George Tucker: Autobiography and Miscellaneous Philosophical Essays

GEORGE TUCKER: AUTOBIOGRAPHY

AND MISCELLANEOUS PHILOSOPHICAL

ESSAYS

Edited and introduced byJames Fieer

Fieser.QXD 6/9/04 1:59 pm Page 1

GEORGE TUCKER:AUTOBIOGRAPHY

AND MISCELLANEOUSPHILOSOPHICAL

ESSAYS

© James Fieser, 2004, 2021

Digital Version 1.0

Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives

4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)

This document was the first of a four-volume series, The Life and Philosophy of George Tucker, published by Thoemmes Press in 2004, which is now out of print. Volumes 2-4 were facsimile reprints of, respectively, Essays on Various Subjects of Taste, Morals, and National Policy (1822), A Voyage to the Moon; with some Account of the Manners and Customs, Science and Philosophy, of the People of Morosofia, and other Lunarians (1827), and Essays, Moral and Metaphysical (1860). Volume 1 was a newly-edited version of his autobiography and several of his philosophical essays that appeared in pamphlets or periodicals.

I thank Rudi Thoemmes and Philip de Bary for the opportunity to work on this series.

James FieserMay , 2021

v

CONTENTS

Volume 1Editor’s Introduction

Tucker’s Life and Writings viiSummary of Tucker’s Philosophy xiiiBibliography xxv

Tucker’s Life1. Major Events in George Tucker’s Life 12. Maria Ball Carter Tucker, “Commonplace Book”

(c. 1817–1819) 33. George Tucker, “Autobiography” (1858) 124. Robley Dunglison, “Obituary notice of Professor Tucker”

(1862) 89

Miscellaneous Articles by George Tucker5. “On the Illusions of Fancy” (1804) 996. “On Luxury” (1804) 1047. “A Letter from Hickory Cornhill” (1806) 1088. “Jeffersoniana: Hume’s Political Principles” (1829) 1129. “Premises and Conclusions – Cause and Effect”

(1829) 11710. “The Siamese Twins” (1830) 12611. “Contemporary Fame” (1830) 13012. “Metaphysics” and “The Metaphysics of Language” (1830) 13413. “Etymology” (1830) 15014. “Natural Language” (1830) 15415. “The Principle of Imitation” (1830) 15716. “The Theatre” and “Of the Pleasure Derived from

Tragedy” (1830) 16217. “A Discourse on the Progress of Philosophy” (1835) 16718. “A Discourse on American Literature” (1838) 199

Writings on Slavery by George Tucker19. Letter to a Member of the General Assembly of

Virginia on the Subject of the Late Conspiracy of theSlaves with a Proposal for their Colonization (1801) 223

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vi Tucker’s Life and Writings

20. Speech of Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, on the Restrictionof Slavery in Missouri Delivered in the House ofRepresentatives of the United States (1820) 234

21. Selections on Slavery in The Valley of Shenandoah(1824) 249

22. “The Future Progress of Slavery” in Progress ofthe United States in Population and Wealth (1843) 270

23. “The Effects of Slavery” and “The Slave Question”in The History of the United States (1856–1857) 280

24. “Agricultural Industry” in Political Economy forthe People (1859) 286

Reviews of Tucker’s Works25. Edward Everett, review of Tucker’s Essays on

Various Subjects (1823) 29126. Robley Dunglison, review of Tucker’s Voyage to

the Moon (1828) 303

Volume 2Essays on Various Subjects of Taste, Morals, and

National Policy (1822)

Volume 3A Voyage to the Moon; with some Account of the

Manners and Customs, Science and Philosophy, of the People of Morosofia, and other Lunarians (1827)

Volume 4Essays, Moral and Metaphysical (1860)

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EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION

George Tucker (1775–1861) is one of the more unique nineteenth-centuryAmerican philosophers. A practicing attorney and Congressman from thestate of Virginia, he was an original thinker who expressed his views in arange of literary genres. Many of these were among the first of their kind: abiography of Thomas Jefferson, a major history of the United States, ascience fiction novel about the moon, and a southern U.S. novel. He alsocomposed several influential books in economic thought and frequentlywrote on the subject of slavery. While in Congress, he published a collectionof essays on philosophical and political subjects, which attracted theattention of Jefferson who subsequently appointed him as the first professorof moral philosophy at the University of Virginia. Near the end of his life hepublished a second collection of philosophical essays. Tucker believed thatthe state of philosophy in the United States was largely undeveloped and, inhis various writings, he attempted to address this deficiency.

TUCKER’S LIFE AND WRITINGS.

Our main source for Tucker’s life is his “Autobiography,” which hecomposed in 1858, three years before his death. Additional material comesfrom Tucker’s letters, a commonplace book by his second wife, and anobituary penned by a close friend. Born in St. George’s, Bermuda in 1775,Tucker was part of a distinguished family that had been on the island for150 years. He describes himself as a mischievous child, an avid reader as anolder boy, and a love-struck adolescent. He worked for a time as a law clerk,and at age 20 moved to Williamsburg, Virginia at the urging of his famouscousin who resided there, St. George Tucker. He enrolled in the college ofWilliam and Mary, where St. George was a law professor. His interestsleaned decidedly towards social life rather than academics, and when he leftcollege he was ill-prepared for the practice of law which he had beenstudying. In 1797 he married a wealthy young woman from a Williamsburgfamily; she died two years later, and, depressed from the loss, he moved toRichmond to escape inevitable reminders of her. In Richmond, he obtainedhis law license, but worked incompetently from fear of public speaking,having “neither the requisite self-possession nor fluency.” He again preoc-cupied himself with social activities and soon became addicted to gamblingat cards, a problem that was to plague him for years to come. In 1802 he

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married again – a relative of his first wife – after getting her pregnant.Around this time he launched his literary career with a pamphlet on slaveryand contributions to Richmond’s newspapers.

Although achieving local recognition as a talented writer, Tucker’sfinances spun out of control through poor investments, gambling debts, anda lottery scandal that got him jailed for a few days. He wisely moved fromthe area, first staying with relatives and then relocating to southern Virginia.He writes, “I was therefore kept busy for some time in making the necessarypreparations – as in buying negroes for the plantations – sending them out –providing materials for my new house, and settling up my accounts.” Forten years in this rural area he honed his legal skills, raised a family, improvedhis finances, and contributed articles to national magazines. In 1818 hemoved to Lynchburg, Virginia, hoping to provide better education andsocial surroundings for his growing children. He was soon elected to the U.S.House of Representatives, a position he held for six years. He describes hisservice as unremarkable – largely because of his aversion to public speakingand his “livelier ambition to be a great chess player than to be a distin-guished member of Congress.” While he was in office, his second wife diedfrom pregnancy complications, leaving him with four children. It was alsowhile in office that he published his first books. In 1822 he gathered togetherseveral of his anonymous magazine articles and published them under thetitle Essays on Various Subjects of Taste, Morals, and National Policy.Inspired by the success of Walter Scott, he attempted to achieve fame andfortune through novel writing. In two months he composed The Valley ofShenandoah, a tragic novel about the decline of a Virginia plantation family.Regretfully, he states, “The work may be regarded as a failure. It had the dis-advantage of ending unhappily, and its catastrophe was offensive to Virginiapride.”

At the close of his third term in office, it became clear that he would notsucceed in a run for a fourth. Thomas Jefferson, impressed with Tucker’sEssays, then invited him to become professor of moral philosophy at thenewly-formed University of Virginia. Still hoping for the success of his novel,Tucker hesitated a few months, but accepted the job when his dream of aliterary career seemed it would remain unfulfilled. Now at age 50, he movedto Charlottesville and assumed teaching responsibilities in, as Jeffersonwords the job description, “mental sciences generally, including Ideology,general grammar, logic and Ethics” (Jefferson to Tucker, March 9, 1825).To this were later added belles lettres, rhetoric, and political economy. Overthe next 20 years at the University his literary output was as varied as it wasvoluminous. With lingering hopes at fiction writing, he composed twoscience fiction novels. A Voyage to the Moon, modeled after Swift’sGulliver’s Travels, appeared in 1827, and A Century Hence remained inmanuscript form until 1977. He assumed editorship of a University journal,

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The Virginia Literary Museum, for which he did much of the writing. Therewere also three books on economic theory, a biography of Jefferson, andmany magazine articles. He married his third wife in 1828, travelled toEurope in 1838, and retired at age 69 in 1845.

Leaving Charlottesville, he emancipated his five household slaves, andmoved to Philadelphia where he became an active member of the AmericanPhilosophical Society. His literary output not waning, he published a four-volume History of the United States, a fourth book on economics, andcompiled a second collection of previously published essays. In the midst ofthese projects in 1858 his third wife died, and the same year he composed hisautobiography for the benefit of his grandchildren, which remained unpub-lished for a century. In 1861, wanting to avoid a cold Philadelphia winter,he travelled through the South. While onboard a ship in Mobile, Alabama,he was struck on the head by a bale of cotton, which knocked him tem-porarily unconscious. He was transported to his daughter’s house inCharlottesville, where he died three months later.

Tucker was exceptionally well read in the British philosophical traditionsof the 18th and 19th centuries, and his principal influences were the greatScottish writers who in general had such a strong impact on early Americanphilosophy, namely, David Hume, Thomas Reid, Dugald Stewart andThomas Brown. Consistent with the Scottish tradition, he was also well-versed in ancient Greek and Roman philosophers, and paid little regard tomedieval and German writers. Unlike his Scottish counterparts, though,Tucker was not a philosophical system builder and instead focused onspecific issues that attracted his attention. He was an essayist in the truesense of the term, composing short, self-contained articles on single subjectsaimed at a broad audience. Nevertheless, there are consistent themes thatrun throughout his philosophical writings and give them an overallstructure.

A dominant feature that unifies many of his writings is the notion ofprogress: the science, culture, and economy of countries all inevitably marchonward. The driving force behind this is human nature itself to the degreethat we are all psychologically restless, and seek for our own betterment.The United States, he believes, manifests this more distinctly than othercultures because of its resources and the unrestricted cultural and economicopportunities available to its inhabitants. Another unifying feature ofTucker’s philosophy is that it is thoroughly secular, the concepts of God andreligion playing no role. In his autobiography he mentions a religious expe-rience he had as a youth while courting a young woman. This, though,seems to have not taken hold, and even his earliest writings display someantipathy towards religion. He denies the view that “the belief of rewardsand punishments, in the next world, influences human conduct in this”(Letter on the Conspiracy of the Slaves). Too much religion, he believes, is a

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bad thing: “even religion itself, pure and exalted as is its character, may bepursued to a pernicious excess” (“On Theatre”). And, on the whole,“Although religion cherishes our best feelings, it also often proves a cloakfor the worst” (Voyage to the Moon).

As an author and university teacher, Tucker’s principal philosophicalinterest was what he and others of his day called “mental philosophy” – thatis, the investigation of the principles and faculties of the human mind.Modern philosophers, he argues, have freed the discipline from medieval“mysticism and folly,” just as modern chemists have cast aside alchemy.Nevertheless, he sees that metaphysicians are still ridiculed for retaining thename “metaphysics” (“On Metaphysics”). It is for this reason that “mentalphilosophy” is his preferred term. Much of Tucker’s interest in mental phi-losophy involves what has since been relegated to the discipline ofpsychology. Perhaps his most unique contribution in the arena of psy-chology is his analysis of the famous Siamese twins Chang and Eng. In oneessay Tucker argues that the twins offer an unparalleled opportunity toresolve nature/nurture questions: since the twins will have had identicalenvironmental influences, the differences between them will then result fromnative ability. He sketches a detailed methodology for interviewing the twins– a twin study in its truest sense. Some years later he had an opportunity tointerview the twins himself, although not quite with the level of rigor that heproposed in his essay. He then published the results of the interview in theAmerican Philosophical Society Proceedings.

In his more distinctly “philosophical” writings, Tucker theorizes aboutthe concepts of aesthetics, causality, the external world, and morality. Whenexplaining the mental operations behind these notions, he takes twoapproaches: some concepts and mental abilities are instinctively grounded inhuman nature, and others are the result of the association of ideas. He thusstraddles the common sense tradition of Reid and the associationist traditionof Hume. In this regard he closely follows Thomas Brown’s philosophicalapproach; in fact, student lecture notes of Tucker’s early philosophy coursesindicate that he began his teaching career using Brown’s newly publishedLectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind (1820). He most admiresDugald Stewart, though, and frequently uses Stewart’s theories as a spring-board for his own.

A recurring area of philosophical interest for Tucker is aesthetics. Likemany philosophers of his time, he focuses on the human faculty of “taste”,which involves an ability to perceive beauty in objects and another ability toexperience sublimity when confronting a powerful force. Regarding beauty,he parts company with those who think the perception of beauty is a purelysubjective response; for Tucker there are specific external qualities in objects– light, colour and form – that naturally excite our experience of beauty.Sublimity, by contrast, is a feeling of pleasure that is mixed with a sense of

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danger, such as occurs when viewing a storm. The pleasure, he argues, is theresult of both an excitement we get from the danger itself, and a thoughtfulreflection on the danger, which will give us an additional feeling, such asterror or power.

Tucker’s most elaborate philosophical discussions are on the subject ofcausality. Streamlining Hume’s theory, Brown argued that causality is abelief of continuance resulting when we see an invariable successionbetween two events. Tucker believes that “invariable succession” is toobroad a criterion for causality, and that virtually any two events which weinvariably perceive successively would thus qualify as a causal connection –such as a door slamming prior to a clap of thunder. Tucker believes thatcausality is a foundational belief that results in two distinct circumstances.In some situations, such as those explored in science, we can perceive theprecise and inevitable character of the causal changes, such as the chisellingof a statue. In other situations, though, the causal changes are presentlyhidden from us, although they may be discovered at some future time, suchas the power of bread to nourish. The first situations, which are the mostcommon, are sufficient to trigger our belief in a causal connection. Thesecond situations bring about this belief with an element of probability.

As a moral philosopher, we do not find in Tucker’s writings a systematicaccount of moral obligation. He does not, for example, expound on thenotions of virtue, duty, and utility as his Scottish counterparts do. He alsodoes not speak of natural rights as does Jefferson and other Americanwriters of the time. Perhaps because of his aversion to the “mysticism” oftraditional metaphysics, his discussions of moral issues draw on concretemental operations, such as sympathy, selfishness, and the desires for luxuryand fame. Much of what he says on the subject of morality is in the contextof practical moral problems of his time, such as dueling, India’s practice ofSuttee, and, most importantly, slavery. He thought and wrote about slaverythroughout much of his life, and, as the years went by, his views regrettablydegenerated. His background put him in a good position for condemningthe practice. A story from his “Autobiography” is particularly illuminating:“When I was too young to be left to myself I was attended by a colored boyseveral years older than myself. This boy taught me to count, and to multiplyas far as 12 by 12. How he acquired this knowledge, I never knew, nor infact ever inquired.” This experience, he says, gave him “doubts about theinferiority of the intellect of the coloured race.” When moving toWilliamsburg at age 20, he was influenced by the anti-slavery views of St.George Tucker.

Stunned by a nearly successful slave rebellion in Richmond in 1800,Tucker wrote his first work on the subject in which he staunchly rejectsslavery on moral grounds. His principal argument, though, is practical: asslaves become educated, rebellions will be inevitable and place the whole

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country at risk. The most viable solution, he believes, is to establish aterritory for freed blacks west of the Mississippi river. Some years later,though, he makes a subtle shift in thinking, perhaps as a result of his ownexperience as a slave owner. In a speech before Congress regarding theMissouri compromise, he maintains that slavery is a moral evil, but feels thatrelocating slaves is not viable. Instead, he argues that slavery will naturallydie out when population increases, the price of labour drops, and slaveownership is no longer cost effective. If a policy of emancipation is prema-turely forced on the south, he contends, “slave-holding states are bound toresist the restriction at every hazard” as a simple matter of self-preservation.A few years later in his novel The Valley of Shenandoah, he dramatizes theposition taken in this speech – graphically depicting the moral evils ofslavery, yet maintaining the impossibility of emancipation.

By the mid 1830s, the abolitionist movement took hold in the North. Theeffect was not only increased tensions between the North and South, but acensorship within the South of any anti-slavery opinion, even of moderatecriticisms such as Tucker’s. By the 1840s, Tucker had become quite frus-trated with the abolitionist movement, contending that it did more harmthan good. Southerners who were in sympathy with emancipation could nolonger openly express their views; because of Northern imposition on therights of Southern states, “even the love of liberty, which once pleaded foremancipation, is now enlisted against it” (Progress of the United States). Inthis same work there appears his most complex defence of what he calls the“euthanasia” of slavery. When population in the United States reachesabout 50 people per square mile, he argues, slavery will no longer be prof-itable. Analyzing population trends, he projects that this will occur in 80years from that time – around the year 1920.

By the mid 1850s, he staunchly opposes abolitionists and, attempting tocounterbalance their arguments, he says that we should consider some of thegoods that come from slavery. For example, masters develop leadershipskills and the virtue of patience; well-treated slaves may be happier thanimpoverished freed blacks in the North. And besides, he argues, how manyamong us are truly free? “But, in the freest countries in existence, a verylarge majority of the community are subjected to the will of others, and havea very limited share of liberty. Thus, women are there deprived of most civilrights, and children of still more. Every soldier and sailor is placed under adespot, to whom he must yield implicit obedience” (History of the UnitedStates). In retrospect, Tucker migrated to the wrong side of the issue, and hisskills as a philosopher and economist were misdirected. His motivationbehind this transformation, though, is clear from his own writings: he wascommitted to the long-term political and economic well-being of the South,he sincerely believed that slavery would disappear on its own, and thepolitical climate at the time prevented any moderate position on the issue.

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SUMMARY OF TUCKER’S PHILOSOPHY

As noted, Tucker did not compose lengthy philosophical treatises butinstead published a large number of philosophical essays. To better appre-ciate the scope and detail of his writings, a synopsis appears below of theseworks.

Miscellaneous ArticlesTucker published philosophical essays in many American periodicals over a60–year span. Around 25 of these he himself republished in his 1822 and1860 volumes of essays. Many others, though, were not printed again, suchas those summarized below that originally appeared in the RichmondEnquirer, the Virginia Literary Museum, and the Southern LiteraryMessenger.

On the Illusions of Fancy (1804). According to Tucker, the fancy – orimagination – is governed by basic principles of association: proximity intime or place, resemblance, and contrast. In this essay he illustrates how theunderlying principles of the fancy can lead us into error. He concludes thatevery chain of reasoning is liable to be “turned this or that way from theright line of truth,” and zealots should accordingly be modest in theiropinions.

On Luxury (1804). Tucker argues here that human nature is driven by thetwo forces of labour and rest, and luxury is important for motivating ourlabour and enjoying our rest. He recognizes that luxury can make people tooselfish and lazy, but he feels that this is not likely in modern societies whichare grounded in industry and flourish culturally when geared towardsluxury items and activities. New desires give rise to new inventions to gratifythem.

A Letter from Hickory Cornhill (1806). This satirical poem, publishedunder the pseudonym “Hickory Cornhill,” criticizes women gambling atLoo, which for a while was a trend in Richmond’s social circles.

Jeffersoniana: Hume’s Political Principles (1829). Gaining access toJefferson’s commonplace book, Tucker transcribes passages that Jeffersonjotted down from Hume’s History that were particularly disregarding ofindividual liberty. Tucker notes that Hume’s political views have indeedsparked opposition in both Britain and the United States, and Jefferson even“entertained doubts of letting Hume’s History hold a place in the Universitylibrary.” However, Tucker argues, British concerns about Hume’s Historydo not affect Americans, and our youth may read his work “without anydanger of being contaminated by his principles of government.”

Premises and Conclusions – Cause and Effect (1829). In this essay Tuckeropposes the standard view of causality offered by Hume and Brown.According to Brown, causality is a belief of continuance triggered by the

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mind when we see an invariable succession between two things. Tuckerobjects to Brown on two principal grounds. First, a “belief of continuance”is not the same as a “belief of necessary connection”; for a true explanationof causality, we really need an explanation of the latter, not the former.Second, Brown’s notion of “invariable succession” involves a succession ofperceptions which has never been known to fail; since our knowledge isincomplete, we may see strange things invariably succeed each other, whichreally are not connected as cause and effect.

The Siamese Twins (1830). Tucker argues that the Siamese twins, Changand Eng, provide an unparalleled opportunity to settle basic questions aboutwhether specific mental characteristics are formed through nature oreducation. Their educations have been identical – more so than even theclosest twins – and any differences existing between the two must be fromnature. Tucker suggests that a study should be conducted on them to thisend. In 1836 Tucker had this opportunity and published an article on theresults, which is reprinted in Essays, Moral and Metaphysical (1860).

Contemporary Fame (1830). Just as we might misjudge the true characterof people from the distant past as they are depicted in histories, Tuckerargues, we may similarly misjudge the true qualities of our contemporaries.We may be misled by extreme opinions of critics or supporters, the person’swealth, and other deceiving circumstances that we should guard against.

Metaphysics and the Metaphysics of Language (1830). In this two-partarticle, Tucker describes the contributions of mental philosophy. In PartOne he notes that mental philosophy is important for orators to know howto affect people’s beliefs, and the most profound writers of the past had athorough knowledge of the subject. Dugald Stewart suggests that mentalphilosophy cannot be progressively improved since the mind can only beintrospectively observed, not experimented on; Tucker disagrees, arguingthat some experiments can be performed with sensation and memory. InPart Two, Tucker discusses language as an instrument of philosophicalthought.

Etymology (1830). Tucker contends that etymological accounts of wordsmust be based on more than the mere similarity in sound, and thus shouldbe “assisted by the lights of history and philosophy.” The relation betweenGreek and Sanskrit is a case in point, and presents a mystery as to which wasderived from the other.

Natural Language (1830). Dugald Stewart argued that complex spokenlanguage is rooted in a more natural language consisting of facial expres-sions and bodily gestures. Tucker agrees with this and, contrary to critics,argues that this natural language among humans, which is most evident inchildren, is similar to that which we see in the animal world.

The Principle of Imitation (1830). Humans, as well as animals, have theability to imitate, which is how children acquire the experience of their

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parents. Accounting for this mental phenomenon, Dugald Stewart arguesthat it involves two related abilities: one which allows us to mimic theoutward behavior of others, and another which allows us to adopt – or sym-pathize with – their inward feelings and manners of thinking. Tucker agreeswith this view, but argues that it fails to explain the origin of the phe-nomenon in general. Associationists contend that imitation is grounded inprinciples of association. Tucker, though, rejects this view arguing that wehave a natural capacity to imitate, which is foundational to our mentalmakeup and “incapable of being resolved into any thing more elementary.”

The Theatre and Of the Pleasure Derived from Tragedy (1830). Tuckerpresents two essays together, which were sparked by a controversy someyears earlier in Richmond. The first considers the moral status of the theatre;Tucker argues that plays have a moral benefit and a capacity to producepleasure which counteracts any temporary indecency that they mightdisplay. The second addresses a problem raised by Hume: why tragic playsplease us. Departing from Hume, Tucker argues that part of the pleasure isthat it excites us, which helps us avoid painful mental stillness. Another partis that sympathy itself is a pleasing feeling, as long as we are not close to theperson with whom we sympathize.

Discourse on the Progress of Philosophy (1835). Tucker delivered thislengthy talk before the Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society andpublished it shortly after in the Southern Literary Messenger. In this essay hediscusses how reason and philosophical reflection have been infused intovarious fields of study and thus have elevated society. In politics manycountries have abandoned the view that rulers are empowered by God, andhave instead seen that governments are created by people to advance humanhappiness. In religion, superstitions have lessened and God has beendepicted as less angry and more merciful. In literature poetry is more meta-physical. Psychology, particularly associationism, has dramaticallyadvanced since “the slight and vague notice of it by Locke.” In economics,philosophy has shown that the prosperity of one country “radiates light andheat” to other countries around it. Sciences, he argues, have advanced fromthe use of both inductive and deductive reasoning. The growing influence ofreason on society as a whole will create more equality among social classes,and “extinguish hereditary rank.” Unfortunately, though, reason issometimes abused for bad immoral effects, as occurred in the aftermath ofthe Reformation and the French Revolution. In the second half of the essay,Tucker speculates about the positive impact that reason coupled with popu-lation growth will have on the cultural progress of the United States. Awareof the growing tensions between northern and southern states, he arguesthat “the golden chain of mutual interests” will keep particular states fromseceding. If the issue of secession is pushed, though, he believes it will resultin a violent civil war.

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Discourse on American Literature (1837). Tucker first wrote on the topicof American Literature in an 1814 article published in the Port Folio, whichhe included in his 1822 collection of essays. In that piece he tries to explainwhy Americans have not been able to compete with the British in literaryproduction. He revisited this issue more than 20 years later in a publicdiscourse, which was subsequently published in the Southern LiteraryMessenger. He reiterates some of his earlier points about American disad-vantages, such as limited schooling and the inability of writers to devotethemselves full time to their craft. However, much had changed in the inter-vening years, and the bulk of his essay discusses the recent and memorablecontributions of American writers in a range of fields, such as fiction,poetry, history, economics, science, and essay writing. Many of thesewriters, he believes, are first rate and match the talents of Europeans. WhereAmericans have really stood out, though, is in political writing and peri-odical literature such as newspapers and journals. He feels that Americancontributions to literature are certainly bound to increase, at least in partbecause of the friendly rivalry that exists between states, particularlynorthern and southern ones, which spawn competition.

Writings on SlaveryTucker’s writings on slavery cover a period of almost 60 years and appearedin pamphlets and book chapters. His principal discussions are summarizedbelow.

Letter on the Conspiracy of the Slaves (1801). In reaction to the failedslave rebellion in Richmond, Virginia in 1800, Tucker argues that, as moreslaves become educated, the chances of such slave rebellions will increase.For our own protection, the slave issue must be resolved. One option mightbe to give slaves partial freedom; this would not work, though, since slaveswould not be content without full social equality. A second option might berepatriating slaves to Africa; this, though, would be too expensive. Tuckerrecommends a third option: creating a settlement for blacks west of theMississippi river, which would be paid for by a tax upon the blacks whooccupied the territory.

Speech on the Restriction of Slavery in Missouri (1820). In this speechread before the U.S. House of Representatives, Tucker argues that Missourishould be admitted as a slave state, without Congress imposing conditionson how Missouri should construct its constitution, particularly regardingslavery. If Congress did meddle in the details of Missouri’s constitution,Tucker argues, this would set a bad precedent for limiting the sovereignty ofany new state. To take such dramatic measures would also alter the essentialcharacter of the U.S. government in its relation to the sovereignty of indi-vidual states. According to Tucker, even if slavery is a moral evil, this shouldnot impact the right of a state to allow slavery: states have a right to abuse

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their power even if it means doing wrong. He considers how restrictingslavery in the West would impact the ratio of blacks to whites throughoutthe country. He argues that, as whites emigrate to the West, black popu-lation will become more concentrated in slave-holding states. Ideally,Tucker argues, it would be good to keep the black-to-white ratio where it isnow, otherwise a major increase in blacks might prompt whites to abandonthe country or lead to a bloody conflict between the races. He believes thatefforts to move the black population to foreign countries are financiallyimpractical and thus provide no solution to the problem. Thus, slaveryshould be allowed to follow westward expansion, where the ratio willremain constant, and racial integration will be peaceful when slavery isfinally abolished. This will occur naturally, he argues, when western landsare occupied, the price of labor drops, and slave ownership becomes finan-cially unfeasible.

Valley of Shenandoah (1824). In this novel, Tucker describes the financialdecline of a respected plantation family, which ultimately results in the auc-tioning of their property and slaves. In an early conversation, Edward, thestory’s hero, reiterates the principal points about slavery in Tucker’s speech:“I freely admit it to be an evil, both moral and political, [but it] admits of noremedy that is not worse from the disease. No thinking man supposes thatwe could emancipate them, and safely let them remain in the country.” Wemust wait “some centuries hence” until slavery will disappear on its own. Inthe mean time, slaves “are perhaps better supplied with the necessaries of lifethan the labouring class of any country out of America. They have theirpleasures and enjoyments according to their station and capacity.” Othersections of the novel contain conversations between slaves and their ownerswhich, from Tucker’s perspective, reflect the genuine affections between thetwo groups. The most moving part of the novel is an account of a slaveauction, and the efforts displayed to keep slave families together.

Progress of the United States in Population and Wealth (1843). InChapter 13 of this work, titled “The Future Progress of Slavery,” Tuckerargues that abolitionists have in fact thwarted efforts in the South to endslavery by attempting to impose a policy on them against their will. Slavery,he believes, will inevitably cease as an institution when labor prices and slaveownership will become “a burdensome charge rather than a source ofprofit.” This will occur, he argues, when population in slave-holding statesreaches a density of about 50 people per square mile. Looking at populationtrends, and accounting for various factors, Tucker predicts that this willoccur in the United States in about 80 years (i.e., around the year 1920).

The History of the United States (1856–1857). Two sections of this four-volume work discuss slavery. In the opening chapter, Tucker gives anaccount of colonial settlement and focuses briefly on the effects of slavery onSouthern life. He takes issue with Jefferson’s claim in Notes on the State of

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Virginia that slavery negatively impacts the disposition of the slave-owner.On balance, Tucker argues, slavery tends to make slave-owners morevirtuous by improving patience, mildness and clemency. At the close of thefinal volume, Tucker considers recent speculation about the possible disso-lution of the United States over the question of slavery. He thinks that this isunlikely. First, efforts in freeing the slaves may be only a passing interest, likeso many moral causes. Second, the majority of the people in the country –that is all of the south and at last some in the north – agree that individualstates have the sovereignty to determine differing degrees among theircitizens, specifically women and children, and, by extension, slaves. Third,neither the North nor the South could endorse a permanent split that wouldput at risk their access to waterways and free trade.

Political Economy for the People (1859). In Chapter 9 of this work, titled“Agricultural Industry,” Tucker discusses the economy of agriculture andconsiders slavery as a factor in that industry. He argues that abolitionistarguments must be balanced against some possible goods that come fromslavery. Economically, work production by slaves may be equal if notgreater to that of free people. Some slave-owners encourage productionthrough rewards, rather than punishment. Slavery also can build characteramong slave-owners, such as manners and leadership skills. When welltreated, Southern slaves may be just as happy as their free counterparts inthe North. Ultimately, though, Tucker argues, slavery in the United Stateswill soon entirely cease just as serfdom ended in Europe.

Essays on Various Subjects (1822)Tucker’s Essays on Various Subjects (1822) consists of 15 essays written, ashe states in the Preface, “in the year 1813, and the greater part of them weresoon afterwards published in the Port Folio, under the title of Thoughts of aHermit.” He also states that the collection “is one of the few indigenousworks devoted exclusively to literary and miscellaneous speculation,” andnotes that it is with some “anxiety” that he awaits reaction from transat-lantic critics who have not thought too highly of American productions.Many of the essays in the book are marked by a sense of American inferi-ority and an effort to defend the country’s cultural and economic abilities.

(1) On the Future Destiny of the United States. In this essay, Tuckerexpresses his optimism about the future of the United States, its ability tostay united, and eventually occupy the entire continent. The rapid increasein U.S. population, he thinks, will intensify the country’s economic power.Critics have suggested that the country’s diverse population – particularlywest of the Mississippi – will cause it to disintegrate before the countryreaches the Pacific. Tucker, though, feels that the shared economic goalsthroughout the country will unite it, particularly with water navigationwhich will tie the areas together economically. Military power of the eastern

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states, he thinks, will be important to protect the western waterways. Whenpopulation increases across the continent, large cities will emerge and man-ufacturing will predominate, and, in time, English will be the mother tongueof half the world’s population. Like all great civilizations, though, Tuckerfeels that eventually the United States will decline, perhaps because of overpopulation and the inability to secure foreign food through an adequatebalance of trade.

(2) On Simplicity in Ornament. Tucker argues that we are naturallyinclined to be affected by only the most simple and dramatically evidentthings. As we grow accustomed to these, we crave new excitements, andfocus more on subtle details. However there’s a point at which we stray toofar from simplicity in ornamentation. First, our mental faculties have limitsto the subtleties that we can entertain. Second, through the association ofideas, simplicity is connected with pleasant ideas of modesty and innocence;intricacy is associated with unpleasant ideas of pride and vanity. A middleground between simplicity and refinement, he believes, is most natural. Hemakes this point drawing on examples from music, art, gardening, writingstyle and dress. For example, readers seem to prefer the ease of Addison’sSpectator to the complexity of Johnson’s Rambler. So too with our pref-erence of Hume over Gibbon. The ideal middle ground, though, “iscontinually undergoing some change, by the steady progress of knowledgeand science.”

(3) On American Literature. In this essay Tucker examines the fact thatliterary production in the United States is a fraction of that in Great Britain.Some Europeans have seen this as a sign of a natural inferiority amongAmericans. In response, Tucker argues that we may assume that the mentalconstitution among Americans is the same as Europeans, because theirbodily constitution is the same. There are fewer colleges in America – in onlytwenty of which classical dead languages are taught – and Americans attendcollege for fewer years. It is only from a “redundancy” of educated peoplethat sufficient numbers of people will have leisure time to write for eitheramusement or instruction. Notable British authors have all been writers byprofession, like Samuel Johnson, and have improved as they have refinedtheir skills over time. Because Americans praise and emulate all thingsBritish, there is a natural hesitation to attempt to publish American worksthat they feel cannot compete with successful works imported from Britain.American genius, he feels, has been devoted more towards scientific inven-tions and, perhaps more importantly, politics and law.

(4) On Density of Population. In this essay, Tucker argues against theview that population density is “unfavourable to morals and happiness.”Instead, it is in fact an aid to national defense by fostering a large navy,national wealth by spawning competition, and literature and the arts bycreating leisure time. Although a more dense population will produce

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greater degrees of suffering through poverty, it will also create greateramounts of pleasure – particularly intellectual pleasures and benefitsthrough improved science and medicine.

(5) On Classical Education. Tucker here defends school curriculums thatteach Greek and Latin, which, he notes, have declined in favor of more util-itarian subjects. The act of translating, he argues, draws on a range ofmental faculties that improve creativity and judgment skills. Virtually allgreat English writers, he notes, have had a classical education.

(6) On Architecture. Why do we improve and advance in all areas ofknowledge, yet in architecture, countries throughout the world consider theGreek model to be the standard of excellence? Although this is partlyexplained by the utility of its form, according to Tucker it is perhaps morebecause of the intrinsic beauty of its style. For example, the mixture of circlesand squares draws on a principle of variety. Nevertheless, Tucker feels thatthe Greeks did not exhaust all the possibilities for beautiful forms in nature.Part of our respect for Greek architecture owes to habit, a veneration forantiquity, and authority. This prompted the Romans to adopt that style,and, so it seems, later civilizations in their turn.

(7) On National Debts. Some people argue that national debt will ruin acountry; others say that it is actually the cause of national prosperity. Tuckerexplains the relation of debt to prosperity and argues that loans to the gov-ernment only redistribute wealth, and often draw from the mostunproductive parts of the community. He writes, “a nation is always able topay as long as it is able to borrow, and the ability to effect the one operationwill always indicate the ability to effect the other.”

(8) On Style. Tucker believes that the writing style in a given languagemay progressively become more refined, but will reach a point at which itbecomes corrupt. Writing style in the United States risks approaching thatpoint all too quickly because of unique circumstances. Many recent books,such as romances, have excessive artificial ornamentation. Americanpolitical and religious oratory is highly rhetorical. The easy opportunity towrite in newspapers propagates a “false taste” in style. Tucker recommendsa natural manner of writing with vigour and precision.

(9) On Beauty. Theorists such as Archibald Alison believe that the expe-rience of beauty results from recollections and other associations triggeredby the object, and not by anything intrinsic to the object itself. Tuckeropposes this theory and argues that there is an initial “organic” pleasure thatbeautiful objects give us, which may be increased through cultivation. Light,color and form are the principal organic sources of such visual delight.Visual beauty, he maintains, is initially weaker in intensity to tactile orauditory beauty, but it is more susceptible to cultivation.

(10) On Banks of Circulation. Banks have been accused of damaging theeconomy through the creation of fictitious capital. Contrary to this view,

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Tucker argues that banks increase a country’s currency without depreciatingits value, and can accordingly encourage trade. However, they do pose somerisk of influencing political decisions through “conferring pecuniaryfavours.”

(11) On Rhyme. Blank verse vs. rhyme: which is better? Contrary todefenders of blank verse, Tucker argues that rhyme is “a valuableimprovement, since without impairing the substantial merit of poetry, it is asuperadded beauty to the language, and affords new pleasure to the ear in aspecies of writing where pleasure is the principal object.”

(12) On Duelling. Tucker considers why dueling has commanded so muchrespect, in spite of its severe moral and legal condemnation. He argues that itis justified by offering a civilized course of redress, when cut off by legalmeans. Laws against dueling “do not prevent the mischief they merely alter itsform,” such as with vengeful shootings and stabbings.

(13) On Instructions to Representatives. Should U.S. Congressmen beobliged to follow the instructions of their constituents or may they follow theirown differing opinions? In principle, Tucker believes, they indeed have anobligation to follow their constituents, but may act otherwise if their con-stituents are misinformed and an opposing position is truly in their bestinterests.

(14) On Scientific Pursuits. Disciplines have been increasingly rankedaccording to their usefulness – with scientific subjects being more useful thanphilosophy, literature and history. This is particularly so in the United States,Tucker argues, where efficiency is needed in taking possession of an unculti-vated country. Some areas of science, though, have little utilitarian value, suchas botany, natural history, mineralogy, and mathematics. By contrast, manyhumanities subjects have important intellectual and cultural value, such asforeign languages and ancient history. He writes, “we shall never effectuallywipe off the illiberal reproaches with which our intellectual character has beenassailed, so long as there is a branch of letters in which we shall manifest adecided inferiority.”

(15) On the Theory of Malthus. Malthus argued that population is limitedby subsistence and that overpopulation is a natural source of misery and vicein the world. Tucker opposes Malthus’s link between population and humanmisery. While overpopulation and poverty do create some suffering, this iscounterbalanced by the benefits that result from large communities. Also,there are many causes of suffering and most of these seem unconnected withoverpopulation, as we see with people in the United States.

A Voyage to the Moon (1827)Tucker composed his Voyage shortly after becoming professor of moral phi-losophy at the University of Virginia. One of the earliest works of sciencefiction, the Voyage displays his wide-ranging interests in science, geography,

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politics, and philosophy. The hero of the story is Joseph Atterley who,depressed by the death of his wife, embarks on a voyage around the world.Shipwrecked and taken prisoner, he befriends a mysterious Brahmin priestand the two build a craft to go to the moon – powered by an anti-gravity metalthat is repelled by the earth, but attracted to the moon. Journeying to themoon, the two look down on the African continent and speculate about thenatural inferiority of different races. Atterley thinks that individuals are ofequal natural capacity, affected by environment; the Brahmin thinks that envi-ronment is the principal source of racial differences, but feels that there is stillsome “organic difference” between them. Travelling over America, the twocomment on the freedom and economic opportunities in the United States,and Atterley predicts its progressive cultural advance, which will travel aroundthe globe. The two speculate on the earth’s geology, the formation of themoon, the cultural decline of India under British colonization, and the Indiancustom of suttee.

Landing on the moon, Atterley finds that the people and vegetation aremuch like that of earth, with only subtle variations. Their customs, though,are particularly strange – and it is in describing them that the Voyage becomesa satire on the practices of his own time. Some of his targets are the immodestdress of vain young women, religious asceticism, church ritual, hoarding ofgold, regional prejudice, phrenology, medical treatments such as bleeding, anddisputes between agricultural and industrial economy. Atterley and theBrahmin visit notable philosophers, scientists, and inventors, most of whomare self-deceived charlatans but nonetheless admired by lunar inhabitants. Inaddition to mannerisms worthy of satire, Atterley encounters new practicesthat might at some point apply to his culture on earth, such as limiting popu-lation through birth control, banning capital punishment, and adoptingdifferent rules of judicial evidence. On their return to earth, the Brahmin givesa detailed account of his life. Atterly arrives in New York after a four yearabsence, and vows to never travel again except through books.

Essays, Moral and Metaphysical (1860)Tucker retired in 1745 and moved to Philadelphia where he continued towrite and engage in intellectual pursuits. One of the products of this period isEssays, Moral and Metaphysical, in which, he notes in the Preface, “A part ofthe Essays have been already published anonymously or separately.”

(1) On our Belief of an External World. The problem surrounding ourbelief in the external world is how we can infer their reality of external thingsfrom our subjective mental experiences of them. Tucker considers differenttheories and concludes that the notion of externality begins with our ability todistinguish between mental events and matter through physical locomotion:on the one hand, we have desires about things, and, on the other, we are ableto physically move closer to or further away from those things.

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(2) On Cause and Effect. This essay – the longest of the collection – wasfirst published as a pamphlet in 1850, in the Preface to which he states thatit “is part of the Author’s Lectures on Moral Philosophy in the University ofVirginia.” He notes in his autobiography that he read it to an unreceptiveaudience at the American Philosophical Society. Tucker takes issue withHume’s view that causal events seem conjoined, but that we can neverdiscover any real connection. However, Tucker claims that there are twodistinct classes of causal events. With one type, such as the power of food tonourish, we are indeed truly unable to perceive a connecting tie or linkbetween events. With the other type, such as the causal events involved inthe building of a wall or the chiselling of a statue, we can in fact perceive theprecise and inevitable character of the causal changes. Throughout the essayhe illustrates how we can detect various causal changes.

(3) On Simplicity in Ornament. This essay is a version of that by the sametitle which appeared in Tucker’s 1822 collection of essays, summarizedabove.

(4) On Sympathy. Why is it that we feel cold indifference towards people’sgood fortunes, but acute pain towards their misfortunes? Tucker argues thatwhen viewing others’ good fortune, our natural sympathy is counteracted bya selfish regret in us for missing out on a pleasure, but, with misfortunes, weare less inclined to focus on our own pleasures.

(5) On the Association of Ideas. First published as a pamphlet in 1843,Tucker discusses the nature of four principles of association commonlyadvanced by philosophers, namely, proximity in place, proximity in time,resemblance, and contrast. What is central to mental operations, he argues,is that any repeated perceived event will generate habitual trains of thought,and the standard principles of association are simply instances of this largerphenomenon. Memory consists of trains of thought that follow the sameorder of time and place; imagination involves trains of thought that occur indifferent orders.

(6) On Dreams. Dreams, Tucker argues, are governed by the same prin-ciples of association that direct our waking thoughts. Four features, though,are unique to dreams. First, they are only occasional, and difficult toremember. Second, they have stronger vivacity than ordinary conceptions.Third, in dream states, we believe in the reality of the ideas suggested by ourassociative faculty, which we do not do when awake. Fourth, dreams have a“strangeness and incoherence.”

(7) On Beauty. This essay is a version of that by the same title whichappeared in Tucker’s 1822 collection of essays, summarized above.

(8) On Sublimity. Along with beauty, sublimity is one of two componentsof the faculty of “taste.” Beauty involves a pure feeling of pleasure, unmixedwith thought; sublimity is a feeling of pleasure that is mixed with a sense ofdanger, weakness or insignificance. We might experience sublimity, for

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example, when witnessing a thunderstorm or great ocean. Tucker asks, howcan sublimity involve pleasure and discomfort at the same time? First, heargues, humans have a natural tendency towards excitement, and when con-fronted with a powerful force – as happens with sublimity – a pleasingexcitement is triggered. Second, when there is no immediate danger to us, wehave a sense of inward greatness from sublime things. But, when there is asense of danger, various emotions will be sparked by our thoughtfulreflection on the sublime object, such as feelings of terror, pride, power,physical elevation, as various writers have suggested.

(9) On the Ludicrous. What are the mental perceptions that give rise tolaughter and the emotion of the ludicrous? Hobbes had been criticized forreducing this emotion to pride, but Tucker feels that there is some con-nection with self-love, as we see from people’s negative reaction to beingridiculed.

(10) On Classical Education. This essay is a version of that by the sametitle which appeared in Tucker’s 1822 collection of essays, summarizedabove.

(11) On the Siamese Twins. First read before the American PhilosophicalSociety and published in their 1841 Proceedings, Tucker recounts a 1936interview he had with Siamese twins Chang and Eng, aiming to determine ifthey had noticeable mental differences, and, if so, whether they resultedfrom nature or education. He concludes that “there was a difference in theiroriginal cerebral organization.”

(12) On the Love of Fame. Some philosophers feel that the desire for famederives from some more fundamental emotion, such as pride or the esteemof others. Tucker, however, believes that it is a simple and primary emotion.It exhibits itself very early in life and directs everyone to excel in somecapacity. Though often directed towards “frivolous or unworthy objects” itnevertheless keeps us active and thereby “performs a most important part inthe economy of human life.”

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BIBLIOGRAPHY.

At the end of his life Tucker himself estimated his total literary productionat about ten thousand pages, half of which were published anonymously.Although many of these anonymous pieces are now recognized as his, othersremain unidentified. The most complete bibliography – which is lengthy andexceptionally detailed – is that by Robert Colin McLean in his book GeorgeTucker: Moral Philosopher and Man of Letters (1961). The bibliographyhere is more selective, and lists Tucker’s principal works by subject matter.

PhilosophyBooks

Essays on various subjects of taste, morals, and national policy, Georgetown, D.C.: J. Milligan, 1822, xi, 350 p.Notes: collected articles published in 1814–1815 in the Port Folio,

under the title of “Thoughts of a Hermit.”Essays, moral and metaphysical, Philadelphia: sold by all the

booksellers, 1860, 288 p.Notes: collected articles and pamphlets.

Articles and Pamphlets“On the Illusions of Fancy,” Richmond Enquirer, September 29,

1804.“On Luxury,” Richmond Enquirer, December 22, 1804.“Jeffersoniana: Hume’s Political Principles,” Virginia Literary

Museum, No. 1, June 17, 1829, pp. 13–15.“Premises and Conclusions – Cause and Effect,” Virginia Literary

Museum, No. 22, Nov. 11, 1829, pp. 244–249.“The Siamese Twins,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 34, Feb. 3,

1830, pp. 529–531.“Contemporary Fame,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 34, Feb. 3,

1830, pp. 533–535.“Metaphysics,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 46, April 1830,

pp. 721–727.“The Metaphysics of Language,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 48,

May 12, 1830, pp. 753–757.“Etymology,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 48, May 12, 1830,

pp. 759–761.“Natural Language,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 49, May 19,

1830, pp. 769–770.“The Principle of Imitation,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 51,

June 2, 1830, pp. 803–806.“The Theatre” and “Of the Pleasure Derived from Tragedy,”

Virginia Literary Museum, No. 52, June 9, 1830, pp. 821–823.

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xxvi Tucker’s Life and Writings

“A Discourse on the Progress of Philosophy,” Southern Literary Messenger, April 1835, Vo1. 1, pp. 405–421.Notes: delivered to the Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society.

“A Discourse on American Literature,” Southern literary messenger,February 1838, Vol. 4, Issue 2, pp. 81–88.Notes: delivered to the Charlottesville Lyceum, December 1837.

Association of ideas, [n.p., 1843], 12 p.Notes: included in Essays (1860).

An essay on cause and effect; being an examination of Hume’s doctrine, that we can perceive no necessary connexion between them. Philadelphia, Lea & Blanchard, 1850, 52 p.Notes: delivered to the American Philosophical Society,

Philadelphia; included in Essays (1860).Tucker’s Lecture Notes

“Manuscripts of the lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres of the Political economist and the University of Virginia’s first Professor of Moral Philosophy and Chairman of the Faculty, at the seventh session [manuscript] 1830–1831” Notes: Accession no. 3723, Special Collections, University of

Virginia Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. Student Lecture Notes

“Lectures on Moral Philosophy,” [signed] Merit M. Robinson (d. 1850), session of 1831/32, University of Virginia. Joseph Carrington Cabell Papers, MS Division, University of Virginia Library, no. 38–111.

“Notes, etc. on the Lectures on Moral Philosophy by George Tucker Esquire. Metaphysics,” [signed] Merit M. Robinson (d. 1850). Cabell Deposit, Box 23 38–111, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library.

“Notebooks of William W. Harris of Nelson County, on courses inmental philosophy under Prof. George Tucker and in chemistry under Prof. John Patten Emmet 1835.”Notes: Accession no. 3780, Special Collections, University of

Virginia Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.“Notes taken in Moral Philosophy class at U. Va., and initialled by

the instructor, George Tucker [manuscript] 1828 Oct. 3.”Notes: student notes by Robert Thruston Hubard (1808–1871),

accession no. 7093–l, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.

HistoryThe life of Thomas Jefferson, third president of the United States With

parts of his correspondence never before published, and notices of his

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opinions on questions of civil government, national policy, andconstitutional law. Philadelphia, Carey, Lea & Blanchard, 1837, 2 v.

Defence of the character of Thomas Jefferson, against a writer in theNew-York review and quarterly church journal. New-York, Printed byW. Osborn, 1838, 46 p.

Memoir of the life and character of John P. Emmet, M. D., professor ofchemistry and materia medica in the University of Virginia.Philadelphia, C. Sherman, printer, 1845, 31 p.Notes: memorial pamphlet regarding Tucker’s friend and colleague

at the University of Virginia.The history of the United States, from their colonization to the end of

the Twenty-sixth Congress, in 1841. Philadelphia, Lippincott,1856–1857, 4 v.

PoliticsLetter to a member of the General Assembly of Virginia on the subject

of the late conspiracy of the slaves with a proposal for theircolonization. Richmond: Printed by H. Pace, 1801, 21 p.

