhen the local and the glohal are constructed as reified spatialdomains (Tsing, 2002, p. 464). Furthermore, researchersshould also examine innovative sites of resistance, as SlowFood is just one of many contemporary movements that chal-lenge the possibilities of social action through the use of newlocal imaginaries.

Notes

I wish to thank Julie Bettie, Lionel Cantu. James Clifford, Bill Friedland,David Goodman. Tanya fvIcl\eill, Candace West, and Patricia Zavella fortheir thoughtful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. I would espe-cially like to thank E. Melanie DuPuis for her continuous support of thisproject. This research was funded in part hy grants provided by the Depart-ment of Sociology and the Office of Graduate Education, University ofCalifornia. Santa Cruz.

2 All names of informants arc pseudonyms.

3 Joy is short for the popular cookbook, The Joy of Cookiflg (1931) by Irma S.Rombauer.

4 For a British genealogy of these attitudes, see also Raymond \Vil1iams'sCulture and Society (1958).

References

ANDERSON, B. (1991). Imagined Communities: Hejlecticms on the Origin andSpread of Nationalism. London and New York: Verso.

ApPADURAl, A. (1996). ivIodemity at Large: Cultural Dimemions ofGlohalization. rvlinneapolis, London: University of Minnesota Press.

BAK, s. (1997). "McDonald's in Seoul: Food Choices, Identity, and National-ism." In]. Watson (ed.l. Golden Arches East, J'vlcDonald:, in East Asia, n6-1W. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

BARTHES, R, (1979'1. 'Towards a Psvehosocio!ogy of Contemporary FoodConsumption,"In R Forester and O. Ranum (cds.), Food and Drink in IIis-tOJ)'. ] 66- I 73. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

BEL"SCO, \V. (1989\. Appetite for Change: How the COUlltercHlture Tuul, 011

the Foud Industry. '\Jew York: Pantheon Books.RURAWOY, M. (2000). "Introduction: Heaching [or the Global." in M. Burawoy

et al. (eds.), Glohal Ethnography: Furces, Connections, and Tmaginations in aPost'modern \Vorld, 1-40. Herkcley: University of California Press.

BOURDlEU, P. (1984). Distinction: A Social Critique of the]udgment of Taste.Cambridge. MA: Ilarvard University Press.

CAMPBELL, C. (1995). 'The Sociology of Consumption." In D. Miller (cd.),Acknowledgil1g Consumption: A Review of New Studies.London: Routledge.

CLIFFORD, J. (1997). noutes, Travel and Tramlation hI the Llte TtventiethCentlny Cambridge. 1\11\: Harvard University Press.

COOK, I., & Crang, 1'. (1996). 'The World on a Plate, Culinary Culture,Displacement and Geographical Knowledges." The Journal of IvIaterial Cul-ture,],Bl-]53.

COONTZ, S, (1992). The HltlY\Ve Never \\h?re:American Families and theNostalgia Trap. :\)ew York: Basic Books.

DOUGLAs,;V1. (] ')75). "Deciphering a \ileal." In \i1. Douglas (ed.l, ImplicitAJeanings: Es.mvs ifl AHthropology, 249-275. London: Routledge & Paul.

Gaytan :. 115

GILLE,Zo, & () Hiain, S. (2002), " Clobal Ethnography." i\nmwl H.C1'iell' ofSociology, 28: 271-295.

Goom;J (1982). Coobng, Cnisine IIwl Clllss: A COII/FIlira/ire Sociologr.Cambridge: Cambridge Uni\ersity Press.

HAI.I.,S. (1997). 'The I.oeal and the Global: Globalization and Ethnicity."In A. :"lcClintock. A. i\lufti. and E. Shohat Icds.\, Dangerous Liaisons:Gelldel', Na/ion, awi Postcolonial Persl'ec/ires, 173-IR7. i\linncapolis: Uni-versitv of i\I innesota Press.

HOBSBAW~l,E. (1992). "Introduction, Inventing Traditions." In E.llobsbawmand T. Hanger (cds.), The II1I'el1ti011 of Ti'i/ditiull , 1-14. Cambridge: Cam-bridge University Press.

LEVINL,L. (1988). Higllbmw! LOll,bmw: '[he EII/ergence ofCn/llIra/ Hierar-ch)' il1/\lI/ericli. Cambridge: I lanard University Press.