A letter to a member of the General Assembly of North Carolina, on thenavigation of the Roanoke and its branches. Richmond: Printed byJohn O Lynch, 1811, 66 p.

Speech of Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, on the restriction of slavery inMissouri Delivered in the House of Representatives of the UnitedStates, February 25, 1820. [Washington? 1820], 20 p.

Speech of Mr. Tucker, of Va., on the claim of the heirs of Beaumarchais.Washington, Gales & Seaton, [1824?] 10 p.

EconomicsThe laws of wages, profits and rent, investigated. Philadelphia, E.L.

Carey & A. Hart, 1937, x, 189 p.The theory of money and banks investigated. Boston, C. C. Little and J.

Brown, 1839, viii, 412 p.Notes: based on Tucker’s lectures on political economyProgress of the United States in population and wealth for fifty years, as

exhibited by the decennial census. [New York: s.n.], 1843, 211 p.Political economy for the people. Philadelphia, C. Sherman & Son,

1859, xix, [21]-238 p.

Literature“A Card of Apology, to All whom it may Concern,” Richmond

Enquirer, January 16, 1806.Notes: satirical poem under pseudonym “Hickory Cornhill”

criticizes women gambling at loo.

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Letters from Virginia translated from the French, Baltimore: F. Lucas,1816, viii, 9–230 p.Notes: satirical work attacks slavery, attributed to George Tucker

by M. Polock, the well-known Philadelphia antiquarian and dealer who knew Tucker personally. The Letters have also been attributed to William Maxwell and to J.K. Paulding.

The valley of Shenandoah; or, Memoirs of the Graysons. New York, C.Wiley, 1824, 2 v. Notes: tragic novel about plantation owners in Virginia.

A voyage to the moon; with some account of the manners and customs,science and philosophy, of the people of Morosofia, and otherlunarians. New York, E. Bliss, 1827, iv, 264 p.Notes: satirical work, modeled after Gulliver’s Travels, attacks the

manners and beliefs of his time.A century hence: or, A romance of 1941. Charlottesville: University

Press of Virginia, 1977, xx, 135 p.Notes: series of fictitious correspondences from 1941 discuss

science and politics in the future United States. Transcription from manuscript, MSS 3825, 3825–a, Special Collections Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.

Tucker’s LifeMaria Ball Carter Tucker, “Commonplace book, 1815–1819.”

Notes: diary of Tucker’s second wife, Maria (1784–1823); MSS 38–522, Special Collections Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.

Published transcription: The Life and Philosophical Writings of George Tucker, Bristol,

Thoemmes Press, 2004, included in Volume 1.George Tucker, Recollections of the life of Eleanor Rosalie Tucker:

addressed to her surviving sisters. Lynchburg [Va.] Printed for the author [by James Boyce] 1818, 45 p.Notes: memorial pamphlet about Tucker’s deceased daughter.

George Tucker, “Autobiography, 1858.”Notes: Accession no. 5427, Albert and Shirley Small Special

Collections Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. Published transcriptions:

Bermuda Historical Quarterly, 1961, vol. 18, nos. 3 & 4, p. 82–159.

The Life and Philosophical Writings of George Tucker, Bristol,Thoemmes Press, 2004, included in Volume 1.

Robley Dunglison, “Obituary notice of Professor Tucker,” Proceedingsof the American Philosophical Society, 1862–1864, Vol. 9, pp. 64–70.

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Works on Tucker PhilosophyEarly Studies

Edward Everett, review of Tucker’s Essays on Various Subjects, in North American Review, April 1823, Vol. 16, pp. 45–58.

Review of Tucker’s Voyage to the Moon, in Western Monthly Review, 1828, Vol. 1, pp. 674–676.

Robley Dunglison, review of Tucker’s Voyage to the Moon, in American Quarterly Review, 1828, Vol. 3, pp. 61–88.

Recent StudiesRichard Popkin, “George Tucker, An Early American Critic of

Hume,” Journal of the History of Ideas, 1952, Vol. 13, pp. 370–375.

Robert Colin McLean, George Tucker: Moral Philosopher and Man of Letters. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,

1961.Notes: groundbreaking study of Tucker’s life and writings.

Tipton Ray Snavely, George Tucker as Political Economist. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1964.Notes: detailed account of Tucker’s economic theory.

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TUCKER’S LIFE

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1

1MAJOR EVENTS IN

GEORGE TUCKER’S LIFE

1775: Born in St. George’s, Bermuda, August 20, 1775. 1789: Family moves to Hamilton, Bermuda.1792: Works as law clerk for attorney George Bascomb.1795: Leaves Bermuda, moves to Williamsburg, Virginia; enrols at William

and Mary. 1797: Marries Mary Byrd Farley (first wife) in April; enrols for one year as

a law student at William and Mary.1798: Receives B.A. diploma from William and Mary.1799: Wife Mary dies, May 25.1800: Moves to Richmond, Virginia.1801: Obtains law license and practices law; publishes Letter... on the

Subject of the Late Conspiracy of the Slaves.1802: Marries Maria Ball Carter (second wife) in February; son Daniel

George Tucker born, November 23 (dies October 1838).1803: Involved in lottery scandal.1804: Daughter Eleanor Rosalie Tucker born, May 4, 1804 (dies 1818 of

whooping cough).1805: Daughter Maria Farley Tucker born (dies 1893).1806: Moves from Richmond, stays with friends and relatives for two

years while planning to move to southern Virginia.1807: Imprisoned by loan company while visiting Richmond.1808: Moves to Pittsylvania County, Virginia; builds house and purchases

slaves; practices law and manages his land across the border in theSauratown mountains of Stokes County, North Carolina. DaughterEliza Lewis Carter Tucker born (dies 1893).

1810: Daughter Mary Leila Tucker born in October (dies 1851 of breastcancer).

1811: Publishes Letter... on the Navigation of the Roanoke.1813: Daughter Harriet Washington Tucker born in May (dies 1816 of

whooping cough).1815: Member of Virginia State House of Delegates.1816: Letters from Virginia published, attributed to Tucker.1818: Moves to Lynchburg, Virginia.

Tucker vol 1 21/4/04 1:20 PM Page 1

2 Tucker’s Life and Writings

1819: Begins first term as U.S. Representative from Virginia, March 4(15th District 1819–1821).

1820: Delivers congressional speech on the restriction of slavery inMissouri, subsequently published.

1821: Begins second term as U.S. Representative from Virginia (6thDistrict 1821–1823).

1822: Publishes Essays on Various Subjects of Taste, Morals, and NationalPolicy.

1823: Wife Maria dies during pregnancy in February; begins third andfinal term as U.S. Representative from Virginia (6th District1823–1825).

1824: Delivers speech on the claim of the heirs of Beaumarchais,subsequently published; publishes The Valley of Shenandoah.

1825: Finishes final congressional term March 3; moves to Charlottesville,Virginia, begins job as University of Virginia professor of moralphilosophy.

1827: Publishes A Voyage to the Moon.1828: Marries Louisa Bowdoin (third wife) in December.1829: Co-founds and co-edits Virginia Literary Museum and Journal

which ceases in 1830.1837: Publishes The Laws of Wages and The life of Thomas Jefferson.1839: Visits England and France; publishes The Theory of Money.1841: Composes A Century Hence, published posthumously.1843: Publishes Progress of the United States.1845: Resigns professorship at the University of Virginia, frees slaves,

moves to Philadelphia.1856–7: Publishes The History of the United States.1858: Wife Louisa dies; composes autobiography.1859: Publishes Political Economy for the People.1860: Publishes Essays, Moral and Metaphysical.1861: Dies in Sherwood, Albemarle County, Virginia, April 10; Interment

at University of Virginia Cemetery, Charlottesville, Virginia.


3

2MARIA BALL CARTER TUCKER:

COMMONPLACE BOOK (c. 1817–1819)

Maria Ball Carter Tucker (1784–1823) was the second wife of GeorgeTucker. They were married in February 1802, had six children, and Mariadied during pregnancy prior to her 40th birthday. While the Tuckers wereliving in Pittsylvania County, Virginia, Maria began a commonplace bookas a way of expressing grief over her lost children. Much of the journalconsists of excerpted material from books that she found especiallyconsoling, such as Bible verses, sermons, and poems. Amidst these, though,are records of her own thoughts and, most importantly, a brief account ofher and her husband’s lives. The location of her original handwritten manu-script is currently unknown, although a typewritten copy of it is preserved inthe University of Virginia Library (MSS 38–522). The typescript copyconsists of 27 pages, which are numbered in handwriting – perhaps by alibrary archivist. Little, however, can be inferred about the original order ofthe material in either the lost manuscript copy or the typescript pages. Littlealso can be inferred about the actual dates of some of the recorded events.The University of Virginia library catalogue indicates that the journal coversthe years between 1815 and 1819. The date of 1815 is the result of anapparent transcription error by the typist who dates the death of EleanorRosalie Tucker at 1815 rather than her actual death date of 1818. A morelikely dating of the work is between 1817 and 1819. The selections beloware from the typescript copy and include all of the material in the journalthat appears to be composed by Maria Tucker – rather than transcribed byher from printed works. The selections are printed in the order in which theyappear in the typescript, irrespective of the actual dates of composition orthe chronology of events recorded. I have inserted possible dates in bracketswhere appropriate.



COMMONPLACE BOOK

OF

MARIA B. TUCKER

WIFE OF

GEORGE TUCKER.

[c. 1817–1819]

____

[1818]

On the 7. of December 1815 [i.e., 1818] it pleased Almighty God to inflicton me the severest blow which Human nature is doomed to undergo! Onthat memorable day at 10 o’clock in the morning my eldest and most dearlybeloved daughter Eleanor Rosalie resigned her pure spirit into the hands ofHim who gave it, and left forever a world which she seemed born toenlighten and embellish. Oh day of woe registered in my hearts blood.Which has obscured the splendor of the Sun, and changed in my eyes thewhole face of Nature! Deep deep and past all cure is the wound my peacehas received! I submit to the Will of the most High. I murmur not at thisdireful decree. Humbled to the dust “Stript of my glory” the very thoughtsof my heart broken off yet do I cry from the depths of my afflicted soul “theLord giveth the Lord taketh away” Blessed be his Holy name forever!! ...

November 15, 1817.

This day I number thirty three years! One half of the ordinary term ofhuman life. What have I been doing to entitle me to the blessings whichsurround me? Alas nothing! My days have passed in a vain shadow, myheart has been the sport of the idle pleasures of the world. A few very fewmoments alone, have been dedicated to my God! to the wonderful contem-plation of the glorious mission of his son! Why am I thus negligent of thisgreat duty? My soul is conscious of its importance, and her omissions, andstill forms resolutions of future reformation, and good work, but alas timeglides away, and she is left as she was found, infirm of purpose, defective inexecution. Why am I thus feeble, why am I perpetually sinning andrepenting? Perhaps I do not sufficiently implore the strengthening grace ofthe Holy trinity. Teach me oh Lord to bow before thy throne with fervourand humility – purge my heart of the follies and impurities of this deceitfulworld, and grant me, of thy infinite wisdom and goodness that stability ofmind which will lead me to the paths of righteousness and finally conductme to the presence of my saviour! May the succeeding years of my life


Maria Ball Carter Tucker: Commonplace Book 5

redeem the time that I have lost – may I be enabled to choose that “betterpart” which will obliterate my past errors, and render me worthy of all thebounties my great Creator had bestowed.

___

November 23, 1817.

My only son is fifteen years old this day. Grant oh most merciful God thathis future years may be distinguished by his piety and obedience to thy Law.Grant that he may vanquish the head strong passions of youth and by stead-fastly pursuing the paths of righteousness become worthy to inherit thecrown of the virtuous, immortality! I devoutly thank thee, most BountifulFather, for his preservation and good conduct up to this time, and Humblypray that the same spirit may be in him, which was in Christ Jesus, to whom,with thee, and the Holy Ghost, be everlasting praise and glory. Amen. ...

On the Thirteenth day of July eighteen hundred and sixteen it pleased theAlmighty to withdraw from this world, to a better, Harriet Washington theyoungest child of George and Maria Tucker, aged three years, three months,and ten days.

“Early bright, transient, pure as morning dewShe sparkled, was exhaled andWent to Heaven.”

Oh lovely lost regretted darling of my heart can I ever cease to dwell onthy memory with all the bitterness of grief? Still does fancy recall the musicof thy heavenly voice – the arch smile, the bewitching play of thy exquisitefeatures! Harriet my child where art thou? Religion bids me hope, in thebosom of him who requested the “little ones to come to him”, and that thouwill intercede for thy unhappy sinful Parents who still suffer in this “mortalcoil” and must pass through the Valley of Death ere they can again be unitedto thee! “How impotent is all human consolation in the hour of woe – wefind that the arguments we applied to others are of no service to ourselves.There is something in severe grief that baffles all their ingenuity. Do whatthey will, they still leave the thorn to rankle in the breast.” Time andReligion can alone extract it!

[1818?]

In the year 1817 this poem was recommended to me by my angelicRosalie. She witnessed the deep anguish which seized me, whenever the rec-


1 i.e., George Washington, first president of the United States.


ollection of my sweet Harriet occur’d in our conversations. I read it, and wascomforted! Alas who, or what, can now console me for the still more insup-portable loss of herself?

Extracts from Young’s “Resignation”...These passages occurred to me in a moment of sorrow I transcribed them,and the exercise was most salutary to my mind – indeed no one could readthem without benefit.

Meditations on the sorrows of Life March 1819.

From my earliest recollections I have been familiar with scenes ofaffliction. My Parents whom I conscientiously believe to be among thepurest of Gods creatures married early and became the joyful possessors of16 fine children alas! their joy was of transient duration. They saw ten ofthese cherished children laid in the grave, and by a train of natural, thoughnot the less distressing events, have been for more than two years separatedfrom their two oldest a Daughter and a son the first of whom is the sadwriter of these pages. I was the third child and became the eldest in conse-quence of the early death of my two sisters Elizabeth and Sarah. Until mytwelfth year I resided with my excellent Grandmother the only sister of thegreat and good Washington.1 She was a woman of Practical piety, and to herearly lessons and admirable example I owe in a great measure the deepseated and ardent devotion to Christianity which has enabled me to supportthe many heart-breaking trials which the Almighty Disposer of events hadallotted me in this world! My childhood passed without any remarkableincident save my sensibility being early and painfully roused by the frequentscenes of sickness and death which occurred in the family – one circum-stance however I will record as evincing at a very juvenile period a degree ofdeep and bitter feeling not often seen at that age. My dear afflicted parentshad been deprived of a lovely and promising infant which I had loved mostardently, at least as ardently as a child of eight years can be supposedcapable of doing. Some time afterwards I was sent to a dancing school in thetown where I dwelt and In the course of the evening was taken out to dance.As soon as the music began playing and the party turned round in thecotillion my fancy brought back to memory the image of my precious littledead brother and my parents despairing looks, and bursting into tears Iretreated to a corner of the room and tho’ followed by my partner a finelittle boy my senior by four years and all the girls of my acquaintance I


2 i.e., President of the United States3 i.e., Mary Byrd Farley of Williamsburg, George Tucker’s first wife.


refused to join them again and had not resolution to explain the cause of mygrief, and they soon desisted teazing me for my participation in anamusement which my deep sobs and flowing tears assured them I was notfitted to enjoy.

At twelve years my venerable Grandmother paid the debt of nature and Iwas then claimed by my parents with whom I continued to live until mymarriage. Never did a young creature have greater reason to praise andglorify her maker than myself. The doting fondness of my father’s mothermight in truth be said to anticipate my every wish; wants I never knew.Placed in that happy medium between poverty and wealth in a populous andfriendly neighbourhood, occasionally visiting our friends in Fredericksburgand the surrounding counties and partaking of theatrical and other amuse-ments – my youth glided away unmarked by any incident worthy of recordexcept the friendship I early formed for Eleanore Parke Costie the grand-daughter of Aunt Washington and the beloved protogee of the General.Mamma papa and myself with my Uncle George Lewis and his onlydaughter Mary went the spring my poor Grandmother died, to felicitate ourillustrious relation on his return to the rural delights of Mount Vernon as hehad just resigned the office of P.U.S.2 It was on that occasion that I firstbeheld the celebrated Miss C. whose loveliness of form mind and manners Ihad never seen equalled and never shall see surpassed. I felt instantaneouslydevoted to her and although six years her junior I had the flattering anddelightful conviction that she entertained for me a very lively affection. Twoyears after this visit she became the wife of my maternal Uncle LawrenceLewis a circumstance that at that time made me superlatively happy, and atthis date (20 years since) I recollect it with a thrill of joy. She is still to me avalued and tried friend tho alas 12 years have elapsed since we met! In mynineteenth year I was addressed by my excellent and inestimable partner –and after a few months engagement we were united indissolubly by the Revd

James Woodville of Culpeper county. My husband was a native of the littleisland of Bermuda – he had visited Virginia in order to take the advice of hisgood friend judge Tucker on his destination in life who warmly advised himto enter as a student of William & Mary and qualify himself as a lawyer atsome future day. He acceded to his counsel, and in a short time formed anattachment to Miss Farley of Wmbg3 an amiable pretty woman possessed ofa handsome fortune both in this country and the Island of Antigua. She onlysurvived a year and dying without heirs her west indies property fell to herthree sisters in consequence of some want of form in the instrument bywhich she devised her property – and of which her sordid relatives gladly


4 i.e., Mrs. Champe Carter, sister of George Tucker’s first wife Mary, and Maria’saunt.

5 i.e., George Tucker’s pamphlet in memory of his daughter, Recollections of the life ofEleanor Rosalie Tucker: addressed to her surviving sisters. Lynchburg [Va.] Printedfor the author [by James Boyce] 1818, 45 p.


availed themselves, altho’ they were all wealthy and all of them signed theirnames to the last will of their amiable sister. My husband finding the scenesof Williamsburg perpetually renew his regret for his lost happiness, deter-mined to try the efficacy of travelling in alleviating his afflictions, andaccordingly made a visit to his native Island and from thence undertook avoyage to the West indies. After a years absence he once more relanded onthe shores of Virginia – and in the course of the ensuing autumn he met byappointment his sister in law Mrs. W.C.C.4 (under whose protection I thenwas) in the pleasant village of Fredericksburg. At that period I was justfifteen. My Aunt had prepared me to esteem Mr. Tucker and being naturallyromantic, I felt for him a greater interest than I had ever before experiencedfor any of his sex. My imagination represented him as an amiable unfor-tunate man deprived of Wife and fortune by one sad stroke of fate, and Ilistened to all his observations with an intensity of feeling that could notescape his penetrating eye. He soon distinguished me by the most pointedand delicate attentions – in short, I became the second object of his tenderestaffections – he sought and won my heart, and our union took place in theyear 1802 under every suspicious circumstance. The following year I wasblessed with the birth of a son a fine lovely boy whom we called DanielGeorge – after his Bermudian G.F. and as we were established in the town ofRichmond in the enjoyment of a select & refined society and possessed of allthe real comforts and some of the superfluities of life we glided down thecurrent of life as free from the cares of life as our mortal state admits. Thefollowing year a little girl was added to our domestic blessings. And o let medwell on the recollection of that lovely cherub who from the first momentthat I clasped her to my heart till the awful one in which she was taken fromme forever, was one perpetual stream of enjoyment and felicity to everymember of her family. “Fair as the new born star that gilds the morn”. Sheshone upon us all, and was hail’d as the loveliest sweetest of infants in afamily ever remarkable for beauty and comeliness. I shall here subjoin a fewpages written by her disconsolate Father after we were as he emphaticallysays “stript of our glory”. (Here is to be inserted the pages entitled“Recollections of Eleanor Rosalie Tucker”)5 Finding our mode of living inthe metropolis of Virginia too expensive, and warned by an increasingfamily of the necessity of adopting a more economical one we determined toretire to a cheap and remote country place and bring up our family in a plainfrugal style until fortune should smile on our exertions and enable us to


6 i.e., Richmond.7 i.e., the Virginia Legislature.


return to more congenial scenes. We soon put our design into execution andselling off all our costly furniture etc. we settled in Pittsylvania County at apretty country seat which we named Woodridge and there I passed 10 quietpeaceful years the “world forgetting, by the world forgot”, employed inrearing my lovely daughters, who were at one time five in number seeing mydear husband gradually disencumber himself from the many heavy debts heowed when we left Rd.6 and his encreasing reputation and popularity weresolid sources of happiness which kept me in a state of perpetual satisfaction.At length we thought our situation in life authorised a removal to a morepolished residence our children began to require the advantages of education& society our two eldest daughters one twelve years of age the other in herfourteenth lovely promising girls, were daily in want of instructions thatcould not be procured in our neighbourhood. After mature deliberation wefixed on the town of Lynchburg, it was in the district which had once chosenMr. T. a representative to the V.L.7 and of course he wished to remain in it.Mr. Reids academy was in high reputation, and there were other tutors whocould also be had at the hours which were not dedicated to his course ofstudies. Accordingly Lynchburg was to be our future home. Here we cameand fixed ourselves in a small neat tenement and for some months were ashappy as we can ever expect to be in this sublunary state. Alas we littleforesaw the dread the overwhelming misfortune which awaited us! OurLovely Rosalie was become a woman in mind and person. Grace was inevery action, sensibility, genius, beauty embellished her angelic face. Alreadywas she celebrated far and near altho only fourteen years old, and thefondness and devotion of my heart to this darling child was returned with awarmth and fervour of filial affection which often attracted the admirationof our mutual friends. Oh how did my heart glow within me when the oftrepeated praises of my beloved angel met my enraptured ear – how did Iindulge my imagination in looking forward to the applause and love shewould hereafter excite, when her education was completed and she wasushered into that high and refined society which she seemed destined tomove in, and to adorn! Sad and woeful is the reverse that has overtaken me!My expectations are forever blasted. Young, lovely, blooming as the flowerswhose names she bore. The storm has fallen on her & has crushed my hopesforever. Yet I will not murmur. In the language of the wisest of men I willthink that she was early taken away “lest that wickedness should alter herunderstanding and deceit beguile her soul” that she “so pleased God as wasbeloved of him that he translated her pure soul to his immortal habitation”Ever since her death there has been a void in my bosom impossible to



describe – ten months have passed away, but it seems but as yesterday that Iresigned the treasure of my heart to him who gave it. The loss of my littleHarriet which took place two years before was a heartrending stroke, butshe was so young only 3 years when she was taken from me, that I lookedon it as irrational and unchristian to mourn “as one without hope” when Istill possessed such children as Rosalie and Maria George Lelia & Eliza. Butnow to lose my first born daughter, my friend, my companion, oh hard andbitter is the blow, but I will bear it, and praise the lord forever!

A mothers wish for her children.May cloudless beams of Grace and Truth,Adorn their unexperienced youth:From specious ill, the bosom sin,And all the ribe that lurks within,O Saviour of the world! defendBe thou their guardian and their Friend;Teach them the path thy saints have trod, And make their souls alive to God:The world shall then no force retain,Her syren voice shall charm in vain:Her fascinating smiles shall cease,And holy lives give inward Peace.

There is a horrid nameless state, when hideous sensation combines withmental agony – when the sudden expansion of intellect, and preternaturalstrength of frame deepen the struggle that alike involves both. When oneoverpowering idea, wild and indistinct, yet intense and absorbing, throbs inthe brain – flashes before the eyes – sings in the ears. While the heart is alter-nately compressed with a sick sick load, or palpitating with a thousand lives,and tortured in them all. Such was my situation oh God when thou tookfrom me one of my hearts dearest treasures. But I am now resigned to theblow. Blessed by thy Holy name forever.

O Sensibility source of inexpressible woe who would wish for thy pos-session! When the heart wells to bursting, when the scalding tears chase eachother adown the pale face, and the glorious orb of day looks dim throughthe deep gloom of the heart, who would not refer the cold callous mind of aDiogenes. Alas the being possessed of the dangerous gift of feeling had betterneer been born!!

“Indifference clad in Wisdoms guiseAll fortitude of mind supplies”So says Swift, and so thinks M.B.T.



When one great and overwhelming calamity is parcelled out into minuteportions, and brought before our minds in distinct features, when not atrivial circumstance can occur without recalling what we were stubbornlystruggling to forget, not a moment can strike without sounding the knell ofdeparted happiness: our resolution is in vain, and every step we take theground seems struck with daggers. The continual blows of accident are whatthe heart is least able to bear.

Oh Rosalie it was thou who made this world so sweet to me. The spell isnow broken and I awake to the dreadful conviction that happiness is flownwith thee forever! My child my Glory! ...


1 “Autobiography of George Tucker” in Bermuda Historical Quarterly, 1961, vol. 18,nos. 3 and 4, p. 82–159.

12

3GEORGE TUCKER:

AUTOBIOGRAPHY (1858)

In 1858, three years before his death, George Tucker composed an autobi-ography, for the benefit, as he states, of his descendents. The boundmanuscript, currently in possession of the University of Virginia Library, isin two parts: a 35 page section with a beginning date of composition ofJanuary 1, 1858, and a subsequent 17 page section with a beginning com-position date of February 19, 1858. He unfolds the events of his lifechronologically, beginning with his Bermuda childhood and ending with hisretirement activities in Philadelphia. The work exhibits the same engagingcharacteristics that we find in his journalistic and academic compositions,and may be one of his greatest literary achievements. He focuses ondramatic events, scandals, interactions with famed people of his time, and,throughout, offers a candid psychological analysis of his behaviour.

The following is newly transcribed from the manuscript. The work waspreviously transcribed in a 1961 issue of the Bermuda Quarterly that wasdevoted to Tucker on the 100th anniversary of his death.1 Also included inthat issue is a brief sketch of Tucker’s life by Tipton R. Snavely and a chartof Tucker’s family tree from 1515 through 1917. Their transcription of theautobiography appears to have been made by the editors of the journal froma photographic copy provided them by the curators of the University ofVirginia’s Library. I am indebted to that transcription for guidance, particu-larly in deciphering the more illegible portions of the manuscript. Thetranscription below differs from the Bermuda Quarterly version in severalparticulars of spelling, wording and punctuation. Two areas of departureare noteworthy. First, Tucker’s manuscript makes heavy use of dashes,which were sometimes intended as periods and other times as dashes as wenow use them. There is thus much room for interpreting when manysentences begin and end. Second, around ten of Tucker’s sentences aregarbled, sometimes in their original composition, and other times throughrevisions and insertions. These required some editorializing, usually the


2 George Tucker, The history of the United States, from their colonization to the endof the Twenty-sixth Congress, in 1841. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1856–1857, 4 v.

George Tucker: Autobiography 13

deletion of a word or two. I have indicated the more extreme instances infootnotes.

The lengthy autobiography contains no section divisions. To assist infollowing the dominant themes of the text, I have created section titles andinserted them within brackets in appropriate places. Accordingly, thecontents and organization of the work is as follows:

1. Bermuda: 1775–17952. Williamsburg: 1795–18003. Richmond: 1800–18064. Pittsylvania: 1806–18185. Lynchburg and Washington: 1818–18256. Charlottesville: 1825–17397. European Excursion: 18398. Charlottesville: 1839–18459. Philadelphia: 1845–1858

All of the footnotes below are mine.

[AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF GEORGE TUCKER (1775–1861)]

1858. Jan. 1.Having recently finished a History of the United States,2 I propose, at the

age of eighty two, to record the leading incidents of my own life. Though Ihave not been sufficiently conspicuous in the world for my biography toexcite the curiosity of my contemporaries generally, yet a faithful narrativeof the leading events of my life cannot fail to be interesting to my descen-dants, now comprehending three generations. For them therefore thefollowing pages are written. My aim will be in this retrospect to give them,in some measure, the benefit of my experience, to call forth their sympathiesfor me in what I have done or attempted or perchance have suffered, and atall events to make them know me more thoroughly than they have yet done.They alone can find pardon for that vanity which is likely to be the effect, ifit was not the cause, of this undertaking.

[1. BERMUDA: 1775–1795]

I was born in the little Island of Bermuda on the 20th of August 1775. Myfamily was among the first settlers of the Island, had always been among the


3 See Thomas Addis Emmet, An account of the Tucker family of Bermuda (New York,Bradstreet press, 1898).

4 Daniel Tucker (1746–1812), George Tucker’s father and first mayor of Hamilton,Bermuda. Daniel Tucker had three successive marriages. His first wife, ElizabethTucker, was George’s mother.


most considerable of the Island, and some of them still hold property therewhich they have held for more than 200 years.3 My father4 was a merchantof great probity, and always distinguished for his public spirit, and mymother, Elizabeth Tucker, who had been a great beauty, with limited advan-tages of education had excellent sense, and great elevation of character. Itappears from genealogical tables that my mother’s family was descendedfrom the same stock as my father’s – the first settlers of the little Island, buttheir divergence in the course of two centuries had been so great that theirrelationship was no longer recognized.

The events of our childhood are commonly of little interest to others, thejoys and sorrows of that age are as acutely felt as those of any other age, buthappily they are of short endurance. The delights which I experienced, andthe vexations and disappointments are as fresh in my recollection as if theywere of yesterday. Being the first born son, for a sister had preceded me, Iwas much petted, especially by a sister of my mother, and in consequence ofthe indulgence shown me I became delicate and even capricious in myappetite and probably in other things. I very soon gave evidence of that dis-position to produce petty annoyances which is not an uncommon trait ofcharacter, and which in my moral lectures I found some difficulty inanalyzing. It seems to be the reverse of the sympathy of our nature, of whichhowever, I think I have never shown any deficiency. Two or three examplesof this disposition to find gratification in the slight pains of others willexplain the character of the feeling, as it exhibited itself in me.

I was sent to school with a hornbook while yet in petticoats, to an oldwoman in the neighbourhood. In the indulgence with which I was treated Iwas in the habit of putting my hands in the old woman’s pockets, andfinding there, among other articles, crumbs of bread, I used to take them outoccasionally and put them in her mouth, to which they were alwayswelcome. One day, however, my espièglerie suggested to me to substitute fora crumb a piece of broken china, and I heartily enjoyed the old crone’s inef-ficient mumbling, before she discovered my trick. I had a cousin, RichardJennings Tucker, about my age to whom I was much attached. Our intimacythus early began, lasted through life, though our characters tastes andpursuits were entirely different. He was of an amiable easy temper, overwhich I had a great influence and which on at least one occasion I greatlyabused. Near our school there was an old lime kiln dug in the ground, andwhich had been filled up to within some four or five feet of the top, Having



formed my plan I said to him one day – Dick, you can’t think how curiousit is to walk with your eyes shut; let me hold my hand over your eyes and tryit. He readily consented, and I, cautiously leading him in a roundabout wayto the lime kiln, then took away my hand and down he pitched. As theground he fell on was soft he was not hurt except in his feelings, whichhowever soon resumed their habitual gentleness. To another cousin my loveof mischief was exhibited in a way still less defensible. Finding that he wasvery credulous, I told him that a mole which he had on his neck was a certainsign that he would be hanged, and I so pressed the subject that the antici-pation of his sad fate, of which he had no doubt, brought him to tears. It waswith some difficulty, as I learnt the next day, that the assurances of hismother had been able to remove the impression which my unfeeling love ofmischief had made. When my father was carried by business to New Yorkwhere he was expected to remain a year or more, a housekeeper andcompanion was provided for my mother – and a better disposed, morethrifty and saving person never existed. She was as saving of what wascommitted to her charge as of her own little property of which she was adownright miser. I was then ten years old, and was in a state of daily warfarewith Miss Molly Caron. the door of a store room or large closet which washer exclusive domain was never opened that it was not invaded by me,ravaged and rifled of sugar or cake or some other confectionery, climbing upto the highest shelves, and ferreting out what she had most skilfully secreted– in spite of her remonstrances and often open resistance. Her extremeparsimony may be judged from a single fact. In the sangaree or mixt porterprepared for the children we insisted on nutmeg. To still our clamor withoutthe sin of extravagance she used to grate on the beverage a little of thebottom of a small mahogany waiter used by the children, and it was sometime used before it was discovered. One of the modes in which my mischief-loving propensity sought to tease this worthy soul, was to get a flint and steel(the predecessor of lucifer matches) and threaten her calico dress by thesparks I industriously raised. With this flint and steel I chased her from roomto room she scolding and remonstrating in vain to the infinite amusement ofthe children and servants. – In all these the motive was disguised both fromothers and myself by the love of fun which seemed to be the ruling motive.

Being possessed of great animal spirits, never-ceasing activity and someambition of enterprise, I encountered many disasters, some of which were ofa threatening character. I may briefly mention such as are now recollected.At a very early age I contrived to get into a small biscuit keg, and it was sometrouble to my mother and much to myself before I was released. I once fellinto deep water before I could swim but was promptly rescued. In someexperiments with gun-powder I burnt my face badly. Once in the flutter ofdelight when about to attend a great boat-race, I fell into a bush of theprickly pear, or cactus, a most formidable thorn which readily enters the



clothes and the skin and then breaks. On ridding me of my clothes thuspinned on me, I suffered greatly, besides losing the spectacle I had so fondlyanticipated. Being allowed to use a small sword and to call it mine, in mycareless handling of it I passed it through one of my feet. One day some boysand myself finding a dray near a small slope of ground, we found muchpleasure in letting it run down with us on the inclined plane. At length I wasthrown off and one of the tracks of the dray and the boys ran over me. I wasnot sure of the fact myself, but was much hurt, and felt the injury for monthsafterwards, but studiously concealed it from my parents to avoid theircensure. One of the most painful accidents I ever experienced was from thefruit of the [blank space]. Some boy of the school said that in the middle ofthe nut or seed were two little leaves or membranes, and that if they weretaken out the fruit might be eaten with impunity. Finding on trial that thenut was quite pleasant to the taste and two or three others ventured to eat it,though most of the boys prudently abstained. In no long time an excessiveand deathly vomiting was produced. I who had eaten most liberally,encouraged by the pride of doing what most of the boys were afraid to do,was carried to a neighbouring house for relief. Some cordial mixture wasbrought me in a wine glass, but it was scarcely swallowed before it gushedforth in a violent jet. My sufferings were intense. On another occasion whengreatly heated I applied for water, which kept in a large earthen jar wascooler than it often is in that Island, and I fell senseless. On the return of myconsciousness I found my mother who had been sent for sitting by me.

My vainglorious propensity also exposed me to inconvenience anddanger. Ambitious to take the lead among boys, and at all events to win theirapplause, I often ventured on acts from which their prudence or timidityshrank. Thus I was in the habit of running slate-pencils up my nose, until Icould hide a piece certainly three and, as it seems to me now, four incheslong. I found too that I could chew glass without cutting my mouth, and thiswas another mode of exciting astonishment. This trait of character wasprobably the consequence of my being much petted and flattered, especiallyby the relative of my mother, to whom I was supposed to have a close resem-blance – and the love of praise or the esteem of my fellow mortals, a feelingcommon to all human beings, was however particularly strong in me. It hasbeen my great stimulus to activity, and has been perhaps, as often the sourceof pain and disappointment as of pleasure. It has been strongly manifestedfrom childhood to old age. When I was too young to be left to myself I wasattended by a colored boy several years older than myself. This boy taughtme to count, and to multiply as far as 12 by 12. How he acquired thisknowledge, I never knew, nor in fact ever inquired – but at the first school Iwas at after I left my hornbook seminary, seeing the larger boys standing upto be examined in the multiplication table, which had been given them as atask, as soon as I perceived what they were about, I stood up with them and



to the surprise of all, answered every question readily and correctly. I haveoften thought that to this direction having been given to my mind when itwas most ductile, may be referred that propensity to enumeration which Ihave ever shown. I have all my life given much of my time to this mentalexercise. I count everything, the omnibuses I meet with, and often idlepeople in the street, and thus I have become fond of statistics. From thisincident, together with some others affording similar evidence, I have alwayshad doubts about the inferiority of the intellect of the coloured race, tho’ Iadmit that the arguments in support of that hypothesis are very strong.

The same ambition which impelled me to make a display of myacquirement in figures, manifested itself in various ways. I dictated thesports of the boys, and sometimes invented them. When about ten or elevenyears of age, it was the practice of the boys, in the mild season, as soon asthey were let out of school to betake themselves to a snug bay not half a miledistant to bathe. Tho’ all were impatient to reach the water some wererestrained by fear of overheating themselves. I was ambitious of firstreaching the water, and I never once missed that honor, though to effect it Ionce jumped in with such clothes as I had not been able to rid myself of onthe way. I aimed also to excel in my studies, and was always in the foremostrank. A Teacher having been sent for to England by my father and others, Iwas at about eleven put to a Latin school. After making some progress, mymiscalculating ambition prompted me to attempt a Latin ode. I did nothesitate to show it to Mr. Ewing my teacher. After he had looked at it hecoolly said, “George, you had better write poetry in your own languagebefore you attempt in a foreign one.” This was my first intellectual failure.

Notwithstanding these marks of self confidence, I have exhibited anotable want of it at critical times, especially in my efforts as a publicspeaker. I gave a signal proof of this mauvaise bonte when a boy. I was sentto a dancing school when scarcely more than eight years of age, when theefforts of my too partial friends seemed calculated to make a little coxcombof me. I was fitted out in a rose-coloured suit of coat, waistcoat and kneebreeches – the gift I think of one of my godmothers, – and a cocked hat. Oneof my cousins, who was grown, was permitted to give a ball to the scholars,which of course I attended. It was opened according to form by minuets, aslow formal dance, calculated to show a sort of fantastic grace, butotherwise very formal and dull enough. The master of the ceremonies thenselected the dancers according to rule, and I was paired with a large womanof nearly twice my height. I was sufficient master of myself and made therequired bow at the beginning, led up my partner, and we began sailinground the room in opposite directions, when on coming opposite to a vacantchair down I sat in it and sought relief from my agony, and this was the lastminuet I ever attempted tho’ often afterwards solicited to dance one, andtho’ I was thought in later days to have excelled in dancing.


5 The manuscript reads: “At the age of fourteen, zealous to promote the growth of thenew Town of Hamilton, which he fondly and patriotically believed would greatlyadvance the prosperity of the little Island, he removed....” In the above, I havefollowed the editorialized wording of the Bermuda Quarterly transcription.


On a subsequent occasion my ambition or love of praise gave me greaterboldness. When about 12 or 13 there came a juggler in the neighbourhood,whose sleight of hand and magic lantern excited the wonder and delight ofthe children. I conceived the desire of imitating him. I worked hard at themagic lantern, but without success. Many of the tricks of legerdemain Ithought I could perform, and I was permitted by my parents to have an exhi-bition for a few relatives and friends, all of whom were required to pay fortickets of admission. I echoed the jugglers speeches – tried several of his featsin some of which I succeeded and upon the whole was applauded for mysuccess. According to some systems of fanciful philosophy, there is a goodand an evil genius attending every man and his actions are swayed by one orthe other as the power of each chances to predominate. Many of the occur-rences of every man’s life seem in accordance with this hypothesis as well asthat which supposes a tutelary genius to each one. In an incident of mychildhood, I seemed to have been beset by genii, but fortunately the goodone finally predominated. When a small boy – I now judge from circum-stances that I was seven or eight – being in a dry goods store, owned by myfather and my Uncle Robert, I happened to see in a bundle, the paper ofwhich was slightly broken, what I took to be a nut. Watching for an oppor-tunity, I stole one out, and to my great disappointment, found it to be anutmeg. Under a lively sense of shame, from an awakened conscience or amortified pride, I did not rest until I stole the nutmeg back again. I do notknow whether this early transgression, and the repentance which followed ithad any influence on my character, but I have never since invaded the rightsof property, further than to take a rose from a garden abounding with them,and have ever aimed to do justice to men’s reputations – even of those whomI personally disliked.

When I was fourteen, my father, zealous to promote the growth of thenew Town of Hamilton, which he fondly and patriotically believed wouldgreatly advance the prosperity of the little Island, removed from the upperextremity of the Island (Somerset) to the centre – in the vicinity of theprojected metropolis – and here commenced a new era in my life.5 I hadpassed some years at a grammar school, – or rather at two or three schools– where I acquired some knowledge of Latin and Greek and mathematicks.I had always been fond of books – which taste has never intermitted – andthe time thus spent has been the happiest of my life. The delight I experi-enced from Tom Jones, Roderick Random, Gil Bias, the Vicar of Wakefieldand the Arabian Nights which I read by stealth – to say nothing of



Newberry, children’s books with which I had been amply supplied, is stillfresh in my memory. This taste might be regarded as my ruling propensity,and my next was a fondness for female society and a lively ability to thecharms of their beauty and conversation. So decided was this preference thatI scarcely remember the time that I did not think myself in love with somegirl or woman – who might perchance be old enough to be my mother. Atthis period of life I was disposed to be as quarrelsome with my own sex asamorous with the other – and I gave abundant evidence of a temper at onceirritable and obstinate, and I fear of perverseness of disposition. I becametoo, I know not how, a sceptic in religion. From all these dangers I was savedby the benign influence of a virtuous attachment. My tutelary genius wasAnne Jane the daughter of Dr. Thomas Tudor Tucker, once a member ofCongress from South Carolina, and afterwards Treasurer of the UnitedStates. She was born in South Carolina but was brought up in Bermuda bya maiden aunt, a most estimable and capable woman to whom she and herbrother were sent after the death of their mother. But let me not anticipate.

After the peace of 1783 my father formed a mercantile partnership withseven others, mostly his brothers, an only uncle Jennings with his son, andan eminent lawyer, George Bascomb. They raised a respectable spare capitalfor that time and place, and had a good credit in London, by means of whichthey proposed to carry on an extensive business with the new States, theWest Indies etc. They purchased several vessels, and were sanguine of a largeand profitable business in the carrying trade. But the invincible repugnancemanifested by England to a trade with her former colonies on terms of reci-procity, and the counteractions by the United States of this illiberal policy,disappointed their fond expectations. At the same time they did a consid-erable business. They established dry-good stores in different parts of theIsland, and were extensively engaged in the trade to Newfoundland and theBritish West Indies. They invited persons from Nantucket by means ofwhom they employed several persons in the Whale fisheries – and their oper-ations were on so much larger a scale than had been before seen in theIsland, that they were always spoken of as “The Company”. But the profitof the establishment was not equal to the eclat. As by the original terms ofthe partnership each partner was to contribute his personal aid and as everypartner was to give his personal services to the concern, they all drew thesupplies required for their families from the funds of the company (to beaccounted for in a final settlement) which occasioned a drain that its profits,though large, could not meet. After a trial of this plan for a few years, theytransferred the management of the concern to three of the partners, whoreceived salaries for their services, but this expedient hardly repaired thelosses sustained by their first error. They continued their business a fewyears longer before they wound up their affairs, but they would probablyhave all done better if they had never formed the connection. It was to


6 Hugh Blair (1718–1800), professor of rhetoric at the University of Edinburgh, andauthor of Lectures on Rhetoric (1783), a standard textbook which was reprintedaround 100 times during the 18th and 19th centuries.


imitate the affairs of this Company that my father went to New York in1785 and remained there a year – and it was when they subjected its affairsto the management of three that he moved to the centre of the Island to carryon business on his own account, and to aid in the establishment of the Townof Hamilton.

When fairly established in our new residence, I felt that a new era in mylife had commenced. Though not quite fifteen, I was nearly as tall as I everbecame. I had made some proficiency in my studies, and what tended to giveme yet more confidence, I had read a good deal in history and belles lettresas well as novels. Blair’s lectures6 was the first book which awakened in methe habit of serious reflexion. I became a member of a literary society, all ofmy associates being greatly my seniors, and in our weekly discussions ofquestions, each of which was given out the previous night, I took an activepart, and according to my recollection, experienced none of that want offluency or self-possession which so tormented and thwarted me in subse-quent years. I was in short a leading member – and took a prominent part inshaping the rules and proceedings of the “Calliopean Society”, a fine nameof my own devising. I here went to another Scotch Teacher, (Dalziel calledDeall) where my studies were confined principally to Greek, in which hegave me the most flattering encouragement; and feeling my want of thatknowledge of science which is taught in colleges, I availed myself of theinstructions of a Connecticut lawyer, lately settled in Bermuda, to supply thedeficiency. As he resided in the town of St. George’s, I accordingly was sentthither to board – 10 miles from my father, and my practice was to study allday in a closet about 4 or 5 feet square, and in the evening attend my teacherwho examined me in my studies. I ate my meals in the same little closet, andfound this course of life both pleasant and profitable. Mr. Meigs havingexpressed to Governor Hamilton (the same who was captured at Detroit byGeorge Rogers Clarke) that I was ill provided with books, he kindly offeredme the use of his library, which was a pretty good one, and of which Iavailed myself – but without much benefit, by reason of an injudiciousselection. I remember that among other books, the Governor recommendedPlutarch’s lives, but I objected on the ground that I meant to read it in theoriginal – which however I have never done – and I think only partially inthe English translation. I was then a private and voluntary student about ayear, and at the age of 17 I was placed in the office of Mr. Bascomb to studylaw, that having been the profession which I had a year or two before


7 The manuscript reads: “At the same ball, this young lady’s cousin and namesake(they were both named Nancy Tucker – This young lady whom I have alreadymentioned, merits an especial notice.” In the above, I have followed the editorializedwording of the Bermuda Quarterly transcription.


selected. In this interval, I was always, according to custom, more or less inlove. I thought myself deeply smitten by a young lady of St. George’s – adistant relative – and soon after we removed from Somerset, when I wasabout 16, she being on a visit to that part of the Island, I wished to engageher as a partner to a public ball, but to my infinite mortification, she told methat she was engaged to a cousin, some four or five years my senior. At thesame ball, this young lady’s cousin and namesake (they were both namedNancy Tucker) merits an especial notice.7 She had then arrived at that agewhen female beauty begins to develop itself – and her own portion was littlebeyond the average. She had a grave thoughtful aspect bordering on melan-choly, but was most remarkable for acquirement and an excellentunderstanding. She was nearly of my own age and somewhat under theordinary size – her stature being 5 feet and 1 inch. It has so happened that Iwas never in love with a tall woman. I had always found much pleasure inher conversation, and greatly esteemed her modest retiring manners andgentle virtues – but she inspired no tenderer sentiment. Some hours,however, before the ball, she informed me that her cousin had not dealt withme fairly by saying that she was pre-engaged as a partner – but that she hadasked “Cousin Harry” to be her partner, from her unwillingness to be mine.She was then at an age when girls thinking themselves women cannot bearto have boy-beaux. I did not know whether this communication wasdictated by her aversion to disingenuousness, for all were convinced of thepurity and elevation of her sentiments, or by friendship for me – but I feltgrateful for the communication, painful as it was – and I was so put out byit, that, to the surprise of all, I sat moping and discontented, and neverdanced once during the night. I think that from this time I felt an interest inthis young lady which I had never felt before. I met her often in the neigh-bourhood where she lived, and in St. George’s where she visited her UncleHenry Tucker; and by degrees hardly perceptible to myself, that interestincreased, and my esteem which had always been very great, insensiblysoftened into love. Yet I never said a word to her to indicate my feelings, butI presume that my conduct must have plainly shown it. While this changewas taking place in my affections, a proportional alteration occurred in mycharacter. I was softened and humanized towards all – and for the first timeI experienced the pleasure which religion can inspire in a youthful bosomsusceptible of enthusiasm. The conversation which I had with this pure andexalted spirit on the subject of religion contributed to my transformation,


8 Perhaps Thomas Tudor Tucker (1745–1828), U.S. Representative from SouthCarolina from 1789–1793.


tho’ I believe that love, by its mysterious benign influence, would haveproduced it, if we had never conversed on religion.

At length my feelings became too strong to be confined to my own bosom– especially as they were now tinged with fears for my success (from whichtrue love is scarcely ever exempt) – for supposing that she herself favored mysuit, as I fondly believed, I did not know but that her father,8 then a memberof Congress from South Carolina, might have had a more ambitious matchin expectation – and that both he and her guardian aunt might have con-sidered me too young, and not yet provided with a profession, to approve ofmy suit. These fears, however, rather heightened than weakened myattachment, and I decided on making a declaration. One evening, in one ofmy frequent visits to her neighbourhood, I met her at the house of an Uncle– The Hermitage – and being about to go home about sunset, I attended her.But I found myself incapable of saying a word of the feelings, when they sodeeply agitated me. We entered her residence, where the only inmates wereher grandmother and aunt, and her brother when not at school. We entereda snug little parlour, hung around with family portraits and other pictures.She seated herself in a chair at the end of a table. I placed myself then halfstanding and half sitting, and took hold of her hand, which she did notwithdraw. Encouraged by this circumstance my feelings were most tumul-tuous – but so delightful that I feared by speaking to put an end to myecstatic happiness. If pure, ethereal, unselfish love was ever felt, I felt it then.We so continued I know not how long – perhaps twenty minutes – perhapsnot over ten – but my delight (not entirely unmixed with fear and somethinglike reverence) was as high as it could well be. How long this delicious trancewould have lasted before either of us had broken silence I know not, but itwas interrupted by someone coming into the room, as we thus remainedmotionless and silent, hand in hand. This was the only occasion I ever hadof declaring my sentiments, and that declaration was never made. My sub-sequent feelings were engrossed about the state of her health. Being veryfond of sea bathing, she once went into the bathing house when she had acold. That was made worse, and in no long time it was perceived that herlungs were affected. By this time her appearance had greatly improved, andthe hectic fever which glowed in her cheek had now made her at least in myeyes a brilliant beauty. Her decline was a rapid one, and I followed her to hergrave without having told her or any one else of the passion which absorbedme. This was my first serious affliction. It occurred after I entered on thestudy of the law.



At this time I had become a decided republican in my politics. This was theresult of several circumstances. I had soon felt a lively interest in the FrenchRevolution, and heard the Marsellaise sung with enthusiasm. Besides, Dr.Thomas T. Tucker visited his children about this time, and my respect for hischaracter, heightened to veneration by my feeling for his daughter, had aninfluence in recommending his principles; and lastly my tutor, Meigs, was azealous republican, and my daily intercourse with him had some influencetho’ this was the weakest of the three causes, tho’ others might haveregarded it as the principal one.

I was just seventeen when I entered Mr. Bascomb’s office. I found theretwo companions about my own age. Cornelius, Mr. Bascomb’s son, wassomewhat grave and reserved with a respectable capacity – and DanielBascomb – a nephew, a good natured, amiable, laughter-loving fellow asever was. At intervals of my legal studies I read such books in Mr. Bascomb’slibrary as attracted my curiosity, and some of them proved very instructive.My practice was to go home to dinner and return in the afternoon, and thedistance being about two miles, I thus walked 8 miles a day. Few incidentsof this part of my life were of sufficient interest to merit notice, with a singleexception. There came to the office one day an idiotic vagabond, who rovedthe country; at large, treated kindly and fid by the humane, and teased andlaughed at by boys. His name was either Saul or Solomon Mitchell as he wasalways called Solly. As soon as he presented himself, Daniel Bascomb,always in search of fun, said, “Solly can you read?”. “Yes”, he answered, “Ican read” – on which Bascomb handed him a book upside down, and to ourastonishment he read it more readily than we could do, and as readily wefound as when the book was properly placed. It is true that while he gave tothe letters and syllables their appropriate sounds, he ran one word intoanother, and evidently attached no meaning to the sounds he made, but hisprompt and nearly correct utterance of their sound excited our wonder. Thishowever was greatly diminished when we were subsequently informed thatMitchell had not been born an idiot, but that a fall from a tree which he hadclimbed had produced a fracture of his skull which had deprived him ofreason. He had doubtless been taught to read before his accident occurred,and the association between the printed characters and their appropriatesound had remained unimpaired, and what was not to have been expected,were unaffected by inversion. Such was the explanation that I have given ofit. The fact was a curious one, and deserves to be recorded.

I continued in this office nearly three years, until Mr. Bascomb was takensuddenly ill, and after a few days expired, leaving no equal at the bar in thelittle Island and equally highly respected for his virtues as his talents. Thiswas in 1795, and as war then existed between France and England, and thecruisers both public and private were constantly sending in prizes, theAdmiralty Courts were crowded with business, and the fees were very high,


9 St. George Tucker (1752–1828) was a law professor at the College of William andMary, a justice of the Supreme Court of Virginia (1803–1811), and U.S. DistrictCourt judge (1813–1825).


the few lawyers in the Island seemed in a fair way to make fortunes.Bascomb was commonly of Counsel for the captors, and my tutor Meigs,who came to the Island to practise the law and to finish the business of hisfriend Johnson, also from Connecticut, was generally employed by thecaptured, especially if they were Americans, claiming the rights of neutrality.When Death suddenly arrested Bascomb’s gains, Meigs’ republican zeal,which he took no pains to suppress or conceal, drew on him the animad-version of the Governor and Council, and they either took away his license,or permitted him quickly to withdraw from the Island. The captors and theirfriends, thus deprived of their main-stay by Mr. Bascomb’s death, in lookingaround for the means of supplying his place, pitched upon me not then 20years of age to undertake the business, and proposed that my associatesshould continue in the office, and give me what aid they could. But theproject was a wild one, and I should have been entirely unable to sustainmyself in a situation for many of whose duties I was entirely unprepared. Itwas decided that I should finish my studies in London or the United States.

While my destination was thus undecided, my father came to me onemorning and told me that an excellent opportunity was then offered to sendme to England to finish my studies. That Major Hicks of the Army was toset out in three days, and had kindly offered to be my guardian and friendnot only on the voyage, but after our arrival in England, and tho’ the noticewas short, the necessary preparations for my voyage could be made. Theoffer was a most tempting one. I had all my life been most desirous of seeingLondon – and a recent intimacy with an officer in the engineer department,Mr. Lauzun, had lent new force to my wish. But I had then made up mymind to settle in the United States, and presumed that there I ought to finishmy legal education, and I did not hesitate to decline the offer – tho’ I confessnot without regret that my sense of duty was thus in conflict with the grati-fication of my curiosity and my desire to partake of the pleasures whichLondon would afford me. Before this took place I lost my mother – and thiswas my second serious affliction. She was a superior woman in tact andgood sense – and bitterly have I reproached myself for the pain which mycarelessness and disobedience, and occasional perverse ill-humour musthave caused her – tho’ I had always been persuaded that I was her favoriteof the ten children she left – and possibly this opinion, leading me topresume on it, encouraged my misconduct. Her beauty was said to havebeen extreme. Mr. Bascomb when he returned to Bermuda after finishing hislegal education in New York had been one of her admirers and suitors – andjudge Tucker of Virginia9 has often told me that she had inspired his first



love. To this gentleman, then a Professor of law at William and MaryCollege, as well is a state judge, inquiry was made concerning myself, theresult of which was that I was to go to William and Mary to finish my laweducation.

I had long felt that the little Island on which I was born was a sort ofimprisonment which I was most impatient to break through, and in mysolitary rambles on the sea shore, or in the narrow woods to be found there,I indulged my fancy on the various novelties I was to meet, the acquain-tances I was to make, and the scenes I was to mingle in. I longed to see riversand running streams, as well as rural life in general. I longed to see thewomen of other countries – time having now softened down my grief into atender remembrance – and I was ambitious of political distinction, and over-rating the merit of my republican predilections, I was not without hopes ofattaining it. A single circumstance will at once show my relish for naturalscenery and the very limited opportunity I had of indulging it. Though mydisposition was highly social few boys spent as much time in voluntarysolitude. It was a common practice with me to loll on a rocky recess whichfaced the ocean, and which on one side was sheltered from the sun. Here Idelighted to look on the ocean – always, I think, the most interesting featureof natural scenery – and contemplate the objects of interest and wonderwhich lay beyond the narrow horizon that bounded my view. Near thisspot, the tide when near its height entered a little opening and after passinga few feet fell down an abrupt part of the rock, so as to make a miniaturecascade less than two feet in height. To witness this waterfall, I have waitedan hour or longer for the tide to rise high enough to exhibit it, and I havethought of comparing this cascade with the Falls of Niagara, as one maypass from an elephant to a flea.

While I was preparing to go to Virginia to qualify myself for the practiceof law, three of my young countrymen were about to go to the Temple onthe Same errand – and to escape the risk of being carried prisoners to France,they proposed to come to the United States, and thence take passage in aneutral American. They were Cornelius Bascomb whom I have alreadymentioned – James C. Esten, who had been educated at Yale College inConnecticut, and who was an American in his attachments, though notquite so much a republican as myself – and William Hall Durham, withwhom I was most intimate though we differed most widely in our politicalfeelings, he not only being a thorough Englishman, but a Tory in his prin-ciples. We all four differed in our political principles by plainly markedgradations, of which Durham and myself were the two extremes. It wasarranged that if on going to Virginia it should be found that my taking thesame course as my companions would not injure my prospects of success inAmerica I was to rejoin them in the succeeding Spring. It was July 1795when we left Bermuda I being then in my twentieth year. For the benefit of


10 The following two lengthy paragraphs were inserted by Tucker in the blank facingpages of the manuscript. Although he did not indicate the exact spot for insertion, heseems to have envisioned them as a conclusion to the narrative of his Bermuda days.


a voyage in a neutral vessel we embarked in a vessel from Newbury Port,commanded by Capt. Knapp – and after a passage of 18 days in which weencountered such a storm as rarely occurs at that season, we arrived atPhiladelphia, and took up our quarters at the Indian Queen in third Street,then in high repute.10

At the age of twenty, when my character may be considered formed, I mayhere state some features of it not already noticed. My temper was at onceirascible and obstinate. I thus often engaged in disputes and fights when aboy – and sometimes the result was that all personal intercourse ceasedbetween us. Yet this was my obstinacy of pride or of temperament, withoutthe retention of malice and I well remember that not being on speakingterms with a boy who sat next to me at school it was our practice, wheneither had an orange, apple or other fruit, a portion was quietly placedbetween us on the form we sat on by the one, and as quietly taken up by theother – and it has happened two or three times in my life, that whensuddenly meeting in a public place with one with whom I had a serious dif-ference, we have both by an impulse of good feeling, seemed to forget ourformer estrangement, and shake hands as cordially as if nothing hadhappened. With the mischiefs of this obstinacy was associated the benefit ofperseverance – or constancy of purpose – of which I remember someexamples. When a small boy, in consequence of some crotchet, suggestedprobably by some book I had read, I prevailed on two or three of mybrothers and sisters to pass a night with me in a square box, just largeenough to hold us – and in this inconvenient position we passed the livelongnight. When I was fourteen, having nearly or wholly attained my full height,I was ambitious of attending a grand Anniversary ball given by a Club atSomerset Bridge of which my father was a member – but the ages prescribedfor the youth of my sex proscribed me. This ball was a great affair, at a timeand place when so many things were small, and I felt the exclusion deeply.But I resolved not wholly to lose my coveted gratification. I accordinglyrepaired to the building in which the ball was to take place, and postingmyself about halfway up the steps which led from an entry up to the garret,I was able to see the company dancing – and ever and anon some of theladies whom I knew would speak to me. I was well provided with refresh-ments, and there I sat, feasting my eyes, and divided between regret andadmiration until morning, according to the fashion of the day, put an end tothe amusement. On another occasion, and about the same time I took it intomy head to visit all the eight country churches of the Island – each parish



having one – and I think I accomplished my profitless purpose in one day,tho’ it was sometimes difficult to get admission into the church by raisingone of the windows. My brain was always teeming with projects –commonly of things that aimed to be useful, or which exhibited ingenuity.At a very early age I was anxious to see the gradual changes which tookplace when the chrysalis becomes a butterfly – and had my windows filledwith the worms which become a large red butterfly that abound in theIsland. Their transformation was here seen in all its stages. I often mademixtures of liquids and of plants to see the changes they would undergo –and reading of a mode of producing an explosion by mixing iron filings andsulphur, I procured the materials and made the experiment without success.At a later period – while I was a student under Meigs or Bascomb, – myprojects were of a higher character and engrossed my mind in my dailywalks. Reflecting on the time and labor which was lost in sawing, rowing aboat and the like, I thought of substituting a continuous circular motion –and planned a circular saw, of which I had never heard, that I proposed touse in cutting down trees – and instead of oars to propel a boat, I proposedto use a paddle wheel and actually prevailed on a jobbing carpenter, whommy father employed by the year, to set about making the circular propeller.He was rather indolent and dilatory, and proceeded so slowly with his workthat it was not completed when I was unexpectedly called upon to leave theIsland. My fancy luxuriated in the idea that with a pair of these paddle-wheels, which I proposed to work with a treadle, my boat which to draw theleast water was to be of tin, was to skim over the water, surpassing inswiftness anything that floated. My intended boat, in structure was Fulton’ssteamboat in miniature – and this project, which I did not abandon after Icame to Virginia, has always been a matter of pride with me, as I felt assuredthat I must eventually have applied steam to my boat, which was so exten-sively used as motive power. And drafts of my boat may be still seen in oneof my old commonplace books made as early as 1793 or 1794. I oncethought I had found out a way of ascertaining longitude. This was tocompare the time when the sun, moon, or other heavenly body was knownto be at a certain altitude – say in the zenith in a place whose longitude wasknown, and with the time at which the same heavenly body was seen at thesame altitude, in the place whose longitude was sought, and by then turningtime into distance, we should have the longitude sought. My theory was just,but I did not then know that the difficulty of the plan consisted in obtaininga measure of time sufficiently accurate – and that Harrison by making achronometer of unprecedented accuracy had obtained the large bountygiven by Parliament for the discovery of a mode of ascertaining longitude. Iattempted to make a balloon – which were then a novelty. It was made ofpaper about 12 feet in diameter, and was to ascend by rarefied air. In con-sequence of too much wind and some want of manual skill my balloon took



fire in the first experiment. I twice repeated the experiment withoutcomplete success, and in the last my balloon, lighting on the top of thebuilding was near setting fire to it. My schemes were sometimes dictated bypublic spirit, which my father’s example had imparted to me. It beingknown that aloes had risen greatly in price in London, due to their extensiveuse in the breweries as a substitute for hops – it seemed to me that as theplant which produces the drug is indigenous in Bermuda, it would be avaluable product for the land in the Island whose chief product was in itscedar timber for ship building. Tho’ aloes plant consists of thick pulpyleaves, which, cut in the hot season, yield a juice, whose watery parts areevaporated by fire or solar heat, leaving the aloes of the shops. The processof collecting the juice and drying is troublesome and tedious – requiringneatness and care. A piece of ground was planted out by way of experiment.The drug was duly prepared and sent to market – but the price had greatlyfallen – the use of it having been prohibited or at least discontinued. Thequantity made also fell short as well as the price. Our labor was not remu-nerated, and the scheme was abandoned.

It may not be uninteresting to my descendants to know something of thephysique of their ancestor. I was 5 ft. 10 inches in height, and tho’ somewhatslender, well proportioned. I had great animal spirits, and unceasingmobility. My face being somewhat of a feminine cast, I was more than onceprevailed upon by girls to dress myself as a woman and one night at a privateball in St. George’s, Governor Hamilton – who assumed the privilege ofdoing pretty much as he pleased – insisted on my putting on a turban anddancing a country dance in it. This fancy was in consequence of mysupposed resemblance to a cousin, whom it was said he afterwardsaddressed. I had cultivated drawing which I had taken up of myself, and hadbeen home instructed on the violin so far as to have begun to play in concert.I had also instructed myself in architecture – but I do not recollect that I everwrote a rhyme before I left the Island – with the single exception of thefollowing epigram, which however, I did not venture to communicate. Itwas I think as follows

“On a young lady who sang sweetly, but had a bad breath.To catch her song when I draw near

I vow I ne’er can tell,Whether she most delights the ear

Or most offends the smell”.

It is proper to state that before I left my native Island, I made it a point ofduty to visit all my numerous relatives scattered over it, some of whom I hadnot seen for years, for the women then were not in the habit of going muchout of their neighbourhood. These adieus being made, I set off to seek my


11 St. George Tucker (1752–1828) – see earlier note. For a study of the Tucker familiesof Virginia see Phillip Hamilton, The making and unmaking of a Revolutionaryfamily: the Tuckers of Virginia, 1752–1830 (Charlottesville: University of VirginiaPress, 2003).


fortune in a world of which I had seen nothing, and without any certainknowledge of where I was to fix myself, or of what was to become of me.With the sanguine temperament with which I was born, I entertained nodoubt of my success in life.

[2. WILLIAMSBURG: 1795–1800]

Philadelphia was the first city I had ever seen – or even large town, St.George’s in Bermuda containing less than 120 houses – and my curiositywas in a course of unintermitted gratification. But being very giddy, as wellas inquisitive, my companions, who were all my seniors, and comparativelysedate, had enough to do to keep me in check. In one of my strolls I came tothe Coffee House in Second St. I entered one of the boxes which thenexisted, and seeing there a string to which a handle was appended, I pulledit. When a waiter appeared to ask what I wished, I ordered a glass oflemonade. When it was brought, I found on attempting to drink thatsomething solid touched my lips. I told him there was something in the glass– which he remarked was ice. My greeness being thus exposed, I drank thelemonade, paid for it, and retired. Though I was in this city but three days,so various had been the new ideas suggested and so rapidly had they passedthrough my mind, that they seemed to be longer than any previous week ofmy life. Our notions of time do not directly depend upon the pleasure orpain which accompanies them, but on the quantum of mental action ofwhich we are conscious of having felt – and generally time seems longerwhen our feelings have been painful, because the mind is made intenselyactive by pain. When however our pleasurable feelings have unwontedintensity – as had been my case in Philadelphia – the illusion of overratingthe time is the same. I had two hundred dollars in cash, having scarcely everhad before more than five dollars at once – and spent my money pretty freelyin the shops, – but among my purchases was a handsome japanned ink stand– which not having been sent to my lodgings and not remembering where itwas bought, I never got.

I reached Williamsburg by stages, and to my great disappointment foundthat judge Tucker11 had gone on his judicial circuit. It was necessary that Ishould see him, as if he thought my studying the law in the Temple wouldnot impede my success in the United States, I was in the Spring to joinDurham, Esten and Bascomb. I had another reason. My two hundreddollars were nearly spent, and I wished to get money from him. I was



delighted with Mrs. T’s kind reception of me, her manners and conver-sation. Our friendship thus begun never intermitted through life. The town,however, had such an air of decay and dullness as to produce great disap-pointment and depression. I did not then know that it was the abode of asmuch sociability, refinement, and really luxurious living as are rarely to befound united. After some consultation, it was decided that I go upon theJudge’s track, and endeavour to overtake him. I accordingly took the stagefor Richmond, and my youth together with my own social disposition, soonmade my affairs known to my fellow passengers, and one of them learningthat I proposed to hire a horse in Richmond to prosecute my intendedjourney, anticipating the difficulty I might meet with as a stranger, kindlytold me of a livery stable where I might be accommodated and authorizedme to use his name. I did, and procured a little stallion – who proved bothgentle and hardy, and as, from information I had no time to lose, I set off atbreak of day for the Country of Cumberland. My equipment andappearance deserve notice. I had no baggage with me, nor apparel exceptwhat I wore. The convenience of saddlebags I knew nothing of and made noattempt to provide. I was handsomely dressed in a black coat and waistcoat,in white cassimere breeches and silk stockings with shoes. I had intended toprovide myself with a pair of boots – but found that the state of my financeswould not warrant the purchase. I well remember the forlorn and desolatefeeling I had as I passed through Manchester, and found myself travelling ina country covered with forest, in which there was not an individual that Iknew. My costume, I saw attracted the attention and curiosity of all I met,and I presume that I was often taken for some runaway clerk fromRichmond – and I found that my hardy little nag had brought me 55 milesthe first day. I stopped at a little country road side tavern, greatly fatiguedbut I obtained little rest by reason of the bed bugs. I was up betimes the nextmorning, and proceeded to Bizarre, the seat of Richard Randolph where Ihoped to find the judge. I cantered up to the front door, evidently excitingthe wonder of Mrs. Randolph (as she has since confirmed) and learning thathe had left that morning, for the Point of Fork, where he would stay thatnight I proceeded on without alighting, and finding a safe guide in the wheeltracks of the Judge’s sulkey I followed on some time in the Night (it was for-tunately moonlight) – and stopping at a farm-house got a good night’slodging. I was up betimes next morning, and reached the Point of Fork justas the Judge and his servant having breakfasted, were about to renew theirjourney. In my haste to jump out of the ferry boat I got sadly mired in thesoft soil of the river, in which I left one of my shoes – and in this condition Iintroduced myself to the judge. After reading the letters I brought he gave amost affectionate welcome to Virginia, and, having heard my story, wasdecidedly of opinion that, with my views, it would be better for me toremain in Virginia than to go to England. It was accordingly decided that I


12 The manuscript reads: “...Jay’s treaty, and that there people were bitter....” In theabove, I have followed the editorialized wording of the Bermuda Quarterly tran-scription.

13 Williamsburg’s Raleigh Tavern was an occasional site for political meetings. In 1773Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, Francis Lightfoot Lee, and other lawmakersdiscussed the creation of a standing Committee of Correspondence, which facilitatedColonial unity.


was to return to Williamsburg. He also furnished me with a few dollars, andgave me an order on his merchants in Richmond for a small sum. The mudon my silk stockings as well as my unsuitable equipment for riding inducedme to inquire of the landlord, if a pair of overalls or pantaloons could bethere procured, and as good luck would have it, he said some traveller hadhad a pair made a short time before, which for some cause he had not taken,and they were for sale. They were of brown linen. They fitted me very well,and I was delighted to be their purchaser. I felt no small Surprise to find thatin this remote and lonely spot (as I then considered it) there were threepersons of my name, all arriving by different roads – for besides the judgeand myself there was a Mr. John Tucker, a brother of Mrs. Coles ofAlbemarle, whose father had long before migrated from Bermuda, and whoI understood was a distant relation of ours.

My cares and anxieties having now all disappeared, I proceeded on myjourney more at my leisure, and as I travelled through Goochland aboutdinner time, I saw a great collection of persons of both sexes at what Isupposed was a public-house and without hesitation, I joined them. Themeeting proved to be a barbecue at which the gentry of the neighbourhoodhad assembled to feast and dance. They gave me a hearty welcome, and Ishared in the dance as well as the dinner; and was favored by several hos-pitable invitations. I did not however make known who I was, simply statingthat I was from Philadelphia before I came to Richmond, for it was whenthere was great excitement about Jay’s treaty, and people were bitter againstthe treaty and against England.12 I left them in time to reach a public-house,where I lay in bed while my shirt was washed, and the next day I reachedRichmond, and the day after Williamsburg. Soon after I reached the RaleighTavern,13 since known in History, the Landlord Maupin, a worthy oldcitizen, took me aside, and opening a desk, took out the head of a marblestatue, which he told me was that of Lord Botetourt, which the mischievousstudents had thus mutilated, and which he had carefully preserved from therespect felt for Lord Botetourt, who had been a very popular governor underthe regal government. It was, after some years replaced, and the statue nowembellishes the College green.

I continued here until the College opened in October, when I entered as astudent. But I found the society of the place so seductive, that I gave no



attention to my studies – the only time bestowed on them being while I wasin bed before breakfast. I boarded in the House of a Tailor – James Moir,and never were people kinder than he and his wife. I had about 12 or 15fellow boarders – most of whom afterwards attained distinction as profes-sional or public men. While they often laughed at me for confounding the Vand W, I found that I knew many things both from books and observationof which they were ignorant so that on the whole I was treated by them withrespect. The two with whom I was most intimate were James Patton Preston– who served in the war with England – was wounded at the sortie of Erie –and was finally governor of Virginia. He was equally brave and benevolentand had such a weight of character as to give efficiency to his frequent inter-positions as peacemaker. The other was Benjamin Howard, subsequently incongress and Governor of the Missouri Territory. He it was, however,whose powerful arms had with a brickbat knocked off Lord Botetourt’shead. He had extraordinary physical powers, and one morning havingvisited the little market in Williamsburg, he had the ambition to jump overone of the bars on which meat was suspended – and one of the iron hookson the other side which he had not seen went through the calf of his leg. Hehowever had the strength and firmness to disengage himself. It was someweeks before he recovered from the accident. I had a third friend, WilliamAdair – an Englishman, who was a lawyer – but tho’ he was well educatedand a good writer, yet for want of a ready elocution did not succeed. TheTown of Williamsburg had then a very refined and intelligent society, and Isoon had the entrée into the best houses – so that my time was passed whollyat dinners, or in social chit chat in the evening, when Adair was commonlyof the party.

It is not easy to suppose a place in which the pure pleasures of society weremore enjoyed than in this place. Some 12 or 15 families, in easy circum-stances were constantly exchanging dinners and evening parties, in whichvisitors from a distance were commonly found, and where wit intelligenceand good living were found to an extent rarely met with. Sometimes theyamused themselves with charades, bout rimer and the like trifles. JudgeTucker, who was a ready versifier, had made us all rhymers – and some ofour effusions were quite respectable. Occasionally we even indulged ingames of forfeit, in which the old took part as well as the young, such wasthe ease and simplicity of manners which then reigned there. In thesereunions it was the common practice for both ladies and gentlemen to sing,artistic music being not yet much cultivated there – and this recalls a joke atmy expense. I had heard a song called the Galley slave on the stage in NewYork, and on my return ventured to sing it. Every stanza concluded with thewords “as I tug at the oar”, and my own labor at the song was evidentlyuphill work. Adair, who had preceded me in singing, and on whom I had (asI was too apt to do) bestowed some ironical compliments, now readily


14 George Tucker, “In Memoriam,” in The Bermuda gazette and weekly advertiser, [St.George’s] Bermuda: J. Stockdale, 1797.

15 George Clinton (1739–1812), New York governor from 1777 to 1795; John Jay(1745–1829), governor from 1795 to 1801.


seized the opportunity of avenging himself, and coming up to me said “Tugaway Mr. Tugger” – which raised a roar of laughter, which was the morehearty as I had been the aggressor.

There chanced to break out a fire in the house of a widow, in straitenedcircumstances, and after having made myself in my efforts to save thefurniture, I then set about a subscription to repair the loss. I was tempted tosend an account of the incident – so interesting where it happened – to aRichmond newspaper. But to my great mortification, my communicationwas not inserted – tho’ that from another student was. This was my firstfailure as an author.

Among the homes I visited was Mrs. Dunbar’s a charming handsomewidow – the daughter of Col. Byrd, who had four daughters, three of whomwere married, and the remaining one, Mary Byrd Farley, lived with her.These ladies had handsome fortunes left them by their grandfather inAntigua, which together with their other attractions, had drawn aroundthem a host of suitors. The last, Mary, had also her full share – she had greatsymmetry of form, and almost all her features were faultless. In the course ofsix or eight months we were engaged, and in April 1797 we were married. Iought here to record the considerate kindness of Mr. Wm. Hall, who hadmarried one of my mother’s sisters. As soon as he heard that the day of mymarriage was fixed, he sent me a remittance of $300 to be returned at myleisure. My father had sent me at the same time a bill on Baltimore for $400,which to his annoyance, as well as mine, was protested, so that without Mr.Hall’s kindness, I must have been dependent on my Williamsburg friendsand acquaintance. This excellent man died about a year afterwards, and Iwas induced to attempt to honor his memory by an elegy, which I sent to theBermuda Gazette,14 and which I heard criticized in no flattering terms bypersons who did not know that I was the author. This was my second failureas an author.

I was seized with an intermittent fever a few days afterwards, having alsohad one in the preceding autumn – which seemed to have given the firstshock which my physical system had ever received. To recover from theeffects of these intermittents, I should have mentioned that I made a visit toNew York in the summer, where I was delighted to meet my countrymenand friends, Rich. Tucker and John Harvey his partner. I had letters fromDr. Tucker which introduced me into good society – and I paid my respectsto Mr. Jay, then Governor of New York, and to George Clinton who hadbeen Governor.15 On my return in November I witnessed the presidential


16 Jacob Read (1752–1816) U.S. Senator from South Carolina from 1795 to 1801.


election in Philadelphia, and found that in electioneering there was as muchlaudatory, as calumnious falsehood. During the night, I heard the followingdialogue going on in the State House yard. Says one of the Voters, “I shouldlike to vote for Mr. Jefferson, if he was not a slaveholder” – to which theother replied, – “Oh there is now a plan on foot to do away with slavery inVirginia” – (Alluding to a plan of colonizing the slaves then proposed in apamphlet by judge Tucker) “and as to Mr. Jefferson, it is a well known fact,that his negroes sit down with him at the same table every day” – “If that isthe case”, said the voter, “I will vote for him,” and he received the Jeffersonticket for 15 electors. It is known that that ticket failed in getting two of theElectors by which Jefferson lost the election. Hearing that GeneralWashington – the President – was expected in Philadelphia, I determined toget an introduction to him, if possible. I accordingly applied to Mr. JohnVaughan to whom my father had given me a letter of introduction the yearbefore, a man remarkable for his benevolent and hospitable attention tostrangers, and he introduced me to Mr. Reid,16 a senator from SouthCarolina, by whom I was introduced. The President then received companyonce a week in a house on Market St. – in a large oval room. He was dressedin a suit of black velvet, had a very majestic imposing appearance, and madesome remarks to every one who was presented. He asked me if I was relatedto St. George Tucker of Virginia – but these few words and being shaken byhis hand I then estimated very highly, and have always remembered withlively interest. I considered myself well rewarded for protracting my stay inthe city three days.

At the succeeding session I entered the law class, but though I was aregular student of law at my lodgings, I never attended the Professor’slectures, conceiving myself well grounded in the elements of the science, andat the end of the course, I was honored with diploma of B.A. – but havingattended the academical course but one year, the statutes requiring two, mydiploma was ex speciali gratia. I had not intended to be married until I hadobtained a license – but Mary’s health being seriously threatened – herdisease was internal inflammation, – it was thought that a voyage to thesalubrious climate of Bermuda was advisable, and our marriage washastened for that purpose. We went North in the summer to get a con-veyance, and at Philadelphia we embarked in a small Yankee vessel, andafter an uncomfortable voyage arrived at Bermuda in August. After adelusive promise that my wife would regain her health, we returned toVirginia in the following May, intending to try the effect of the Virginiasprings. In the meantime we lived with Mrs. Dunbar at Williamsburg.


17 Sauratown mountains, Stokes County, North Carolina, named after the SauraIndians. The Dan river, which flows through the mountain range, is thought to benamed for Danapaha, an early Saura chief.

18 Sir Peyton Skipwith (1740–1805), seventh baronet of 17th century British lineage. Awealthy plantation owner, by 1798 Skipwith’s holdings in Mecklenburg County,Virginia included over 5,000 acres of land and nearly 100 slaves. Skipwith’sdaughter, Leila, married St. George Tucker in 1791, this being her second marriage.


In the summer, instead of going to the Springs, we accepted an invitationfrom Mr. and Mrs. Champe Carter (Mary’s sister) who lived in Albemarle.We passed some weeks there very pleasantly – visiting about – and I thensaw for the first time Mr. Jefferson, then Vice-President. I was struck withhis easy politeness and familiar conversation. His library, his philosophicalinstruments, and his workshop were then objects of curiosity, andaugmented the interest which his character and his position as the head ofthe republican party excited. We attended the races at Fredericksburg, andthence returned to Williamsburg without any change for the better in mywife’s health. I had decided to settle in Alexandria, and to prepare for house-keeping, had imported (or rather my father had) such articles as could bebought in England to advantage – all of which I soon after sold when deathput an end to our schemes.

During the winter I was induced to go out to Dan River, where my wifeand her sisters had a large tract of land (the Lower Saura Town)17 partly tomake myself acquainted with the property, and partly to collect a portion ofthe rents due from its numerous tenants. As the land was not divided, I wasregarded as a proprietor by them all, and was not a little flattered by theirhomage, and by their efforts to get their rents, which had been recentlyraised by our Steward, lowered to their former rate. He collected for me ingold and silver about $700 (an inconvenient addition to the weight of theportmanteau carried by my servant). I returned through Mecklenburg to callon Sir Peyton Skipwith, the father of Mrs. St. George Tucker18 – and hereoccurred an incident which I never think of without deep mortification, butwhich I narrate that my descendants may see me as I was. Having a letterfrom Mrs. T. to her father, and entertaining for her the highest respect aswell as value for her good opinion, I felt the liveliest curiosity to know whatshe said of me. This desire so tormented me that I alighted from my horse,the day I expected to reach Sir Peyton’s, and under a tree I managed to readthat part of the letter which respected myself. When I found it was in termsof extravagant eulogy, I felt humbled to the earth. “What,” thought I tomyself – “while she attributes to me every quality which deserves esteem oradmiration, I am found mean enough to pry into her letter.” I would havegiven much to recall the act – and I found that I had paid by my wounded


19 Prestwould Plantation, near Clarksville, Virginia. The plantation mansion was builtby Peyton Skipwith in 1795 upon land which, according to tradition, Skipwith wonin a poker game.

20 Dr. Philip Barraud (1758–1830), Norfolk physician and friend of St. George Tucker.21 The Dismal Swamp Company was formed in 1763 as a business venture to drain a

half-million acres of swampland in lower Virginia. George Washington was one ofthe original 12 partners, and Thomas Jefferson was a later investor. The companycollapsed in 1814, about ten years after Tucker sold his shares in the business. SeeCharles Royster, The Fabulous History of the Dismal Swamp Company (New York:Alfred A. Knopf, 1999).


self esteem for the knowledge of her good opinion thus obtained. I stayedtwo days at Prestwould19 – very well entertained of course – and in a fewdays reached Williamsburg where I received the same cordial welcome thatI ever received there.

In making the above free statement of a culpable act and of my penitencefrom the moment it was committed, I wish it to be understood that I do notmean to follow the example of Rousseau in his confessions, in which hisbold avowal of acts of flagrant vice and baseness, and the false glosses heoccasionally sets upon them are calculated, by weakening our aversion toworry, to do more harm than good. I shall therefore not often rend the veilwhich we instinctively seek to conceal our blame-worthy acts from others,and even from ourselves.

There was no drawback to our happiness except Mary’s indisposition,which had now fearfully increased. After much suffering, which she borewith angelic patience, she expired on the 25th of May 1799 – having firstexpressed to her physician Dr. Barraud,20 her wish that deeds should beprepared by which I should have her Estate. This consisted of one fourthpart of a sugar estate in Antigua, of 13,000 acres of land in North Carolinaon Dan River, some small tracts in Virginia and a share in the DismalSwamp Company,21 which deeds were prepared and executed. But notbeing in the presence of the Governor as the laws of both Antigua and NorthCarolina required, they were void by the laws of those countries. It is properto mention, in justice to myself that when I was in Bermuda the year before,a lawyer of Antigua, Mr. Hicks, offered to prepare conveyances for me,presuming that I wished to dispose of my wife’s interest in that Island, butthat from a feeling of delicacy, I declined it – by which I failed to gain$25,000 – the estate having afterwards sold for $100,000. There being aconsiderable sum due from that Estate, I some months after made a voyageto Antigua where I passed two months, settled my accounts, and proceededfrom thence to Martinique and St. Vincents to meet my old friend Durham,then well established in the practice of the law, and who accompanied me toBermuda where I continued until the following spring, when I returned toVirginia as a permanent residence.


22 The Swan Tavern, Richmond’s first tavern, which collapsed in 1832.


I arrived at Norfolk with my brother James, whom I was anxious to placein a counting house in Baltimore. We thence proceeded to Baltimore, wherethe letters I carried from Norfolk introduced me into the best society.Among other houses I visited Mr. Caton’s – became acquainted with hisaccomplished wife the daughter of the Venerable Carroll, and there saw hertwo eldest daughters, just coming into womanhood, who afterwards madedistinguished matches in England. I have often thought that I had probablycontributed to this result. Having recently visited Antigua, I mentioned toMrs. Caton a remarkable instance of the success of a managing mother indisposing of her daughters which had occurred in that Island. A Mrs. Elliott,who was very ambitious and had three daughters, of great personal attrac-tions, carried them to England with the avowed purpose of marrying themto titled men. Her husband, who was far from being rich, eked out hismoderate income by managing several estates, whose owners were inEngland, and thus was able to provide the means for his aspiring wife tocarry her schemes into execution. She was entirely successful. One of herdaughters was married to Lord Le Despenser – the oldest baron, I was toldin England. The others I believe, married only baronets – but they all ofcourse, obtained the coveted title of “Lady”. The story seemed to make astrong impression on Mrs. Caton – and the subsequent history of herself anddaughters was the exact counterpart. She carried those daughters toEngland, and they all married titled men – but of much higher rank than theMiss Elliotts. These cases are at all events strong illustrations of what can beeffected by a single will, when long and perseveringly devoted to a singleobject.

I lodged in the same house, at Baltimore, as Mr. Adams, the President,then on a visit to that town. I was desirous of getting an introduction to him,tho’ I did not support him in politics, but I did not succeed. He is the onlyPresident from Washington to Buchanan with whom I had no personalintercourse.

[3. RICHMOND: 1800–1806]

I returned to Richmond in June, determining there to settle myself, and toendeavour to make amends for the time I had lost. I was then nearly 25 yearsof age, and tho’ I had never long intermitted my law studies, I had not yetobtained a license to practise. I rented a small house where I slept and break-fasted, and took my dinners at the Swan,22 kept by Morse. I here met thejudges of the Court of Appeals, over whom the Venerable Pendletonpresided, and whose appearance and conversation greatly interested me. He


23 George Hay (1765–1830), appointed U.S. district court judge in 1825 succeeding St.George Tucker.


was then, I think, past eighty, and both his intellect and spirits wereunclouded. Judge Lyons too, Irish by birth told me many amusing anecdotesof former times. My circle of acquaintances gradually extended, and atlength there were few houses worth entering in the city, in which I had notbeen the guest. This popularity and devotion to society was very injurious tome, and had almost proved fatal. Among other rules of conduct which I hadprescribed for myself, on settling in Virginia, one was not to play at cards,or otherwise game. For some time I rigidly adhered to my purpose, and tho’I several times accompanied friends to the Faro bank, I never was induced tobet at it. Nor did I ever do so afterwards. But my forebearance was notcomplete.

Among the houses where I was an habitual visitor, was that of GeorgeHay,23 a lawyer holding a high rank as a lawyer in Petersburg, which placehe had recently left to reside in Richmond the seat of government. His wifewas very gay, fond of society, and as well as himself much addicted to cardplaying. I was one night persuaded by them to hand at loo – their ordinarygame – to make up the moderate number of four, and we played nearly thewhole night. My compunction for this first error was very lively, and tho’ Ilost but three dollars, I often afterwards recollected that this loss was morefelt by me than the loss of a hundred dollars in later times. The ice havingbeen thus broken, I played again, under the like protest of not breaking uptheir party, until by degrees I became a devoted loo player, and there seldompassed a night which was not spent either at that game or whist. Mydownward progress may be inferred from the following statement of whatoccurred two or three years subsequently. I had asked a few gentlemen todinner and in the evening, according to custom, we sat down to cards. I thenreceived a note from Mr. Hay, inviting me and my party (of which he wasacquainted) to join his – saying that on this occasion (it was at the close ofthe legislative session) “ceremony should give way to sentiment”. Instead ofdeclining the invitation in silence, or peremptorily refusing it, I read his noteto my guests, and they all decided not to accept Mr. Hay’s invitation, but toleave me. I then repaired to Mr. Hay’s, and as a judgement on my delin-quency, I had from beginning to end one unremitting succession of losses.Besides parting with what money I had about me, I had to borrow largely ofmy friend Preston, and the next day I drew of my friend Edmund Rootes,who commonly kept my cash, for $276 for “preferring sentiment toceremony” – which order, often referred to by Rootes, may be still inexistence. How I extricated myself from this vortex, in which so many haveperished, we shall hereafter see.


24 George Tucker, pseudonym “A Citizen of Virginia,” Letter to a member of theGeneral Assembly of Virginia on the subject of the late conspiracy of the slaves witha proposal for their colonization. Richmond: Printed by H. Pace, 1801, 21 p.

25 Articles by Tucker appeared in the Virginia Gazette and General Advertiser, and inthe Richmond Enquirer.


In the succeeding autumn (in 1800) Richmond was surprised by athreatened conspiracy of the slaves. The plot, tho’ apparently communicatedto all the male slaves in the town and its vicinity, was kept not only from theknowledge of the whites but also from that of the coloured females, and wasat length betrayed by a single one of their number, who a few days before itsintended explosion communicated it to the Governor (James Monroe) andhis council, who secretly took measures to defeat it. The plan of the con-spirators was, by a sudden nocturnal irruption into the city, to seize the armsin the capital – amounting to many thousand – to possess themselves of themoney in the banks, to set fire to the town in different places, and in theconfusion thus created to massacre the whites, reserving however for aworse fate the ladies most distinguished for beauty. On the appointed daythey had collected in a considerable number, but by reason of a sudden andvery heavy rain, a stream between them and Richmond was so swollen thatthey were unable to cross it, and they reluctantly postponed their purpose.Meanwhile the measures taken by the Executive now made known to allthat the plot was discovered, and no time was lost in apprehending thosewho were known to be its leaders, or who had shown by their course thatnight that they were concerned in it. Many were convicted and executed inthe course of a week or two; he who had made the discovery was set free andwas sent abroad after having been advised to change his name, and novestige remained, of the threatened calamity – except in the fears long enter-tained by the women.

I was induced, by this exciting event, to make an experiment in authorship– and in the form of a letter to a member of assembly on the recent con-spiracy, I proposed a plan for the colonization of the people of colour, onsome part of this continent beyond the limits of the United States.24 For thefirst time I succeeded and was rewarded with the public approbation. Mylittle pamphlet was reprinted in Baltimore, and I was at once ranged in theclass of men of letters.

Though my evenings were, with few exceptions, spent at the card table,my mornings were given to reading, and sometimes to writing for the news-papers.25

In the course of the following year, I obtained a license to practise law, butwhat was a far greater difficulty to be overcome, was to speak in public.While I was at College, it became my duty to speak on one side of somequestions given out for discussion, and on making the attempt I utterly


26 That is, Maria Ball Carter.27 The Virginia Argus was a semiweekly Richmond newspaper that began November

19, 1796 and ceased October 19, 1816. Tucker’s two articles appeared as letters tothe editor in September, 1803 and October 19, 1803 under the pseudonym “AnInquirer.”


failed, and stated, by way of apology, that my ideas had all taken flight likea flock of frightened birds, which received a laugh in the Society. I thenfound that though at the age of fifteen I had taken an active part in extem-porary discussions, at the age of twenty five I had neither the requisiteself-possession nor fluency. My friend Judge Tucker now employed me on acase in which he resisted the requisition of a mutual fire insurance company,and prepared argument for me. It was a most trying effort to appear in thecase, and while speaking hardly knew whether I was on my head or my feet.But with my native obstinacy, I determined to persevere. Once or twice Ivolunteered off-hand remarks in the inferior courts, in which I succeededmore to my satisfaction, but these occasions were too few to overcome theimpediments which I had to encounter. But my professional efforts werenow interrupted in another way. During the summer that I had passed atMr. Champe Carter’s in Albemarle, Mr. and Mrs. Charles Carter (hisbrother) visited there accompanied by their Daughter,26 then about fifteen.Without being a decided beauty she had a face distinguished for sweetnessand intelligence, conversed sensibly and sang sweetly. This young ladyaccompanied her aunt Mrs. Champe Carter to the Frederickburg races,where by Mrs. C.’s invitation I met them, and where I found the young ladymuch improved, and very interesting. And in the following Spring (1801)she accompanied her aunt to Richmond, when I made my declaration,which was favorably received, and we were engaged. Among the incidentsburnt into the memory by the encaustic power of Emotion was thefollowing, on our way to Fredericksburg to Richmond by the stage, we cameto a bridge (across the Mattasony I think) – which being pronounced by thedriver not entirely safe, Mr. and Mrs. Carter and the other passengers gotout to walk across while Maria and I, so engrossed by our feelings as to beheedless of danger, remained in the stage, and forgetful of all besidesexchanged vows of “unalterable affection”. From this time my thoughts andinterest were divided between my correspondence with this young lady, theconcerns of my brother James whom after great difficulties obtained atemporary place in a House in Baltimore, the commercial world being thenin a state of general embarrassment, and my law studies. I sometimes wrotefor the newspapers, and Mr. Wirt having then published the British spyanonymously, I answered his letter in the Theory of the earth, to which hereplied and I rejoined – and I was supposed to have come off victor in thecontest.27 Writers were then comparatively few, and one well received essay


28 Tucker states below that Maria, his second wife, was George Washington’s great-niece.


was sufficient to give a literary reputation. I often had the pleasure then ofseeing my effusions published in the Virginia Argus, or subsequently in theRichmond Inquirer, running through other papers at distance.

We were married in February 1802, and in the succeeding autumn wentto housekeeping in Richmond my furniture, for the sake of getting it bothcheaper and better, having been obtained from London and New York. Mycourse of life continued unchanged. I was in a constant round of company,and still habitually played cards.

In November, we had a son born, and that for the time made us supremelyhappy; but there were too many drawbacks to our felicity, for me long topossess even contentment of mind. I was then approaching the age of thirty,and I as yet derived no profit from the profession I had selected, and in factI had achieved nothing of utility to myself or to any one else. My days werespent in idleness with loungers and jesters, and my nights at the cardtable. Ifelt at times severe compunction for this abuse of my time, but was incapableof the effort required to abandon it. My property, yielding an income alto-gether insufficient for my support, was gradually melting away. I becamequerulous and morose in my family, and my ill-humour was sometimesextended to her who had sacrificed the most brilliant prospects in life to me,and whose angelic sweetness never complained or seemed to suffer exceptfrom my occasional petulance. Judge Tucker who was now a judge of theSupreme Court stayed with us during the sitting of the Court saw my coursewith concern – and among other expedients for relief, endeavoured to excitemy political ambition, and wished me to offer for a seat in the state legis-lature. But I was not equal to this effort. I had other friends of respectabilityand influence – some of whom took more interest in my affairs, from herconnexion with General Washington!28 In 1801 Mr. Jefferson was electedPresident, and Judge Tucker wished me to offer for the place of DistrictAttorney, then vacant by the death of Thomas Nelson, and Mr. Hay whohad by his pen supported the republican offered his influence, but besidesthat I felt myself incapable of properly discharging the duties of the office, Ithought that Mr. Nelson’s brother had a higher claim, with which accordingto my notions of delicacy at that time, I ought not to interfere. The place ofCommissioner of Bankruptcy having been offered by the President to Mr.Hay, and peremptorily rejected, it was, at his instance given to me. Thisappointment was most acceptable, not only as affording me respectableemployment. The pay of the Commissioners was $6 a day each, and as thecases were numerous – commonly or I may say always prompted by thebankrupts, by way of spunging off their debts, we were almost always in


29 See earlier note on the Dismal Swamp Company.


session. Tho’ I appeared still as a man of pleasure about town, I soonshowed in this office that I was not incapable of business; but in thefollowing year, the law was repealed by the recommendation of him whowielded its patronage, and my emoluments ceased, except what were fromfinishing the business already undertaken. I had previously foundemployment, but unattended with compensation, as one of the Directorsof the Dismal Swamp Company,29 of which I owned the fourth of one ofthe ten original shares. I visited the Swamp in 1801, and passed a week inthe neighbourhood very pleasantly with Judge Wm. Nelson – a mostamiable as well as well-informed man, – and who, forgetting the disparityof our years, made himself my familiar companion. Finding that thiscompany would make no dividends – having preferred to buy up theinterests of the numerous partners – nor get an act of incorporation – bothof which measures they afterwards adopted, I sold out my interest for$500–$1,000.00 tho’ it was intrinsically worth twice as much.

In the following year, 1803, I had a most substantial evidence offriendship, and which, if rightly improved, might at once have seemed to mean extensive and profitable practice in my profession.

The court of Chancery, in consequence of its accumulation of business,had been divided into three Courts one of which was established atWilliamsburg, and all the causes in which the defendants lived within itsjurisdiction were sent thither from Richmond. As I had decided to attendthat Court all the cases of Mr. Call, of General Marshall, to whose businesshe had succeeded, of Messrs. Hay, Brooks and Williams were transferred tome, and they were sufficient to give me perhaps the largest practice in theCourt. I was of course disposed to profit by the opportunity, and diligentlystudied the cases, but my previous want of professional experience, and mydifficulties in public speaking stood in my way, and almost disqualified me.My first efforts in court were little satisfactory to myself, and in some of themost important cases other counsel were added or were substituted, and mypecuniary gains were small.

About this time having been made one of the Trustees of The RichmondAcademy then projected, and a lottery to raise the requisite sum having beenproposed, the management of it was undertaken by one of the members, andon winding up the concern, it was found that the profits had been altogetherabsorbed in the expenses. On the second class or issue of tickets, it wasproposed to me to manage it. I was fain to undertake it believing that I couldcertainly make it profitable to the Institution. I accordingly undertook it, dis-tributed the tickets far and near, and kept a strict account of every ticket –making myself responsible for all which were not otherwise accounted for.



As a considerable sum thus passed through my hands, which was blendedwith my own funds in the bank, and my family expenses considerablyexceeded my income, I gradually became a debtor to the Lottery, but Isucceeded in securing to the Academy almost the whole amount ($5,000)which the scheme contemplated. The agency, however, proved a source ofgreat subsequent trouble, and was near seriously affecting my character. Thedisposition to gamble which my card playing propensity had greatlyfostered, now induced me to offer, while the lottery was drawing, to let anyone having the ownership for a day of any one of the tickets which I indi-vidually owned, at a rate agreed on. In other words I hired out my tickets fora day, giving to the person hiring such prize as they might draw. The lastdrawn ticket was the largest prize $5,000. On that day, then, still having oneor two undrawn tickets – they hired very high, in proportion to the increasedchance of profit, and some adventurer gave me upwards of $100. But whenall the tickets were drawn to some 4 or 5 the owners thought it prudent todivide the large prize among them. But by way of gratifying their curiosity itwas found that the fortunate ticket which I had owned, was the last drawnbecause it was found stuck in the joint between two parts of the wheel,which had been very carefully made by one of the Commissioners. As myshare of the great prize was little more than $300, no one could suspect meof having contrived that this ticket should be the last, particularly as I hadno more agency in the drawing than any other of the Commissioners.

In the years 1803 and 1804 my expenses were partly met by sales ofproperty. Besides my interest in the Dismal Swamp I sold several small tractsof land in Norfolk county which had been part of Colonel Farley’s property.And finding that my right to a fourth part of the Saura Town Estate wascontested by Mrs. Shippen – now Mrs. Izard – and doubting the result Iwrote to Mr. Corbin and Mr. Champe Carter who held, in the right of theirwives, the residue, and representing besides my claim under the deed, in myfavor, that a large balance would be due to me on a settlement of the profitsof the Antigua estate – I proposed an exchange of releases, to which theyagreed. And when they were executed my right to two thirds of the SauraTown lands claimed was placed beyond question.