MA[)ISO", D. (2001). "Forward." In CPetrini and R. \Vatson (cds.), SluwFood: Collected Thoughts 011 TtlSte. Tmditiol1, lind the HOliest Pleasures ofFood, ix-xi. White Hi"er Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Publishing Company.

MAnTl"s, P. (2001\. "Introduction." In C. Petrini and H. \Vatson (cds.), SlowFood: Collected ThDughts 011Taste, Tmdilil!/l, WId the Honest Pleasuresof food, xiv-xv. White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green PublishingCompany.

MIELE, xL, & MURDOCH,J. 12002\. 'The Aesthetieization of rood: Taste,Time, and Typicalitv." Sociologill Rumlis, 42, 312-32R.

iVhNTL, S. II 985). 5 """,tness IIIld ['ull'er: n", Pilice oj Sugar ill ModemHistory. London: Viking.

OIlNUKl-TILH.!\LI',E. (1993). Hice liS Self: JIIPlllll'$<'Identities T7mmgfl Time.Princeton: Princeton University· Press.

PETfll"l, C. (1996, April-Junc). " In Praisc of Slowness." Slow: TheInternational Herald ofTastcs, n.1.

PETRI"l, C. (20011. "The Ark and the Deluge, Ruilding the Ark." In C. Petriniand R. \Vatson (cds.), SimI' food: Collected Thollghts Oil Taste, Tmditiml.and the I Irmest Pleusllres of Food, 1-6.Whire liiver Junction, \IT ChelseaGreen Publishing Company

PETRI"I, C., & B. WUSON, B. (cds.) (2001). 51011'~ood: Collected nWLlghts011Jib/e, Tradition. lind tlze Honest PleIlSll1'''S of roud. \Vhite HiveI' Junction,\IT: Chelsea Green Publishing Company.

ROMRAt:ER,T. 1.1(31). TlzeJoroICollhing. S1. Louis: A. C. ClavtonPrinting CO.

SACK,R. (1992). PI"ce, Alodemit.\ lIIullhe Con.\L1lllcrs I\hr/d:;\ RelationalFrallwll'orhJor Geographical /\IUI/rsis. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins uni-versitv Press.

SILVERMA",E. (1999). "Tourist Art 8S the Crafting of Identitv in the SepikRivcr IPapua, Ncw Guinea)." In R. Phillips and C. Steiner (cds.), Unpack-ing ClIltnre: Art ami Commodity in CO/lmilll mull'ost Colmlilll \\hrlds,51-66. Berkeley: University of Calirornia Press.

STILLE,A. (200 I. August 20). "Slow Food." TIle Natilm. 11- 12. 15- 16.THAYER,M. (2000). "Traveling Feminisms: hom Embodied Vv'omen to

Cendered Citizenship." In :"1. Hurawoy et al. (cds.). Clobal Elfll'lOgraphrforces, Connections. ami Imaginations ill a Postmodel'll Wodd. 203-2.13.Berkeley: University of California Press.

TILLEY,C. (1997). "Performing Culture in the Global Village." Critique ofAnthropology, \7i.1). 67 -89.

T""G, A. (2002). "The C;loh,,1 Situation." TnJ. Ind" and R. Rosaldo (cds.),T/wAntTlwpologr ofClobali:atilm, a Reader, 453-485. i\lalden, i\lABlackwell Publishers.

Wuso", A. (2003, i\lav 71. "ncgion's Activists Sho\\ an Appetite ror 'Slo\\rood,''' San Jose Macurr NeIl'S, IA.

Wuso",]. (cd.). (] 997'1. Gulden Arches tmt: iHeDrnwlds ill [lISt Asia.Stanford. CA Stanford University Press.

WILLlA\1S,R. (1966). Cllltmc lind SocidJ. I 78()- 1950. Ne\\ York:Harper and Ho\\.

\VIIUAMS, R. (1973). Tlw COllntr)' mnl Ilw Citro Ne\\ York: OxfordLniversity Press.

\VIIK, R. ( 19951. "Learning to he Local in Relize: Global Systems of CommonDifference." In I). :"lilIer (ed.). World.\Al'art: J\10demit1 Throllgh the Prismof the LoclIl, IIO-1.B. Ne\\Y()rk: Routledge.

116 Globalizing ResisLance

J:ood,Culture.

(~

Socict~