I had purchased a valuable lot in Richmond for $1,500, and in 1803 puta little office on it, which being modelled after a Grecian temple, obtainedthe name of the “little Capitol” – tho’ it was not the Capitol which I hadimitated. I even contemplated selling my lands on Dan River and building adwelling house on my lot. But what promised much greater profit, I hadjoined my father-in-law and two other gentlemen in purchasing the propertyof Munford Beverly, by which it was expected that my share (which was asixth)” would probably yield a profit of $10,000. The purchase was indeedprofitable, but by reason of delay and mismanagement, it afforded me littlerelief, and it was several years before it afforded me any. In consequence of



some essays which I had written in the newspapers on banks, against whichthere was a strong prejudice in the ruling party in Virginia, after the Bank ofVirginia was established, I was soon made a Director – and so continued fortwo years. There was one or two vacancies in the executive council, and bythe advice of my friends I was a candidate. The salary about $1,000 beingwith my income from rents and stocks, sufficient for my support withoutany aid from my profession, which I began to regard as hopeless. I howeverobtained an insignificant number of votes, to my great disappointment andmortification. I soon however recovered my wonted spirits – but with achange of views. I began to think in 1804–5 that it would be prudent in meto leave Richmond, and to remove to the neighbourhood of my land on DanRiver – for as that lay in North Carolina and I did not wish to leave Virginia,I decided not to settle on the Saura Town land. But a more important reso-lution was to leave off card playing, by which I found the best years of mylife had been wasted. Having fixed on a day for quitting, it so happened thatfor the week before I was every night successful, and had won upwards of$300. I however felt some repugnance or false shame in letting my newpurpose be known, and a night or two afterwards on being invited to a partyat loo, I well remember the remark of one of the party, as soon as they wereseated at the card table “now I wish the night was a week long”. Thisremark served to make me more sensible of the self-denial I had imposed onmyself. However, when a card was dealt to me – for I had seated myself atthe table – I excused myself from playing that evening – not choosing toexpose myself to the railleries or remonstrances of my associates, and I neverplayed afterwards, during my residence in Virginia, on my own account,tho’ I sometimes would represent a friend, during a short absence from theroom – and I found a pleasure even in this vicarious sport. Among othermischiefs of gaming, is that it often leads to serious quarrels, and on severaloccasions, I was involved there in disputes, which led to explanations eitherdemanded or given by me on the following day. The most trivial circum-stance will sometimes bring on such altercations. Thus one night at a looparty, after I had played the ace of trumps, I thru down the two remainingcards which were of the same suit (clubs). It so happened that my competitorhad a club which was higher than my lowest, but lower than my highest –and tho’ according to strict rule, I subjected myself to have my lowest cardplayed to my adversary – yet I had evidently considered that the rule did notapply to the case where both cards were of the same suit and had thrownthem down together, merely to save time. One of the company immediatelyinsisted on the rule. The pool or amount depending was a large one, and I,disgusted and indignant at the attempt remarked, “I thought I was playingamong gentlemen” – on which Mr. Lewis, a very respectable member ofassembly from Gloucester, remarked with temper and dignity, “Mr. Tuckerit was improper to make that remark tho’ the money is undoubtedly yours.”



On which I made an apology to the company, and took the money, whichwas no longer contested. I had been very fond of chess as well as cards, andas I recollect, I continued to waste as much time at the former game as ever.

In the midst of such misapplication of my time, I would occasionallyexercise my pen – sometimes in the newspapers, and sometimes by dailyexercises in writing on whatever topic that chanced to present itself.

Two incidents which occurred during my residence in Richmond seem tomerit notice. In the winter of 1804, we went to Williamsburg on a visit tojudge Tucker, and while there, I took occasion to go to Norfolk to make saleof some lands which I owned in an adjoining county, and while I was there afire broke out of a most destructive character. To arrest its progress somebuildings were to be blown up, and when notice of the explosion was given,I placed myself for safety behind a large post, but still wishing to witness thespectacle I so changed my position that one eye could see the building to beblown up. I paid dearly for my curiosity – fragments of the house struck myexposed eye, one of my hands, and wounded me in one thigh. I was knockeddown senseless, but on coming to, and finding a cut over my eye, I wasdelighted to find that my sight had not been affected. After a while I wastaken up, and it being apprehended that the fire would reach the house inwhich I lodged, I was on the suggestion of my friend Miss Wheeler, (sinceMrs. Decatur) carried out of its reach to the house of Mr. Conway Whittle,where I was treated with the greatest kindness, during four or five weeks thatI remained there before I was able to return to Richmond. My wife wasanxious to join me, after the accident, but the persuasions of Mr. and Mrs.Tucker, together with my own letters, assuring her that I should soon be ableto leave Norfolk, prevented her. When I came out, besides that my eye wasdisfigured, I could not straighten my leg so as to walk, and I was shocked onmy return to Richmond to witness the surprise and painful sympathy mani-fested by my friends when they first met me. But in no time the marks of bothinjuries entirely disappeared.

The other was rather a disaster threatened than one actually experienced.At that time party spirit was at its height, and some of the more fiery andzealous republicans carried their bitterness and violence so far that all of theirparty could not join them. I had always hated intolerance, and was moreoveron friendly terms with many of the opposite party – the federalists. I thereforebelonged to the moderate party. At a political meeting (?) I made somemotion, the object of which was to preserve to the minority their rights at theapproaching election, which some wished to destroy. And my motion havingbeen opposed by Lewis Harvey a rising young man of talents, and a violentdemocrat, and some sharp language having passed between us, we bothwithdrew from the crowd when he said that my purpose had been to defeatthe object of the meeting. I told him that he stated what was not the fact.Upon which he gave me the lie, and I immediately struck at him, but my arm


30 George Tucker, pseudonym “X”, “On the Illusions of Fancy,” Richmond Enquirer,September 29, 1804; “On Luxury,” Richmond Enquirer, December 22, 1804.


was arrested by Dr. Brockenborough, his brother-in-law, who had followedus out to prevent the rencounter which he apprehended. We were separatedby the bystanders, and both bound to the peace in a heavy penalty.

I had always determined to preserve my honor untarnished, according tothe prevailing code, and had several times demanded and received satis-faction, though I had never fought a duel. On the present occasion I did notseem required to regard myself as the aggrieved party, since I might have beenconsidered to have given the first provocation, and the assault I had offeredmight have been considered equivalent to the lie. But I was not willing toresort to these subterfuges – as I regarded them. I had received what wasregarded among gentlemen as the grossest insult, and I was determined todemand satisfaction, as soon as the effect of my recognizance had ceased,which I had no doubt it would be promptly given. But as I had no skill as amarksman, my determination was, if practicable, to fire at a distance whichwould remove all disparity. I therefore employed the interval in so arrangingmy papers and accounts as to make them intelligible to all. This preparationwas made with a heavier heart, as my wife was then in a delicate situation.But on the day which our recognizances expired the mutual friends of Harveyand myself interfered, and brought about an honorable accommodation. Wewere reconciled, and were good friends as long as he lived, which was but ayear or two afterwards. I found the next day that my course had given somuch satisfaction to the federalists – which I had neither anticipated noraimed at, – that some of them urged me to offer for the assembly.

A word now on my literary occupations. Thomas Ritchie about 1803 hadsettled in Richmond and had there established the Enquirer, that was tosupport the republican administration and party with an ability not yet expe-rienced by them, and on the purest principles of the party. It was in short tobe a model party paper. With a view of giving it some eclat at the start,Ogilvie, a democratic Scotsman and an enthusiast in French politics and phi-losophy, proposed an association called “the Rainbow”, consisting of tenpersons, who were in rotation to write a paper for the Enquirer. Themembers were Ogilvie himself, Ritchie, Wirt, Hay, Meriwether and Skelton,Jones, John and William Brockenborough, Peyton Randolph and myself. Wewent through two numbers to each, and the contributions stopped with Wirt,whose pen had been most exercised and the most successful. My first Essaywas “On the Illusions of Fancy”, and the second on Luxury in which I aimedto shew that it was a salutary and even indispensable concomitant of civi-lization, and that when its means were furnished by industry and art, it couldnot enervate a people, and only added to the stock of human enjoyment.30


31 George Tucker, pseudonym “Hickory Cornhill,” “A Letter from Hickory Cornhill,Esq., to his Friend in the Country,” Richmond Enquirer, January 9, 1806.

32 George Tucker, pseudonym “Hickory Cornhill,” “A Card of Apology, to All whomit may Concern,” Richmond Enquirer, January 16, 1806.

33 Christopher Anstey (1724–1805), The new Bath guide: or, Memoirs of the B–-R–-D[i.e., “Blunderhead”] family. In a series of poetical epistles. London, J. Dodsley,1766, 104 p.


I often, moreover, wrote anonymous articles for the press – political ormoral, and when they were of a satirical character, I commonly resorted toirony – but I at length gained unprecedented success in an effort beforeuntried. The example of card playing which was then general among thegentlemen of Richmond, at length extended to their wives – and at theevening parties, the card table was regularly set for the ladies. Their game wasalways loo, and the rate of their play gradually increasing, it often happenedthat by the course of the game itself, and by betting on the highest trump, alady would gain or lose 50 or 60 dollars in a night. My wife yielded to thefashion, and happening one night to lose about forty dollars, I took the alarm,and after representing to her the dangers and discredit of the practice, whichbegan now to be loudly denounced by those who did not indulge in it, I toldher she would greatly oblige and gratify me if she would not again play formoney. With her wonted sweetness and reasonableness, she made me thepromise which she faithfully kept. Soon after this, one night when I was insome way prevented from attending a loo party, it occurred to me that it wasa fit subject for humorous satire, and I sketched off a letter in rhyme, underthe character of a gentleman from the country, Hickory Cornhill Esq. whocoming to Richmond, and attending a loo party of ladies, describes it to hisneighbour in the country. Finding by my experiment on my friend EdmundRootes that it was likely to take with the public, I sent it to the Enquirer, andits success was extraordinary.31 For a week or more it was talked of andquoted by every one, even to the boys in the streets, and then scandal wasbusy in designating the individuals thus held up to public ridicule. Findingthat the resentment of some whom I respected was provoked, I sent a card tothe newspapers32 in which I truly stated that when the article was written, thecharacters were all drawn from fancy without any personality being intendedor thought of. That after it was finished I saw that it might be applied byscandal-loving people to individuals, but that such not having been theintention of the writer, he did not feel himself bound to alter his course on thataccount, and that the fault, if any, was either in those whose malice made theapplication or in those whose conscience acknowledged the justice of thesatire. This seemed to silence the complaints, if it did not remove them. Sometime before John Randolph had given me a copy of Anstie’s Bath Guide33 –which I had never before seen – and it is probable that clever specimen of



humorous satire had not only led me to adopt the same measure (the same asthat of Goldsmith’s retaliation) but to write a satire on the reigning follies ofRichmond, as Anstie had done of Bath. As in no long time afterwards theladies discontinued the practice of loo-playing, Hickory Cornhill obtained thecredit of effecting the reform – tho’ doubtless a practice not suited to thedomestic habits of the ladies of Virginia, and unfriendly to some of the virtuesand graces of the female character, would have died out of itself. Fashionwould have been no more constant in this amusement than it is in the dressand decorations of the ladies.

My residence in Richmond brought me into contact and made me wellacquainted with some of the leading men of Virginia. Besides Judge Pendletonand most of the other judges of the supreme and general court, there wasGeorge Wythe – a patriot of the Revolution, and for a long time the sole chan-cellor of the State. He was when I knew him a man of few words, and to themildness and gentleness of a zephyr in his manner he had the firmness, thesimplicity and self-denial of a Roman. He was often called the Cato ofAmerica from his abstemious habits and lofty patriotism. This pure andvenerable man was poisoned by his nephew, to whom he had by will left hisestate. He lived long enough to revoke the bequest.

Mr. Monroe was, when I went to Richmond to live, Governor of the State.I carried a letter of introduction to him, and my own residence being near his,I saw him often, and passed mornings in his conversation. He was naturally adull, slow man – but possessed of high administrative talents. He washowever extremely credulous, according to his wishes, and gravely main-tained, in one of our conversations, that Bonaparte after he had made himselfFirst Consul, had thus possessed himself of power to establish republicanismon a firm basis in France, and would lay down his power, as soon as hisvirtuous and patriotic purpose was effected. This was his logic – “Why sir,”he said to me, “don’t you admit that he is a man of intelligence?” “Certainly”– “Well, is there any way in which he could so certainly acquire true fame andglory as in securing political freedom to his country?”

Judge Marshall, too, I often met in society, and frequently shared his hos-pitality. He had always shewn me kindness, seeing doubtless my high respectfor him – and his good feelings were probably quickened on account ofMaria, who was the great-niece of Washington. No man could be morebeloved and respected than he was in Richmond, with the exception of a fewof the most violent democrats. Nor could it well be otherwise. He had in hismanners the simplicity of a child, and a mild and amiable demeanour that wasever manifesting itself. He was a zealous politician on the federal side – andwould when engaged in political argument, occasionally exhibit a warmth oftemper that hardly seemed to belong to him. Mr. Wickham was one of themost agreeable and companiable men I ever knew. He had travelled much inEurope – seen the best society, and to a large stock of information and good


34 That is, the Fall of 1808. During the previous two years Tucker prepared for themove, staying with friends and relatives.


sense he added a good deal of wit. George Hay was also a sensible andagreeable man. His house was a place of resort every evening – and the societythere among the best in the city – would have been of the highest order, if ithad not been invariably absorbed by card playing.

[4. PITTSYLVANIA: 1806–1818]

Having decided on leaving Richmond, and on removing to the neigh-bourhood of my land on Dan River, in the autumn of 1806, I sold off myfurniture in Richmond, at good prices, thanks to the efforts of my friends, andhaving purchased a piece of poor land with a small house on it in Pittsylvania,near my land in N. Carolina, I proceeded to enlarge it, and to make it a com-fortable residence. I was therefore kept busy for some time in making thenecessary preparations – as in buying negroes for the plantations – sendingthem out – providing materials for my new house, and settling up myaccounts. On a settlement with the trustees of the Richmond Academylottery, I prevailed on them to let the money due for the prizes remain in myhand, and made an arrangement with my auctioneers to pay the money as theprizes were presented, for which I conveyed my Richmond lots as security.Among other preparations for a country residence I attended the sale of Mr.Ralph Wormsley’s library, and bought a great many valuable books at lowprices. My family now consisting of a wife, son, and two daughters, passedthe winter, by invitation, with Mr. Lawrence Lewis at Woodlawn. I thencemade a short visit to Washington having walked across the frozen Potomac.In the spring we left Woodlawn for the county of Frederick, where Mr. Carterthen resided, and in the Fall34 we went to Pittsylvania, as a permanentresidence. My new house was not then finished, but was tenantable, and nowbegan a course of life in strong contrast to that which I had led in Richmond.The greatest change was in the society. Our new neighbours were friendly andcivil, but extremely plain and unpolished in their manner and style of living,and quite untutored in the ways of the world. One of them who had mademoney by the cultivation of tobacco, and began visibly to show signs of prideof purse, seeing some family portraits which I had, was ambitious of pos-sessing the like, and inquired of me whether he could not get his likeness bysending to Philadelphia for it. My wife felt the change very sensibly, buthappy in her family and of a contented temper, she submitted to the priva-tions she endured. As to myself, from a life of idleness and empty pleasure Ibecame a close student of law, and determined to spare no efforts to obtainthat practice which I had hitherto found unattainable. Yet I remember that atthe first court which I attended, on listening to a description then going on at



the bar, and struck with the flowery rhetoric then exhibited, I thought tomyself, that I am hardly able to engage with these competitors, and mustmove still farther back. I persevered, however, gradually got business, and thesmall fees which I received gave me far greater pleasure than any money I hadever before received. I found a great solace in the friendship and society ofPeachey Gilmer, who practised in the same courts as myself, whose previoushistory had been very similar to my own, and who had a most fertile vein ofhumour and wit, besides the more solid qualities of integrity and generosity. Icontracted also a close friendship with William Leigh, afterwards an able andpopular judge.

I had not been long at the bar before I met with one of those coincidenceswhich seem far to exceed the ordinary calculation of chances, and yet fromwhich no life is entirely free.

A gentleman of the bar, Mr. Dabney, who was officiating for the day as theStates Attorney for the County, politely invited me to address the grand jury– this being the ordinary mode of giving a new lawyer an opportunity ofintroducing himself to the knowledge of the public. I was obliged to declinethe offer, for I had given but a slight attention to criminal law, and still less toits forms. I felt mortified however at my incompetence, and resolved to effacethe reproach. I accordingly made myself acquainted with the penal statutes ofthe State, especially of those which the States Attorney is required to give incharge to the grand jury – and before the succeeding quarterly, or grand jurycourt, I had prepared an address to the grand jury with great care, and adictum that was polished without being magniloquent. Thus provided I wentto court determined to solicit the opportunity which I had previously rejected.The address to the grand jury is the first business of the day, and the attorneyfor the commonwealth was a very eccentric man James Stuart, whom I didnot know, and while I was speaking to Dabney to propose to Stuart that Ishould address the jury for him, Stuart stalked into the bar, and withoutpreamble or explanation, told the Court that he resigned his office of attorneyfor the Commonwealth. Of the four justices on the bench, one of them I hadknown, and had carried a letter to when I – came to County – Colonel IsaacColes. He was highly respected and had great influence. After consulting hisassociates he asked me if I would accept the office, to which having assentedI was forthwith appointed, and entered at once on the discharge of its dutiesby addressing the grand jury. After a little while the hubbub of the Courtceased, and I found that my fine address was listened to with evident signs ofsurprise and approbation. When it was over I received high complimentsfrom the liberal members of the bar, but I could not honestly suffer them toremain in ignorance that the language they had heard was not an impromptueffusion as it appeared to be, but the result of careful preparation. I continuedin the office for several years, until I was obliged to resign it, on becoming amember of the legislature.


35 George Tucker, pseudonym “A Citizen of Virginia,” A letter to a member of theGeneral Assembly of North Carolina, on the navigation of the Roanoke and itsbranches. Richmond: Printed by John O Lynch, 1811, 66 p.


By the diligent attention which I now paid to my professional duties, mypractice steadily increased, and gradually became one of the best in the Courtin which I practised. I improved too in facility of speech. I practised in fourCounty Courts – viz. Pittsylvania, Henry, Franklin, and after 2 or 3 years inHalifax. To attend these I was obliged to ride – generally on horseback, about340 miles every month which required me to leave my own quiet, happyhome, every week – and during the quarterly Courts, more than half of eachweek. But with all this bodily fatigue, I regard this as the happiest period ofmy life. I enjoyed the time spent with my wife and children the more for theseseparations, and above all I had the pleasing reflexion that I was doing myduty, and sometimes I exulted in the fact that I had not lost a case at thepreceding court. But I am obliged to admit that it was the conviction that Ihad succeeded against the law or the justice of the case rather increased thanlessened the pleasure that was thus afforded – for such is the nature of humanpride on the mind of the practising lawyer.

I lived at Woodbridge, as my residence in Pittsylvania was called, ten years– during which time I never missed a court – and I proceed to notice theincidents that best deserve mention. As the part of the country in which I thenlived was compelled to carry its agricultural products to Richmond andPetersburg, a distance of from 175 to 200 miles, in consequence of therebeing no market town on the Roanoke river, and in fact but a broken andimperfect navigation of that River, I set on foot a scheme to improve thatnavigation so as to communicate with Norfolk. With this view I wrote andpublished a large pamphlet of 100 pages to shew the benefits and practica-bility of the scheme.35 I then prevailed on the legislature of Virginia toappoint commissioners from each of the counties in the State interested in thenavigation to go to the legislature of North Carolina and there confer on aplan of improving the navigation of the Roanoke and its branches theStaunton and Dan which were partly in Virginia and partly in NorthCarolina. In the succeeding winter four of the commissioners (out of 11 or12) alone attended at Raleigh – but one of them returned home forthwith –leaving only three to fulfil the purpose of their appointment. These were IsaacH. Coles, a member of assembly from Halifax, my friend Gilmer and myself.We met with a very kind and hospitable reception at Raleigh, and in NorthCarolina generally, remained at work at the seat of government, and beinginvited to take a seat in the legislature, Coles addressed the senate and I theHouse of Commons. Our proposal was promptly met, and such a law as wewished, and corresponding to one already passed by the State, was enactedby North Carolina, and I forthwith proceeded across Virginia to the County


36 Philip Doddridge (1773–1832), member of Virginia state legislature and U.S.Representative from Virginia from 1829 to 1832.


of Frederick, where my wife and children were on a visit to her parents. Myjourney was memorable by meeting with two or three shocks of an earth-quake, and in Richmond by witnessing the awful tragedy of the burning ofthe theatre, from which I had a narrow escape, and where I was instrumentalin saving several females from the flames. I had fortunately quitted the housewhile it was on fire, tho’ I did not know the fact, being prompted by what Isuffered from the cold about my feet, having dined out that day and wearing,as was then the practice, thin shoes and silk stockings. The play was over, andthere appearing to be much delay in bringing on the afterpiece, I remarkedthat “the pain of cold feet was greater than the pleasure of seeing out the playand I would go home” – but the cry of fire prevented my reaching mylodgings, and hurried me back to witness a spectacle of human woe which Ihave never seen equalled.

This scheme of improving the navigation which railroads have sincerendered valueless, gave me so much popularity that I was urged to offer forthe assembly. I canvassed the County with industry, and received arespectable vote considering that I was comparatively a stranger, and wasmoreover a lawyer, against which profession the people of the county hadimbibed great prejudices. The following year, 1814, I offered again withsanguine hopes of being elected, but my rivals had both represented thecounty before, and I lost the election by a small number of votes. I then deter-mined to give up the pursuit. But my friends redoubled their efforts in myfavor, and told me on the day of election that I should simply declare to thepeople of the county, as a salve to their pride, that I would serve if elected; Idid so, and was successful.

I was among the active members of the legislature, but I did not acquitmyself in the character of a debater as well as I expected. As a writer I wasmore successful. I drafted some reports which were well received.

In the following year 1816, we experienced our first serious misfortune, inthe death of our fifth daughter. We had indeed lost our fourth, but she died afew weeks after her birth, which took place during my absence from home.But Harriet was a most interesting child, and at the age of four had given indi-cations of great natural gifts. Her mother was for a long time inconsolable.The child died of the whooping cough. More timely and abler medical aidwould probably have saved her. Having been again elected to the legislature,my wife joined me there, and the visit had a very benignant effect on herspirits. I drafted a report on a committee, on the Constitution of Virginia, forwhich the chairman Philip Doddridge,36 who was its reputed authorobtained great credit. Another paper however drawn by me probably had a


37 George Tucker, “Valedictory Address on the Retirement of President JamesMadison,” Acts passed at a General Assembly of the commonwealth of Virginia,Richmond: Thomas Ritchie, printer to the commonwealth, 1818.


decisive influence on my subsequent destiny, and therefore deserves anespecial notice.

As Mr. Madison’s administration was drawing to its close, and he hadalways been a great favorite with me, I thought of proposing a valedictoryaddress to him from his native State. I accordingly prepared one, but after itwas finished understood from a member to whom I had shewn it that one ofthe delegates from Fairfax had done the same. I accordingly had aninterview with that gentleman, and after a civil offer by each to give way tothe other, we agreed to leave the choice of the two to a common friend –Thomas Maury. He selected mine, which was offered and adopted, nothowever without some drawback from the gratification which was thusafforded me.37 By way of enhancing Mr. Madison’s merits in declaring andconducting the recent war against Great Britain, I had stated that he wasopposed by a “numerous, zealous, and compact minority” (nearly all NewEngland having been in the opposition). The address was opposed, and thewords quoted were particularly objected to – perhaps from the word“compact” sounding like “packed” – for I could imagine no other reason –and for the sake of unanimity I proposed to strike out the word mostobjected to “compact”. But the majority conceiving the opposition to befactious, would not suffer it to be altered and it was thus passed with 17 dis-sentients. During the discussion – Doddridge, with whom I had been onfriendly terms, but who was a warm federalist and opponent of the war,after adverting the previous political harmony of the session, remarked thatif a fireband of discord was to be introduced, he was glad it was “by aforeign hand”. This was the second time that I had been thus taunted. Onthis or the former occasion, I forget which I replied, “It is true I was born asubject of Great Britain, and so was General Washington and Mr. Jefferson– but I am as true and devoted a citizen as any other” – and remarked that Iprobably had more American blood in my veins than any member of thefloor. “My family have been residents of an island attached to this continentever since the settlement of Virginia”. As we were about to adjourn amember came up to me, and offered me his cane, if I wished to breakDoddridge’s head. But I replied that I did not consider my honor assailed byhis remarks, ill-bred as they were. Doddridge and myself never had anyintercourse after that for several years, but then meeting him in Washington(while he was in Congress) by an instantaneous feeling of both we shookhands as if nothing had happened.

While I was most diligently engaged in the practice of the law, I imposedon myself the task of writing upon some speculative subject every day, and


38 A list of these contributions is contained in Robert Colin McLean’s George Tucker(1961). Most of these articles were reprinted in Tucker’s Essays on Various Subjects(1822), cited below.


in 1813 and 1814, I selected a portion of these essays, and had thempublished in a periodical of Philadelphia, the Portfolio – then edited by Dr.Caldwell under the title of “Thoughts of a Hermit” – which appeared to bevery well received by the public.38 About this time Mr. Wirt published in aRichmond paper the numbers of the Old Bachelor, to which I made severalcontributions.

I have stated that the years which I spent in Pittsylvania were probably thehappiest of my life. Yet it had great drawbacks for there I lost my two lovelyand promising children, and for the first years my debts and pecuniary diffi-culties were a source of perpetual anxiety and effort. When I first went toRichmond to live (in 1800) I had a great horror of debt, and for some timeescaped its thraldom. But my resolution gradually yielded to the circum-stances in which I was placed, of having the money of others at mycommand, and in not having an income adequate to my necessary expenses.When I call to my mind the various expedients to which I resorted to raisemoney, and how often those expedients were unavailing, and when I lookover the minutes of my correspondence which I have never failed to keep, itseems now to me astonishing that I could have borne these embarrassmentsas well as I did. The heaviest debt was that which I owed to the Trustees ofRichmond Academy – and which arose from their consenting to let theprizes of the lottery remain in my hands until applied for, on condition thatI would provide for their prompt payment by responsible persons inRichmond – the auctioneers of my furniture to assume their payments andthey were to be indemnified by the sale of my Richmond lots. After waitinga year or more, the Trustees assumed the payments themselves, and calledupon me to pay to them the funds in my hands. They further required me tobe answerable for such lottery tickets as had been put into the hands of mycotrustees, one or more of whom had since become insolvent. Against thislast claim, I indignantly remonstrated, and I proposed to leave all questionsbetween us to arbitration. To this they agreed, and the arbitrators exon-erated me from the claims against the trustee who had the same power asmyself, and they allowed me a fair commission on the sales I had made. Ishould have stated, that the Trustees had previously appointed a committeeto examine and report on my management of the Lottery. The report wasmade by the chairman, Dr. John Brockenbourgh, a sensible upright man,who stated that the accounts were so fairly and fully kept that the history ofevery individual could be traced, and if any loss was incurred as was notimprobable, it was obliged to fall solely on myself. The report was highlycomplimentary to me, and satisfied all honest inquiry.


39 George Izard (1776–1828), American Amy officer who rose to the rank of generalduring the War of 1812.


My next debt in importance arose from money advanced to me atdifferent times by Taylor and Brown. To meet these claims I endeavoured tosell my lots in Richmond – but before I could make a prudent sale otherdebts had been incurred to meet my expenses in travelling about thecountry, from 1806 to 1808, in building in Pittsylvania, and in establishinga plantation on Dan River. Besides the sale of my lots, I engaged in somespeculations with a view of profit. I once bought up a drove of hogs on DanRiver and had them driven to Richmond, by which I was a small gainer andalso joined my father-in-law and two Fredericksburg merchants in thepurchase of an estate of $100,000 – but it was some years before I derivedany profit from it. The sum which Mr. Carter was to give his daughter($5,000) was tardily and but partially paid me partly in land that could notbe converted into money, and was a further source of disappointment. Iendeavoured to effect loans of men who were rich, were habitual moneylenders, and with whom I was on friendly terms, but with this class I wasinvariably unsuccessful. I obtained some money from the bank with judgeTucker’s endorsement – from two to three thousand dollars – and Dr.Thomas T. Tucker, one of the best and most faultless men I have everknown, willingly enabled me to borrow from a district bank $3,000, whichhe afterwards assumed upon himself, and for which I accounted to hislegatees.

Nor were these debts the only source of my difficulty. Mrs. Shippen, after-wards married to General Izard,39 questioned my title to the Saura Townlands, and brought suit against me to recover one third part of the portionwhich had been allotted to me. The other two thirds I had by a compromisewith Mr. Carter and Mr. Corbin, secured the title of. The Izards succeededin the suit, and on the division between them and me, as my lot, containingall the river low grounds, was much the most valuable I was decreed to payto them the sum of $1,800 – which of course added to my pecuniary diffi-culties.

The debt which I owed to Taylor and Brown was the occasion of anoccurrence, which during its brief existence, was one of the most mortifyingof my life. This debt was, in the settlement between the partners, transferredto Brown – and as I was obliged to defer its payment, as well as others, whileI was making efforts to raise money, his patience becoming exhausted, andlearning moreover that I was then in Richmond, and had not called uponhim with either money or excuse, he ordered suit against me, and by meansof a special affidavit, required bail of me. In my surprise and indignation, Irefused to ask anyone to be my bail, and the sheriffs, who were amiable, gen-tlemanly men, treated me with great delicacy, and trusting to my honor,



allowed me to consult counsel. I consulted two lawyers, who agreed with methat bail was not demandable (the claim being due on open account) and bya short process the case was removed from the County Court to the DistrictCourt, then in session, and the next day, the question of bail was discussedby myself and Brown’s counsel. The judge did not hesitate to decide in myfavor, when the case remained on the docket to be tried in its turn, and Ibrought suit against Brown for false imprisonment. They remained untriedfor several years, and at length a very curt letter from Brown, expressing hisregret for the step he had taken, and proposing an adjustment of all mattersbetween us on my own terms, brought about a final settlement and entirereconciliation between us.

In 1815 the return of peace gave prosperity to all classes in the UnitedStates, except to the small one which had embarked in new manufactures.Land everywhere rose in value, and mine on Dan River, which I hadestimated at more than $15,000, I sold for $22,000. I was thus enabled topay off my debts, and soon afterwards became the purchaser of a large tracton Staunton River, supposed to be above 10,000 acres, for $26,500. ButWalter Coles being in treaty for the purchase, it was agreed between us thathe should be one fourth and I three fourths interested.

My sale of the Saura Town land was the source of no small vexation,before the purchase was made. After a compromise was made with Messrs.Carter and Corbin and myself, I had prepared deeds, and had taken steps tohave them executed and recorded in North Carolina, but Moorman towhom I had sold, having understood that Genl. Izard had a claim against mefor a sum of money, and also for profits on the land, for which claims theland against me was liable, was induced to make inquiry into my title, andcould hear nothing of the conveyances from Carter and Corbin, of which Ihad informed him. This information was confirmed on inquiry, and I imme-diately set about repairing the mischief. I then found the benefit of havingkept memoranda of all my letters, and was thus able to establish the facts, incase there should be any disposition in those gentlemen not to execute thebargain. I lost no time in applying to them, and obtaining the execution of asecond release of their claims, and agreed with Moorman that his paymentsmight be suspended until Izard was fully satisfied.

[5. LYNCHBURG AND WASHINGTON: 1818–1825]

Having decided on removing to Lynchburg, as a better place for mypractice and also further education of my children, I also made sale of myresidence – Woodridge – for $7,200 and my property after paying my debts,was worth upwards of $30,000. Some essays on banking published inLynchburg, which was then an interesting subject in the town, induced thecitizens to appoint me one of three commissioners to come on to



Philadelphia for the purpose of getting a branch of the United States Bankfor that town. We came on, but were unsuccessful, as we ought to havebeen, but this short visit impressed me so favorably that I decided on makingit my future residence, whenever my income should justify it. This was in1817, and it was in 1845, twenty eight years afterwards before I carried thispurpose into execution.

The purchase on Staunton and Pig River was considered by all persons asa very advantageous one, and Dr. Cocke, to whom our bonds for thepurchase money were assigned offered me 12,000 or $14,000 profit on ourbargain soon after it was made. It proved indeed to have been a very goodbargain, but there were two circumstances which subsequently deductedlargely from its value. One was that the land, instead of reaching 12 or 13thousand acres, as we were informed, contained but 8,500 – and as we hadpreferred not buying it by the acre, we could obtain no compensation for thedeficiency. The other was that the Executor of David Ross, the formerowner, maintained that it had not been legally sold under the deed of trust,and had a suit depending to set aside the sale. As this claim interfered withthe partial sales which we wished to make of the large tract, we were obligedto buy up the claim, and had to give the Executor $7,000 for a claim whichproved in fact to be worthless, as the Court subsequently decided, but withthese drawbacks, the sale proved a profitable one.

I should also add that before I left Pittsylvania I purchased three Danvillelots, in a recent addition to the town for less than $400 – and the spirit ofspeculation having then seized the people in that part of the country, the lotsbegan rapidly to advance in price, and in twelve months after I bought them,I could have sold them for $10,000 – and should have done so, but for arepugnance to be regarded as a speculator. I however could not resist thetemptation to disposing of a portion of my interest and sold portions of thelots – amounting to about one fourth – for $2,500, which I actually received.

In March 1818, after a residence of 10 years in the county of Pittsylvania,I removed with my family to Lynchburg, then a busy and thriving town ofabout 3,000 inhabitants. My family then consisted of a wife and fivechildren – a son and four daughters. My son, Daniel George, after someschooling at home and in the neighbourhood and in Albemarle, had beensent to the College of Chapel Hill, in North Carolina. He showed a goodgenius, and by the essays which I required him to write by way of exercise,a depth of reflexion above his years. My over-anxious desire for hisadvancement had made me overtask his mind at a very early age, which hadprobably contributed to give him a subsequent distaste for study, as he neverdistinguished himself at college either at Chapel Hill or William and Maryafterwards. My daughter Rosalie then 13 was all that a parent could desirein person, mind, and disposition. Maria our second daughter had not hercharacter then developed, but its distinguishing feature was her love and


40 Tucker’s six children are as follows: Daniel George Tucker (1802–1838), EleanorRosalie Tucker (1804–1818), Maria Farley Tucker (1805–1893), Eliza Lewis CarterTucker (1808–1893); Mary Leila Tucker (1810–1851); Harriet Washington Tucker(1813–1816).

41 George Tucker, Recollections of the life of Eleanor Rosalie Tucker: addressed to hersurviving sisters. Lynchburg: Printed for the author [by James Boyce], 1818, 45 p.

42 George Tucker, The following letter, with the accompanying documents, werereceived in the House of Delegates on the 2d day of March 1819: and they are nowprinted with a view of affording to the public the same satisfactory explanation thatwas afforded to that honorable body. Richmond: 1819, [3] p.


admiration for her eldest sister – her guide in all things. Eliza and Leila werebut 10 and 8 years of age.40 My property which after the sales of my land inPittsylvania I estimated at about $40,000 was, by a liberal valuation, afterthe purchase on Staunton since called Derward, I considered to be worthnearly double. The reputation of now having a competent estate, threwmuch of the profitable business of collecting into my hands, and the clientswhich I had in the counties wherein I had practised, promised me a fair shareof the business in the chancery and other courts in Lynchburg. The changewas a very grateful one to all my family – and I looked to the future with thebrightest hopes. They were Alas! soon sadly blasted. In that very year ourdear Rosalie, the pride and joy of our lives fell, like Harriet, a victim to thewhooping cough. A portrait painter, who chanced to be then in Lynchburg,enabled us to have her likeness taken after death. I found some consolationin portraying her rare virtues in a little volume of Recollections, copies ofwhich I distributed among her female friends, all of whom were warmlyattached to her.41

In the following spring, when my practice had become profitable and wasincreasing, I was invited to become a candidate for Congress, John Kerr, theformer representative having become unpopular by voting for changing theper diem compensation of $6 a day to a salary of $1,500. Soon after mypurpose was known I was told by a friend just from Richmond that on aproposition to make me President of a bank in Lynchburg, it had been statedon the floor that I had been a delinquent to the Trustees of the RichmondAcademy, and I further heard that the same report was circulating in thecongressional District. I set off for Richmond the next day, and addressing aletter to the speaker on the subject, complained of the calumny, and askedfor an investigation. The same was given and on the most satisfactoryevidence, that I had become a temporary debtor of the Trustees with theirconsent, and secured them by a deed of trust, and had finally paid them allthat I owed. The Member who had made the injurious statement, on theevidence I adduced, retracted it on the floor, and my vindication was thusplaced on record, in the proceeding of the House. I had a printed account ofthe whole affair circulated in the district,42 and having thus repelled the


43 George Tucker, Speech of Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, on the restriction of slavery inMissouri Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, February25, 1820. [Washington? 1820], 20 p.

44 John Randolph (1773–1833), U.S. Representative from Virginia.45 Henry Clay (1777–1852), U.S. Representative and Senator from Kentucky, and

unsuccessful candidate for the presidency.46 Hezekiah Niles (1777–1839), journalist and founder of Niles’ Weekly Register.


calumny, I was elected by a handsome majority, with not much election-eering, and without any of the ordinary expense of treating and the like.

In December 1819, I took my seat in the House of Representatives, beingthen forty four years of age. The Missouri question, which had been broughtat the previous session by John Taylor of New York was discussed, and forthe first time exhibited the fearful character of that question which dividesthe United States into two parties separated by a geographical line. Itbrought upon the floor every member who was in the habit of speaking, andsome who were not – among which last I class myself. While the interestingsubject was debated in the committee of the whole, I thought I could presentsome arguments for the unconditional admission of Missouri which had notbeen previously argued, and I decided to take a part in the debate. For whichpurpose I prepared a speech with care, and aimed to get the floor, but bolderand more experienced members were before me until the house becameextremely weary of the discussion, and was vociferous for the question. I atlength obtained the floor, (though in strictness Felix Walker of NorthCarolina preceded me) and delivered my speech from memory.43 Themembers present were hardly 50, but I was encouraged by finding that I waslistened to with attention – with the exception of one of my colleagues, JohnRandolph44 – who left the Hall. The next day I received high complimentson my success from several quarters – and among them from Henry Clay,45

who said that he greatly regretted he had not heard it, as he had been told itwas the ablest speech which had been delivered on the subject – and it wasone of the small number selected by Niles46 to exhibit the character of thedebate. Yet this speech, so extolled by others, was represented by Randolphto Dr. Brockenbrough as a failure. He himself had signally failed – and as hewas then ill affected towards me, and had endeavoured to injure me n thedistrict (which was adjoining to his own) he denounced it because it hadwon the praises of others – and during the greater part of the time which Iserved in Congress, I scarcely ever said anything in Congress which did notprovoke his opposition.

About this time when I began to find some return of my pecuniary diffi-culties, in consequence of my purchase on Staunton, they were greatly andunexpectedly increased by the situation of Mr. Carter, my wife’s father. Hehad sold out his land in Fredrick at a disadvantage – his family being very



sickly on the Shenandoah – had made a purchase of an estate in Culpepper,which he found he was not able to keep, and after selling it and receiving forthe great part of it Kentucky lands, he owed debts which the residue of hisproperty was scarcely able to meet. He therefore concluded to migrate witha small number of negroes to Kentucky. This was a heavy affliction to myMaria, whose attachment to her mother was unbounded – and to spare himthe necessity of thus banishing himself from Virginia, I offered to let himhave a settlement on the Deerwood lands, and had previously proposed tomake him a partner in the purchase. If his remaining property would notenable him to make the purchase, I offered him a gratuitous settlement forthe life of himself and his wife, and an invitation to himself and his childrento take up his abode with us until I could put up a comfortable tenement forhim at Deerwood. The last part of the offer was accepted, and his familyremained as our guests for some time, and finally found a plain but com-fortable home at Deerwood. Mr. Lawrence Lewis, Mrs. Carter’s brotherhad purchased some 10 or 12 of Mr. Carter’s slaves, and he conveyed themto me in trust for his sister, and for some time with a part of them and someof my own, we worked a plantation on our joint account. I had previouslyprocured the place of cadet at West Point for their son Fielding, and anotherFarley studied law with me. In these arrangements I was obliged to makefrequent advances of money, which tho’ I was afterwards reimbursed, occa-sioned me much inconvenience at the time. I was a further loser, by nothaving received the whole of what Mr. Carter was to pay as his daughter’smarriage portion by more than 1,500. Some smaller purchases of land,bought with a view of profit, but which proved unfortunate, increased mydifficulties, and before I left Congress, I was in the same thralldom of debtas I had extricated myself a few years before.

My means were also reduced by my failing to receive two thirds of thepurchase money of Deerwood – upwards of $5,000 – as I had to repurchasethe property under the deed of trust, and it remained several years on myhands before I could sell it at a reduced price. The first two years that I wasin Congress, my wife spent a part of the time with me – for we had beenaccustomed to very short separations, and my per diem allowance, insteadof yielding any surplus was absorbed in my expenses. My practice too wasfast leaving me by my going to Congress, and I half determined to quitpublic life. I however offered again, and against a feeble opponent obtainedan immense majority. The first session I had been a member of the JudiciaryCommittee. In the third, having done nothing after the first year to advancemy reputation, I was made chairman of the committee on the expendituresof the war Department, which I regarded as a downward step in scale ofhonor. I however applied myself with diligence to the discharge of its duties,and made a report which contained some important developments. One wasthe famous Rip Rap Contract but which bearing hard upon some indi-


47 Joseph Hopkinson (1770–1842) U.S. Representative from Pennsylvania from1815–1819 and later federal judge.

48 George Tucker, pseudonym “A Citizen of Virginia,” Essays on various subjects oftaste, morals, and national policy, Georgetown, D.C.: J. Milligan, 1822, xi, 350 p.


viduals, it was laid on the table and never afterwards acted on. Besides thatmy pecuniary engagements and difficulties somewhat unfitted my mind forthe current business of legislation, I spent all the leisure hours that were notgiven to society in playing chess, to which to my shame and lasting regret, Iwas then passionately devoted. I had then a livelier ambition to be a greatchess player than to be a distinguished member of Congress. General Brownof the army and Commodore Chauncey of the navy chanced to be my fellowlodgers, and they being almost as fond of chess as I was, I was ever playingwith one or the other. I remember when having one day made some off-hand remarks on a subject brought before the house, when judgeHopkinson of Philadelphia,47 having the privilege of the floor as a formermember, came up to me and said, “Mr. Tucker, you ought to speak oftenerin this House. You don’t do justice to yourself.”

I decided on publishing the essays which during my third session ofCongress had already appeared in the Portfolio, and to add a few otherslong since written, so as to make an 8vo. volume. Its title was “Essays,written by a citizen of Virginia”,48 which was apparently well received bythe small class of readers who have a taste for grave speculations. My son,with whose progress at William and Mary I was greatly dissatisfied, I hadnow sent to Cambridge, where his expenses contributed to enhance my dif-ficulties, tho’ he unfortunately exhibited no greater fondness for study, orambition to attain the reputation he was fairly entitled to. But when thefourth session approached my mind was engrossed by my anxieties aboutmy beloved wife. She was again in the way to increase her family, and hersufferings and danger from child-bearing had gradually become greater, shehad strong forebodings that she would not survive the present occasion. Myefforts to encourage her were ineffectual, and in a solitary walk one eveningat Deerwood, she spoke most solemnly and affectingly on the subject, andadverted to her feelings “after twenty years of unalloyed happiness.” Thiswas a little before I set out for Congress. I set out then with a heavy heart –hoping for a favorable result, but still more fearful of it. Early in January Iwas informed of her illness, at the birth of a child. I obtained leave ofabsence, and before I reached home received intelligence of her death. Mysufferings were enhanced, if anything could enhance them, by my efforts toconceal my sobs and tears from those whom I passed on my journey. I feltheartbroken, and would willingly have parted with life but from a sense ofduty to my children. I sought consolation in reading religious books and to



some extent found it. I found no small solace from looking at and handlinga silk handkerchief, which my beloved Maria, invalid as she was, hadbought and hemmed for me just before I left home. I subsequently lost thisprecious memorial, and no loss of a diamond pin, of which I had hadseveral, was half so regretted.

In a few weeks after this cruel blow, I was applied to to know if I shouldagain be a candidate for Congress at the election in the ensuing Spring. Theapplication was made by a little clique who wished to make a vacancy forone of themselves. I could not but feel some indignation at their want ofdelicacy and feeling, and answered that I had not decided. When the springcame on I announced myself again a candidate, and was elected withoutopposition.

On my way to Washington in December, by way of Richmond, meetingwith an empty carriage going to the same place, I agreed with the driver fora seat in it, leaving my horse to be led by my servant. Suffering severely fromtoothache I took out my purse or wallet, which contained some opium, andin my habitual heedlessness and distraction of mind managed, as I suppose,to drop my bank bills in the carriage. I missed them as soon as I got out ofthe carriage, but the driver professed entire ignorance of them, and neitherthreats nor offers of reward could induce him to change his tone. I wastherefore compelled to borrow money of my friend Rootes to defray myexpenses to Washington. It mortifies me to add that this was the third timeI had lost money to the amount of $300 or upwards, making in all nearly athousand dollars – once by losing my pocket book in the road – once byleaving it in my great coat at an evening party in Richmond, and the thirdtime by dropping it in the bottom of the carriage – to say nothing of losingsimilar sums on two or three other occasions, when the money was found byhonest persons and returned. This heedlessness I had from a child, andduring my practice of the law, I strewed the upper country with umbrellas,gloves, toothbrushes, handkerchiefs, pencils and knives.

The loss of my money in the carriage was insignificant compared with theconsequences to which it led. I had occasionally played whist at Washingtonas well as chess – but not habitually, and always at a moderate rate. Butsmarting under the self-reproach of not having taken care of my money Iconceived the absurd purpose of trying to regain it at whist – with whichview I played at a higher rate. I played with the members of Congress of ourmess. It so happened that one of the members from Pennsylvania introducedamong us a friend of his of decent appearance and manners, and afterplaying a few games, and some mutual banter between that member andmyself, it was agreed that a member from South Carolina and myself shouldplay against the Pennsylvanian and his friend. We afterwards learnt on goodauthority that this man was a notorious swindler and our own observationshad led us to the same inference. He had a very slow and peculiar manner of


49 Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais (1732–1799), wealthy French author whoprovided arms for American revolutionaries.

50 George Tucker, Speech of Mr. Tucker, of Va., on the claim of the heirs ofBeaumarchais. Washington, Gales and Seaton, [1824?] 10 p.


dealing the cards, and when he dealt, he and his partner always countedhonors. The suspicions of my partner, Mr. Carter, were first excited, and herepeatedly called for fresh cards. The result was that I lost nearly a thousanddollars. Carter, as he afterwards told me, refused to pay what he had lost, onthe ground that this man was known to be a cheat. I did not go so far, butproposed to the Pennsylvania member on the strength of Carter’s exampleto make a deduction from the amount I had lost, to which he consented.This affair shows that the precaution to play with none but gentlemen,which had always governed me, is not always sufficient to prevent one frombecoming the prey of sharpers. This man wore spectacles by which Ipresume he was enabled to see the marks or scratches made on particularcards while he was dealing.

My losses made a most unseasonable addition to my debts. I had endeav-oured to obtain a deduction from the purchase money of the Staunton land,on the ground, that altho’ I had not bought by the acre, yet as the quantitywas so much short of what both parties believed it to be, a court of chanceryought to relieve me on account of the mistake. The court decided against me,and unable to raise the money which had been suspended, a third of myDeerwood land was sold under the deed of trust. It sold however for atolerably fair price.

At this my last session 1824–1825 – I had been persuaded by Stevensonthe speaker to move for a select committee on the claim of Beaumarchais49

against the United States. This question had frequently been beforeCongress, some half a dozen reports or more had been made on it, half in itsfavor and half against – and my ambition was excited to point out a coursewhich would reconcile the conflicting objections, and thus bring thequestion to a close. I had a very able committee, and in the midst of my cardand chess playing gave a thorough examination of this copious subject,made an elaborate report,50 in which I agreed with the opponents of theclaim that the supplies on which Beaumarchais’ claim was founded had beenactually furnished by France, yet inasmuch as we received them and hadnever paid for them, we were bound in honor not to insist with the Frenchgovernment that these supplies were a gift, but should admit that they werea debt, and pay that debt to the person to whom they said it was properlydue, who was Beaumarchais. The subject was discussed in the House, andbeing warmly and ably opposed, it was rejected in the House tho’ settlementwas afterwards provided for by treaty in correspondence with the recom-mendation of the report, and Beaumarchais’ biography recently published


51 Francis Walker Gilmer (1790–1826) professor of law; John Patton Emmet


shews that the supplies furnished by him were actually obtained from thegovernment stores, as the report had maintained.

Feb. 1858 continued1824–5. While I was thus wasting my time I received a message from Mr.

Jefferson and Mr. Madison, offering me the place of Professor of MoralPhilosophy in the University of Virginia, then about to go into operation,and whom the other Visitors had given authority to appoint the Professors.Thinking the appointment one not to be hastily accepted or rejected, I askeduntil the rising of Congress (on the 4th of March) to make my decision – andpromised to call on Mr. Jefferson on my way home.

After some deliberation, I decided to accept the place offered to me. Ipassed my time at Washington in agreeable society. I had no opposition inmy district, and I was not without hopes of yet taking a more prominentpart in debate. It was also possible that I might obtain some foreign mission,the only public office I coveted. These considerations advised my rejection.On the other hand the salary afforded a certain and an adequate and certainsupport for my family, would give to myself if not to my children a morecongenial society than we enjoyed in Lynchburg, and I might be enabled tocultivate letters, to which I was then strongly inclined, to more advantage. Itherefore was disposed to accept – and calling at Monticello, Mr. Jefferson,whose address and powers of pleasing were very great, so favorably repre-sented the life I should lead, that I no longer hesitated, and at the succeedingcourts of my district, announced my purpose to my constituents, andexpressed my gratitude to them for their previous support.

[6. CHARLOTTESVILLE: 1825–1739]

My family now consisted of my son and three daughters, of a sister andher daughter whom I had invited over from Bermuda, after the death of mywife, and in the spring of 1825, I took possession of the Pavillion at theUniversity assigned to my chair. I was then in my 50th year, and about toenter on a new line of duty, for which I felt myself to be unqualified by myprevious studies, as I frankly stated to Mr. Jefferson – but he made light ofmy objection, which he regarded as merely temporary. I always supposedthat the volume of Essays which I had published, and of which I had learntthat both Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison had spoken highly, had inducedthem to appoint me – and possibly the farewell address to Mr. Madison bythe Virginia legislature may have also contributed its part.

My associates consisted of four Englishmen and a German who had beenprocured by a special agent, Francis Gilmer, sent to England, and Dr. JohnP. Emmet an Irishman.51 The law professor, who was F. Gilmer, with myself


(1797–1842) professor of Chemistry. Tucker’s other colleagues included GeorgeLong (1800–1879) professor of ancient languages, Thomas Hewett Key(1799–1875) professor of mathematics, Charles Bonnycastle (1796–1840) professorof natural philosophy, Robley Dunglison (1798–1869) professor of anatomy andmedicine, George Blaetterman professor of modern languages.

52 George Tucker, pseudonym “A Citizen of Virginia,” The valley of Shenandoah; or,Memoirs of the Graysons. New York, C. Wiley, 1824, 2 v.

53 Around this time Charles Wiley published the following works of James FenimoreCooper: The Spy (1821), The Pilot (1923), The Pioneers (1823), and Tales forFifteen (1823).


made 8 professors, and I was chosen the first chairman or presiding officer.Convinced as I was of my insufficient acquaintance with the subjects onwhich I was required to lecture, I very assiduously applied myself to theirstudy, and read and wrote to a late hour in the night, so as sometimes toapprehend from the grotesque images that floated before my fancy when Iretired to rest, that my brain might be seriously affected. My colleagues wereall agreeable well-informed men, and had all travelled in foreign countries.We were very sociable often dining and passing the evening together, andthe life which we then led, tho’ seemingly monotonous and devoid ofinterest, has no doubt appeared to all, on a retrospect, one of the happiestportions of our lives.

In the preceding summer, 1824, I was tempted to try my hand at a novel– the extraordinary success of Walter Scott stimulating my ambition, as wellas that of many others. It had long appeared to me that every countryafforded abundant materials for this class of writings in the delineation ofnational manner, habit, and character. I still continued in the practice of thelaw, and regularly attended four courts, yet I managed, by profiting by everyinterval not engrossed by business to finish a novel “The Valley ofShenandoah”52 – in two months, it having been begun on the 1st of July,and ended on the 31st August. Conscious of its imperfections, and doubtfulof its success, I wished to make an experiment on the public taste withoutbeing known as its author. I went to New York, and attempted a negotiationwith Harpers, even then great publishers – but it was unavailing. A passagein our chaffering has often since afforded matter of amusement to bothparties. The work having been so hastily written and never transcribed wasmuch altered and interlined, so as to in some places difficult to decipher, andalmost unintelligible. They offered me $500 for the work, if I would remainin New York and superintend the printing, to which I objected. As an excusefor not offering more liberal terms, one of them, the eldest partner, said,“Why, we shall have to give a man fifty dollars to read your book” – “Oh”,said I, “what chance have you then to sell it if you have to hire a man to readit?” Thus failed, I applied to Charles Wiley, who then printed Cooper’snovels,53 and ranked high in the trade; and we agreed that the book should



be printed at our joint expense and joint profit. Under this agreement Ibecame responsible for the paper, and Wiley having soon afterwards failed,I received nothing from him but some hundreds of copies which I distributedvery partially, and some of which I still have. The work may be regarded asa failure. It had the disadvantage of ending unhappily, and its catastrophewas offensive to Virginia pride. It was moreover so incorrectly printed thatthere is not perhaps a single page which is free from error. It was howeverreprinted in London – and was translated into German, and I decided tomake another attempt in the same line, in which I would bestow that laborwhich I was now satisfied was indispensable to success. But my new positionas Professor gave to my studies and pen a very different direction.

Of the eight professors who constituted the Faculty, no one had ever beena professor before, and but one, Dr. Blaetterman, had ever been a teacher –and our want of skill in the management of young men, was soon but toomanifest. We were all of opinion a system of great restraint or even of muchregulation was unwise, and we went to the other extreme of leaving thestudents the sole regulators of their own conduct. I remember hearing one ofthe English professors declare that he cared nothing about a student’sdrinking or gaming, provided he performed his college exercises. With thisimplied license, the students gradually became more and more irregular anddisorderly in their habits, and their excesses were annoying to the neigh-bours, and were greatly exaggerated by them. Having made a shortexcursion to Lynchburg, on my return I stopped at the house of a friend inAlbemarle, and there chanced to meet three or four individuals fromdifferent quarters, all of whom spoke of the crying disorders of the students,which it seemed were a topic of general complaint and denunciation. Ireached the University in the evening, and repeating to my associates what Ihad heard, urged on them the necessity of interposing our authority, espe-cially to repress the vices of drinking and gaming – which the public wouldexpect from us – these being the rocks on which so many youth in Virginia,and in all slave-holding States, had been wrecked. After a while a party ofstudents in disguise, marched about the lawn, as they had often done before,inviting and defying the notice of the Faculty. Dr. Emmet who chanced to beat my house, and myself went out to try the effect of our remonstrances andto bring the offenders, when ascertained, before the faculty. Emmet inattempting to take hold of one of them, got into a boxing match with him.When I attempted to join them and to remonstrate with them – “Theyadvised me to go to my logic” – and soon afterwards on my persisting inattending and reprehending them, one of them took up a piece of the brushwith which the lawn was then covered to protect the young grass, andseemed to threaten me with personal violence, and some others followed hisexample, on which I determined to try the effect of appealing to their pride.“Gentlemen”, I said, “you seem as if you meant to use violence against me.


54 John Tayloe Lomax (1781–1862) professor of law.


What can I do against you all?” and then folding my arms, I said, “If you aremean enough to do so, you are welcome” – on which they all threw downthe brush and dispersed. The next day such of the rioters as were knownwere summoned before the faculty, and the principal offenders weredismissed. These punishments were the worse borne for our previous indul-gence, and a spirit of insubordination was openly manifested. Some of themore disorderly and resentful threatened violence to the professors. This hadso much effect as to induce the faculty to apply to Mr. Jefferson the rector,and to offer their resignation unless protection could be secured to them bylegislative provision. It so happened that the annual meeting of the visitorswas then held at Monticello. The consequence of our application was thatthe next day the visitors went to the University and were addressed by Mr.Jefferson and other members of the Board. Their appeal to the studentsinduced them to give up the names of such of the offenders as were notknown to the Faculty, after which, under the persuasions of the Visitors, theProfessors withdrew their resignations, acted on those students whosenames had been given up, and reinstated the rest. This riot, in the infancy ofthe University, had an unhappy influence on its success, and we heard fromall quarters of persons who had previously intended to send their sons to it,but had now been induced to change their purpose.

One of the memorable incidents of the first year, was a visit from LaFayette. He had called on Mr. Jefferson the year before, and the recommen-dation to Congress to make him a liberal donation having first appeared inthe Charlottesville paper, had no doubt been the suggestion of Jefferson. Adinner was provided for him in the Rotunda by subscription, and I had thepleasure of treating him to some fine old Madeira that I chanced then topossess, and which he relished very highly.

The following year, 1826, Mr. Jefferson died on the 4th of July, the fiftiethanniversary of the declaration of American Independence which he haddrawn, and which was thus associated with his name for ever; and what wasso much more extraordinary, according to the doctrine of chances, Mr.Adams, who was one of the same committee to declare independence, diedon the same day. Mr. Jefferson’s funeral was not numerously attended, con-sidered the esteem of his countrymen and the stations he had held, but wasas much so as the dispersion of people and the short notice of his deathpermitted. His agreeable society and hospitality were greatly missed by theprofessors and the University lost its greatest attraction. He was succeededas Rector by Mr. Madison.

F. Gilmer the professor of law died before he was able to enter on theduties of his office, and the place was conferred on John T. Lomax, whojoined University at the second session.54 The subject of political economy


55 Jean Baptiste Say (1767–1832), perhaps A treatise on political economy; or, The pro-duction, distribution and consumption of wealth. Philadelphia, J. Grigg, 1827, lvi,455 p.

56 George Tucker, pseudonym “Joseph Atterley,” A voyage to the moon; with someaccount of the manners and customs, science and philosophy, of the people ofMorosofia, and other lunarians. New York, E. Bliss, 1827, iv, 264 p.

57 Tucker is probably referring to James Fenimore Cooper’s satiric novel The Monikins(1835), in which the hero travels to Antarctica where he finds it populated by twonations of monkeys who mimic the ways of England and America respectively.


had been assigned to the law professor, and understanding from him that hewas not particularly desirous of lecturing on it, and that his other dutieswould be sufficient to occupy the whole of his time, I applied to the Boardto assign the subject to the chair of Moral Philosophy which was done; andafter a temporary use of Say55 as a text book I prepared a full course oflectures on the subject, which had always been a favorite one with me. I tookthe same course with the like success as to the subjects of Rhetoric and BellesLettres, which had been assigned to the Professor of Ancient Languages,George Long, who did not incline to lecture on them. These two subjectsbeing added to my department gave it an additional number of students,though its number was still very inferior to the average number, so as tomake its emoluments considerably less. My chair had this inherent disad-vantage at that day, the younger students generally entered the schools oflanguages and Mathematics, and most of the elder students, anxious toprepare themselves for a profession, were students of law or medicine exclu-sively. This was one of the consequences of allowing every student to attendwhat professor he pleased. In process of time however, I succeeded inobtaining the average number.

Having found my life of solitude unbearable I decided on changing it, andafter one or two efforts to change it, I at length married Louisa A.Thompson whose maiden name was Bowdoin, and who altho’ then residingBaltimore was a native of the Eastern shore of Virginia, and in whom Ifound the same warm and devoted affection I had been previously blestwith. We were married in December 1828 – after a widowhood of nearly 5years.

The year before I published in New York a little work called “The Voyageto the Moon”56 in which I aimed to notice the errors of the day in scienceand philosophy. Cooper put forth a similar satire a year or two afterwardswhich was supposed to be an imitation of it.57 Bliss the publisher printed1000 copies which he soon sold, for which I received but $100 and somecopies.

A year or two after marriage I encountered one of the heaviest afflictionsof my life. My son who had for some time shewn himself more than usually


58 The manuscript clearly reads “1827”, although Tucker undoubtedly meant 1837.59 George Tucker, The laws of wages, profits and rent, investigated. Philadelphia, E.L.

Carey and A. Hart, 1837, x, 189 p.


selfwilled and regardless of advice, gave manifest symptoms of unsoundnessof mind, and when the fact could no longer be doubted, he was conveyed tothe hospital in Philadelphia, where he continued several years, during whichtime I performed the painful duty of making him several visits. He died inOctober 1838. He had previously made a visit to the West, with a view ofsettling himself, and very soon after gave evidence of a disordered mind. Hehad before that been a candidate for the legislature in Pittsylvania, andacquitted himself very well as a public speaker.

The subsequent notices on my life will be principally of my publications,as my pen was never long unexercised either in writing books or for thenewspapers or periodicals.

In 182758 I published a small volume on Rent, wages, and profits.59 I hadconsidered that the theory on these subjects, as given by Ricardo, wasincorrect as to their causes, though ingenious. That the diversity of soils, tho’very well marking the diversity and the progress of rent, was no element ofits cause, rent being as certain to follow if all land was uniform in its qualityas where it was diverse. That the fall of wages was the necessary conse-quence of the rise of rent – the two being parts of the same series of changesin the progress of Society; and lastly that the rate of interest depended on theproportion between the amount of accumulated capital and the demand forit. By way of supporting my views by a reference to authentic facts, Iaddressed a series of queries to the members of the Senate, as to the pricesand rents of land, the rates of labour and of the necessaries of life in theirrespective states, and their answers having been digested with a table,afforded confirmation of my theory. I am not aware that I acquired muchreputation by this work. It being published at my own expense, it had a verylimited circulation, and saving some short notices in the newspapers, wasneither praised nor blamed. The self love of an author has sometimes foundconsolation in the maxim that “men must be taught as though you taughtthem not” – But I am far from being satisfied with its correctness. Thoughan author’s rivals and acquaintances may refuse to receive his instructions,yet the public in general is not so fastidious, and it lends a willing ear to onewho imparts a new truth, corrects an old error, or who even makes clearerand plainer what was before known. There are however casualties whichadvance or retard an author’s success, independent of his real merit, muchmore than the willingness or unwillingness of the public to receiveinstruction. This book, having been printed in Philadelphia under therevision of a friend, contains many errors.


60 George Tucker, The life of Thomas Jefferson, third president of the United StatesWith parts of his correspondence never before published, and notices of his opinionson questions of civil government, national policy, and constitutional law.Philadelphia, Carey, Lea and Blanchard, 1837, 2 v.

61 Henry Brougham, review of Tucker’s Life of Thomas Jefferson, in EdinburghReview, October 1837, Vol. 66, pp. 156–186.


The next work which I undertook was a life of Jefferson.60 His represen-tatives, by their undiscriminating publication of his letters, had given greatoffence to individuals of whom he had spoken freely, and had thus arousedagainst him much of that enmity which a few years before his deathappeared to have died away. I was therefore desirous of placing his virtuesand his services in a true light before his countrymen, and at the same timedrawing a veil over his errors and defects to which I was not blind. Thiswork went to press in 1836. It was printed by Carey Lea and Blanchard whoagreed to pay me 50 cents a volume – the edition to be 2000 copies. It wasof course ill received by the Federal party, and the conservatives among theWhigs, and such was deemed its mischievous political tendency that theQuarterly Review of Philadelphia, then under the influence of that party,thought it prudent not to notice it. It however succeeded well with the risinggeneration, and I have been assured by those likely to know that it decidedthe politics of the young men in Philadelphia, and in different parts of NewEngland. A notice in a New York paper, in which personal kindness hadinduced the writer to overrate its merits, gave me a taste of the pleasures ofauthorship which I had never before, nor have ever since enjoyed – tho’ Ihave often been a successful writer. My book was reprinted in England, andmy friend Andrew Stevenson told me that Lord Brougham61 remarked tohim that I had changed his opinion of Mr. Jefferson, against whom he hadentertained a strong prejudice. I was afterwards informed that it proved alosing speculation to the publishers Charles Knight. My book was dedicatedto Mr. Madison, from whom I had derived much information in writing it,and the last time he put pen to paper, was in signing the answer which hedictated to his amanuensis, and in franking it. He died the next day June28th, in his 86th year. He had been an especial favorite with me ever since Ihad known him, for independent of his profound and far-reaching views inthe science of government and legislation, he had unwonted gentleness andsuavity of manner, which joined to a large fund of anecdote which he toldvery well, made him one of the most companionable men in existence. Hishabitual cheerfulness was the more remarkable as Dr. Grymes, hisphysician, told me that to his knowledge Mr. Madison had been for 20 yearsafflicted by three diseases any one of which might at any moment havecarried him off. Mr. Jefferson too had most winning manners when he choseto exert them, but he was occasionally somewhat dictatorial and impatientof contradiction, which Mr. Madison never appeared to be.


62 Under the pseudonym “One of the Sovereign People,” the following articles byTucker appeared in the National Intelligencer: “The President’s Late Act, No. 1”(October 9, 1833), “The President’s Bank Manifesto, No. 2” (October 12, 1833),“The President’s Late Manifesto, No. III” (October 16, 1833).

63 George Tucker, “The Bank of the United States,” in American Quarterly review,1831, Vol. 9, pp. 246–282.

64 Virginia literary museum and journal of belles lettres, arts, Charlottesville: F. Carr,Vol. 1, no. 1 (June 17, 1829); ceased with v. 1, no. 52 (June 9, 1830).


During my residence at the University, I was a frequent writer for the news-papers on subjects of politics or Political economy; and there were few topicsof great public interest which did not afford exercise for my pen. I sometimeswrote for the National Intelligence62 of Washington City, and sometimes forthe Richmond papers, but occasionally for obscurer journals. I also con-tributed some articles to the Quarterly Review edited by Robert Walsh, andamong them, strictures on General Jackson and in defence of the UnitedStates bank.63 In consequence of this article I received a complimentary letterfrom Mr. Nicholas Biddle, the President, who informed me that the Bank hadconcluded to reprint the article in the pamphlet form, and distribute it, asthey had done an article of Mr. Gallatin’s, and that copies should be sent tosuch persons as I should name. I accordingly sent him a list of friends towhom I wished it to be sent and these copies constituted all the remunerationwhich I received from the bank. The publisher had previously paid me theregular price of two dollars the page – tho’ it was more than once intimatedin congress and elsewhere that the bank had hired writers to assail thePresident, as if I had been in that category.

Soon after I went to the University, the Professors agreed to set up a weeklyjournal of which Dr. Dunglison and myself were to be the editors, each onalternate weeks.64 We continued for a year, and finding that it had but alimited circulation, and consequently was not profitable it was discontinued.All the professors, or nearly all, wrote papers for it, but Dunglison and myselfwere the principal contributors as we were bound to make up on ourrespective weeks all that was not furnished by the correspondents. It makes avolume 800 pages of large 8vo.

When the University was about to go into operation the Visitors left thedistribution of the duties of the Professors, and the regulations exclusively toMr. Jefferson; not merely from a regard to his superior competence, butbecause as he was regarded as its founder, the responsibility for its successwould fall principally on him. It had happened that there had been a constantstate of altercation at William and Mary College between the President andthe Professors, to avoid which Mr. Jefferson went to the opposite extreme,and allowed no controlling power whatever to the presiding officer, who wascalled the Chairman Of the Faculty. The more perfectly to remove all ground


65 George Tucker, “United States of North America,” in George Long, ed., TheGeography of America and the West Indies, London: Society for the Diffusion ofUseful Knowledge, 1841, xii, 648 p.

66 George Tucker, “Education in Virginia,” Quarterly Journal of Education, 1832, Vol.4, pp. 49–71.

67 Gessner Harrison was husband to Tucker’s daughter Eliza Lewis Carter.68 George Tucker, The theory of money and banks investigated. Boston, C. C. Little

and J. Brown, 1839, viii, 412 p.


of jealousy against this officer, thus divested of power, the office was to beheld by every professor in succession for one year as they chanced to beelected by their associates. This plan soon proved to be Impracticable. It wasfound that persons may be very well qualified to teach, but too devoid ofpersonal dignity or moral propriety to be at the head of the Institution, andthe year after Mr. Jefferson’s death, this enactment was changed, and theelection of the Chairman was given to the Faculty without restriction. It wasagain changed, so as to give the annual appointment to the Visitors – andfurther duties having been imposed on the Chairman, he was allowed anadditional salary of $500.

About this time, 1837, I undertook, at the instance of my friend and formercolleague George Long of London, the Geography of the United States,65 tomake part of a geography, which he and others had undertaken. It occupiedmuch of my time, but I had the consolation that if my pecuniary compen-sation should prove insufficient I should be adequately remunerated by thelarge addition made to my knowledge of the United States. I had previouslycontributed to the Journal of Education, edited by Long, an article givingaccount of the schools and colleges of the United States.66

In one of the excursions which I annually made to the north in the summer,I rather rashly made a purchase of Chicago lots for about $3,000, instead ofIllinois land, as I had intended – such a purchase having been recommendedto me by the consideration that while such land was now in a frontier statewith reference to the Atlantic States, and therefore of a low price at present,yet from its being on the Mississippi it was nearer to the great market of NewOrleans than the States east of it, and that therefore that it must soon rise inprice. But Mr. William L. May, then in Congress from Illinois, and a friendof his made so favorable a representation of Chicago and its prospects that Iwas induced to buy town lots there rather than land. The purchase,imprudent as I admit it to have been – it being made out to be in a steamboatof a man who was a stranger to me – turned out to be the best I ever made.At this time, 1858, about 20 years after I bought the property, it is probablyworth more then twelve times as much as it cost. I persuaded my son-in-law,Gessner Harrison,67 to be one fourth concerned in the purchase.

The next work that I published was on Money and banks.68 It was princi-


69 The Great Western Steamer, the first regular transatlantic steam ship, was inoperation from 1838 through 1856 and, carrying around 150 passengers, made thevoyage from New York to England in 15 days, half the time of sailing ships.

70 Dionysius Lardner (1793–1859), Irish physicist and astronomer who lived in theUnited States from 1840–1845.


pally taken from my lectures on political economy. I offered it to the principalpublishing houses in Philadelphia, and to Harpers of New York, who refusedto print it at their cost, tho’ I offered to pay the expense of the paper. As a lasteffort, however, I sent to Little and Brown of Boston a copy of its contents,and they readily agreed to publish 1000 copies at their expenses, and to payme half the profits. The edition was soon sold, and they paid me $400 for myshare. The book was favorably noticed in the reviews.

At this time one of our former Students, who had migrated to Texas, wroteto Mr. Bonnycastle and myself that the public debt of Texas, bearing 10 percent interest, was then greatly below par, and advised us to become purchasersof it. We accordingly each sent him two thousand dollars, for which we hadbeen led to expect that we could each obtain stock to the amount of $10,000.We however obtained $5000 each and after one payment of the interest, thestate regarding its poverty rather than its faith, suspended all furtherpayments. They still, however, recognized the debt as carrying 19 per centinterest.

[7. EUROPEAN EXCURSION: 1839]

In the year 1838 the “Great Western” steamer,69 crossed the Atlantic fromEngland, and continued her voyages throughout the year. The practicability ofnavigating the ocean by steam, had been previously much discussed, and Dr.Lardner,70 a successful writer and lecturer on physical science had undertakento show that such navigation could never be profitable. It was howeverbelieved at the University that his reasoning was unsatisfactory, and we wereall doubly gratified that it had been now disproved by experiment. I had pre-viously decided that if it should succeed I would then gratify a wish I had allmy life entertained of seeing Europe – especially England – and accordingly inthe following year 1839, I obtained the permission of the Visitors to be absentfor 3 months, and set off in the “Liverpool” from New York early in July – mywife not objecting to my own voyage, but being unwilling to encounter itherself. That day fortnight we dined in Liverpool as I had anticipated. Tomake the most of my time, I set off with a fellow passenger, who, being an oldtraveller, was very useful to me, to visit Chester an old town which is verycurious and interesting for its antiquities, and in the neighbourhood of whichare the remains of a Roman camp, built of brown stone. We visited also theMarquess of Westminster, whose noble seat gave me a fine specimen of the


71 Robert Harry Inglis (1786–1855), Tory Parliamentarian.72 Henry Richard, Lord Holland (1773–1840), Whig politician; Samuel Rogers

(1763–1855), English poet.73 That is, Tucker would not have known about the mistake if Holland had not

mentioned it to Webster and Stevenson who dined with him.


grand and costly style in which some of the nobility live. I saw every thing withthe liveliest interest. The feelings with which an American first sees England,which has been the scene of most of that of which he has read or heard, arenecessarily very lively and delightful. The next night I reached London.

The recollection of the fact that one is in a city of more than two millions ofpeople is of itself enough to excite a very lively interest, but when that city isLondon, about which every American has heard and read so much, theinterest is intense, and his mind is distracted and overpowered by the crowd ofrecollections and of past impressions with which it is then filled. I stayed atMorley’s in Charing Cross, and the next morning on looking out of mywindow I was struck with the busy stirring scene before me. Besides peoplemoving in every direction, I was struck with the number and variety of thevehicles, and according to my old propensity of enumeration, I counted whatwere then within the sphere of my vision, and found them to be more than 50.After a late breakfast, I took a stroll in the streets, and saw much to awakenformer associations. Among others I went to St. Paul’s Church, and thoughdisappointed in its appearance from its being so blackened by the coal smoke,I looked about for Newberry’s bookstore which had furnished me with somuch delightful reading in my childhood, and when I found it, I regarded it asif I had met an old friend. I knew the length of my walk only by the fatigue Iexperienced on my return to my Hotel. The first person I tried to see was myfriend and former associate, Long, now Professor in the London University. Isent him a note by a porter, and learnt from him that there were three GeorgeLongs lawyers in London’s Inn. I called also on my friend Stevenson, thenminister from the United States, and learnt from him as well as Sir RobertInglis71 to whom I brought a letter that my lodgings were not the most eligible,and by the advice of my traveling companion Higginson, removed to Fenton’sin St. James’ Street.

My first days were occupied in delivering introductory letters and in sightseeing, but it was only now and then that my letters had any other result thana formal exchange of cards. Among these letters however were two (to LordHolland and Samuel Rogers the Poet)72 whose acquaintance I was particularlydesirous of making. I went in a carriage to deliver them, and not using myspectacles by mistake, delivered to one the letter intended for the other – andI should not known of the mistake if Lord Holland had not mentioned that hehad received my card with letter for Mr. Rogers to Mr. Webster and Mr.Stevenson who dined with him.73


74 Richard Lalor Sheil (1791–1851), Irish Parliamentarian.75 Charles Babbage (1791–1871), English mathematician who created a machine for

computing mathematical operations.76 Mademoiselle Rachel, stage name of French actress Élisa Félix (1820–1858). Jean

Racine (1639–1699), French playwright and author of Andromache (1667).


I was made an honorary member of the Travellers and Athenaeum club,which I frequented to read the newspapers, but I made no acquaintancesthere. As Parliament was in session I attended out of curiosity and heardsome of their best speakers. On one of these occasions Sheil,74 the Irishorator, asked me how I found the speakers in Parliament compared withthose of Congress. I told him they were so different in their style of speakingit was not easy to compare them – that our speakers generally aimed atdeclamation, while in Parliament, as I supposed, they did not relish, orwould not endure it. “Oh”, said he, “that is a great mistake! – there is noplace where declamation is more relished than the House of Commonsprovided it is not frothy declamation”. He himself, as is well known, was avery successful declaimer. I had perceived, as I thought, a great inferiority tothe people of the United States as to fluency. But while many of the speakersin Parliament were awkward and hesitating in their delivery, they all spokesensibly and to the purpose – nor would any speaker obviously wantingthese substantial qualities, be tolerated. I met few men of note in the literaryand scientific world, but among the few was Babbage, who invited me tobreakfast, and offered to shew me, and a foreigner whom he had also asked,his calculating machine, which he said he had not shewn to his countrymenfor two years.75 I regretted that I had on that day engaged to go over toFrance, having decided on devoting 10 days to sight-seeing in Paris.

I accordingly arrived there by way of Boulogne, and took up my lodgingsat the Hotel Meurice. I employed a Valet de places, and by his aid, saw allthat is deemed most worthy the notice of strangers, with the exception of theporcelain manufacture at Sevres. I found no difficulty making myself under-stood, but did not succeed as well in understanding the natives. Whenhowever I chanced to meet with one who like myself was a foreigner inFrance, and who consequently spoke French with more deliberation, I wasable to keep up a dialogue. Yet I did not doubt that in a few months I shouldhave been able to speak and understand the language with facility. I wasdelighted with the opera, where I heard the same singers which I heard inEngland, and a still higher treat was to hear and see the famous Rachelle,who far surpassed any performer on the stage that I had ever seen. Ithappened that the piece in which she appeared was one of Racine’s tragedieswhich I was most familiar with.76 The mingled dignity and scorn withwhich, as Andromache, she repelled the suit of Pyrrhus were transcenden-


77 Achille-Charles-Léo Broglie (1785–1870), French politician and prime minister from1835 to 1836.

78 The Hummums was a bathing house established in Covent Garden in 1631, whichsubsequently became a hotel.

79 Arthur Wellesley, first duke of Wellington (1769–1852), prime minister of GreatBritain from 1828–1830.


tally great. Her forte seemed to be in the expression of the unamiablepassions. I found Paris to be much cheaper than London – the differenceappeared to be about that of a sovereign and a Napoleon. I called onGeneral Cass – our minister – and was invited by him to dinner, which invi-tation I could not accept from the shortness of my stay. I was desirous ofreturning in the same steamer which brought me out – she having made twovoyages in the interval, but found before I left London that all the berthswere engaged, except some which had been offered in Paris. I accordinglylost no time in repairing to the proper office, and at the moment I entered, agentleman came in and expressed a wish to give up the passage which he hadengaged on the Liverpool, in her next trip to the United States. Some con-versation then took place between him and the agent about what he shouldpay, when I immediately offered to take his place to which he readilyconceding, the matter was adjusted and my passage home, which was on somany accounts desirable, was secured.

I saw nothing of French society during my brief visit. I had carried a letterto the duke de Broglie77 from Mr. Clay, and he was out of Paris. Mr. Porterof the Board of trade had given me one to Baron Dupin, but I had by mistakeleft it in Paris, and though it was sent after me, I never received it. Theimpressions which I had previously conceived were confirmed that there wasno place in the world in which the agrémens of life are so accessible at solittle cost by an individual who lives only for himself – but that the sum ofdomestic enjoyments are far less there than in the United States, andprobably than in England. My friend Robert Walsh, now some years aresident of Paris, was then absent. I passed much of my time with a Virginianwho chanced to be in Paris with his family, and who was a captain in theBritish Army. He was the son of a gentleman, Mr. Wormely, who had joinedthe royal cause in the Revolution, and had left Virginia for England. As hehad made a visit to Virginia to see his relatives there, we were able toconverse on the same scenes and the same individuals; and I was able toprofit by his experience in gratifying my curiosity.

On returning to London I stopped a day or two at the old Hummums,78

by way of seeing a little variety, and I found the accommodations quitegood. There was soon to be a meeting of the British Association, aTournament given by [blank space] and a celebration at Dover in honor ofthe Duke of Wellington,79 all about the same time. I decided on going to the


80 Victoria was age 20 at this time and had been Queen for two years.81 Henry Hallam (1777–1859), British historian and author of The Constitutional

History of England (1827).82 Thomas Tooke (1774–1858), British economist and author of High and Low Prices

(1823).83 Perhaps John Bannister Gibson (1780–1853), Pennsylvania politician and judge,

who received an honorary doctorate in 1839.


first, where I should see all the scientific men of the nation assembled. In themean time Parliament was to be prorogued, and the exhibition on thatoccasion was deemed worthy of being seen by one unused to such displays,I accordingly applied to Sir Robert Inglis for admission into the House ofCommons, but he found that all the places were engaged, and proposed tome to take a stand on the leads of the House, where I could see the pro-cession. I did so, and witnessed a gorgeous exhibition of fine coaches,liveries, guards etc. – but which seemed more fit to amuse a child than oneof my age. I felt however a great desire to see the young queen,80 and tho’ Iwas not far from her when she got out of her carriage, my curiosity was butpartially gratified. While I was there Mr. Sheil the Irish orator, who had justaccepted the Chiltern Hundreds to take the appointment of Vice President ofthe Board of trade, came up, and having been told who I was, by Sir RobertInglis, introduced himself to me, and entered into the conversation whichhas been already mentioned.

I duly arrived at Birmingham, where the British Association was held thisyear, and found that my friend Mr. Porter had already had me appointed onthe statistical committee of which Mr. Hallam81 the Historian was thechairman. Lodgings, by reason of the crowds attracted to the town, werehard to be procured, and very dear. I lodged with Mr. Porter, Mr. Tooke,82

the author of the work on prices, whom I found to be a very amiable as wellas sensible man on subjects of political economy, and a few others.

There were about 800 persons attending the British association. Theywere divided into 4 sections. On the second day on entering the roomallotted to the [blank space] section, I found Dr. Gibson83 of Philadelphiaspeaking, and that he was employed in defending the United States from thecharge made by a Mr. Thompson for their harsh and unjust treatment of theIndians. When he saw me he appealed to me for confirmation of what hehad said. Thus called upon, I was obliged to make some offhand remarks,and was fortunately able to state a proposition had been lately made inCongress to assign a territory for the exclusive use of the Indians, to allowthem a delegate in Congress as the other territories, and after they had dulypassed through this state of probation, to admit them into the Union –which proposition had not yet been finally acted on. I acquitted myself more


84 Brougham founded the “Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge” in 1825; theorganization published the weekly Penny Magazine (1832–1846) and PennyCyclopaedia (1833–1858).

85 Thomas William Coke, Earl of Leicester (1754–1842), English agriculturalist.86 Built between the 13th and the 15th centuries, York’s Cathedral of St. Peter is the

largest Gothic church in England. Holkham Hall, in Norfolk, was designed in thePalladian style by British architect William Kent and constructed in 1734.


to my own satisfaction than I had commonly done on such occasions. It isunnecessary to add that this project eventually failed, and from the colour ofthe Indians there seems to be some objection to admitting them to anequality with the whites: or at least the slave holding states are likely for along time to come to make that objection. Whatever opinion may be enter-tained about the inferiority of the blacks, there seems to be no reason to inferany intellectual or moral inferiority in the Indians, except what may bereferred to the circumstances of their condition.

On the whole I was much disappointed in this congregation of scientificmen, and I told my friend Long that the three most disagreeable, mostunprofitable and most expensive days I passed in England were those passedat the British association.

I dined with the Useful Knowledge Society. There were about 18 or 20members present and Lord Brougham presided,84 but I saw nothing toimpress me favorably with him. He has intolerable vanity, and was constantlytalking across the table to two Quakers who evidently were flattered by thedistinction, and whose undisguised admiration seemed to be his lordship’sgreat impulse to display his powers of speech and to talk of himself. After herose from the table, I was made an honorary member of the society.

Wishing to see as much as I could of England, and having a letter to LordLeicester (formerly Mr. Coke of Norfolk)85 I set out first for York, where Ivisited the famous cathedral and thence to Holkham.86 I passed two daysthere very pleasantly – finding the old Lord not only very sociable and unaf-fected, but extremely partial to Americans. He told me for instance that hisHouse (as an object of curiosity) was open once a week to Englishmen, butevery day to Americans – and when I took my leave, he requested me tointroduce to him any of my American friends. He told me some anecdoteswhich shewed that the early fire of party feeling was not yet extinct in hisbosom. When he came to this Estate, from an uncle – its rental per acrewould not have exceeded 2 shillings and sixpence – but, in answer to myquestion, he said that it would then rent for 30 shillings and upwards. TheHouse covers precisely one acre, and is embellished with some finepaintings, and yet more with specimens of sculpture procured by its formerpossessor. Lady Leicester’s manner was as easy, natural and simple as herhusband’s. I rather think that my visit did not prove as satisfactory to the


87 Robert Peel (1788–1850), British prime minister and conservative leader, who, dueto growing unpopularity, resigned his first prime minister appointment in 1835 –four years before Tucker’s visit. In 1829 Peel initiated the Metropolitan Police Act,establishing London’s first disciplined police force.


menials as it apparently was to the master and mistress, for as I descendedthe steps to enter the stage coach there was a long line of servants on eachside, who were entirely unnoticed in the only way that they probably caredto be – I having gone as far as prudence warranted in remunerating theservants who had given special attention to me.

I kept a hasty Journal during my absence from the United States, to whichI should refer for a fuller and more accurate account of the incidents of myjourney. Meanwhile I will state some of the leading impressions whichEngland made on me. The beauty and high cultivation of the country, themagnificence of the fine country seats, and its opulence which no othernation has ever reached surpassed my expectation. The manners of thepeople fell short of it. Individuals, indeed, one often meets with who are atonce hospitable and polite, and in the higher ranks, according to the fewopportunities which I had of judging, there is the same mixture of ease,frankness and courtesy which characterize our Southern gentry, and espe-cially of South Carolina. But in the great body of the people the distinctionof ranks marked out by the laws has an injurious effect on the manners.Every one is looking up with deference and often with cringing self-abasement to those who are above them in the artificial scale of societywhich prevails, and with neglect and sometimes contempt on those who arebelow him. When therefore two persons meet who are strangers commonlyone and sometimes both are shy of intercourse, or conversation – lest someloss of dignity should be incurred. I found, however, that as soon as it wasknown that I came from the United States, this shyness disappeared, and Iaccordingly made some very agreeable acquaintances among those whom Icasually met with. The respect for rank is probably greater in England thenin any other country – and as it is within the reach of all, and as every one,be his station what it may, may hope to rise far above his present condition,he is the better reconciled to his present inferiority, which may prove buttemporary. Hope and ambition thus prevent or temper that envy of theirsuperiors, which might otherwise arise in an intelligent community. Onestriking effect however of the excessive fear of losing caste, is that anAmerican, so long as he is supposed to be an Englishman, is very likely toreceive a rude answer to a civil question – so that I came to the conclusionthat there were more churls in England than in all Europe besides. Of all theinstitutions that I was not familiar with, none pleased me so much as thepolice of London, and this, if nothing else, ought to immortalize Sir RobertPeel,87 its author. They consist of young men of good character and


88 Collars on Metropolitan Policemen’s uniforms were foxed with their constable’snumber, or “collar number.”

89 John Anthony Gardner Davis (1801–1840).


manners, who are sufficiently numerous to have a supervision of every partof the metropolis, and of congregating, at a minute’s notice, so as to putdown any riot or disorder. They carry no weapon, and show no badge ofoffice except an No. worked on the collars of their coats.88 One of their pre-scribed duties is to give attention and assistance to strangers, and I sofrequently applied to them for the information I wanted, that I came toregard the corps as a body of friends. From the few occasions in which Iknew of their interposing to protect strangers from fraud or exaction, itappeared to me as if their authority commanded a more ready and thoroughobedience from their having no arms or visible means of enforcing it. Thepower of the laws was better sustained by the imagination than the senses.We see this exemplified in the United States, where an unarmed constablemay sometimes quell a riot. The honesty of the servants, in respectablehotels, of which I had several proofs, seemed also very remarkable both inLondon and Paris.

[8. CHARLOTTESVILLE: 1839–1845]

I returned to the United States after an absence of three months and a half,and had the satisfaction of finding my wife and children all well – and at thesession of the University witch had then begun, I had a larger class than everbefore.

The following year was memorable at the University by the loss of threeProfessors. Bonnycastle died of a disease to which his father had beensubject, and is said to be not uncommon with studious men who take littleexercise – stricture in the intestines. He possessed a good genius, and havingbut a limited education at Plymouth in England – having been intended forsome mechanical employment – had been diligent in supplying the conse-quent deficiency, as to have become a very pleasing and even elegant writer.I felt much flattered to learn from one of the Professors, that he had mademy little satire of “The Voyage to the Moon” his model. Our next loss wasof John L. Davis89 the Professor of law, whose death was a cruel tragedy. Ayear or two before, many Students, in consequence of a riot, and refusal todeliver up the public arms which had been put into their hands, for a timewere dismissed. But the number being very large some 60 or 70 – they weretaken back on such light conditions, that they considered they had obtaineda triumph over the Faculty, and in remembrance of it, had had a medal madewhich they all wore and made a subject of annual commemoration. AsDavis was chairman at the time, and as he had had the most agency in rein-


90 John A.G. Davis, A treatise on criminal law with an exposition of the office andauthority of justices of the peace in Virginia, Philadelphia: C. Sherman, 1838, viii,660 p.


stating the students, this commemoration was particularly annoying to him.He prized his popularity with the students – which was indeed great – veryhighly, and he availed himself of it to prevent the approaching celebration,which was at once favorable to disorder, and cast a reflexion on the Faculty.He so far succeeded that all except two promised him they would give up thecelebration. One of them was from Georgia and the other from SouthCarolina. The former, Simms, about 18 or 19 years of age provided himselfwith a pistol from one student and a ball from another, and they placedthemselves before this house of Davis the chairman, and purposely made anoise, which brought out the chairman. The moon was at full, and the lightalmost that of day. He went up to Simms and asked him his name, buthaving at the time laid his hands upon Simms, disengaged himself, andpresented his pistol. Davis, as he told me, thought that Simms meant merelyto frighten him, he having done nothing to excite his lively resentment – kepthis place tho’ he might easily have sprung upon the other and disarmed him.And when Simms fired and Davis felt that he was struck, he thought at firstthat it was only by the wadding. He fell to the ground, and there lay bleedinguntil he was taken up. The rest of the students were greatly shocked at thisact, and resolved to seize Simms and his associate, both of whom had fled tothe woods. They were accordingly found and delivered up to the magis-trates. The only excuse which this youthful murderer gave for his act, wasthat Mr. Davis had laid his hands upon him, and that his brother had toldhim before he left home, that on such an occasion he would be justified inputting the Professor to death. Such was the defence which he made to thosewho were in his confidence – but he did not admit the fact on his exami-nation, and it was made out only by circumstances. They were numerous,and one seemed to be conclusive. The only ball which he had been able toprocure was imperfect – it being only about one half or two thirds of asphere – the lead having given out – and this remarkable ball was cut out ofDavis’s wound. The case was removed to Richmond, for the sake of animpartial trial. And as Simms’ confinement in jail in Charlottesville wasthought by his physicians to endanger his life, he being severely afflicted byacute rhumatism and other diseases, he was bailed in the sum of $20,000.He left the State, forfeited his bail bond, and thus escaped the punishment ofthe law. He lived a few years in Alabama and Mississippi, not respected byothers, and a torment to himself. Mr. Davis had been some years preparinga book for the guidance of justices of the peace,90 and to make it profitableto the family, I drew a petition to the Legislature to purchase it, keeping outof view, as far as was practicable, that the money required – which was


91 Henry St. George Tucker (1780–1848), son of St. George Tucker (and relative ofGeorge Tucker), was a U.S. Representative from Virginia (1815–1819) and professorof law at the University of Virginia (1841–1845).

92 Thomas Hewett Key (1799–1875), first professor of mathematics at the University ofVirginia; he later returned to England.


about equal to Simms’ bail bond – was the price of poor Davis’ blood. Thelegislature made the appropriation, and the family had no hesitation inreceiving the money, as there was no good reason why they should. Thethird professor which we lost was Dr. Blaetterman who had given offence tothe Visitors first by living out of the University – contrary to the enactment– and afterwards by the scandal of openly ill-treating his wife. He was a manof excellent natural genius, of moderate acquirements which he unscrupu-lously exaggerated by every artifice of German charlatanry. But with all hislaxity of moral principle, he had much kindness and benevolence of dispo-sition, so that while we could not grant him our esteem we could notwithhold from him our regard. His foibles were a perpetual source ofamusement to his brother professors.

After a temporary appointment to supply the place of the law professor,the place was offered to my friend Henry St. George Tucker,91 thenPresident of the Court of Appeals, in whose society I promised myself, andactually found very great pleasure. Our long acquaintance, our familiaritywith the same scenes and individuals, afforded us a fund of interesting con-versation that nothing else can supply. But alas, his ill health made mypleasure a shortlived one. Mr. Bonnycastle’s place was supplied by Sylvesterof England. The Visitors had been sometime divided as to the several meritsof Mr. Courtenay, formerly of West Point and Mr. McCulloch of Maryland.While this question was pending I received a letter from my former colleagueT.H. Key92 of the London University in favor of Sylvester, accompanied bya printed volume of testimonials in his favor, given by the ablest men inEngland. It had secured to him the appointment of professor ofMathematics in the London University, where alone he could have beenelected in that country in consequence of his being a Jew. I felt it to be myduty to communicate Key’s letter etc. to the Visitors, who unanimouslyappointed him, and at the succeeding session he entered on the duties of hisprofessorship – but with a rare genius for profound and refined investigationhe was little acquainted with the ways and the conventional rules of society.He was moreover morbidly sensitive on the subject of his creed, his personaldignity, his infallibility, and very unscrupulous and fearless in showing hisill-humour, so that it soon proved impossible for either the students or hisbrothers to get along smoothly with him. In some dispute with one of hisclass, growing out of some trifle, they had a personal rencontre, and heattempted to stab the student, but was fortunately prevented. His appli-


93 George Tucker, Progress of the United States in population and wealth for fiftyyears, as exhibited by the decennial census. [New York: s.n.], 1843, 211 p.


cation to resign before his year was out was therefore readily acceded to bythe Visitors, and, after failing in an application to be appointed Professor toa College of New York, when the Faculty of Virginia on his applicationcheerfully testified to his high intellectual qualifications, he returned toEngland, where he was placed in the employment well suited him of actuaryto a great Insurance company. Having only figures to deal with, his resultsmay be safely relied on.

The next year after this (1848), I considered that I had cause to complain ofthe injustice of the Visitors. The professors first appointed received a salary of$1,500 besides fees; but as it was expected that the emoluments from feeswould in time be greatly increased, it was enacted that the salaries of the pro-fessors thereafter appointed should be $1,000. After new professors wereappointed this difference of salary was manifestly a source of ill feeling on thepart of the new professors, and seemed to increase as the proportion of newprofessors increased. And when only Dr. Emmett and myself were left, andwhile Emmett was travelling for his health which he was never expected torecover, the visitors enacted that thereafter the salaries of all the professorsshould be $1,000 – without giving any notice of their intention, so that wemight assert our rights, if we had any. I was equally surprised and indignantat this supposed injustice, and determined that I would not continue to remainin the University on these terms. I was soon able to fortify my own recollec-tions of an assurance from Mr. Jefferson that he considered the tenure of officeto be equivalent to a life estate, the professor being removable only by 5 votesout of 7, which could not be expected to take place except in cases of flagrantdelinquency. Mr. Lomax, who had previously resigned, and was then a judge,informed me that Mr. Jefferson had given him the same assurance; and Ifurther found a letter from Mr. Jefferson to Dr. Emmett, offering him theappointment to the chemical chair, in which the same tenure of office was dis-tinctly stated. These facts I respectfully but firmly stated to the Board, andcontrary to that tenacity of purpose to which public bodies are too apt toexhibit, whether right or wrong, the Board was unanimous in rescinding theirprevious resolution, and I continued to receive the stipulated salary of $1,500as long as I remained.

My labours for the public were all the while going on, with more or lessfrequency. Having always taken a great interest in the census of the UnitedStates, partly from its showing the unprecedented progress of the UnitedStates, and partly, no doubt, from its gratifying my strong propensity to enu-meration, I set about making an analysis of the 6th Census – 1840 – andafter great labour requiring I conjectured more than a million of figures –tho’ I used logarithm whenever I could, I completed it in 1843.93 Among the


94 Robert Walsh (1784–1859), attorney and United States consul to Paris (1845–1851).


several facts and principles then developed – the most important, andentirely unsuspected, was the natural increase of our population wasgenerally and steadily diminishing. This was shewn conclusively by the factthat in every State of the Union the number of children under 10 years ofage, compared with the number of women, had visibly decreased in 40 years– and in every State, but two, there was a sensible diminution every 10 years.As this decrease could not be referred to the increased difficulty of subsis-tence, since a small proportion of the cheapest labour is sufficient to procurethis – it must be referred to the increased difficulty of obtaining those arti-ficial wants to which civilization gives rise, and to the consequent growingretardation of marriage, especially in the cities. This fact makes animportant qualification to the doctrine of Malthus, who assumes as ageneral law that population will increase in proportion to the facility ofprocuring subsistence – since here where that facility is as great as it ever was– nay, perhaps somewhat greater, – it would seem that prudential consider-ations, by producing a delay of marriage, may be quite sufficient to preventthat redundancy of Population which is so fruitful of vice, crime, and misery,according to Malthus, and which are the necessary correctives of Men’stendency to increase and multiply. The view thus afforded by the census is acheerful one to those who had been converts to Malthus’s theory, which hasmade so many converts, and which all who have given close attention to itmust admit to be so plausible. It is possible that the average delay ofmarriage for a short time – say 2 or 3 years – may be sufficient, under anycircumstances to prevent excess numbers, and thus to shew that the multi-plying propensity, tho’ strong enough to repair the waste of life caused byextraordinary calamities, is not too strong when acting to the greatestadvantage. This little work on the Census had more circulation, and wasmore read and used than anything which I had previously written. Yet, as itwas printed on my own account, and only booksellers are competent tomanage the sale of books, I did not receive as much as the edition cost me.The principal part of it was first published in Hunt’s Magazine, and havingthere attracted the attention of Mr. Walsh,94 subsequently our consul inParis, I sent him 6 copies. I supposed this procured for me the honor of beingelected a member of the Statistical Society of Paris.

After the resignation of my friend Henry St. George Tucker, I had nointimate companions, and all my associates being much my junior, in 1845,I sent in my resignation. I received very complimentary notices from theother professors, which, by a silly shyness or false pride, I did not publishtho’ far less flattering notices on occasions went the rounds of the news-papers, and made my course unjust to myself. I had been at this Institution


95 George Tucker, Memoir of the life and character of John P. Emmet, M. D., professorof chemistry and materia medica in the University of Virginia. Philadelphia, C.Sherman, printer, 1845, 31 p.


just 20 years; in which time I had written, 1. a full course of lectures onMoral Philosophy, 2. another more condensed on Morals, 3. a full course onpolitical economy, 4. another on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres and, 5. a shortcourse of [lectures on the same subject], 6. lectures on General Grammar, orthe philosophy of language. In all of which I had persuaded myself that I hadsaid much which had not been said before – for I made it my duty toexamine every subject for myself, and to probe it to the bottom, so far as Iwas able. My lectures, which had been at first always read were afterwardsall extempore, by which I found they commanded the attention of thestudents, which discourses that are read rarely can.

[9. PHILADELPHIA: 1845–1858]

My purpose was to remove to Philadelphia, which had been half formed25 years before. I thought that was the best place for an old man who hadnothing particular to occupy him, and where he was likely to meet withmany others as idle as himself – and by means of a reasonable frugality andsome fortunate speculations, I thought my income of between 3000 and4000, would maintain my small family in decent comfort. My householdservants, who had been reared and partly born in my family, I emancipated.As they had been faithful and the attachment between us was mutual, the actwas one of feeling and sentiment, but I subsequently had some doubtswhether I ought not to have divided them between my two marrieddaughters, for the sake of all parties. The number thus set free was five. Twoof them, men, have since died without having abused their new privilege,and a third yet lives at the University, anxiously dreading the strict executionof the law which compels free negroes to leave the State, and which wouldseparate him from his wife and children who are slaves. The two others, awoman and her grandchild, we brought to Philadelphia, where I was to paythe woman wages, and had the child bound until she was 18, but forgettingwhat I had done, they secretly left me, incited by some black abolitionists tosecure her wages to themselves, and betook themselves to New York, whereI presume they now are.

Before I left the University, I discharged a duty that had been long beforeimposed upon me, which was to deliver before the Faculty and the public anobituary notice on my friend Dr. Emmett, who had died of a pulmonaryaffection two or three years before. It was delivered on the public day at theUniversity, when the students receive their degrees – and was printed inPhiladelphia.95 The sale of my furniture, paying off small debts, and settling


96 The American Philosophical Society was founded in Philadelphia by BenjaminFranklin in 1743. Their meeting house, Philosophical Hall, was completed in 1789and is located in what is now Independence National Historical Park.

97 George Tucker, An essay on cause and effect; being an examination of Hume’sdoctrine, that we can perceive no necessary connexion between them. Philadelphia,Lea and Blanchard, 1850, 52 p. The work criticizes Hume’s “Of the Idea ofNecessary Connection” in the Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (1748),and Thomas Brown’s Inquiry into the Relation of Cause and Effect (1818).

98 Alexander Pope, Essay on Criticism, Part 3, v. 574–575.


accounts occupied me until the Fall, when I took my leave of the University,after a residence of 20 years, and when I was seventy years of age. Aftermaking a short stay in Richmond and Baltimore I reached Philadelphia inNovember, and thought it prudent to live at a boarding house some timebefore we undertook to keep house, and my daughter, Leila, meanwhileremained with her sisters at the University. We boarded with Mrs.McMurtrie in Chestnut St. where we had two comfortable rooms, and metwith very agreeable society.

One of the modes in which I promised myself that I might pass my time inPhiladelphia with profit as well as pleasure was in attending thePhilosophical Society.96 Having, in my lectures on mental philosophy, takena different view of the relation of cause and effect from Hume and Brown,97

and having persuaded myself of its justice, partly from its having stood thescrutinizing test both of the acute and the captious in my class, and theapprobation of a few friends, I ventured to read it before the Society – but itsreading had been announced at a previous reading. But there attended threeclerical gentleman to two of whom I had before submitted my essay, and thepaper was submitted to these gentlemen as a committee, who after someslight complimentary notice, reported against publishing the Essay amongthe transactions, and who seemed to have attended for that very purpose. Itseems that the same two gentlemen had had their own speculations on thesame copious theme, and were naturally unwilling to admit that I had dis-covered what had escaped their discernment, and were another instance ofthe maxim that

“men must be taught as though you taught them notAnd things unknown be told as things forgot.”98

This explanation of their course had not then occurred to me, and I had notthen learnt from one of the committee that he had dissented from themajority – though one of the members of the society from the tenor of hisremarks seemed to have had the same suspicion.

I afterwards read two or three other papers, but as they were not intendedfor the transactions, they did not make sport of them.


99 George Tucker, The history of the United States, from their colonization to the endof the Twenty-sixth Congress, in 1841. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1856–1857, 4 v.

100 This Appendix appeared in 1855 in a second edition of Tucker’s Progress of theUnited States in Population.

101 James Stryker, ed., The American quarterly register and magazine, Philadelphia:E.C. and J. Biddle, Vol. 1, no. 1 (May 1848), ceased with Vol. 3 (Dec. 1849).


My summer peregrinations which had hitherto been to the North –Saratoga – New York etc., were now reversed, and I went at that season toVirginia to see my children and grandchildren, and occasionally crossed theBlue Ridge to visit the springs either in Pennsylvania or Virginia.

The next work which I undertook was the History of the United States.99

I began with reading what had been written on the subject, and makingshort notes, as a sort of chronological table. The authorities on which I prin-cipally relied were for the Colonial History, Grahame, Bancroft, andHildreth – and for the subsequent period, Marshall, Gordon, the EnglishAnnual Register and Spark’s Washington. I carefully also consulted Fenno’sand Freneau’s papers for the first years of Washington’s Administration –and Niles’ Register from the time that it was established. With this prepa-ration I made a rough draft – compelling myself to write more or less everyday and when I had reached the end of Mr. Tyler’s administration, I beganto write for publication. The work was however interrupted and delayed, byan analysis of the Census of 1850 which I had published in Hunt’sMagazine, and afterwards published by way of appendix to my work on theCensus of 1840.100

The first volume of my History of the United States was published in1856. It had a very limited circulation, Lippincott, my publisher, telling methat the booksellers generally were unwilling to take a work that consistedof several Volumes, until the whole was completed. Some gentlemen,however, whose judgment I highly respected spoke of it in terms of highcommendation. I set to work with great rapidity to finish it, and the 4thVolume was printed in the latter part of 1857. And when the publisher hadgiven me much encouragement, and assured me that he had then ascertainedthe work would take with the public, the banks to the surprise of allsuspended cash payments, and business of every kind was at a standstill. Insuch seasons of Pecuniary difficulty there are 3 or 4 branches of trade thatmost suffer and one of them is the book business – and I am now (in March1858) looking forward with patience until the revival of the book trade.

In 1848 judge Stryker of New York, having reached the age of 60 was dis-qualified to continue in office and by way of making a livelihood proposedto establish a quarterly journal in this city, somewhat on the plan of theEnglish Annual Register.101 I agreed to write the historical part, and I didwrite it for three volumes – besides publishing occasional essays in it. The


102 George Tucker, “Our Metallic Currency,” Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine andCommercial Review, 1852, Vol. 27, pp. 175–178.


plan was a good one, but, for want of capital, the proprietor was not able tocontinue it until it had established its character with the public. Thisemployment suggested to me to write the History of the United States.

I soon afterwards lost my youngest daughter, Leila, who died of that dis-tressing malady, a cancer in the breast. She gradually became reconciled toher hopeless condition and found that consolation in religion which nothingelse can give.

The discovery of the rich gold mines in California, induced me to indulgein some speculations on the probable effects, and the paper which I preparedon the subject I first published in Hunt’s Magazine,102 and then read beforethe Philosophical Society of Pennsylvania. I anticipated that the increase ofgold, great as it was, would not for several years affect prices, but I hadsupposed that in 4 or 5 years the relative value between gold and silverwould be altered. In common with all others who had written on the subjectin this country and Europe, I had not foreseen that it would be extensivelysubstituted for silver currency, which circumstance creating a new demandfor gold, would delay its depreciation, when compared with silver. In the U.S. the coinage of gold dollars has made that coin of the commonest amongus, and the same substitution has extensively prevailed in France and otherparts of Europe, the consequence of which substitution the change in therelative price of the two metals has, as yet, been very insignificant. But if themines of California and Australia continue to be as productive as they havebeen, and the production of silver is not also greatly increased, gold mustsoon depreciate compared with silver – and if both metals are increased innearly the same proportion, then both metals must depreciate. It musthowever be recollected that the depreciation tends to correct itself. For assoon as its market value sensibly declines the consumption will be increased,and those mines which barely repay the cost of working will cease to beworked, so that the production will be diminished. By this double operationof an increased consumption and diminished production the supply anddemand will be in equilibrio, and this result may occur before there is anymaterial alteration in the value of these metals.


89

4ROBLEY DUNGLISON: OBITUARY NOTICEOF PROFESSOR GEORGE TUCKER (1862)

Robley Dunglison, “Obituary Notice of Professor George Tucker,”presented at the October 3, 1862 meeting of the American PhilosophicalSociety, published in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society,1862–1864, Vol. 9, pp. 64–70.

Born in Keswick, England, Robley Dunglison (1798–1869) was professor ofanatomy and medicine at the University of Virginia, and, along with Tucker,was among the original group of professors handpicked by ThomasJefferson for the newly-formed institution. Dunglison was one of Tucker’sclosest associates and, from 1829 through 1830, the two co-edited theVirginia Literary Museum and Journal. He also authored a flattering reviewof Tucker’s Voyage to the Moon. During his retirement in Philadelphia,Tucker was a member of the American Philosophical Society and frequentlyattended their meetings. After Tucker’s death, Duglison composed anobituary of Tucker, which he read at the October 2 1862 meeting of theSociety and was later published in the Society’s Proceedings. Drawing onalmost four decades of friendship with Tucker, Duglison provides bio-graphical details that do not appear elsewhere.

OBITUARY NOTICE OF PROF. GEORGE TUCKER.

Professor George Tucker was born in Bermuda in the year 1755. He cameto this country when about twelve years of age, to be educated under thesuperintendence of his relative, Judge St. George Tucker, who was Professorof Law in the College of William and Mary in Virginia, and was the fatherof Judge Beverly Tucker, afterwards Professor of Law in the same college,and of Judge Henry St. George Tucker, Professor of Law in the University ofVirginia, and author of Commentaries on the Laws of Virginia. ProfessorTucker’s collegiate education was at the College of William and Mary, afterwhich he studied law, and practised his profession in Richmond, and after-wards at Pittsylvania and in Lynchburg, and for a considerable distance



around, with great success. He was elected to the Legislature of Virginiafrom Pittsylvania, and in 1819, whilst a resident of Lynchburg, was chosenmember of Congress to represent the district composed of the counties ofPittsylvania, Halifax, and Campbell. He was in Richmond at the time of theterrible sacrifice of life by the burning of the Theatre in 1811, and from afalling beam, received a severe wound, which resulted in a permanent scarover one eye.

Whilst in Richmond, he contributed to the “British Spy,” edited by Mr.Wirt, and wrote amongst other communications, in the year 1800, on theConspiracy of the Slaves in Virginia, and in 1811, on the RoanokeNavigation, which were printed. In the State Legislature, and in Congress,he was most distinguished as chairman or member of important committees,in which his services were highly valued, and he was twice re-elected toCongress. In the year 1822, he published “Essays on various subjects ofTaste, Morals, and National Policy, by a citizen of Virginia,” which were sofavorably thought of, as was, indeed, his whole course in the Legislature ofVirginia, and in Congress, by President Madison, that he urged and obtainedhis appointment to the Chair of Moral Philosophy and Political Economy inthe nascent University of Virginia.

In the year 1819, after the death of a daughter at an early age, who hadgiven promise of varied excellence, he wrote in Lynchburg, “Recollections ofEleanor Rosalie Tucker.” In 1824 appeared “The Valley of Shenandoah,” anovel, intended to illustrate the manners of the Old Dominion, which wasrepublished, the writer has been informed, in London in 1825, and inGermany the year after.

In consequence of the protracted voyage – of fourteen weeks – fromEngland of the vessel in which were the writer of this notice and two of theprofessors, the opening of the University of Virginia, which was to have beenon the 1st of February, did not take place until April, 1825, when ProfessorTucker, the oldest of the professors, and the one most familiar with the habitsof the country, was chosen Chairman of the Faculty for the first session.

During his residence at the University, he engaged in many literary labors.In 1827, he published a work of fiction entitled “A Voyage to the Moon,” theevident aim of which was to fulfil for the existing age, what Swift had so suc-cessfully accomplished for that which had passed by; to attack, by theweapons of ridicule, those votaries of knowledge, who may have sought toavail themselves of the universal love of novelty amongst mankind to acquirecelebrity, or who may have been misled by their own ill-regulated imagina-tions to obtrude upon the world their crude and imperfect theories andsystems, to the manifest retardation of knowledge. It was reviewed by thewriter in the American Quarterly Review for March, 1828.

In 1837, Professor Tucker published “The Laws of Wages, Profits, andRent Investigated,” and in the same year, his “Life of Thomas Jefferson,” in


Robley Dunglison: Obituary notice of Professor Tucker 91

two large volumes, which received high commendation in the “EdinburghReview” from Lord Brougham, as “a very valuable addition to the stock ofour political and historical knowledge.” In it, Professor Tucker does notalways accord with the illustrious subject of his biography. The work,indeed, manifests a laudable desire to do justice, and to decide impartially oncontested topics; and hence, perhaps, it failed to give satisfaction to theardent supporters, as well as to the bitter opponents of Mr. Jefferson.

In December, 1837, he delivered before the Charlottesville Lyceum, “APublic Discourse on the Literature of the United States,” which waspublished in the Southern Literary Messenger for February, 1838; and inwhich he enumerates many of the contributions made in this country to thedomains of science and literature, concluding with glowing auguries of theirfuture “progressive brightness.”

In 1839 appeared a small volume, entitled Theory of Money and Banks,”the copyright of which Professor Tucker was unable to dispose of inPhiladelphia or New York, and which was published in Boston, and soonpassed to a second edition. His “Progress of the United States in Populationand Wealth in Fifty Years, as exhibited by the Decennial Census from 1790to 1840,” was a valuable contribution to statistics and political economy. Itwas a thorough analysis of the census for the period mentioned, and led itsauthor to important inferences on the subjects of the probabilities of life, theproportion between the sexes, emigration, the diversities between the tworaces which compose our population, the progress of slavery, and of pro-ductive industry, &c. To this he added an appendix in 1855, when eightyyears of age, containing an abstract of the census of 1850, in the preface towhich he expresses the patriotic hope “that these authentic exhibitions ofour growth and improvement, so gratifying to the pride and love of country,will lead our citizens to greater party forbearance, and give them new incen-tives to cherish that Union to which, under heaven, they owe the blessingsthey enjoy.” Impelled by the same sentiments, he gave “A Public Discourseon the Dangers most Threatening to the United States;” (Washington,1843.)

Professor Tucker’s last production at the University of Virginia, was a“Memoir of the Life and Character of Dr. John P. Emmet,” the accom-plished Professor of Chemistry and Materia Medica in the University, whodied in 1842.

During the whole of this period of his life, he had been a prolific con-tributor to the public journals, and to the more imposing periodicals, as theNorth American, the American Quarterly, the Southern, and theDemocratic Reviews, and at an earlier period, to the Port-folio ofPhiladelphia; and when his colleague, Professor George Long, left theUniversity of Virginia, to occupy a professorship in the University ofLondon, and became editor of the London Journal of Education, and of the



Penny Cyclopedia, Professor Tucker was, at his request, the author ofvarious educational articles in the former, and in the latter, of sundry bio-graphical notices, as of Presidents Jefferson and Madison, and ofgeographical contributions in regard to the United States.

From the first opening of the University of Virginia, it had been thoughtby many of its most intelligent friends, that it presented a favorableoccasion for the establishment of a literary journal. It was presumed thateight or nine professors, who were daily occupied in communicating thefruits of their studies to others, would be qualified to make such a work atonce useful and interesting to the public. It was known that the plan of theInstitution was principally the work of Mr. Jefferson, and that importantinnovations had been made in its discipline and course of instruction,whence it was inferred that a lively curiosity would be felt to learn theprogress of an experiment, made by one of the most popular and mostphilosophical statesmen of his age. It was not, however, until the year 1829,after the University had been visited by an endemic disease, from which nolocality, however healthy, is exempt, and the feeling of the faculty, that ifsuch a medium of communication had been in existence, they might havebeen able to allay popular apprehension, and prove from unquestionableevidence the general salubrity of place, that they determined on the estab-lishment of a weekly periodical, entitled “The Virginia Literary Museum,and Journal of Belles-Lettres, Arts, Sciences, &c.,” the editorial charge ofwhich was assigned to Professor Tucker and the writer. The first numberappeared on the 17 of June, 1829; but although its contents were diversifiedand interesting, it was discontinued at the end of the year, and mainly forcauses which have proved fatal to so many undertakings of the kind, – thefailure of the contributors to afford the aid they had profusely promised,and hence the editors found, that to furnish the requisite materials fromtheir own resources, demanded more of their time than was consistent withtheir other duties and engagements. The contributions of Professor Tuckerwere numerous and varied, but were, generally, popular essays on thesubjects that appertained directly or indirectly to the chair he held in theUniversity.

In the year 1845, at the age of seventy, with his mental powersundimmed, he resigned his Chair in the University of Virginia, and decidedto spend the remainder of his days in comparative leisure. At all times fondof social intercourse with the enlightened, he had never failed to pass hisvacations away from the University, and generally spent a portion of thetime at the summer resorts of the refined and intellectual. Philadelphia washis choice for a permanent residence, both on account of its intelligence,and the opportunities afforded by its libraries to the seekers afterknowledge. He was chosen a member of this Society in 1837, and was,likewise, a member of the Historical Society.



From the time Professor Tucker took up his residence in Philadelphia untilhis death, with brief intervals of relaxation, he adhered to his student life,and continued his contributions to various literary periodicals, and espe-cially to those which were devoted to the elucidation of great questions ofpolitics and political economy.

His undiminished intellectual activity is signally shown by his havingcommenced about the year 1850, or when seventy-five years of age, theherculean task of collecting materials for a political history of the UnitedStates. To aid him in the execution of his work, as he himself remarks, it hadbeen his good fortune to have a personal knowledge of many, who bore aconspicuous part in the Revolution, and of nearly all those who were theprincipal actors in the political dramas which succeeded. The historyextends to the elevation of General Harrison to the Presidency, in 1841. Thisseemed to Professor Tucker as far as he could prudently go, at least, withoutobtaining some testimony from public sentiment of his fairness to his con-temporaries.

The work was comprised in four volumes, the first of which appeared in1856, and the last in 1857. The first chapter is devoted to colonial historyprior to the Declaration of Independence, and the remainder to theConfederation and the United States.

Nor was this elaborate work the last production of its venerable and inde-fatigable author. In 1859, he printed, and was his own publisher of“Political Economy for the People,” being in substance a compendium of thelectures on Political Economy, delivered by him in the University of Virginia,with such alterations and additions as his farther experience and reflectionhad suggested; and lastly, in 1860, when eighty-five years of age, he issuedon his own account, “Essays, Moral and Metaphysical,” some of which hadbeen already published anonymously or separately, but were now repub-lished, and added to the series. These essays were respectively, On our Beliefof an External World; On Cause and Effect, read before this Society; Onsimplicity in Ornament; On Sympathy; On the Association of Ideas; OnDreams; On Beauty; on Sublimity; On the Ludicrous; On ClassicalEducation; On the Siamese Twins, read before this Society; and On the Loveof Fame.

Professor Tucker’s protracted and useful existence was now verging to aclose. The death – in the summer of 1859 – of his wife, the constant andfaithful participator in his joys and his sorrows for upwards of thirty years,gave occasion to a thorough revolution in his domestic arrangements, and inplace of wisely determining

“To husband out life’s taper at the close,And keep the flame from wasting by repose,”



he undertook extensive and harassing journeys. In the early portion of thesummer of 1860, he visited Baltimore, Washington, Norfolk, the EasternShore of Virginia; and in the middle of June, in company with his son-in-law, Mr. George Rives, of Virginia, travelled as far as Chicago, to look afterproperty which he had there. He did not suffer from the long journey hetook on this occasion, and subsequently in Virginia, and returned toPhiladelphia in the early part of the winter, with the intention of escapingthe severity of the northern winter, from which he had suffered greatly theprevious year, by a sojourn in the South. In December, he left Philadelphia,and in company with a friend proceeded from Richmond, in Virginia, toColumbia, in South Carolina; and afterwards to Charleston, Savannah, andother Southern cities. The last letter the writer received from him was datedSavannah, in February, 1861. In it he feelingly and deploringly depicts theconditions of Southern sentiment as exhibited there. “The state of publicaffairs,” he remarks, “is indeed gloomy, even to heart-sickening. Peopleseem to be crazed in the fancies of imaginary evils, and of their strangeremedies.”

Some weeks after the date of this letter, the writer was pained to learnfrom Mrs. Rives, the eldest daughter of Professor Tucker, that while landingat Mobile from a steamboat from Montgomery, her father had been struckdown by a bale of cotton, which was being removed from the vessel; andthat the shock to his system was so great, that for two or three days he wasinsensible, or more or less incoherent. Under the most hospitable roof, heremained at Mobile, until his son-in-law reached the place, when he wasremoved to Sherwood, in Albemarle County, Virginia, the residence of Mr.Rives, where, surrounded by his estimable relatives, he gradually sank, anddied on the 10th of April, at the advanced age of eighty six.

Few persons have contributed more to the literature of the period thanProfessor Tucker. He himself estimated the amount of his more fugitive pro-ductions, – about one-half of which were anonymous and gratuitous, – atten thousand pages. His talents were at one period directed greatly towardsthe composition of works of fiction, and he occasionally wooed the muse.When at the White Sulphur Springs of Virginia, in his extensive journeyingsin the summer before his death, he composed measured lines, upwards ofone hundred in number, entitled “Life’s Latest Pleasures,” the manuscript ofwhich he gave to the writer, before setting out on his last journey to theSouth, in which, to use his own language, he casts a look on the future,

“And midst old age’s cares and pains,Asks what enjoyment yet remains.”

His forte was not, however, the imaginative. It is as a successful andequitable writer on great questions of politics and political economy, and of



intellectual philosophy, that he will take his place. His biography ofJefferson, and his History of the United States may, indeed, be regarded lessas narratives of occurrences than views of great national and politicalquestions, as they from time to time arose, logically discussed, and conveyedin language which has unusually the merit of great terseness and perspicuity.

During his residence in Philadelphia, Professor Tucker was a frequentattendant on the meetings of this Society, and at the time of his death was amember of the Board of Officers and Council.



MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES BY GEORGE TUCKER



99

5ON THE ILLUSIONS OF FANCY (1804)

[George Tucker], “On the Illusions of Fancy,” The Enquirer, RichmondVirginia, September 29, 1804.

The Richmond Enquirer was founded in 1804 by Thomas Ritchie, andbeginning that year Tucker became a frequent contributor. Although thearticles appeared anonymously, ten have been identified as Tucker’s byRobert McLean in George Tucker (1961). In his “Autobiography,”Tucker himself states that his first essay in the newspaper was “On theIllusions of Fancy.” The article describes how the faculty of the imagi-nation can frequently mislead us.

ON THE ILLUSIONS OF FANCY.

No single faculty of mind affords material for such various and curiousdisquisitions as the fancy, or imagination. The metaphysician views it asthe mimic of the senses, whose functions it sometimes so aptly performs,as to impose on the mind fiction for truth. In thus substituting the picturesor images of its own creation, for those of nature, he perceives that it onlyseparates or combines those ideas which were imparted by the senses andreposited in the memory: That it can generate no simple idea, but is merelythe intellectual artificer who makes a fabrick of the materials with whichit is furnished by the senses. In the course of his enquiry into the principlesof its operation, he is astonished to find that even this power of separatingor combining has its limits; and that, with all the seeming irregular anddiscursive movements of the fancy, there are but two or three naturalrelations, which as pons voluns enable it to pass from one region ofthought to another; and that the mind can never shift itself from idea toidea, unless there is proximity of time or place, resemblance or contrastbetween them. Thus this lively faculty, whose anomalies seemed at firstview to defy the powers of human investigation, is found to act upon prin-ciples at once regular, simple, and few. Different persons possess indifferent degrees the power of perceiving what is contiguous in time orplace, and what is like or unlike; according to which degrees they are said



“to have an active, or a dull, imagination,” and sometimes, “to possess, orto want, fancy.”

Since eloquence and poetry owe their highest ornaments to the imagi-nation, it naturally becomes one of the principal topics of literary criticism.As it is the object of the orator to persuade, and of the poet to please, thecritic considers the fancy merely as an instrument for these purposes, andderives a set of rules from the laws of our nature, by which he ascertains thefitness of the means to the ends. He points out where a loose should be givento the native impetuosity of the imagination, and where its unlicensed salliesshould be curbed: shews what passages possess the awful grandeur of thesublime and what the attractive loveliness of beauty, and distinguishes thosepictures of fancy which are dissonant to nature from those which are hit offin the spirit of her finest models. In a word, guided at one and the same timeby the most liberal feelings of the heart and the nicest dictates of reason, hepraises or blames the works of imagination according to the judgment oftaste.

Nor is this busy faculty unworthy the consideration of the moralist. Ourdesires and aversions either derive new vigor from the imagination or owetheir existence to it all together. It is sometimes their parent and always theirnurse. By its extensive influence over our pleasures and our pains it goes fartowards regulating our moral conduct, and according to the direction it maytake, gives birth to the sublimest heroism or the most unnatural depravity.

To shew the full extent of its influence on human happiness would leadme into too wide a field of moral and metaphysical speculation; but as abranch of the subject, I purpose to shew how much it tends to substitutefalsehood for truth, by enumerating some of the most ordinary illusions offancy; in which enumeration, the examples are either the result of my ownobservations, or are believed to be in strict analogy with the acknowledgedprinciples of human nature.

Sometimes the suggestions of the imagination are mistaken for those ofmemory. This propensity is almost always to be perceived in children of verytender years. They prattle of visits they never made; repeat conversationsthey never heard, and describe objects they never saw – all this too, withoutthe smallest consciousness of falsehood. The same predominance of fancyover memory is occasionally seen in grown persons who deal much innarrative. The foible of these people never fails to incur the contempt of theworld, and is generally imputed to vanity; but where it is united to acharacter otherwise irreproachable, as I have sometimes seen it, it is fair topresume that it proceeds from an imbecility of the mind rather thanobliquity of the heart. Every man who watches the operations of hisintellect, must have discovered that he occasionally had formed a new asso-ciation of ideas at the very time he thinks he is merely retracing anassociation previously formed.


On the Illusions of Fancy 101

Women have always been observed to have livelier imaginations thanmen. A natural consequence of this superior facility of associating ideas, is,they are less accurate in reciting matters of fact. Not only the merits of afavorite, the splendor of an exhibition, or the horrors of a calamity, areexaggerated by the force of their imaginations, but what consists in merenumber and quantity is apt to be encreased or diminished by the same cause.One lady, boasting of the beaux who have led her daughters out to dance,will convert twelve into twenty; while an envious neighbour by an oppositedeception, will diminish the number to five or six: and yet both of theseladies may be innocent of voluntary falsehood. The fact is that each listenedto that suggestion of fancy which was most agreeable to her feelings.

I once knew two ladies dispute, and at length bet, on the height of theirrespective gallants, who were very well known to both. The gentlementurned out to be of equal height, but each lady had been confident that herown favorite was at least two inches taller than the other.

Very ardent lovers have observed that when they first meet after a longseparation, they feel disappointed in each other’s appearance. It is becausethe picture of the beloved object was not in the mind merely as memory haddrawn it – imagination had superadded the colors of her own bright pencil.

Sometimes we see the imagination so lively, so completely master of themind, that it prevails over the plain and direct communications of the senses.

On occasion of a riot. Gov. C _____ of New-York, put himself at the headof a chosen party to quell the tumult. The sword he carried was by someaccident broken off near the hilt. With this fragment in his hand he pushedon, and endeavoured to force his way through the crowd. One man, feelingthe pressure of the mutilated weapon, looked back, and seeing his eyes onthe spot, exclaimed “a dead man, and fell senseless on the ground, under atemporary conviction that he was run through the body.

Major H. whose life was spent in mischievous waggery, having given astrolling fidler some liquor, pressed him to repeat his draught with greatearnestness. By winks and nods to the bystanders, suspicions were artfullyexcited in the poor fidler – at length he was told with a face of gravity andcondolence that he had taken an emetic which would be good for his health.Warm water was accordingly prepared, and the credulous son of Orpheuswas made to vomit as freely by the energy of his own imagination as hecould have been by the most powerful drugs of pharmacy.

A clergyman and his daughter were once viewing the face of the full-moon. The young woman was clear she saw in it the figure of a young man;but the father rebuking the daughter for not seeing a church, says, “whychild, don’t you see the steeple?”

To ordinary palates good wine at the table of a poor man will seem bad,and ordinary wine at the house of a reputed epicure, has a most exquisiteflavour.



Æsop, by way of characterising the blind partiality of a mother, makes theowl, in describing her young to the eagle, dwell with great emphasis on theirpretty faces.

Persons who feel a dread of apparitions need but meet with a white cowor linen garment, and their fancy supplies whatever is wanting to completea picture of horror – gives it form, colour, motion, nay even a distinct andarticulate voice. Ghosts were never yet seen by those who did not previouslyhave a dread or belief of them.

When Wilkes was in the zenith of his popularity, one of his most enthusi-astic female admirers would not admit that he squinted. Yielding to theeffect of a nearer inspection, she replied to her triumphant adversary, “Well,I am sure if it is so, he squints no more than a gentleman ought to do.”

The wretch who has been for years the helpless victim of disease, hasimagined himself cured by the touch of an iron bodkin: and on one occasionI knew a rhumatic patient to be scratched with a quill (imposed on him forone of Perkins’s points) till he was able “to take up his bed and walk.”

It is a similar illusion of fancy which procures the ready sale of thenostrums of empirics, and vouches with such grateful zeal for the cures theyhave wrought.

Jugglers and ventriloquists owe their success chiefly to the deluded imagi-nations of their beholders.

Hypochondria, delirium, and madness, tho’ remotely caused by corporealdisease, are the immediate effects of an imagination stimulated to preter-natural vigour.

The false promises of hope are nothing but the judgment led astray by theimagination. – Ambition derives its strength from one species of mentalillusion, and avarice from another. Jealousy, envy, revenge, make the imag-ination convert beauty into deformity and virtue into vice, while love, pityand admiration, cause an opposite metamorphosis. When party spirit runshigh, the same essay, the same speech is thought to have or to want merit,according to the sentiments they express. This prejudice, as it is commonlycalled, or this illusion of fancy, is often extended most ludicrously to the cutof a coat, the air of a popular song, or even to a color that happens to be thebadge of a party. A few years since a black cape probably often excited morehorror in Paris than a street murder, and I verily believe form zealouspartizans among ourselves have thought the very Rainbow hideous from itsresemblance to the tricolor of France.

If imagination is capable not only of substituting its own copies of the per-ceptions of sense for those of memory, but even of cheating us out of theseperceptions themselves, how much and how often must it pervert thejudgment! How liable is every chain of reasoning to be turned this or thatway from the right line of truth, when every link is so likely to be distorted!Few are the opinions we can form which are not connected with some


On the Illusions of Fancy 103

sentiment of pleasure or pain, and these sentiments are always nourishedmore or less by fancy.

Let these considerations teach charity and moderation to zealots of everydescription, and let them recollect that the opinions of whose truth they havethe deepest conviction, if they were formed when the mind was muchexcited by feeling, are less likely to be the demonstrations of reason than theillusions of fancy.

X.


104

6ON LUXURY (1804)

[George Tucker], “On Luxury,” The Enquirer, Richmond Virginia,December 22, 1804.

In his “Autobiography” Tucker writes of this essay “I aimed to shew that it[i.e., luxury] was a salutary and even indispensable concomitant of civi-lization, and that when its means were furnished by industry and art, itcould not enervate a people, and only added to the stock of humanenjoyment.” This is a theme which Tucker already hinted at in his Letter onthe Conspiracy of the Slaves (1801) and he revisits in later compositions.

ON LUXURY

The love of ease is one of the deepest and steadiest principles in the humanbreast. The savage is driven to action only by hunger or fear, by revenge orlove. The pleasure of repose, or rather an aversion to labour, is a deadweight, a sort of gravitating power, which impels him to the earth, fromwhich he is roused solely by the springs of his wants and his passions: whenthese are satisfied, he sinks back to his torpor and dozes away an half-animated existence till new passions and new wants rouse him again toaction.

It fortunately happens that this propensity is counteracted by one that isscarcely less powerful and universal. Man is strongly impelled to action aswell as to rest. He finds by experience, that exercise, both of body and mind,is necessary for the well-being of both; and that if a life of labour is a life ofpain, a life of uninterrupted repose begets in the mind, weariness anddisgust; and, in the body, weakness and disease. These opposite principles oflabour and rest, bear some resemblance to the centripetal & centrifugalforce in the physical world; and as man pays them an alternate and dueobedience, is he kept in the true path of moral happiness: for the pleasure ofrest must be gained by previous fatigue, and a certain degree of leisure isnecessary to enjoyment.

It is the province of luxury at one and the same time to keep alive thisactivity, and to gratify this love of ease. The natural aversion to labour


On Luxury 105

begets a progressive course of invention, by the aid of which, a few hours ofindustry are sufficient to gratify the animal wants of the four and twenty.The interval that remains must be filled up with employment, without whichman would spend his leisure in the dead and painful torpor of idleness. Thisemployment is furnished by luxury. It is luxury, or the love of enjoyment,which puts in motion every wheel of civilized society. By its benignant powerthe farmer is stimulated to better systems of husbandry; the merchantexchanges for a profit; the lawyer and physician strive to obtain fees; and, inshort, every individual of the community is goaded into life and activity.Without its salutary influence, it is clear that much of the time which is nowspent in diligence and exertion, in pain, fatigue and self-denial, would bedozed away in inaction, no less favorable to disease, than to weariness &disgust.

But while I insist upon the advantage of luxury in producing activity, I donot mean to say that it is inseparable from evil. Like every thing human, thebad is blended with the good. It is certain that an unvaried course of easeand enjoyment but poorly prepare us for those trials, with which the pathsof life are unhappily too much thronged. No human can prevent theoccasion of our mourning the death of some dear and valued friend; orrepining at the failure of our fondest schemes, or writhing on the bed ofsickness. It is then that the virtue of patience and fortitude become necessaryto our welfare; but we are the more incapable of obeying their sternprecepts, from the opposite vice of seduction, to which we have listened. Weshould then, if we would guard against the worst that can befal us, or ratheragainst the best that man can ever expect to experience, inure ourselves byhabit, to temperance and self-denial; to pain, labour and fatigue. Whenindulgence is remitted by intervals of labour, then the necessary virtues ofpatience and forbearance may be cultivated without diminishing enjoyment;and we may be better prepared to meet either the frowns or the smiles offortune. In the one case, adversity would be better borne by the effect ofhabit, and in the other, prosperity would be better enjoyed with keener relishfrom the previous accumulation of desire. Thus it appears, that luxury,when regulated by prudence, is by no means unfavorable to individualhappiness.

When, by the despotism of Law or custom, one man can wrest fromanother the fruits of his ingenuity or industry, then indeed is luxury inimicalboth to national and to individual happiness. The temper is hardened; thesocial sympathies, so productive of happiness to the possessor and others,are impaired and destroyed; and the whole heart becomes selfish, cowardlyand vindictive. But in a country like this, which is truly free, this evil cannever exist. If an individual, whose fortunes or exertions have been suc-cessful, choose to employ his wealth solely in sensual gratifications, and beconsequently enervated by their debilitating influence, he cannot perpetuate



to his posterity the same means of enjoyment. If his opulence outlive hisextravagance, sooner or later his descendants must either recur to the aidwhich industry alone affords, or feel the most powerful of all impulses, thewant of daily bread. Thus the censures that have been heaped on luxury forthousands of years by every empty declaimer on morals and politics, applyonly to the sensual few who form but a small part of the community. Thesehave said that communities are enervated by habits of luxury; that the mostnatural and the surest bases of free governments, virtue and simplicity,would be sapped by a free indulgence in sensual gratifications; that by these,a nation would be both insensible to the blessings of liberty, and incapableof defending it – and thus would fall an easy prey to a poorer and morehardy neighbour. If this were the case, most willingly would I prefer thebleak & barren poverty of savage life, to the splendid fetters of slavery andrefinement. But surely no fair inference can be drawn from the examples ofAntioch or Capua, unless we knew from what source they derived theirrevenues. I believe it is a well established maxim in political economy, that anation which subsists on the productions of its soil and industry, canmaintain but a small portion of its inhabitants in idleness and luxury, andthe descendants of these few must possess either the hardihood that industrygives, if they continue right, or that which poverty gives if they become poor.Certainly these depreciated effects cannot flow from indulgence, when thatindulgence is purchased solely by the exertions of industry. While theexercise of this industry qualifies the citizen for the toils and fatigues of war,it affords a new incentive to his courage. Thus the inhabitants of Englandnever exhibited such proofs of patriotism and spirit, as during the late threatof invasion; and the nation was never before so extensively and so generallyluxurious.

When indeed one nation holds another in bondage, and abuses its right ofconquest, by imposing a large tribute; then, industry not being the chiefsource of indulgence, a majority of the victor may become enervated byidleness and enjoyment; and thus taste the mischiefs of luxury, pure andunmixed. We have accordingly in history frequent instances of this sort,where nations both savage and warlike, have changed their character withtheir situation, and become at the same time refined, effeminate, and weak:but there is no instance on record that any nation was ruined by luxury,when that luxury was furnished and maintained by industry alone.

Among the advantages of luxury we may rank those of refined society. Bykeeping the human mind always active and inventive, it evidently leads tothe encouragement of science and the polite arts. There is an intimate con-nection, one with another, among all the branches of knowledge that arefamiliar to man: and it is perhaps not extravagant to say that the beautifulodes of Gray, or his still more beautiful elegy would never have existed,unless the country which produced them had also produced the pottery of


On Luxury 107

Wedgwood, the Duke of Bridgwater’s Canal, or the various other proofsthat could be adduced of the present state of advancement of the arts inGreat Britain. – These she may be considered to owe to luxury alone; sinceif we trace man from the state of the naked hunter, who sought food andclothing from his brother tenant of the forest, to the pampered inhabitant ofLondon or Paris who rolls on his couch and partakes of his twenty dishes,we shall find that new desires have given rise to new inventions to gratifythem.

The sentiment of honor is also peculiar to luxurious and refined society.Whatever religion or reason may say to some of its dictates, it surely wellsupplies the place of savage courage. The dictates of opinion, and sensibilityto shame, produce the same effect on the man of honor, as instinct andpassion produce on the savage: thus we find that our modern Duellists areas ready to bid defiance to fear, and even to court death, as the mostferocious tribes of barbarism.

The wealth which luxury indirectly produces, both affords the means andinvites the exercise of generosity; and it is very probable that more has beeneffected by the English subscriptions at Lloyd’s during their late war withFrance, than could formerly have been done by a direct levy from the crown.

There is one other argument in favor of luxury which I advance with somehesitation. It has been observed that, avarice is the ruling vice of the UnitedStates; and though our government has had too short an existence as yet toform a national character, even if our citizens were less mixed and heteroge-neous; yet in the state of equality which prevails here, it may be supposedthat the love of gain is stronger than in those countries where it is opposedby the pride of birth, or the distinction of rank. If our government andsituation are favorable to this selfish and odious vice, we have anotherreason for counteracting it by its natural and proper antidote, the love ofrational pleasure. In this case the unamiable defect I speak of, is likely to bestronger in remote parts of the country than in the towns, where it isopposed by so many invitations to enjoyment. Here then it will probablynever be extensive or pernicious. But if a better experience would shew usthat a love of hoarding is the vice of this otherwise happy country, let us sed-ulously cultivate a relish for music, for building and improvement, and forthe productions of all the fine arts, if we would cherish a regard for thedignity of man, or even the blessings of liberty.

On the whole, it appears to the author of the preceding essay that theseeds of luxury are grafted on the first principles of our nature: That it is,with all the evils incident to it, productive of more good than evil: that theancient objections to luxury do not apply to this country, or these times; andthat when properly regulated, it is favorable to the happiness of the indi-vidual; and to the welfare and safety of the nation.

K.


108

7A LETTER FROM HICKORY CORNHILL

(1806)

[George Tucker], “A Letter from Hickory Cornhill, Esq. to his Friend in theCountry,” Enquirer (Richmond, Virginia), January 9, 1806.From reprint in Southern Literary Messenger, 1838, Vol. 4, pp. 327–328.

In 1806 the Richmond Enquirer published a satirical poem by Tucker underthe pseudonym “Hickory Cornhill,” which criticized a recent trend of womengambling at Loo. The poem was reprinted three decades later in the SouthernLiterary Messenger, which included two introductory paragraphs describingthe background of the poem. Although this is subscribed with “Ed. Mess.”(i.e., Editor of the Messenger), Tucker in fact composed this introduction,which is evident when comparing it to his comments about the poem in hisAutobiography. The two paragraphs were originally inserted as a footnote.

A LETTER FROM HICKORY CORNHILL, ESQ. TO HIS FRIEND IN THE

COUNTRY.

Some thirty years since, the ladies of Richmond, influenced by the example ofthe other sex, were greatly addicted to cards. At first they merely sought tobeguile the occasional dulness and formality of small evening parties, andplayed very low, – commonly at loo, – but after a while, they were promptedchiefly by the hope of winning, since, not content with the interest excited bythe game itself, they also staked their money freely in by-bets, so that it wasnot unusual for a lady to win or lose fifty or sixty dollars of an evening. Whilethe fair votaries of fashion were thus eagerly indulging in what appeared tothem no doubt an allowable recreation, many saw with concern the preva-lence of a practice that was no less unfriendly to the pleasures of conversation,than to some of the most amiable traits in the female character; and especiallyto those which had been thought to characterise the matrons of Virginia.When the practice was at its greatest height, the above piece of humoroussatire made its appearance in one of the city papers. It was cordially welcomedby the community generally – by the more moral part for its purpose, and by


A Letter from Hickory Cornhill 109

the other portions for its truth of resemblance, and a certain spice of espikg-lerie, which they thought they perceived in it. They even undertook to assignits imaginary characters to particular individuals, though this was alwaysdenied by the author, except so far as he had, in delineating from fancy,unconsciously copied some personal peculiarities of manner or language. Thepiece thus met with a popularity beyond its real merits, and for a week it mighthave been heard the subject of mirth and quotation from the boys in the streetsto the belles in- the drawing-room.

The practice of loo-playing was then seen to decline, and was finally laidaside. The public was inclined to attribute the change to the well-timedridicule of Hickory Cornhill; but it is highly probable that this rage for play,like other acute diseases, would, after having reached its crisis, have graduallydisappeared. The Editor is now induced to republish it, from the belief that itwill revive interesting recollections with some of the readers of the Messenger,and, as a piece of topographical history, be not unacceptable to the presentgeneration. To such of them as have not been initiated in the mysteries of loo,many of the terms here introduced may be unintelligible. Indeed, these occupyperhaps too large a portion of Mr. Cornhill’s epistle, if it had not beenprobably part of the author’s purpose to throw ridicule on this very slangwhich is so offensive to good taste, and to all friends to female delicacy andrefinement. – [Ed. Mess.]

Since you beg me to write how I pass off my time,I will try, my dear friend, to inform you in rhyme:And first, every morn, the debates I attendOf the folks who the laws come to make or to mend;Where I hear, now and then, mighty fine declamationAbout judges and bridges, and banks and the nation.But last night my amusement was somewhat more new,Being ask’d to a party of ladies at loo.Ah! then, my dear neighbor, what splendor was seen:Each dame who was there was array’d like a queen.The camel, the ostrich, the tortoise, the bear,And the kid might have found each his spoils on the fair.Though their dresses were made of the finest of stuff,It must be confess’d they were scanty enough.Yet that nothing thus sav’d should their husbands avail,What they take from the body they put in the tail.When they sit they so tighten their clothes that you canSee a lady has legs just the same as a man:Then stretch’d on the floor are their trains all so nice,They brought to my mind Esop’s council of mice.



’Ere tea was serv’d up, they were prim as you please,But when cards were produced, all was freedom and ease.Mrs. Winloo, our hostess, each lady entreatedTo set the example. “I pray, ma’am, be seated.”“After you, Mrs. Clutch.” “Nay, then, if you insist – Tom Shuffle, sit down, you prefer loo to whist.”“I’m clear for the ladies. Come, Jack, take a touch.You’ll stump Mrs. Craven, and I Mrs. Clutch.”

Without further parley, anon were allur’dTwo beaux and four ladies around the green board.When I could but admire that choice occupationWhich call’d forth such bright and refin’d conversation.

“Now, ladies, determine what shall be the loo.”“My dear Mrs. Clutch we will leave it to you.”“One and one, you know, Fribble, I think the best game.”“I always knew, Madam, our tastes were the same.”“Come, Shuffle, throw round – let us see who’s to deal –“I cannot tell why, but I already feel – Stay, stay, there’s a knave – that to-night I shall win.It fell to you, Shuffle – you’re dealer, begin.”“Is diamond the trump? then I vow I can’t stand.”“I must also throw up” – “Let me look at your hand.“Won’t you take a cross-hop?” “Madam, what do you say?”“I’ll see you, friend Tom, if I have but a tray.”“Play on, Mrs. Clutch, for I know ’twas a stump.”“Ace of spades” – “I must take it; you’re off with a trump.”“No indeed – but I’ve noticed, whenever you stood,“If I was before you, I always was loo’d.“And there’s Mrs. Craven, she threw up the knave.”“I know I did, Ma’am, but I don’t play to save.”“Come, ladies, put up, don’t be bashful and shy.”“I’m already up” – “So am I” – “So am I.”“Say, Mrs. Inveigle.” – “Oh, is it a spade?“I stand” – “So do I” – “After two I’m afraid.”“And I’ll make a third.” – “Well, here goes for the money,“Though I don’t win the pool, I’m sure of the poney.And here goes again.” – “Which of these must I play?”“Always keep a good heart – ah! you’ve thrown it away.”

And thus they go on – checking, stumping, and fleeting,With other strange terms that are scarce worth repeating.


A Letter from Hickory Cornhill 111

Till at length it struck twelve, when the winners proposedWith the loo which was up, that their sitting should close.On a little more sport though the losers were bent,They would not withhold their reluctant assent.

Mrs. Craven, who long since a word had not spoke,Who scarce gave a smile to the sly equivoque,But, like an old mouser, sat watching her prey,Now utter’d the ominous sound of “I play,”And straight loo’d the board, thus proving the rule,That the still sow will ever draw most from the pool.

Though much had been lost, yet when now they had done,Not one of these dames would confess she had won.But soon I discovered it plain could be seenIn each lady’s face what her fortune had been.For they frown when they lose, and again when they winThe dear creatures betray it as sure by a grin.

Mrs. Craven, whose temper seem’d one of the bestSo winning her ways – thus the circle address’d:“Good ladies and gents, Monday eve’ning with me,Remember you all are engag’d to take tea.But don’t stay after six, for I horribly hate,When I am to play loo, to defer it so late.I expect the Dasheagles, and mean to inviteThe Squabs from the country, with old Col’nel Kite.And I think, Mr. Cornhill, ’tis hightime that youShould, like the town beaux, join the ladies at loo.”

I thank’d her, and told her that one; day I mightDeserve such an honor, then wish’ed her good night.So I hied to the Eagle, resolving to sendOf this night scene a sketch to my neighbor and friend.

H.C.


112

8JEFFERSONIANA: HUME’S POLITICAL

PRINCIPLES (1829)

[George Tucker], “Jeffersoniana: Hume’s Political Principles,” VirginiaLiterary Museum, No. 1, June 17, 1829, pp. 13–15.

In June 1829 Tucker and fellow University of Virginia professor RobleyDunglison co-founded and co-edited the Virginia Literary Museum andJournal, the aim of which, as Tucker writes in the prospectus, was “to com-municate the truths and discoveries of Science to the miscellaneous reader,and to encourage a taste for polite literature.” He writes further that “It willrely, chiefly, for its support on the Professors of the University, whoseminds, kept in a state of active inquiry, by the Lectures required of them,may be expected to afford original and interesting contributions, on all theimportant branches of Learning or Science.” In his “Autobiography,”Tucker explains the editorial and authoring responsibilities of the journal:

Dr. Dunglison and myself were to be the editors, each on alternate weeks.We continued for a year, and finding that it had but a limited circulation,and consequently was not profitable it was discontinued. All the pro-fessors, or nearly all, wrote papers for it, but Dunglison and myself werethe principal contributors as we were bound to make up on our respectiveweeks all that was not furnished by the correspondents.

The journal folded a year later, and Dunglison, in his “Obituary Notice ofProfessor George Tucker,” gives his perspective on the journal:

although its contents were diversified and interesting, it was discontinuedat the end of the year, and mainly for causes which have proved fatal to somany undertakings of the kind, – the failure of the contributors to affordthe aid they had profusely promised, and hence the editors found, that tofurnish the requisite materials from their own resources, demanded moreof their time than was consistent with their other duties and engagements.The contributions of Professor Tucker were numerous and varied, butwere, generally, popular essays on the subjects that appertained directly orindirectly to the chair he held in the University.


Jeffersoniania: Hume’s Political Principles 113

The first issue of the journal contained the following item, which is a tran-scription and commentary on a portion of Thomas Jefferson’s commonplacebook. Jefferson had made notes of portions of Hume’s History that supportedthe arbitrary rule of the monarch at the expense of individual liberty.Commenting on these passages Tucker argues that concerns among BritishWhigs regarding Hume’s History were legitimate, particularly in view of thenature of the British constitution. Nevertheless, Tucker believes thatJefferson’s worries were unfounded regarding the negative influence ofHume’s History in the United States. Comments below in square brackets arethose of the original article; those in curly brackets are mine.

JEFFERSONIANA

{Tucker:} The kindness of Thomas Jefferson Randolph, Esq. – thegrandson of the Patriot and Philosopher, whose actions occupy so large aspace in the history of his country’s glory, – will enable us to lay before ourreaders, under this head, several extracts from the Common-Place Books ofthat illustrious individual, which are not destined to meet the public eye inany other form. They will be additional evidences of the indefatigableindustry, in the prosecution of knowledge, which so preeminently distin-guished him through the whole course of his long and useful life.

NO. 1. – HUME’S POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

{Jefferson:} ‘The following are specimens of Hume’s political principles.“I shall only ask, whether it be not sufficiently clear, from all these trans-

actions [to wit, temp. Elizabeth,” that in the two succeeding reigns [to wit ofJames and Charles,] it was the people who encroached upon the sovereign:not the sovereign who attempted, as is represented, to usurp upon thepeople.” Note AA. to chap. 42. “The grievances, under which the Englishlaboured [to wit, whipping, pillorying, cropping, imprisoning, fining, &c.]when considered in themselves, without regard to the constitution, scarcelydeserved the names, nor were they either burthensome on the people’s prop-erties, or any wise shocking to the natural humanity of mankind.” c. 53.

“Had the preceding administration of the King [Charles,] which we areapt to call arbitrary, proceeded from ambition, and an unjust desire ofencroaching on the antient liberties of the people, there would have been lessreason for giving him any trust, or leaving in his hands a considerable shareof that power which he had so much abused; but if his conduct was, in agreat measure, derived from necessity, and from a natural desire ofdefending that prerogative which was transmitted to him from his ancestors,and which his parliaments were visibly encroaching on, there is no reason



why he may not be esteemed a very virtuous prince and entirely worthy oftrust from his people.” Note CC. c. 56.

“That the letter of the law, as much as the most flaming court sermon,inculcates passive obedience, is apparent: and though the spirit of a limitedgovernment seems to require, in extraordinary cases, some mitigation of sorigorous a doctrine, it must be confessed, that the preceding genius of theEnglish Constitution had rendered a mistake in this particular very naturaland excusable.” c. 57. ch. I. “It is seldom, that the people gain any thing byrevolutions in government,” c. 59. “The Commons established a principle,which is noble in itself and seems specious, but is belied by all history andexperience, that the people are the origin of all just power,” c. 59.“Government is instituted in order to restrain the fury and the injustice ofthe people; and being always founded on opinion, not on force, it isdangerous to weaken, by these speculations, the reverence which themultitude owe to authority, and to instruct them before hand that the casecan ever happen, when they may be freed from their duty of allegiance: or,should it be found impossible to restrain the license of human disquisitions,it must be acknowledged that the doctrine of obedience ought alone to beinculcated, and that the exceptions, which are rare, ought seldom or neverto be mentioned in popular reasonings and discourses.” c. 59. “Amidst thepassions and prejudices of that period, that he [Cromwell] should prefer theparliamentary to the legal cause, will not appear extraordinary, since, evenat present, some men of sense and knowledge are disposed to think that thequestion with regard to the justice of the quarrel, may be regarded asdoubtful and uncertain.” c. 61. sub fine. In a debate, in the House ofCommons, March 23, 1824, Sir James Mc’Intosh quotes Burke as havingsaid in some speech “I believe we shall all come to think, at last, with Mr.Hume, that an absolute monarchy is not so bad a thing as we supposed.” –Globe, March 24, 1824.’

{Tucker:} In offering the preceding extracts, which Mr. Jefferson hasgrouped together for the sake of making the author’s political tenets moreflagrant and odious, we cannot forbear to add some passing remarks.

The principles here exhibited by Hume, taken in connexion with hisunquestioned partiality for the house of Stuart, have excited vehementopposition to his history of that ill fated race among the friends of civilliberty, in this country as well as England, notwithstanding the admirationthey could not but feel for the beauties of his style and his just and profoundviews of men and things. Nay, these very charms of his diction and phi-losophy served but to heighten the hostility to his history, from the influencethey would naturally exert in recommending acts of tyranny and arbitraryprinciples of government to his readers, who are thus made to swallowpoison and to believe it as wholesome as it is palatable. They have thereforelong wished to see a well written history of this important era in English


Jeffersoniania: Hume’s Political Principles 115

annals, which would counteract Hume’s political principles, by refuting hisconstitutional doctrines, and proving him mistaken in his facts. It was bythis feeling that Mr. Fox was induced to undertake that history which henever lived to finish – that Godwin and Sir James Mc’Intosh have also, as weare told, been long engaged in similar undertakings – and that Brodie, in thework he has lately published, has laboured so diligently to shew the want ofauthenticity in Hume’s statements.

Mr. Jefferson, who was so sensitive to every thing that seemed to have theleast bearing on the cause of human freedom, partook largely of the samefeeling. He even once entertained doubts of letting Hume’s History hold aplace in the University library; and he never failed, when an occasionpresented itself, to warn his youthful acquaintance of its dangerous heresies,and to recommend, as its antidote, that work of Brodie, by whom he used tosay Hume had been ‘pulverized.’

This opposition to Hume has acquired force in England from a circum-stance which has no application with us. In that country, precedent has greatweight in determining the principles of an ancient and unwritten consti-tution as well as in the administration of justice. Both the Whigs and Toriestherefore, endeavour to support their several views of the EnglishConstitution, by past examples; and history acquires with them an addi-tional interest from its bearing on the political struggles of the day. A naturalconsequence of this interest is that it often influences men in the interpre-tation of such historical facts as are doubtful or obscure, and even in theirestimation of the historians themselves.

But the cause is otherwise in this country, where the fundamental prin-ciples of government are not founded on precedent and usage, but on theinterests of the people, as indicated by their will; and where it is held thatevery generation has the right, as well as the power, to make its own laws,whether primordial or municipal. We may, therefore, and ought to take thesame cool and dispassionate views of these disputes about the ancientConstitution of England, as of those between the Patrician and Plebianorders of the Roman Republic; and we may admit the weight of argumentto be on either side, without conceding any thing unfavourable to popularrights.

Besides, we are not only exempt from the bias arising from the supposedforce of precedent, but our political principles are inculcated in so manythousand ways – they have been taught us from our earliest infancy – and weare so accustomed to see them in daily and beneficent operation, that, withmost of our citizens, Hume’s political tenets, however speciously recom-mended, must be altogether innoxious; and although we do not wonder thatMr. Jefferson should have continued to feel apprehensions that were wellfounded in his early life, in the same way as a fond mother who has beenalarmed for the safety of her infant offspring, is ever afterwards alive to the



dread of the same danger, yet we must think that his fears are unfounded,and that our youth may safely read Hume’s History, and profit by hisprofound sagacity, n tracing events from their first causes to their remoteeffects; his accurate discriminations between semblance and truth; histhorough penetration into the motives of human conduct, and the inimitableease and beauty of his style, without any danger of being contaminated byhis principles of government, which, with the safeguards that have beenmentioned, they would hold to be detestable, if they did not perceive themto be absurd.

V.


117

9PREMISES AND CONCLUSIONS – CAUSE

AND EFFECT (1829)

[George Tucker], “Premises and Conclusions – Cause and Effect,” VirginiaLiterary Museum, No. 22, Nov. 11, 1829, pp. 244–249.

In this essay Tucker opposes the standard view of causality offered by DavidHume and Thomas Brown. According to Brown, causality involves a beliefof continuance prompted by the mind when we see an invariable successionbetween two things. Tucker criticizes Brown on two points. First, Brownwrongly assumes that a “belief of continuance” is the same thing as a “beliefof necessary connection.” Second, the “invariable succession” that weperceive between events is confined to our limited experience; thus, wemight say that two disconnected events, such as a door closing and a mancoughing, are causally connected.

PREMISES AND CONCLUSIONS – CAUSE AND EFFECT

For cause might be which skill could never find. BYRON.

I’ll talk a word with this same learned Theban – What is the cause of thunder?

SHAKESPEARE.

Prevalent errors have commonly some redeeming points about them,some truth to which they owe their popularity, and but for which theywould have been scouted and driven from the world.

This I trust is the case with an old friend of mine – Cause or Causation,who formerly stood in such esteem that the sun never rose in the morningbut we thought there was a cause for it. “Mais nous avons changé toutcela,” and cause is now driven from all good society, and forced to take upits abode with those who are no way curious in matters of demonstration;simple people, who put their grain into the ground, and expect to see it


1 End of the Appendix to the Treatise of Human Nature.2 Part IV § VI. Treatise of Human Nature.3 Part IV § VII. Ibid.


growing in the spring, upon no better foundation than this, that grain hasalways been found to sprout, under like circumstances.

In short, Messrs. Editors, I am not so pleased with the fashionable doctrineof Brown upon this subject, but what I think I can see an error in it, and, if youwill give me your attention for a few moments I will shew you where it lies.Hume, you very well know, has demonstrated that there is no connectionamong external things, or, even, among our own ideas,1 and that he himselfwas nothing more than a bundle of ideas which chance had arranged insequence. – ”Perhaps another,” he says “may perceive something simple andcontinued which he calls himself; though I am certain that there is no suchprinciple, in me. But setting aside some metaphysicians of this kind, I mayventure to affirm of the rest of mankind, that they are nothing but a bundle orcollection of different perceptions.”2

And further on we find him yet more perplexed – ”the intense view ofthese manifest contradictions and imperfections in human reason, has sowrought upon me and heated my brain, that I am ready to reject all beliefand reasoning, and can look upon no opinion ever as more probable orlikely than another.”3

These passages have often brought to my mind that admirable scene inPlautus where Mercury drives Sosia out of his self-identity, and leaves himno sense of his existence beyond a misgiving that he must be somebody.

This misgiving, this belief rather, which a spirit, insinuating himself, by hisomniscience, into our most secret thoughts and recollections, would not beable to rob us of, has been singularly neglected and undervalued by philoso-phers. Its clear and obvious testimony was not, for ages, allowed to weighagainst the obscure belief which follows on a train of reasoning: metaphysi-cians acted with respect to a feeling thus intimately wedded to our nature, aslawyers do in a similar case, and would not permit the testimony of so neara relation to be received in court.

Modern philosophers, it is their chief glory, have made this obvious step.They have listened to all testimony. Mind is no longer investigated byassuming data, and thence determining the beliefs, perceptions, and feelings,that we must or can possibly, have.

The first object of research in this system has been the mind itself. Itsphenomena have been looked upon as equally entitled to credit, until, beingarranged and analysed, more exact notions were attained of their relativedependance and nature.


Premises and Conclusions – Cause and Effect 119

So natural a process has produced a corresponding rigour in the methodof investigation; checks and tests have been invented by which the cor-rectness of our conclusions may be tried; and in modern philosophy, as inthe common affairs of life, more is thought about the truth of the result thanthe method by which it was obtained.

Among these tests, the following, though rather implied than expressed,appears to have been acknowledged by the best writers, and to be a wellfounded and useful rule.

No belief is to be considered as erroneous, or as demonstrated to be false,which yet retains its full hold upon the mind, at the moment when we com-prehend the demonstration whereby it is said to be explained.

I do not speak here of individuals, for then no one would be vanquishedwho chose to deny that he was so, but of the general sense of those to whomthe demonstration was addressed. Neither have I included in the rule thosestrong beliefs which we call perceptions, though it has been often violated,even, in this case, for to suppose that a train of reasoning can ever weighagainst a clear perception, which yet remains such, is to forget that allreasoning is but a collection of perceptions that are present, and beliefs thatconnect them with perceptions which are past. That this is a case of alliancethat adds no real strength, since the perceptions can be no stronger than thebeliefs that connecting them, and which are themselves but weaker percep-tions; that reasoning in fact resembles a chain of iron whose links are tiedtogether with threads; so that it is certain no conclusion was ever morestrong than the perceptions which formed the premises.

The rule that I have laid down appears to have been tacitly followed byBROWN in most parts of his treatise on the human mind, and is indeedimplied in every system which considers ideas or beliefs, as merely states inwhich the mind is found to be at the moment they are perceived there.

But there is a work upon cause and effect, that first brought Brown intonotice, wherein this ingenious writer deduces consequences that are whollyat variance with the rule, and are of themselves so extraordinary, and ofsuch vital importance in metaphysics, that it will not, perhaps, be uninter-esting if I examine them at some length.

The basis of his system is the discovery, if I may so call it, of Hume that allour knowledge of the external world is of existence, order, and succession;that we know of no other relations of things but their position in time andspace. That when we see the bustle and confusion of a steam boat, the menswearing, the women chattering, the wheels splashing, the steam fizzing; thereis no connection in all this; that it is a sort of jostle, or, chance alliance of ideas.An idea is a thing which is born and dies directly. That certain ideas of trunks,and oaths, dimples and smiles, and coats, and hats, and a loud fizzing, werebrought into the world about the same time, and meeting accidentally in oursensorium produced the compound idea we call a steam-boat.



But Brown has explained the same thing himself in a different way. “Whena spark he says, falls upon gunpowder, and kindles it into an explosion, everyone ascribes to the spark the power of kindling the inflammable mass. But letany one ask himself what it is which he means by the term, and without con-tenting himself with a few phrases that mean nothing, reflect before he giveshis answer, and he will find that he means nothing more than that in allsimilar circumstances the explosion of gun-powder will be the immediate anduniform consequence of the application of a spark.”

We see that Brown has here made an important addition to the theory ofHume, he has taught that whenever the connected ideas which we call events,have a sequence, and come into the mind under a certain order, another idea,of a different class, is sure to come about the same time. This idea is called abelief in permanence, and seems to have the same relation to an event thatSimon Spungy, the curate, who never knocked but at dinner, and always camein with the cloth, had to the latter appendage of Sir David Dunder’s table.

In Hume’s system events pass us as the phantoms before Macbeth. Brownhas added the ghost of Banquo who points to the phantoms, and holding upthe mirror of belief shows many that are yet to come.

The latter writer sums up his own theory in the following words: –”immediate invariable antecedence is power, the immediate invariableantecedent in any sequence is a cause, the immediate invariable consequentis the correlative effect.”

Or to render the matter more clear by an example that we have beforeemployed, the appearance of the cloth at Dunder Hall had the power toproduce a rap at the door, the cloth was the cause of the rap at the door, andthe rap at the door was the effect of the cloth. Simon Spungy, being an ideathat appeared after the rap, had no power to produce the rap at the door,and as the feeling of hunger was probably suppressed in such society, anddid not make its appearance at all, this could not have had the slightest effectupon the coming of the curate, or the rap at the door; the whole matter beingsimply, first an idea of a cloth, next the idea of a rap, then the idea of acurate, and, finally, a belief that he would come again.

This theory of Brown’s is extremely simple, but there is something strangein its parentage, it is the offspring of chance and necessity; the two mostobscure ideas which we have, when united, produce distinct vision, like theglasses in an achromatic telescope. It is born of chance; for if there is no con-nection between the dinner and the curate’s coming, it is clear he might havecome at any other time. It is born of necessity; for if the curate’s coming is asufficient reason why he came, and events always happen when there is asufficient reason for them; it is clear that the curate must have come at thatparticular hour, there being no reason why he should come at another.

Let us examine this matter a little further. The mind in comparing eventsperceives there is no connection between them, but finding a troublesome


4 Phi. Human Mind. Vol. i. p. 71.


idea in itself that they are connected, it traces the source of that idea, andfinds that it is really no idea of connection at all, but an isolated belief of per-manence. This strange argument may be illustrated by a familiar example,let us suppose a traveller meeting with the river Nile, and examine the ideaswhich it occasions. As far as it lies before him, he perceives a blue sluggishstream, with cultivated banks, and an arid country beyond them. But withthis clear perception is mixed an obscure idea that the river must have asource, and, with great toil and perseverance, we will suppose the travellorto trace the sources of the Nile. After following the stream through manywindings, and over countries very different in climate and appearance, hestill finds the Nile a continued stream, with banks of some sort, and acountry beyond, but at last, when he had almost despaired of finding asource, he perceives at a distance a cloud of dust, or an Arab on horseback,or an old woman sitting under a tree, and immediately he has the clearestidea of what is the source of the Nile, it is an old woman sitting under a tree.

The invariable antecedent in any sequence is a cause, and the reason whyit is a cause is this, that a belief of permanence, which has no connectionwith it, arises about the same time. Let us apply this explanation of Brown’sto a particular instance. I take aim at a bird, and, fire, and the bird drops; ifa bird never fails to drop when I fire at it, then my firing was the cause whyit fell, and so likewise was the belief which I had that it would fall. But if, atany time I fire and miss, which may well happen since I am not a goodmarksman, then all belief in my ever killing a bird for the future would be atan end, and should a bird fall dead at my next shot it would not possibly bemy gun that killed it, nor would such an idea even enter my head, for Brownexplicitly tells us that it is only invariable sequence which produces belief ofcontinuance, or which is the same thing that produces the idea of a cause.4

We must by this time pretty well understand what the theory before usreally is. But as the subject which it is meant to clear up, is confessedly oneof great difficulty, and because these explanations are apt to change theirform according to the light we view them in, let us repeat the doctrine againthat none of its bearings may escape us.

That part of it which is borrowed from Hume may be disposed of in a fewwords; we examine events with the view of finding a connection amongthem, but the object forever eludes our grasp; we remember the past, andimagine the future, the past is a succession of detached events, the future apicture borrowed from the past. How then do we believe that events areconnected, or can we have an idea that they are other than we find them,detached and without relation?

To this Brown has added; – as we confessedly have an idea that events arerelated, the only question is how we came by it. Since not through the events


5 Ibid. Vol. i. p. 71.


themselves, it must be by an idea which accompanies the perception of them,and, that is joined to them by the peculiar constitution of the mind itself.

Now the objections which we have already stated to this addition ofBrown’s are these. 1st. That the belief which he supposes to accompany aperception of invariable succession, namely, a belief of mere continuance, isnot the same as the idea which he asserts it to explain, namely an idea orbelief of necessary connection. 2d. That our perception of succession is in nocase invariable, and that consequently, the objections urged by Reid againstthis theory still remain.5 It requires notice that the word invariable suc-cession, is used in a particular sense, as implying, a succession which hasnever been known to fail, but it is against this sense of it that my objectionsare urged.

The theory that our belief in causation is a fundamental principle of themind, or, as Brown has expressed it, a state of the mind as peculiar anddistinct as the perception of an event, is undoubtedly the true solution of theenigma; but, then, this solution is due to Reid, and is, on every occasion,combated by Brown, who substitutes for the belief of causation, anotherfundamental belief, a fundamental belief of continuance.

It is not at first as obvious why he should do so, since one belief may aswell be a law of mind as the other, and there is this advantage in choosingthe first, that the second would then follow as a corollary; an advantage thatis not reciprocal, as I have endeavoured to shew in the preceding pages.

But, if we consider the nature of suggestion, some light will be thrown onthe steps by which Brown may have been led into error. This faculty, hascommonly been too much restricted, has been spoken of as if confined toideas whose relation was an object of direct perception. A song which wehave heard from the lips of a friend, may, afterwards, suggest, the friendwho sang it; the idea of noon, the idea of night; the view of the rack the painit produces; and, by relations yet more direct, the idea of a triangle the manyproperties that idea involves. But, besides these, there appear to be sugges-tions whose operation is more concealed, that act through the constitutionof the mind without our perceiving the relation that connects the suggestingwith the suggested idea. The imagination, for example, long dwelling on asupposed event, or a false proposition, may at last believe that the one is real,and the other true.

This example applies to the theory before us and will enable us to state itunder another form, prior to urging further proofs of its insufficiency. Wehave, undoubtedly, a distant idea of time, of time as past and present; andby imagining the same relation between a moment already past, and thepresent, we gain an idea of time to come. The present is the future to



moments which preceded it, and we measure, if I may use an exaggeratedexpression, the future to come by the future that’s past.

Thus for ever employed in transporting what has been, into the timewhich has yet to be, for ever imagining the continuance of the past, we at lastbelieve that continuance true. Our imagination, by the law alluded to,changes its nature and becomes belief.

This I take to be the correct view of Brown’s theory. It differs from hisown rather in form than in fact. He asserts that belief of continuance willfollow on invariable sequence, and we say that by often dwelling on an eventwe shall at last believe that event to be true.

Either assertion is an acknowledged fact. But does it follow that either willexplain causation? To answer this question fully we must explain what ouridea of causation is.

It must be confessed that when we examine, and look into our mind totrace the origin of an idea with clearness, we are at first greatly embarrassed,and have many doubts of succeeding. For it is the very essence of such inves-tigations, that the means employed are the objects of their own action; and,are to be looked upon both as the cause and the end of the operations theyperform.

In all other cases, the faculty of thought is the instrument of our labours,but where thought itself is to be analyzed we are at a loss what implementsto employ; like the diamond, its powers can only be developed by its ownaction, and will not discover themselves to a foreign agency. Our languagefails us. The terms we employ are often at variance with the truth theyexpress, or, what is fully as embarrassing, we must explain an idea by thevaried shadows and duplications of itself.

These difficulties are all felt in asserting or denying the existence ofcausation. If I maintain that we have no such idea, every term I employ is anexample that we have; if I demonstrate the idea to be false, it yet remains inthe language, and I cannot substitute expressions where the idea is not.

If I call it a belief, and succeed with Brown in persuading others that it isthe belief, of one thing for another, – what a confusion of ideas is here? –Can I have a belief which is not a belief? – Or is the idea of connection everperceived to mean exactly the same thing as the idea of continuance?

On the opposite side the difficulties are great. If I believe in a cause I amasked what a cause is, and, truly, it is as hard to define a cause as to define astraight line, or, a feeling of joy, or, an idea of eternity.

But this I see, that to believe in the connection of events is essential to theidea of a cause for them. And, that to believe in the connection of eventsdoes not necessarily imply a perception in what way they are connected. Asthis last assertion, if true, renders unnecessary nearly one half of Hume’s andBrown’s reasoning I shall take the trouble of demonstrating it. On lookinginto the mind I find two classes of ideas there. Ideas whose connection I



perceive, and ideas whose connection I do not perceive. Among the first arethe ideas about which abstract science is conversant, among the latter are theideas of events.

Now, between these last I may suppose such a relation as I find betweenthe first. And if this supposition is accompanied by a belief, I then have abelief in the connection of events which is not a mere belief in their contin-uance. It is here that I would apply the maxim laid down at thecommencement of this essay, and ask if our idea of cause be not the same asour idea of continuance, and if the one belief yet remains when we under-stand the theory that refers it to the other, on what grounds can the theorystand?

Further, if I can alter and arrange the ideas of events at pleasure, – cansuppose one man’s coat on the back of another, or his boots on his hands,and his gloves on his feet, I begin to perceive how events could, then, haveoccurred in another order than they did, and to wonder how boots shouldhappen upon legs that they fitted so well, and that gloves should come to beupon hands: and my mind thus gradually expanding from boots to gloves,and from gloves to the hands they cover, and thence to the functions of theheart, and of the eye, and to the glorious fabric of the universe, I arrive at thenotions of chance, design, and probability; and, these once attained, itappears to me that any explanation of causation founded on a mere belief ofcontinuance must fall to the ground.

In a matter so abstruse and delicate I cannot hope to have rendered myselfperfectly clear in so small a compass. A difficulty which seems to haveobscured the minds of all the modern physical writers of France cannot besatisfactorily explained in an essay of a few pages. I trust therefore, I shall beexcused by my readers if I recapitulate the grounds on which I have venturedto deviate from the prevailing doctrine of cause and effect. They are these:

1. That the idea of continuance and the idea of cause are not fundamen-tally the same. That the idea of cause remains as distinct after Brown hasexplained that it does not exist, as it was before. 3. That invariable sequenceis never known to us except in a peculiar sense, and used in that sense wemay ask – is it at the first, or the second recurrence that belief, commences,and does it wholly fail with a failure in the sequence? 4. That a belief incausation may just as well be a primary law of the mind as a belief in con-tinuance, and explains the whole matter, which the latter does not.

But there is yet a fifth objection, of a different class, arising from the ideaof probability, and design, when events are opposed to probability, that maybe urged against the theory of Brown, and to the doctrine of the Frenchschool of physics. I care not how we obtain these ideas: it may be, as Ibelieve, by a fundamental perception of the mind, or by the process whichBrown has mentioned, it is sufficient if the mists disperse when the eminenceis attained; – if we perceive at last that the narrow pathway led – not into the



clouds – but to the summit of a mountain, to a spot where we may enjoy insecurity the extent, the beauty, and the grandeur of the scene.

The idea of probability must either be perceived, by those who havemastered Brown’s philosophy, to have no meaning, or, being admitted toexist in the mind, it must bring along with it the idea of chance, and thencea notion of those infinite chances that oppose the symmetry of the externalworld. Thus leading as the end of all reasoning to our prior notion of design,connection and cause.

Before leaving this subject I cannot refrain from remarking another errorwhich Brown’s theory of causation has led him into. An error relating to oneof the most obscure points in metaphysics; the idea of external existence. Heasserts, (Phil. of the Mind. Vol. i. p. 287.) that the idea of outwardness, orexternal existence, is first obtained by a failure in sequence. That when achild had found the motion of his arm to be a uniform consequent to the willthat his arm should move, he would as yet, have no notion that his arm wasother than an idea in his mind. But that a failure in this sequence, a will tomove his arm when the motion of his arm did not follow, would develope abelief in external things, of a universe beyond his mind. Were this true, thefailure of a spark to light a mass of gun-powder, of a horse, as yetunmatched, to win a race, of a belle to excite attention, or of mint sauce toimprove the taste of lamb should all suggest the idea of outwardness.

C.C.


126

10THE SIAMESE TWINS (1830)

[George Tucker], “The Siamese Twins,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 34,Feb. 3, 1830, pp. 529–531.

Chang and Eng – the original Siamese twins – were born in 1811 in Siam(now Thailand), and gained international celebrity when travelling inEurope and the United States beginning around age 18. In this article Tuckerargues that Chang and Eng present us with a unique opportunity to learnabout the development of the human mind, particularly regarding the kindsof qualities that are inherited or learned. Six years later Tucker had a chanceto interview the twins, the results of which he published in 1841 andreprinted in Essays, Moral and Metaphysical (1860).

THE SIAMESE TWINS

We cannot but regard this very singular sport of nature as the most inter-esting to philosophy of any which have ever come within our knowledge;and we greatly regret that, while every thing relating to the physical part ofthe phenomenon should have been so minutely scanned and so accuratelyreported, that which relates to its nobler part, the mind, should have been soutterly neglected, both in this country, and as far as we have yet seen, inEngland.

Never was so fair an opportunity presented for throwing light on, andperhaps settling, some controverted questions in mental philosophy, becausethere never was such an occasion of subjecting them to the test of exper-iment. Thus the disciples of Helvetius maintained that genius, as well asvirtue, is the creature of education; that any one, having all his senses in theordinary state of perfection, is capable of being moulded to any character,intellectual or moral; and that the diversity we see in the powers and dispo-sitions of men may be ascribed to minute early influences, and unequalexercises of their several faculties, before regular and ordinary instructionbegins.

To elucidate this question and such as have affinity to it, we here have twoindividuals who were born at the same time, have, throughout their subse-


The Siamese Twins 127

quent lives, been placed in circumstances almost precisely the same. Theyhave breathed the same air; partaken of the same food; witnessed the samescenes; conversed with the same persons; waked and slept – eaten and fasted– taken exercise and rest at the same time, and in the same portions. Theirmeans of knowledge may then be considered to be more equal than everhappened before to any twins, however similarly educated and fondlyattached to each other. As, too, they appear to have enjoyed good health,and may be supposed to have experienced the same treatment, theirpleasures and pains may also be presumed to have been the same, both incharacter and degree.

If then, on a careful and judicious course of examination, there shouldappear to be a decided difference in their mental powers or propensities, itwould seem sufficient to refute those who deny that men are born withminds of a different character. Should, however, no difference be discovered,the converse of the proposition would not be established, because it mighthappen that the resemblance which we often see so perfect in the outwardforms of twins, may here exist as to their minds from the beginning; and inthe case last mentioned, therefore, the inquiry would be unsatisfactory. Weapprehend however, that many points of difference would have beenperceived between them, especially as some slight diversities have beenalready noticed; and we must repeat our regret that the fact was not deter-mined by actual experiment.

We use the term experiment, because their mental faculties and moresimple emotions might be subjected to the closest and most accurate com-parison. Thus their memories might have been compared by putting thesame questions separately to each, and by imposing on the memory of eachthe same exercises. Their associations both as to their liveliness, variety andpeculiar kind, may be compared by the mention of the same interestingobjects separately to each; such as their native country – the ocean – the shipthat brought them here – America – London – their protector, &c. In thesecases it is impossible that the same trains of thought, excited in their separateminds, would be precisely the same, and the comparison, being made innumerous cases, may show the characteristic difference of their minds. Inlike manner, their answers to questions exercising their reasoning faculties,and their powers of generalizing, may be compared in the same way, as wellas their proneness to resentment, gratitude, jealousy, and other emotions. Itis scarcely necessary to add that, in these experiments, the questions put toeach, as well as the answers given to each, should be without the knowledgeof the other; and that as each would be liable to the peculiar influence ofsome bodily feeling – some sensible object – or some train of thought – whengiving his answers, the experiment should be repeated frequently and atdifferent times, so as to make these disturbing forces evanescent in thegeneral average.



These brothers afford perhaps a still better occasion of giving support orcontradiction to the Phrenological Hypothesis; for after making an accuratecomparison of their mental powers and propensities, in the way proposed, itmay be seen whether in those qualities in which they agree, they both havethe appropriate protuberances, to the same extent; and in those in whichthey differ, whether they have correspondent differences in the outwardform of their heads. The common resource of Gall and his followers, wherethe exterior of a skull does not respond, on their principles, to the qualitiesits owner is known to possess, is, that the natural propensity has had extra-ordinary development by education, (where the quality exists, and itsoutward sign, the protuberance, is wanting,) or has not been sufficientlydeveloped, where the protuberance exists, and the quality is wanting. Butthat resource will not avail them in this case, where “the developments,”made by education and circumstances, have been precisely the same with thetwo individuals compared. Should, therefore, these boys be found to havesimilar propensities and dispositions with different phrenological indica-tions, or different propensities with the same outward signs, the result willgo far to overturn the ingenious fabric which science, real or pretended, hasbuilt up on a small basis of facts.

The affectionate disposition which these brothers shew towards oneanother, and their amiable deportment generally, are what might have beeninferred a priori from the principles of sound theory, according to which,every faculty, passion, or propensity, whether it be regarded as the effect oforiginal organization or of subsequent circumstances, acquires strengthfrom exercise.

The consciousness that these boys must have had, from the moment theycould perceive any thing, that their natural comfort depended on a mutualspirit of accommodation, and the constant habit of conferring and receivingkindness, have kept their sympathetic and benevolent feelings in continualplay, almost every hour of their lives. And should their acts of self denial andof kindness to each other be referred to love of self, in the first instance, yetafter frequent repetition, what was regarded as a means is afterwards soughtas an end, and each seeks the comfort of the other for its own sake. Besides,the habit of mutual accommodation would receive a new impulse from thesubsequent conviction that no serious injury could happen to one withoutaffecting the other, and that their safety and well being were inseparablylinked together. This state of things would naturally render them obliging,docile and complying to all, and as to each other, make them exhibit,probably, the most perfect model of affection and friendship which theworld has ever seen, between persons of the same sex.

The future history of these twins will continue to be one of great interest;and we confess that we regard it with solicitude as well as curiosity. In caseof the sickness of one, or of both, the effects would be most inconvenient


The Siamese Twins 129

and distressing. It remains too to be seen whether that consentaneousness ofmind, cemented as it is by habit, may continue to exist in manhood, andwhether new wants and new passions which time may develope, may not betoo strong for the sympathy which has hitherto given them, as it were, onemind and one soul. It is the opinion of an eminent surgeon in London, (SirAstley Cooper,) that though these boys have all their vital functions distinct,it would be hazardous to separate them, on account of the shock that wouldbe given to the nervous system. This seems probable enough, as it respectstheir minds alone, if the separation were by death, or otherwise involuntary,but it might, we presume, make a great difference, if the separation shouldbe made in pursuance of their own vehement desire. We cannot but hopethat, before their union is dissolved in any manner, they will fall into handsat once competent and willing to give to their immaterial nature that inves-tigation which the interests of mental science seems to require and invite.

Q.


130

11CONTEMPORARY FAME (1830)

[George Tucker], “Contemporary Fame,” Virginia Literary Museum, No.34, February 3, 1830, pp. 533–535.

This is one of two essays that Tucker wrote on the subject of fame. Heargues here that we may easily misjudge the true qualities of famous con-temporary people, just as we do famous people of the past. This – andanother piece below – is subscribed “Omicron”. Although this pseudonymis not one that Robert Mclean identifies as Tucker’s, there are strong simi-larity in content between the two “Omicron” items and other of Tucker’spublications, which make his authorship virtually certain.

CONTEMPORARY FAME

Tam ficti pravique tenar, quam nuncia veri:VIR.

Now bent on wicked fictions, and now the messenger of truth.

___

It must be confessed that if we are likely to mistake the characters of theindividuals whom we know only through the medium of history, we are alsoapt to misapprehend those of our contemporaries. The want of sufficientmaterials wherewith to form our judgments misleads us in one case, and toomuch feeling in the other. Partiality or dislike have so strong a bias in ourestimate of those who live in the same times with ourselves, that it may bewell doubted whether we are not led into greater errors by prejudice than byignorance.

No man who was conspicuous in his own times was ever without hisfriends and flatterers, his enemies and revilers; and while the first will exag-gerate his virtues and palliate his faults, the latter will do just the reverse; andthus, by opposite means, they both seriously concur in the same result ofhiding the truth from the world. It may be thought perhaps that theseopposing misrepresentations counterbalance each other, and that public


Contemporary Fame 131

opinion, aware of such prevalent influences, commonly takes the middleground between flattery and malignity, and thus probably arrives at thetruth. In some cases, no doubt, this really happens, but in many other thesecontrary and irreconcilable accounts have no other effect than to confoundour ideas of the character intended to be exhibited, and to make us adopt inthe mass one representation and reject the other; or render us sceptical of thewhole testimony which so requires us to credit the existence of unassociablequalities and inconsistent facts.

It is said that Lavater was once presented with a fictitious profile con-taining the forehead of one person, the nose of another, and the mouth of athird, for the purpose of passing a judgment on the character of thesupposed original, and that the physiognomist immediately perceived theincongruity and detected the fraud. But the moral eye cannot boast of thesame power of discrimination. He who is prudent at one time may be indis-creet at another; the man who is habitually niggardly or selfish, may havebeen sometimes compassionate and generous; and no one is, at all times, andin all situations, the same. Besides, a character may be drawn with qualitieswhich were never yet found united. It may be exhibited as tremblingly aliveto the emotions of gratitude, but insensible to those of resentment; with alively sensibility to pleasure, but none at all to privation or pain, and theunnatural and impossible alliance will not, by the generality of mankind, beperceived.

The impressions produced by a handsome person, a graceful or dignifiedair, by a cheerful temper, or insinuating address, are always mingled withthe opinions we form of the moral or intellectual qualities of our acquain-tance; and, by a natural association, the pleasure occasioned by theirpersonal accomplishments enhances our estimate of their talents and virtues.Where, on the contrary, the manners or person displease us, an additionalproportion of merit is commonly required to produce equal effect.Peculiarities of manner are also apt to deceive; gravity ,for example, asimplying extraordinary depth of thought; singularity as implying originalityand independence of mind; and vehemence, as implying a thorough con-viction of the truth and importance of what it advances.

The adventitious circumstances of rank or fortune produce a similardeception. Who does not recollect some time of his early life, when, in theweakness of his reason and the liveliness of his feelings, he has perceivedsense and wit only because he saw manifestations of wealth or power? Andin this respect a large part of mankind are children all their lives. Such cir-cumstances as these influence contemporaries in their estimate of intellectualexcellence or moral wealth; they transmit their opinions to posterity, anderror, thus obtaining a general currency, is finally consecrated by time.

The comparative rank, which Dr. Johnson and Goldsmith held in the esti-mation of their contemporaries, seems to afford a striking illustration of



such deceptive influences. These eminent men, it is known, not only lived atthe same period and in the same city, but were associates in the same circle.The superior readiness of Johnson in conversation, with his authoritativeand dogmatical manner, impressed their mutual friends with the belief thathe was greatly the others superior in intellect, which opinion received con-firmation from the yielding, and often submissive behaviour of Goldsmithhimself. And yet if we are to judge of them by what would seem to be thesurest test of the merit of authors – their respective productions, Goldsmithpossessed a higher order of genius than Johnson. As a poet, the author of the“Traveller” and the “Deserted Village” must rank far above the imitator ofJuvenal. There are few, I presume, who would not rather have written theVicar of Wakefield than Rasselas, or even the Lives of the Poets. The “GoodNatured Man” and “She Stoops to Conquer” every body has read or seenacted, and may see or hear again with undiminished pleasure, while themerits of “Irene” most people have yet to learn. In one single species ofcomposition, essays on life and manners, Johnson has the advantage, andyet the “Rambler,” though superior to the “Citizen of the World,” is not somuch superior, as it is different’ the latter exhibiting more invention, andtreating the lighter follies of mankind with more ease and nature, and con-sequently with greater effect.

If this parallal be just, it follows that posterity must reverse the sentencewhich was pronounced on the relative merit of these individuals by theircontemporaries, and unhesitatingly place Goldsmith highest in the scale ofintellectual merit.

But the false estimates of contemporaries are not always so easily detected.Where the merit of an individual consists chiefly in action, there is no touch-stone by which after times can try the justness of public opinion. Statesmen,generals, and I may add, those orators whose effusions have had no otherdepositary than the unfaithful ear, must be regarded by posterity accordingto the representations given of them by those who drew from the life; andwhose pictures are always more or less influenced by the false colouringsthat have been mentioned. The attempt therefore of Horace Walpole toshew that Richard the third had not either the deformities of person or ofmind which have been generally ascribed to him, was not so absurd as itmay at first appear; and a more dispassionate age than the present maypossibly prove that Robespiere was less ferocious and unprincipled – lesscallous to human suffering than we now believe him to be.

It does indeed happen with a few individuals that their words and actions,by reason of their extraordinary celebrity, are so narrowly watched and sominutely reported, that a mass of evidence is furnished from which thepublic may form a correct judgment of their characters. But this correctjudgment can be formed only by posterity, when the feelings of admirationor disgust, of favor or ill will that they excited during their lives, have ceased


Contemporary Fame 133

to exist. In this way the character of General Washington may be now justlyappreciated, as may at no distant period that of Napoleon, whom even theEnglish Tories already begin to admit to be the greatest man of his age. Butas to those who have been less conspicuous, if they should not be hiddenfrom the view of posterity by the shades of oblivion, they must expect toappear in those false hues with which both the good and the evil passions ofmen never fail to exhibit their contemporaries.

OMICRON.


134

12METAPHYSICS AND THE METAPHYSICS OF

LANGUAGE (1830)

[George Tucker], “Metaphysics” and “The Metaphysics of Language,”Virginia Literary Museum, No. 46, April 1830, pp. 721–727, No. 48, May12, 1830, pp. 753–757.

The two articles below are part of a single essay on the subject of modernmetaphysics – more specifically “mental philosophy” particularly asdeveloped by Dugald Stewart. The first article discusses possible experi-mental techniques in mental philosophy, and the second explores therelation between language and thought.

METAPHYSICS

The proper study of mankind is man. – Pope.

The superiority of modern science is in few things more conspicuous than inMental Philosophy. This is now regarded by its votaries as a branch of theknowledge of nature; and is studied, like the physical sciences, by obser-vation of its natural phenomena. No principle is considered establishedwhich every person of reflexion cannot find verified by attending to theoperations of his own consciousness, or probable by observing the apparentoperations of the minds of others. The deductions of the science are thusmade to rest on a solid basis; its pursuits and objects are limited to what isattainable, and they who cultivate it, tied down to such things as can be seen,felt, and understood, are no longer suffered to “shoot madly from theirspheres,” into the regions of conjecture, mysticism and absurdity.

There are few writers since Locke who have contributed so largely to thisreformation as the late Dugald Stewart, partly, because neither his modestynor his judgment would suffer him to lose sight of the sobriety of nature, andthe common sense of mankind; and partly from the charms of a style, whichat once easy, lively and perspicuous, reflects the thoughts of the amiablewriter with the distinctness and brightness of a mirror.


Metaphysics and The Metaphysics of Language 135

Mental science owes to Mr. Stewart a yet further obligation. He has notonly contributed to rid it of its pedantry, its mysticism and folly – to make itat once rational and attractive; but he has been its champion, and has vindi-cated it from the aspersions under which it continued to labor, after it hadceased to deserve them. It was to no purpose that Locke and Hume, andReid, and Condillac, and Mr. Stewart himself had inquired into the laws ofthe mind, by the same process of inductive reasoning which had proven soefficacious in the investigation of the laws of matter, and had lopped offfrom the intellectual science all that was either useless or incomprehensible.The world was strangely unconscious of its benefactors; and although it wasin every species of speculative reasoning, or rather we may say, in everydepartment of knowledge, indicating a continual advancement, its culti-vators continued to receive much of the ridicule or neglect which belongedto the metaphysicians of the middle ages, who resembled them in nothingbut in name. “Verily, there is much virtue in names;” and while chemistryhad become respectable by separating itself from alchemy – while observersof the heavenly bodies had acquired dignity by laying aside the name, withthe credulous folly, of astrologers, and medicine by surrendering its elixirsand panaceas in like manner, to empirics, the cautious enquirer into the lawsand functions of the intellectual part of our nature still incurred the sneersand reproaches due to the scholastic metaphysician, because he had not ridhimself of the name.

Nor was this prejudice confined to the vulgar and illiterate, and to thoseempty declaimers who, looking only at the surface of things, are alwaysready to prate against what they do not understand: but it was also felt bysome who not only partook of the general benefits which mental philosophyhad conferred, but derived from it much of their talent for abtruse specu-lation, to which metaphysical studies had especially trained them. Mr.Stewart has been twice called upon to defend his favorite science against theattacks of the Edinburgh Reviewers, who, if not the most metaphysicalwriters of the most metaphysical country in Europe, at least owed mainly tothe science they thus thought to undervalue, their most successful disquisi-tions in morals, politics and literature.

But in bestowing our just praise on Mr. Stewart for the zeal and abilitywith which he has defended the Philosophy of Mind, let it not be understoodthat we entirely coincide with him in his controversy with the ingeniouscritics adverted to. We think that he has not only overrated the furtherimprovement of which the science is susceptible, but that estimating itsadvantages, he has not sufficiently dwelt on the one which we deem thegreatest. It has not, however, always been overlooked by him, as it isexpressly mentioned in his disquisition prefixed to the supplement to theEncyclopedia Britannica. Having thus ventured to dissent in a slight degreefrom a writer of so much weight and authority, and yet more from his adver-



saries, we will now lay before the reader our views of the tendency of meta-physical studies; especially as in doing so, we shall combat some prevalenterrors and misapprehensions on this subject.

We will first consider the direct and immediate advantages of thesestudies, and then, the indirect or consequential, which latter we regard as themost important.

An intimate acquaintance with the character and laws of the human mindmust evidently be of great utility to all those whose business is to operate onthat mind, whether on the understanding, the taste, feelings or passions. Theorator, the poet, the writer of every class; as well as the painter, sculptor ormusical composer, must understand the material which he wishes to fashionto a particular purpose, before he can hope for success in his efforts. Hemust learn the principles by which the mind is pleased or excited, before hecan know how to please or excite it, as certainly as the chemist must betaught the affinities and repulsions of different substances, before he canproduce any particular compound. To all those then whose purpose it is toinfluence the thoughts or feelings of others, the study of the human mindmust be immediately advantageous.

In the arts of education and instruction, where the object is “to rear thetender thought to teach the young idea how to shoot,” to mould the temper,disposition and moral habits of the individual, the mental science is stillmore important. Without being disciples of Helvetius, and not doubting thatmen are born with differences of capacity and temperament which limit theeffects of discipline, we must believe that the chief diversities are the result ofthe circumstances in which they have been placed; and consequently that thecharacter, both moral and intellectual, may be most materially affected byearly instruction. It is impossible to doubt this when we see every man bornin one country a Mohametan, in another a Pagan, and in another a Christian– in Spain a Catholic, in Great Britain or the United States a Protestant, anda Presbyterian in Scotland or Connecticut. Polygamy is deemed sinful in onecountry and innocent in another. The Algerines feel neither compunctionnor shame in assailing the vessel of any nation whose resentment they do notdread, and kill or make slaves of its crew, with as little scruple as the man ofNantucket destroys seals for the sake of their fur, or whales for their oil.

If these national differences be referred to the form of government or thelaws, or with less plausibility to climate, still it must be recollected that eventhey effect uniformity only by means of early habits and mental discipline.

But let us pass from nations to individuals, and note the variety in thecharacters of men of the same country. Ninety-nine times in a hundred thepeculiar character of each may be traced to the peculiar modes and circum-stances of his education. He is respectable or contemptible, ignorant orintelligent, according as he has been well or ill brought up. Let us supposethat an experiment were made on a hundred children, born of poor, illiterate



and immoral parents. Let one half continue with their respective parents,and the other half be removed from them in very early infancy; be carefullyand judiciously reared, with the advantages of the best intellectual disciplineand moral instruction. Who can doubt that the difference between these twoclasses, as to the far greater part of each, would be that which exists betweenvirtue and vice – ignorance and knowledge, meanness and self respect?Where is the child, in short, who cannot be educated to be honest or knavish– to speak truth or falsehood – to be slovenly or neat – cowardly or brave –proud or humble – patient or fretful – generous or niggardly, – indolent orindustrious, and to have, nearly as great a diversity in his intellectualcharacter?

It is, however, objected that the knowledge of the human mind which isnecessary for the orator, poet, critic or instructor of youth, can be acquiredwithout the precepts of science; since those who have been distinguished inthese several characters have not been metaphysicians. But this does not nec-essarily follow, any more than that they did not understand grammar,because they were not professed grammarians. No man is either indifferentor inattentive to the various states of his own consciousness. He is, from thecradle to the grave, acquiring a knowledge of the principles of mental phi-losophy – with more or less success, according to his capacity and habits ofobservation; and here and there a gifted individual may become intimatelyacquainted with the workings of human passion, and all the natural featuresof the mind, by the exercise of his own unassisted powers, in the same wayas he may become a self taught painter, orator, poet or mathematician. Butbecause this may sometimes happen, it does not follow that other minds,and ordinary minds, may not be assisted in similar pursuits by previousinstruction. It would surely be very ridiculous to infer, because Shakespeare,or Brindley, or Patrick Henry had not received academical instruction, thattherefore such instruction is useless in making a poet, an orator, or a civilengineer. Nine out of ten of those who have been distinguished for intel-lectual excellence have had their minds diligently cultivated in early youth;and the very manner in which examples to the contrary are quoted, showsthat they are regarded as exceptions to the general rule.

Such then are the direct benefits of mental philosophy in some of ourhighest and most difficult pursuits. Great as they are, we cannot but thinkthat a still greater is to be found in its habituating the mind to analysis anddiscrimination, and thus preparing it for speculative reasoning; which it doesmore effectually than any other study. If we are asked for the proof of this,we appeal to the most satisfactory of all proofs – actual experience of the fact.We believe that it will be found that every man, whose mind has had thistraining, has shewn himself peculiarly fitted for profound reasoning on anyother subjects he has chosen to investigate. In confirmation of which we willcite a few striking examples. Lord Bacon, who by the common consent of



mankind, has done more for the advancement of human knowledge than anyother individual, and, who showed a depth of penetration and an extent ofcomprehension which have been the admiration of all posterity, made mentalphilosophy his particular study. Locke, who was the most distinguishedwriter on metaphysics that any age or country can boast, manifests the samepower of reflexion on other subjects – on the conduct of the understanding,and on some branches of political economy. If he was not equally fortunatein the plan of government prepared for South Carolina, it must be remem-bered that political science is essentially practical; and that he wanted thatexperimental knowledge on which alone it can safely rest. But again: HadAdam Smith not written the “Theory of Moral Sentiments” he wouldprobably never have written “The Wealth of Nations,” and been the founderof a new science, the principles of which he has so firmly established, that allthe assaults on it, whether open or insidious, serve but to prove its solidity.Hume, the most profound and sagacious, as well as the most elegant, ofEnglish historians, had prepared his mind in early life by his metaphysical dis-quisitions. Burke, too, the most philosophical of orators and statesmen, hadfirst distinguished himself by his metaphysical “Essay on the sublime andbeautiful.” To these illustrious names in English literature we may add thoseof Descartes, Leibnitz, Turgot, Diderot, D’Alembert and Condillac, all ofwhom were acute metaphysicians and profound reasoners on other subjects.

When we thus see that the most eminent metaphysical writers have alsobeen distinguished for the power and vigor of their minds, and have espe-cially excelled in those departments of knowledge in which vulgar reasonersare most apt to err, we cannot hesitate to believe that the study of mental phi-losophy is peculiarly fit for sharpening and invigorating the intellectualfaculties. We might further add, in confirmation of this tendency, that thosewho have been foremost in any species of polite literature, whether as poetsor historians, novelists or essayists – from Shakespeare to Byron – fromTacitus to Gibbon – from Cervantes and Le Sage to Fielding and Walter Scott– from Addison and Swift to Dr. Johnson and the Edinburgh Reviewers,prove by their works that they have made the human mind, with its modes ofacting and suffering, objects of diligent study. These examples, taken alto-gether, furnish a mass of evidence which it is not easy to resist.

In this view of the subject it is of little importance whether metaphysicalscience can be directly applied to useful purposes or not; or whether it is pro-gressive or stationary, since it gives to the mind of the student the samebeneficial exercise that he derives from learning the classics or mathematics,which studies must produce the same salutary effect on the learner, whograpples with and overcomes their difficulties, that they produced twohundred years ago. Though there were no new modes of dancing, riding orfencing, the modes already in use would not the less give agility, supplenessand grace to those who practised them.



In answer to Mr. Stewart’s anticipations (too sanguine, we admit,) of thecontinued advancement of the science of mind, it has been said that it isincapable of progressive improvement, since it is merely the subject of obser-vation, and not of experiment; and that as such observation consistsaltogether in watching the operations of our own consciousness, we possessno larger field of inquiry, nor further means of exploring it than we had twothousand years ago.

Admitting the truth of these facts, for the present, is it a fair inference fromthem that we have so far profited by the means we possessed, as to precludethe discovery of further useful truths? Surely not. The same objection mightbe urged against the sciences of government, jurisprudence or politicaleconomy, and yet what important discoveries have been made, in moderntimes, in these sciences, and are yet making! How did it happen that it wasnever until lately known, or even imagined, that perfect freedom in religionwas more favorable to the peace and harmony of society than simple toler-ation, or attempts at uniformity – or that an unrestrained press wouldcorrect the errors of its own licentiousness – or that commerce thrives betterwhen left to itself than when under the fostering care of government, – orthat the certainty of legal punishment, is more effectual in preventing crimethan their severity? They who formerly turned their attention to thesesubjects had apparently the same means of discovering these importanttruths that they have had since. Again, the materials of pure mathematics arenothing but number and magnitude, nor can any discovery be made in thescience except by some new perception of their relations. Here are no newsubstances to be found out – no new compounds of substances formerlyknown – no new modes of acting or of being acted on, and yet, circum-scribed as it is in its functions, how great has been its improvement inmodern times! So also men have always exercised their senses – theirmemory – their fancy and reason – have experienced emotions and passions,and have had a vague consciousness of all these operations: yet it has onlybeen of late years that it has been attempted to deduce this intellectual chaosto order, and to ascertain the laws of the mind in the only way in which theycan be ascertained, by observation and experiment. It has been with ourthoughts and feelings as with the signs of these thoughts and feelings – con-stituting the living speech. Mankind have been content to use it, long beforethey thought of speculating on its nature, and of reducing it to rules. Evenafter they had entered on this course, how long was it before these rules wereformed into the sciences of grammar, rhetoric and logic! Diligently as theyhave been cultivated and extensively as they have been improved, they arecontinually receiving further accessions from the labours of new minds,profiting by the labours of those who have gone before them. Now we cansee no good reason why the same sort of improvement should not take placein mental philosophy. The laws by which the mind is pleased or pained by



this or that perception – the influence of opinion and emotion on each other– the formation of our tastes – the varieties of intellectual character, with thecauses of that variety – the mode of regulating the passions and desireswithout extinguishing them – the mode of super-inducing some habits anderadicating others, are among the subjects in this science, in which; by thesuccessive lights of different minds, it has been steadily improving, and towhich every succeeding inquirer makes some further contribution.

We have admitted for the sake of argument that the science of the mind isnot susceptible of experiment. It has been assimilated to astronomy in whichman must content himself with a patient observation of the motions andphases of the heavenly bodies, without being able to subject them to anyexperiment whatever. But the comparison is not strictly just. In many cases,indeed, we must be passive observers of the mental as well as the celestialphenomena; but in many others we can subject the mind to the test of actualexperiment, as certainly we can make experiments on matter – We canascertain the effect of any particular operation or emotion of the mind, byexciting it at pleasure, and then noticing the result. In the cases of personsborn blind, but afterwards able to see, the facts which metaphysical theoryhad anticipated have been verified by experiment; and there are many otherprinciples regarding sensations which may be examined in the same way,when new occasions shall present themselves. Whenever a doubt arisesabout the illusions of the senses or the imagination, we can ascertain the factby experiment. Most of the phenomena of memory admit of the same test.If opportunities for making these experiments are rare, as in the case ofpersons cured of original blindness or deafness; or if, as in the case ofeducation, much time must elapse before the result of the experiment can beknown, these difficulties furnish an additional argument for cultivating thescience – for attending to the experiments more carefully, but none fordenying their application.

But, in truth, whenever one mind acts on another in producing desire orfeeling of any sort – whenever the imagination is excited – the memory cul-tivated – the reason exercised, – all these are but so many practicalexperiments made upon the mind, which furnish the observer with thematerials for deducing its laws, and the means of forming and guiding it tohis purpose. Thus when Beccaria undertook to shew, from acknowledgedprinciples of human feeling and action, that severity of judicial punishmentwas both unnecessary and impolic, he applied the precepts of mental phi-losophy to an important subject of legislation – important whether weregard the interests and the feelings of society, or the particular individualson whom such punishments are designed to act. And when the legislature ofPennsylvania decided on carrying this rational and humane theory intoexecution, what did they do but make an experiment for its verification? Sowhen the framers of the constitution of the United States forbade the



national legislature to make any law restraining religious liberty, they madeanother great experiment on the human mind, as to religious feelings. Theprinciple of representation – of frequency of election – of dividing the leg-islative body into two houses – almost all constitutional provisions, in short,are experiments upon human passions and feelings: and many of the mostimportant of these, having been made for the first time in this country, areconsequently of recent existence.

When the mother threatens her infant offspring with her displeasure, orrewards it with her smiles and caresses, what are these but so many experi-ments, trite and familiar indeed, but still modes by which mind is made toact upon mind? The inconsiderate nurse who seeks to quiet a fretful child byexciting superstitious fears, also makes an experiment on the mind of hercharge. The teacher who incites the ambition of her pupils by a system ofrewards – the orator – the poet – the lover – the actor – all make their severalexperiment to direct, inform, or interest the human mind.

It is surely no good argument against the utility of these experiments thatmany of them are familiarly practised by the rudest and most untutored partof mankind. The same means of improving the memory; correcting evilpropensities; creating new habits, – influencing, in short, the feelings andactions of men have, it is admitted, always been pursued. We do not meanto deny that nature is a kind preceptress, and that all human life is a series ofexperiments, from which the dullest and least discerning of necessity learnmuch. But it is the object of mental science to expedite this process, and toimpart to one mind the benefit of another’s experience. The same objectionmay be urged to the science of medicine. Men have always known theordinary causes of disease – exposure – sudden transitions – unwholesomefood – excess in eating and drinking, &c. They have always possessed, too,the simple remedies of sudorifics, emetics, cathartics; and have acquired amoderate degree of skill in their application. Yet it would surely be unjust toinfer from this that the service is either useless, incapable of furtherimprovement, or that we may safely trust to individual sagacity for the cureand prevention of disease. And if it were true that “every man at forty iseither a fool or a physician,” it would still be a great point gained to him ifhe could anticipate his knowledge of the healing art by fifteen or twentyyears.

It may however be urged that there is this material difference between thetwo cases: medicine may find out new remedies; mental philosophy nevercan. – We must not hope to discover any immaterial quinine to give tone tothe weak or failing intellect – any mental morphine to “minister to a minddiseased” – any moral vaccination to resist the contagion of vice. Althoughthis assumed position is contradicted by undisputed improvements in thewhole business of education, and in the management of diseases of the mind,as well as in the great legislative experiments before alluded to; yet, granting



that no new remedies could be discovered, it would nevertheless be of thesame sort of importance to study the science of the mind as it is to study thatof medicine – though there could be no accession of new truths, it would beuseful to learn those already known. It would, indeed, seem a strange reasonfor neglecting a study, that it had attained its most perfect state, when it wasbest worthy of being studied.

But what useful results, it has been triumphantly asked, has the science ofmind to show amidst the wonders which physics has achieved, to add tohuman power and enjoyment? To this we would reply, first, that thesewonderful creations of physical science are in a great measure to be ascribedto the laws of philosophizing and the improved modes of research whichBacon introduced, and which he discovered only by studying the philosophyof the mind. To make this inquiry at the present day, is as if the navigator,who is able to know his precise position on the trackless ocean and to directhis course to the remotest regions of the globe by means of the ordinarybooks and instruments, forgetting the sources from whence he derived theseaids, should ask what advantage navigation derived from observatories, ortelescopes, or logarithms or fluxions, seeing that he could traverse the oceanwithout them. Secondly, as the metaphysical researches of Adam Smith,Turgot, Hume, Burke and many others preceded their other writings, and,as we have supposed, have been greatly instrumental in producing them, wethink that these studies are entitled to the credit of them. Thirdly, and lastly,to descend to the more immediate results, we may impute the downfall ofsuperstition in some countries – the improved systems in almost everybranch of education – and the invaluable modern discoveries in the mostimportant of all sciences – that of civil government, comprehending politicaleconomy – to the successful cultivation of the philosophy of the mind.

If the preceding views have any claim to correctness, with what proprietycan it be said that “in metaphysics, knowledge is not power?” When itinstructs us in the most effectual modes of operating on the opinions,feelings, tastes and desires of others – teaches us, to quicken and strengthenour own faculties or the faculties of others – to restrain culpable desires, andencourage good ones – to influencing not only individuals but communities,and by playing off one passion or propensity against another, to represscrime and injustice, and encourage industry, economy and public spirit –when it can do these things we would ask, not only what higher evidences ofpower can be exhibited, but in what way can power be so beneficiallyexerted?

(To be continued.)



THE METAPHYSICS OF LANGUAGE

We were induced in a late number to make some remarks in reply to certainarguments by which metaphysical studies had been depreciated, becausethose arguments might give countenance to a vulgar prejudice as silly as it ispernicious; silly, because the metaphysics of the present day differ as muchfrom the metaphysics of the middle ages, as the vain search of thephilosopher’s stone differs from the labours of the modern chymist; and per-nicious, because it tends to bring discredit on a science whose precepts aredirectly useful to the lawgiver, the instructor, and to every one who by histongue or his pen wishes to operate on the understanding or affections ofothers.

In Dugald Stewart’s notice of the difference between languages which arecompound and derivative, and those which are simple and original, he iscontent to follow Adam Smith, who, in his ingenious dissertation, had cometo this general conclusion, “that the more simple any language is in its com-position, the more complete it must be in its declensions and conjugations;and, on the contrary, the more simple it is in its declensions and conjugations,the more complete it must be in its composition.”

Two advantages of the antient languages over the modern are deducedfrom the preceding maxim; one is, that they admit of greater conciseness,which makes them so much better adapted to mottoes and inscriptions; andthe other is, that “they allow a latitude in the arrangement of words, of whichmodern languages do not admit.” Mr. Stewart and Mr. Smith have however,we think, a little overrated this last advantage, and they have given somestrength to their argument by a slight inadvertence.

“In the Greek and Latin,” says, Mr. Stewart, adopting the language ofSmith, “though the adjective and substantive were separated from oneanother, the correspondence of their terminations still showed their mutualreference, and the separation did not occasion any confusion in the sense.Thus in the first line of Virgil,

“Tityre, tu patulæ recubans sub tegimine fagi.”

We easily see that tu refers to recubans, and patulæ to fagi, because theirterminations determine the mutual reference. But if we were to translatethis line literally into English, ‘Tityrus, thou of spreading reclining under theshade beech,’ it would be perfectly unintelligible, because there is here notermination to indicate to what substantive each adjective belongs.” p. 42.

But fagi should be translated “of beech,” as well as patulæ, “of spreading,”in which case, if such an arrangement of the words were permitted in English,



there would be just as much reason to know that the substantive belonged tothe adjective in that language, as there is in the Latin; the only difference beingthat in one language the sign of agreement is in the termination of the words,and in the other, it is prefixed to them, as takes place in Hebrew, and someother languages. Indeed, if we suppose the particles by which we translate theseveral cases of a Latin noun to be appended to the word, as in fact they oftenare to the ear in spoken language, then a difference between the twolanguages on which so much stress has been laid, is reduced to the unim-portant distinction of inflecting the noun at the end or the beginning. Let usin this way compare the declension of the Latin word sermo, with its corre-spondent cases in English:

Sermo speechSermo-nis of-speechSermo-ni to-speechSermo-nem speech

Sermo-ne from-speechin-speechby-speechwith-speech

Here it is evident that the only difference between the two languages is, thatin the Latin, certain particles, expressive of some circumstance or relation,follow the word, and in the English precede it. A similar parallel may bedrawn between the inflections of the verb, in the two languages. We suspectthat there is a good deal of error on the subject of the natural order of words,and that it is with words as with things – we are apt to consider those to bethe most natural to which we have been most accustomed. We persuadeourselves that the mind is kept less in suspense by the arrangement whichtakes place in English and its kindred language, but it will commonly befound that there are few sentences, containing neither expletives, nortautology, nor circumlocution, in which the mind of the hearer is not kept ascompletely suspended in English as in the Latin or German, though the ideaskept back in one language, do not correspond to those kept back in the other,and may not be of equal importance. Nor is it quite certain that we do notdeceive ourselves in the superior fitness of our arrangement of words forphilosophical discussion. We incline to think that the superior precision of theromanic languages and the English over the antients in abstruse speculations,lies deeper than in the mere order of the words. The human mind has in factbeen progressively improving, and language has changed with it. On thissubject we will quote some sensible remarks made by Dr. Noehdan of theUniversity of Gottingen, in a letter to Mr. Stewart, who relies on it in a sub-



sequent part of the same section, to confirm Smith’s maxim beforementioned.

“In comparing,” observes Dr. Noehdan, “the antient and modernlanguages, Mr. Smith ought to have expressed himself under certain limita-tions with regard to the latter. For the genius of the modern languages, if wecomprehend, under this title those existing among the civilized nations ofEurope, is very different. The German, for instance, has several strikingpeculiaries, which, in the strongest manner, distinguish it from others. It is,in some respects, more complicated in point of grammatical structure thanthe Greek or the Latin; but the most remarkable characteristic is thearrangement of words; which, though widely different from the naturalorder of construction, is yet limited and determined by certain rules.

The artificial arrangement of the parts of speech in the German languageis not unworthy the attention of a philosopher; it is perhaps a disadvantagein philosophical inquiries, and it might be suggested with some plausibility,that the obscurity of Kant’s system is, in some degree, to be attributed to thelanguage in which he wrote; though I am by no means decided as to thispoint. So much is certain, that Plattner, an eminent philosopher inGermany, conceived that artificial order of placing the parts of speech to beunfavorable to the purpose of philosophy; and that he gave a determinedpreference to a natural collocation of words. He went so far as to attemptto introduce the latter in opposition to the general established practice. Butthis is in the highest degree contrary to the habits of the people of Germany,insomuch so, that his books in which the natural arrangement of words isadopted, appear hardly legible. I have often turned from them with dis-pleasure, and even disgust, and found it a greater labour to read andunderstand him, than more difficult subjects would have given me, ifdelivered in the usual form of arrangement.”

In treating of language as an instrument of thought, Mr. Stewart seemshighly impressed with its practical importance, and thinks “that if a system ofrational logic should ever be executed by a competent hand, this will form themost important chapter of such a work.”

In the third volume of his Elements, the same author, after quoting someremarks of D’Alembert on the philosophy of language, makes a criticism ona passage in the Melanges of this writer, from which we are compelled todissent. The passage relates to the well known story of a blind man’scomparing scarlet to the sound of a trumpet, and is in these words:

“Nous ressemblons, bien plus souvent que nous ne le croyons, à cetaveugle né qui disoit que la couleur rouge lui paroissoit devoir tenir quelquechose du son de la trompette. Il est facile, ce me semble, de trouver la raison


1 Book iii. chap. 4.2 “In the first crusade,” (says Mr. Gibbon) “all the crosses were red; in the third, the

French alone preserved that colour, while green crosses were adopted by theFlemings, and white by the English. Yet in England, red ever appears the favorite,and, as it were the national colour of our military ensigns and uniforms.” Declineand fall, &c. vol. xi. p ii.


de ce jugement si bizarre et si absurde; l’aveugle avoit entendu dire souventdu son de la trompette (qu’il connoisoit) que c’étoit un son eclatant; il avoitentendu dire ausi que la couleur rouge (qu’il ne connoipoit pas) étoit unecouleur eclatante; ce meme mot, employé á exprimer deux choses si differ-entes, lui avoit croire qu’elles avoient ensemble de l’analogie. Voila l’imagede nos jugemens en mille occasions, et un example bien sensible del’influence des langues sur les opinions des hommes.”

On this passage, Mr. Stewart remarks:

“When D’Alembert quoted this anecdote, he was evidently ignorant thatit is of English origin, and that it had been employed as an illustration of thesame argument in the Essay on Human Understanding. ‘A studious blindman, who had mightily beat his head about visible objects, and made use ofthe explication of his books and friends, to understand those names of lightand colours, which often came in his way, bragged one day that he nowunderstood what scarlet signified. Upon which his friend demanded whatscarlet was? The blind man answered, it was like the sound of a trumpet.’1

I cannot dismiss this subject without taking notice of the infelicity ofD’Alembert’s theory with respect to the source of the blind man’s mistake.A much more simple one must immediately occur to every inhabitant ofthis country, from the appropriation of red to the military uniform;combined with the conspicuous rank which the trumpet has occupied, in allages, among the musical instruments employed in war.

The peculiarly strong and impressive effects produced on the blind man’sear by the brazen din of the trumpet, accompanying and overpowering theother instruments of martial music, would naturally be the signal whichannounced to him the pomp of some military parade; and, such is thestrength of the association between scarlet and the military profession, thatamong the lower orders red-coats and soldiers are synonymous terms.Dryden has even admitted this cant phrase into his poetry:

‘The fearful passenger who travels lateShakes at the moonshine shadow of a rush,And sees a red coat rise from every bush.’2


3 I had always imagined, that the above solution must here immediately present itselfto every Englishman capable of the slightest reflection, till I met with the followingpassage in an essay on tragedy, by the late Horace Walpole.

“When blind Professor Sanderson said, he supposed scarlet was like the sound of atrumpet, it proved he had been told that scarlet was the most vivid of colours, butshewed he had not otherwise an idea of it. “Thoughts on Tragedy, by Lord Oxford,”See his works, vol. ii. p. 309.

This quotation, by the way, may serve to prove, that the anecdotes of the nobleauthor are not always to be implicitly relied on, even with respect to his own con-temporaries. His incorrectness in the present instance, is the most wonderful, as hewas himself, (as I happen to know from good authority,) a pupil of Sanderson’s andlived with him in habits of intimacy, while a student at Cambridge.”


I have little doubt that D’Alembert himself would have preferred thesolution to that which he has proposed, if scarlet had been the militaryuniform in France,3 or if the colour in question, instead of scarlet, hadbeen white.”

Now we think that although D’Alembert was not warranted in ascribingthe blind man’s mistake to the circumstance that the word eclatant appliesequally to the color of scarlet, and the sound of a trumpet, inasmuch as thestory had been first told by an English writer, yet we consider his solution tobe of a more philosophical character than Mr. Stewart’s, and far nearer thetruth. The blind man was probably led to fancy a resemblance between acolor which he could not know, and a sound which he did know, from per-ceiving some similarity between the feelings described by those who could sethe one, and the feelings excited in himself on hearing the other: not a closesimilarity, it is true, but of the same character as those faint analogies whichoccasion the transfer of words from the objects of one sense to the objects ofanother, and vice versa – which have moreover so extended the wordsbeauty and sweetness from their original signification – and make us speakof the bitterness of grief, of dark suspicions, bright hopes, of a smilingprospect, or of inanimate things being cruel or threatening, or delicate orinviting. All these metaphors have their foundation in a certain slight resem-blance between the sense which the words first expressed, and that whichthey are borrowed to express. No man seems to have understood this subjectbetter than Mr. Stewart. It is frequently touched upon in his metaphysicalwritings, and the volume before us contains a passage so very apposite to thepresent question that we cannot forbear quoting it in this place. In treatingof the different acceptations of the word metaphysics, he justly observes,

“When a philosophical term is transferred from one thing to another, itseldom happens that the transference is made wholly at random. Somesort of connexion or analogy has been perceived between the two subjects,



by a kind of intuition, although it may require much reflexion to enable usto say in what the connexion consists. The study of the metaphorical, andperhaps still more of (what I have elsewhere called) the transitive appli-cation of language, may in this way, often assist us in tracing the relationsamong the different objects of our knowledge; or, at least, may help us toaccount for the intellectual process by which men have been led to com-prehend, under a common term, things apparently different, and evenheterogeneous.” p. 168.

Upon applying the preceding principles to the remark of the blind man,they seem to furnish a more satisfactory solution of his fancied resemblancebetween a color and a sound than the casual association mentioned by Mr.Stewart, for the following reasons. 1. There is really as much affinitybetween the sensations excited by the sound of a trumpet and the color ofscarlet as can often exist between those of different senses; both objectsproducing a very lively, animating and agreeable nervous excitement; and itis this quality which has made the trumpet of such a general use in martialmusic, and has recommended scarlet, not only to the English nations for itsmilitary uniform, but also to the natives of Asia, Africa, and the Indians ofour continent, who are never so lavish of their red lead or vermillion as whenthey are decorating themselves for war. The universal esteem in which thiscolor is held by savage nations, and the preference which children alwaysmanifest for it, shew that it is peculiarly grateful to our visual organs; and weknow that the same dress and decoration, which impart pride and pleasureto the wearer, are always affected by warriors, whether in savage or civilizedlife. 2. The affinity is farther shewn by the French word eclatant applyingequally to both, and thus clearly indicating one of those delicate analogieswhich the mind sometimes perceives between two objects belonging todifferent senses: and the analogy appears to be the greater, in the presentinstance, from the fact that French etymologists are divided whether it wasfirst applied to objects of hearing or vision. 3. The fact stated by HoraceWalpole, together with his explanation of the supposed resemblancebetween the colour and the sound, by their common vividness. Walpole’stestimony is surely entitled to respect, where he had no selfish or partymotives to misrepresent the truth; and the only ground adduced by Mr.Stewart for impeaching it, on this occasion, assumes the very fact inquestion. 4. The blind man would in the course of eager inquiry imputed tohim by Mr. Locke, be more likely to regard a resemblance between the sen-sations excited by the different objects, than a coincidence which was casual,and which would apply to numerous military objects besides, such ascannon – gunpowder – the sound of a drum &c – objects that he wouldknow to be of a most heterogeneous character.

We have perhaps bestowed too much attention on a very small matter; but



if it was worthy of Mr. Stewart’s serious discussion, we could not deem itunworthy of ours – and the same principles moreover involved in the inves-tigation of a small object as of a great one.

Q.


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13ETYMOLOGY (1830)

[George Tucker], “Etymology,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 48, May12, 1830, pp. 759–761.

Several of Tucker’s essays, such as the one here, are sparked by discussions inthe writings of Scottish philosopher Dugald Stewart. Tucker argues that ety-mological explanations of words must go beyond similarity in sound andinvolve historical and philosophical insights.

ETYMOLOGY

On this subject we will quote a passage from the greatest philologer of his day.

“Etymology,” says sir William Jones, “has, no doubt some use n historicalresearches; but it is a medium of proof so very fallacious, that where it elu-cidates one fact, it obscures a thousand, and more frequently borders on theridiculous, than leads to any solid conclusion; it rarely carries with it anyinternal power of conviction from a resemblance of sounds or similarity ofletters, yet often where it is wholly unassisted by those advantages, it may beindisputably proved by extrinsic evidence. We know a posterior, that bothfitz and hijo, by the nature of two several dialects, are derived from filius;that uncle comes from avus, and stranger from extra; that jour is deducible,through the Italian, from dies; and rossignal from luscinia, or the singer ingroves; that scuiro, ecureil, and squirrel, are compounded of the Greekwords descriptive of the animal: which etymologies, though they could nothave been demonstrated a priori, might serve to confirm, if any such confir-mation were necessary, the proofs of a connection between the members ofone great empire; but when we derive our hanger or short pendant swordfrom the Persian, because ignorant travellers thus mis-spell the word tohanjer, which in truth means a different weapon, or sandal wood from theGreek, because we suppose that sandals were sometimes made of it, we gainno ground in proving the affinity of nations, and only weaken argumentswhich might otherwise be firmly supported.” Vol. i. p. 20.


Etymology 151

These observations, so indisputably just, are, however, rather applicable toetymology when it is guided solely by the ear, as was formerly the case, thanwhen assisted by the lights of history and philosophy. By these aids the moreaccurate philologer of the present day has been taught to distrust mere simi-larity of sound, and to know that in many instances the ear is a false guide,and many others, is no guide at all. Thus, at one time the true origin of a wordis kept out of sight by some popular corruption, and a wrong one is suggested.As o yes, on making a proclamation from oyez: culprit, traced to two wordsused in the abbreviated record of criminal trials – sparrowgrass for asparagus– and numerous others, of which our own country has already furnishedsome examples. Thus Hurlgate has been corrupted into Hellgate, Bois-bruléinto Bob Ruly; and the time may come when some future antiquary in thesouthern states, meeting in an old manuscript with the name of Wallace orWallis as a military chief, will puzzle his brain to clear up this obscure part ofour history, little dreaming that the object of his fruitless researches is the cel-ebrated Lord Cornwallis, whose name is thus popularly abridged in thesouth.

Sometimes, again, the ear can render us no assistance in tracing theetymology of a word, from the successive mutations it has chanced toundergo. Thus who would suspect that parson could be traced to the fitnessof the mask worn by the Roman actor for transmitting sound, or thatbalance, which many now corruptly use as synonymous with residue, origi-nated in a word signifying two dishes? But there is a further reason, which isindependent of accident, why the ear should often be insufficient to assist usin our etymological inquiries.

It is this, that those letters which are expressed by the same particularorgan, however they may differ in sound, are very apt to be interchanged,when transferred from one language to another, or from one tribe to another,according to the peculiarities of each; as pater, in the Latin, vater in theGerman, and father in English, have all a common origin – and in general onelabial, or lingual, or dental is more easily converted into another consonant ofthe same character, than into one of a different character which maysomewhat resemble it in sound. To select a few from thousands of instances.Thus, Gil Blas in Spanish, changes L into R, and becomes Gil Bras, inPortuguese; Melancholia in Latin or Greek, the same letters is changed into N,and becomes Malinchonia, or Maninchonia in Italian; and S, in the Germanwasser and das, is converted into T in the English words, water and that.

By this clue, words apparently very dissimilar, are traced to a commonorigin; and, thus conducting the inquirer to the affinities of differentlanguages, and through them, to the affinities of different nations, philologyand history are made to reflect light on each other.

One of the most curious and remarkable of these affinities is that whichexists between the Sanscrit and the Greek. Their common origin had been



long suspected, but the researches of the late philologers have now made ittoo manifest to leave a shadow of doubt; and the only question is, whetherthe Greek was formed from the Sanscrit, or the Sanscrit from the Greek.Dugald Stewart, adopting the opinion of Meiners in his Historia de verodeo, and Col. Dow, in his dissertation concerning the Hindoos, that theSanscrit was never a spoken language, but the invention of the Bramins,suggests, that it was formed by the priests of India in the same manner as themonks, during the middle ages, had formed what is sometimes calledkitchen Latin, and sometimes dog-Latin. He supports his hypothesis withmany ingenious arguments, but we think they are very far from being satis-factory.

If, with our utter ignorance of the Sanscrit, we may hazard an opinion onthe subject, we must say that Mr. Stewart’s conjecture is at variance with ourprevious notions both of the Sanscrit and the monkish Latin. This jargon ofthe monasteries was not, we had supposed, either a regular, or one entirelanguage, but consisted of a variety of compounds of Latin with the ver-nacular European tongues – varying in different countries – in different partsof the same country – and even according to the taste and capacities of thespeaker. All that was necessary was, that it should retain so much of thecharacter of real Latin, as to be intelligible to those who had been instructedin that language, and that no foreign word should be Latinized except onethat belongs to the dialect which prevailed where this jargon chanced to beused. The Sanscrit, on the contrary, is represented as a single homogeneouslanguage, remarkable for the regularity of its structure, and co-extensive inits diffusion with the order of the Brahmins. Thus, Sir William Jones says inspeaking of this language,

“Whatever be its antiquity, it is of a wonderful structure, more perfectthan the Greek, more copious than the Latin, and more exquisitely refinedthan either, yet bearing to both of them a stronger affinity, both in theroots of verbs, and in the forms of grammar, than could possibly havebeen produced by accident; so strong, indeed, that no philosopher couldexamine them all three, without believing them to have sprung from somecommon source, which perhaps no longer exists.” Vol. i . p. 26.

Mr. Wilkins, too, in his etymology of the word Sanskrita, seems to favorthe same character of the language. He says it is

“A compound participle, literally signifying altogether or completelymade, done, or formed, (Latin, confutus,) from the inseparable prepo-sition sam, altogether, or together, (Latin, col, com, con, corr,) and krita,done, with the interposition of a silent s, which letter being a dental,requires that the labial nasal which preceeds it should be pronounced as a


Etymology 153

dental also, namely as n. The word, in its common acceptation, denotes athing to have been composed, or formed by art; adorned, embellished,purified, highly cultivated or polished, and regularly inflected as alanguage.”

Stewart however thinks that the only possible supposition, on which allthis can be explained is, that Sanscrit was a language formed by the Bramins,and always confined to their order; and that the Greek tongue not onlyserved as a model for its syntax and system of inflections, but supplied thematerials of its vocabulary on abstract and scientific subjects.

But we will leave the question of the origin of the Sanscrit, and of thepriority between that and the Greek, to the decision of future inquirers,persuaded with Mr. Stewart that it is competent to able and learned critics,by applying themselves to the study of Sanscrit, to ascertain “from internalevidence, which of the two languages was the primitive, and which thederivative dialect;” and be able to decide “whether the mechanism of theSanscrit affords any satisfactory evidence of its being manufactured by sucha deliberate and systematical process” as he has conjectured.

K.


1 Hence the beauty of the word incipe in that exquisitely tender line of Virgil’s Pollio,in which the poet, addressing himself to the unborn child, calls on him to begin hisintercourse with the world he was about to enter, by learning to know his mother byher smile. Incipe parve puer, risu cognoscere matrem.

154

14NATURAL LANGUAGE (1830)

[George Tucker], “Natural Language,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 49,May 19, 1830, pp. 769–770.

In this article Tucker considers a theory of language addressed by DugaldStewart. Tucker argues that spoken language is grounded in a more funda-mental natural language of facial expressions and bodily gestures, whichhumans have in common with the animals.

NATURAL LANGUAGE

Dugald Stewart agrees with Reid in considering natural language as indis-pensable to the formation of artificial language, and he makes it to consist ofthe expressions of the countenance, gestures of the body, and tones of thevoice. He argues, and as we think, very satisfactorily, that man, as well asother animals, has the instinctive faculty of interpreting these natural signsof thought and feeling; and he assigns the following reasons for his opinions.

1. A child is able at a very early period to understand the meaning ofsmiles and frowns, of a soothing or threatening tone of voice; long, at least,before it can be supposed capable of so much observation as to remark theconnexion between a passion and its external effect.1 If the interpretation ofnatural signs be the result of experience, whence is it that children under-stand their meaning, at a much earlier period than they do that of arbitrarysigns? If it were merely the effect of observation, the fact would be reversed,inasmuch as it is obviously more easy to remember the sound of a word thanthe most simple modification of the human countenance, nor is there anything more wonderful in this instinctive phenomenon which infants exhibit,nor perhaps so wonderful, as that instinctive terror with which nature hascertainly endowed some of the brutes for the destined enemies of their


Natural Language 155

respective tribes. It deserves, too, to be remarked with respect to the loweranimals, that they as well as man, express what passes in their minds bynatural signs; and their is even some reason for apprehending that some ofthem understand instinctively certain natural signs which we employ.

If natural signs be interpreted in consequence of experience only, why arewe more affected by natural signs than by artificial ones? A peasant who hasnever heard but one language spoken, has as much reason to associate theword love or hatred with the sentiment it denotes, as to associate thesepassions with their natural expressions. And yet the effects of the two speciesof signs are widely different. For the farther confirmation or limitation ofthis conclusion, it would be worth while to institute some experimentexpressly, if such a case as that recorded by Cheselden should again fallunder the examination of an equally intelligent observer.

We entirely concur with Mr. Stewart on this subject; and really see nomore difficulty in believing that certain expressions of the countenance arenaturally agreeable or disagreeable to the observer, independently of expe-rience or associations, not withstanding all that Priestly and Darwin havewritten to the contrary, than that some sounds are naturally pleasing andothers offensive to the ear, or what is still less likely to be questioned thatsome tastes and smells are grateful and others disagreeable. Darwin readilyadmits that “children, long before they can speak, or understand thelanguage of their parents, may be frightened by an angry countenance, orsoothed by smiles and blandishments;” but he accounts for this faculty ofinterpreting natural signs in two ways; first, that previously having observedthe effects of certain passions in themselves as, of fear or anger, they knowat sight when others are under the influence of the same affections; andsecondly, by putting themselves into the attitude which belongs to the par-ticular passion they see exhibited, as they are led to do by imitation, they insome degree acquire that passion, according to a physiological connexionbetween such passion and its natural signs. Zoonomia Vol. 1. Sect. 16. 6.

There might be some plausibility in this explanation, if the child alwaysstudied his countenance in a mirror, or had any means of knowing whatwere the peculiar appearances which each passion stamped on its own coun-tenance; but as neither of these things can be alleged, and as these naturalsigns are understood by all children alike, at the earliest age at which theytake notice of any thing, we must believe that they are taught to read thislanguage by the same inscrutable power which formed its characters.

It would seem strange that these philosophers should deny to men someportion of a faculty which nature has given to the meanest animals. She hastaught them all to know the individuals of the same species, to discriminatebetween the sexes, and to read those signs of desire in the season of love,which are often so slight or minute as to escape our closest observation. Themouse knows that the cat is its natural enemy when they first meet, and the



cat that the mouse is its destined prey. By what process of comparison is itthat every bird selects its mate from the same species? Darwin ingeniouslysays that the cock “feels the feathers rise round his own neck, and knowsfrom the same sign the disposition of his adversary;” but we should like toknow what means he has of perceiving a resemblance between what he sees,and what he feels; or by what rule he is able to know the individuals of theother sex. But enough of this philosophical trifling.

It is this natural language which constitutes the principal part of our skillin physiognomy; for we do not find that the skill enlarges with our expe-rience. All mankind are in the habit of making some estimate of a person’sunderstanding and disposition at first sight; and these judgments are madewith little more readiness or accuracy, at the age of forty than twenty. Nay,very young children are commonly not far inferior to adults in this faculty ofreading countenances; and they have been supposed to possess a peculiaraptitude for perceiving insanity, in its earliest indications, and its slightestshades. Without giving any opinion whether this symbolic language ofnature can be referred to facts yet more elementary, and reduced to exactrules, in the way that Lavater has attempted to do, we think that his purposeis more rational and practicable than that of the Phrenologists, as hislanguage is more copious and admits of nicer discriminations than theirs,supposing the principles of both to be equally founded in nature.

K.


157

15THE PRINCIPLE OF IMITATION (1830)

[George Tucker], “The Principle of Imitation,” Virginia Literary Museum,No. 51, June 2, 1830, pp. 803–806.

Inspired by a discussion by Dugald Stewart, Tucker examines the psycho-logical basis of the human ability to imitate. He rejects theories that reduceimitation to principles of association, and concludes that imitation is a basicpsychological inclination, irreducible to a more elementary mentaloperation.

THE PRINCIPLE OF IMITATION

The propensity in men, as well as all other animals, to imitation seems to bean ultimate law of their nature, and to be incapable of being resolved intoany principle more elementary, notwithstanding the ingenuity that Darwinand some other speculatists have exerted with a view to that object. And amost important propensity it is, for by means of it the offspring is enabled toprofit by the experience of the parent and to receive the benefits ofeducation. It is by this that the child acquires his mother tongue, as well asmost of his powers and habits.

Dugald Stewart regards the propensity as a kind of sympathy, and thusspeaks of it in the third volume of his elements:

“In general, it may be remarked, that whenever we see in the counte-nance of any individual, any sudden change of features; more especially,such a change as is expressive of any particular passion or emotion, ourown countenance has a tendency to assimilate itself to his. Every man issensible of this when he looks at a person under the influence of laughter,or in a deep melancholy. Something, too, of the same kind, takes place inthat spasm of the muscles of the jaw, which we experience in yawning; anaction which is well known to be frequently excited by the contagiouspower of example. Even when we conceive in solitude the externalexpression of any passion, the effect of the conception is visible in our ownappearance. This is a fact of which every person must be conscious, who



attends, in his own case, to the result of the experiment; and it is a cir-cumstance which has been often remarked with respect to historicalpainters, when in the act of transferring to the canvass the glowingpictures of a creative imagination.” p. 106.

This propensity, of the existence of which there can be no question, as, inaddition to the facts noticed by Mr. Stewart, we see it exhibited in childrenat a very early age, is not as he observes, confined to the “visible” propertiesof others: it is extended also to their “voices, tones, accents and modes ofpronunciation.”

Stewart deduces from it, in a way at once ingenious and satisfactory, manyimportant consequences in the formation both of the exterior and the moralqualities.

Having shewn the existence of the propensity to imitation, as exhibited insuch curious facts as were undeniable, or highly probable, Mr. Stewart thentreats of the power by which the imitation is accomplished, and thus noticesthe strongest exhibition of that power in the talent of mimicry.

“When a mimic attempts to copy the countenance of a person whom henever saw before, what are the means which he employs in order [to]effectuate his purpose? Shall we suppose that his efforts are merelytentative and experimental; or in other words, that he tries successivelyevery possible modification of his features, till he finds, at last, by theinformation of a mirror, that he has succeeded in the imitation of theoriginal? Nobody can, for a moment, believe this to be the case, who hasattended in the slightest degree to the subject. On the contrary, it is a factuniversally known, that the imitation is often perfectly successful in thevery first trial; and that it is not from a mirror, but from his own internalconsciousness, that the mimic judges of correctness. I acknowledge, at thesame time, that the fact is sometimes otherwise, and that instances occur,in which the best mimics are found to make many successive efforts beforethey accomplish their end; or in which, after all their efforts, the attemptproves ultimately abortive. But it will not be disputed that the formerstatement holds in general, where the propensity to mimicry is strong; andeven where exceptions take place, there is commonly, from the first, suchan approximation to the resemblance aimed at, as sufficiently demon-strates, that, how much soever experience may be useful in furnishing theportrait, the most important part of the process must be referred to causesof a different description.

The fact seems to be perfectly similar with respect to the imitation ofsounds. – A good mimic is able, the first time he hears another personspeak, to exhibit, on the spot, an exact copy or fac simile of what he hasheard, with all the peculiarities of tone and accent which accompany it;


The Principle of Imitation 159

and even when he fails in the attempt, he commonly approaches nearly tothe original which he copies. A child of a good ear, and a flexible voice,catches almost instantaneously any simple air which he hears; or, at leastsucceeds after a very few trials. – The approximation, in such cases, it is ofgreat importance to remark, is a thing not less wonderful than if the copywere perfect, and proves, not less forcibly, that in those imitative efforts,we are not guided by experience alone.”

Mr. Stewart considers that the process by which the mimic is able to exercisehis talents is partly instinctive, and partly the result of experience; hecondemns, and, as we think very properly, those who conceive themselveswarranted in excluding instinct altogether, whenever experience can beshown to have any agency in directing our actions; since all must admit thatthere are few cases in which the aids of experience can be altogetherdispensed with; and yet fewer, in which the act is not performed better afterrepeated trials than at first. He thinks that this process of the mimic can bereferred to experience only on one of two suppositions. The first is, that “aninfant having learnt, in its own case, that a smile is the natural effect of ahappy or affectionate state of mind, is induced by the principle of associ-ation, when it sees a smile on the countenance of its nurse, to ascribe it toemotions similar to those it had itself experienced.” To this hypothesis Mr.Stewart urges the conclusive objection which we have already urged againstthe attempt to refer our power of interpreting natural signs to experience,namely, that the child has no means of perceiving the resemblance betweenits countenance and the countenance of another.

The next supposition is, that the infant having always observed “thesmiles of its nurse to be a prelude to the agreeable sensations it is accustomedto receive through the medium of her kindness, it comes, in process of time,to interpret their meaning, and to anticipate her tenderness, in the samemanner in which it learns by experience, at a more advanced period of life,to interpret the meaning of conventional language.” Mr. Stewart thinks thatinsuperable difficulties are presented at this second hypothesis by twounquestionable facts; one, that we interpret natural signs at an earlier agethan conventional signs or language; the other, that the effects of these twospecies of signs are so very different on different individuals.

Having thus shewn the insufficiency of experience to explain the phe-nomenon, he suggests what he modestly regards rather as affording thematerials of a possible solution, than as a direct hypothesis.

“As every emotion of the mind,” he observes, “produces a sensible effecton the bodily appearance, so upon the other hand, when we assume anystrongly expressive look, and accompany it with appropriate gestures,some degree of the correspondent emotion is apt to arise within us. Mr.



Burke informs us that he has often been conscious of the passion of angerrising in his breast, in consequence of his counterfeiting its external signs;and I have little doubt that, with most individuals, the result of a similarexperiment will be the same. Campanella, too, the celebrated philosopherand physiognomist, (as Mr. Burke farther observes,) when he wished toform a judgment of what was passing in the mind of another, is said tohave mimicked, as accurately as possible, his appearance at the moment,and then to have directed his attention to the state of his own feelings. Ingeneral, I believe it will be found, that these two talents, of mimickry andof physiognomy, have a very close connexion. They are said to be united,to a great degree, in the savages of North America; and the same remarkhas been repeated by some of our late navigators, with respect to the rudeislanders of the South Sea.” p. 125.

Mr. Stewart also mentions the case of Estcourt, who was, according toColley Ciber, so amazing and “extraordinary a mimic, that no man orwoman from the coquette to the privy-councellor, ever moved or spokebefore him, but he could carry their voice, look mien, and motions, instantlyinto another company. I have heard him make long harangues, and formvarious arguments, even in the manner of thinking of an eminent pleader atthe bar, with every the least article and singularity of his utterance soperfectly imitated, that he was the very alter ipse, scarce to be distinguishedfrom his original.”

The inference which Stewart seems to draw from these, and other factsstated by him is this; that the mimic being able, by the sympathetic imitationalready mentioned, to copy the outward signs of feeling which he perceivesin another, will also be able by means of the intimate connexion between thefeelings and those outward signs, to interpret that other’s feelings byattending to his own. Now, while this hypothesis may serve to explain theprocess by which Campanella, Estcourt, Matthews and other mimics havebeen able to copy so closely, not only the outward appearance of others, butalso their peculiar feelings and turns of thinking, it leaves the first difficulty– that is, the means by which they copy the countenance of another –unsolved. Nor does it admit of any solution, as it seems to us, but that whichMr. Stewart gives for involuntary or “sympathetic imitation.” We regardboth the propensity to unconscious imitation, and the power of imitating atwill, as well as the faculty of reading the natural language of the passions asultimate facts in our constitution, and incapable of being resolved into anything more elementary.

This propensity to imitation seems to be possessed by almost all animals,but it is much stronger in some than in others. It is very striking in the vocalorgans of the Parrot and the Mocking-bird of this country, and in the actionsof all the monkey tribe. In ordinary animals it is seldom manifested except


The Principle of Imitation 161

when they are very young, at which time it enables them to profit by theexperience of their parents in procuring food and avoiding danger. In ourown species it is the moving power of that wonderful apparatus by whichthe child learns to utter the immense number of sounds constituting speech,with all their variety of tone, emphasis and quantity. Children arecommonly capable of imitating, and shew a propensity to imitate sounds,such as the cries of animals, long before they can speak. We have known ofone instance of a child, under two years of age, who having heard a lady singthe well known Scotch air of “Roy’s wife,” was able to sing several bars ofit very correctly, by the same ready and spontaneous effort by which themocking bird catches the peculiar notes of almost every songster of theforest. Nor is there any thing in the process, as Mr. Stewart justly observes,“more astonishing than what we experience in every voluntary motion ofthe body. An individual wills to move his arm, and the requisite machineryis instantly arranged and put in action for the purpose. All that he thinks ofis the particular end; the means by which it is accomplished are neithercombined by his reason, nor are they subjected to his scrutiny.” Whatindeed can be more inexplicable than this very associating principle to whichthe deniers of instinct resort to explain the phenomena in question; or whatgreater difficulty is there in admitting that a particular excitement of thevisual or auditory nerves should produce another thought, feeling, or actionmerely because they had before been accidentally conjoined? The factsappear to us equally indisputable – equally incapable of farther explanation;and we are content in this case to place the earth on the tortoise at once,without the intervention of an elephant.

K.


162

16THE THEATRE AND OF THE PLEASURE

DERIVED FROM TRAGEDY (1830)

[George Tucker], “The Theatre” and “Of the Pleasure Derived fromTragedy,” Virginia Literary Museum, No. 52, June 9, 1830, pp. 821–823.

In his “Obituary Notice of Professor George Tucker,” Robley Dunglisonnotes that the Virginia Literary Museum folded because of the writingdemand that this placed on both him and Tucker. The two articles belowappeared in the last issue of the journal, and the opening statement seems toreflect Tucker’s need to recycle previously published items. The article hereis subscribed with the pseudonym “Omicron” (like the earlier article on“Contemporary Fame”). Tucker’s authorship of this is especially clear sincehe notes his residency in Richmond and offers a theory of dramatic tragedywhich parallels many of his observations in “On Sublimity” published inEssays, Moral and Metaphysical (1860). The two essays here may haveappeared in a Richmond newspaper, which has yet to be identified.

MESSS EDITORS,I have long been in the habit of keeping a sort of chronicle of the passing

events of my day, and of adding to it such reflections as are suggested at themoment. If you think that these cursory thoughts, judging from thespecimen now sent, would be acceptable to the readers of your miscellany, Iwill furnish you with portions of them from time to time. The presentextract was written some years ago when the propriety of attending thetheatre was greatly discussed in a religious assemblage in Richmond.

OMICRON.

THE THEATRE

After all that has been said against the pernicious tendency of the theatre, itappears to me to serve the cause of morality n a thousand ways. It excitesshame against meanness and vice – kindles indignation at crime – makesminor faults contemptible by means of ridicule – and gives us wholesome


The Theatre and Of the Pleasure Derived from Tragedy 163

warnings by exposing the insidious approaches of error. By its lively exhibi-tions of character it impresses us with the loveliness of virtue as well as theodiousness of vice. It inspires us with noble and heroic sentiments, andimparts to us in a way, at once the most agreeable and efficacious, lessons ofmoral wisdom: and in instructing the understanding, it also refines the taste.If, now and then the poet or the actor so far forgets the dignity of the dramaas to administer to the coarse tastes of the grosser portion of the audience byindecency or misplaced ridicule, or by giving false glosses to vice, the errorexcites disgust with the respectable part of the auditors, and probably leavesthe rest no worse than it found them. The effect is exhausted in the broadmirth it was intended to excite, and which it does in fact excite, and leavesno lasting trace of its existence. It gives a momentary gratification to follyand rusticity without making them a whit more absurd or depraved. Besides,no one will deny that these offences against purity and delicacy are far lessfrequent now than formerly. Those plays of Congreve which were especiallyfavorites in his day, would not now be tolerated on the humblest of ourtheatres.

It is however objected that the chief business of dramatic representation islove and gallantry, and that our fallen natures are sufficiently inclined to runin this pernicious direction, without additional provocatives. This is in agreat measure true, so far as comedies are concerned. But it does not applyto tragedies; nor does it in fact of necessity apply even to the productions ofthe comic muse, as some of the best of these contain no more of love thanwould be deemed unexceptionable by the severest moralist – not more thanwhat has a tendency to refine that universal passion of much of the drosswhich naturally adheres to it in real life. As we neither can nor ought to seekto extinguish the passion, we surely may be allowed to exalt and purify it.

That the practice of frequenting theatres may be indulged in to a faultyexcess is not denied; and of what human propensity, habit, or pursuit maynot the same thing be said? If theatrical exhibitions engross more than a justshare of our time, they are so far injurious; or if they deduct from theexpenses which are required for more important purposes, the sameobjection exists. But it may equally apply to indulgence in eating, anddrinking, and dressing and building. Nay even religion itself, pure andexalted as is its character, may be pursued to a pernicious excess. Toexclusive a devotion to its concerns not only disqualifies its votaries from theordinary duties of real life, but often renders them incapable of this verydevotion. The mind that is singly and ardently occupied with the elevatedthings of another world, is scarcely fit for the mixed and grovelling concernsof this, and reason is moreover apt to be driven from its judgment seat byfanatical terrors, or the mere fervor of enthusiasm. Nature, or rather Godhimself thus teaches us, by his unerring laws, that the golden rule of moder-ation applies in religion as in every thing else.



But granting that there was some mischief inseparable from theatricalexhibitions, ought not the lively pleasure they afford to so many to form acounterpoise? Surely our path through this valley of darkness and tears isnot so thickly set with flowers that it is wise in us to pluck up any by theroots. When we can thus infuse a few cordial drops to make the bitter cupof life less unpalatable, harsh is the philosophy which would forbid it.

It must also be remembered that we value all human institutions by theirrelative, not by their absolute good; and the question is not, whether thosewho frequent theatres may not possibly spend their time more advanta-geously, more rationally, more morally, but whether they would be likely todo so. Of the multitude who are commonly attracted to the theatre, there isa very small proportion who are drawn away from more profitable occupa-tions. But on the other hand, there are numbers who are, for the time, savedfrom the feverish excitement of the bottle and the gaming table, or the yetmore guilty pleasures of sensuality. Can it then be fairly said that theatresadd to the vices and depravity of society so as to counterbalance the veryconsiderable addition they make to our intellectual and sentimental enjoy-ments? I would emphatically answer. No.

___

OF THE PLEASURE DERIVED FROM TRAGEDY

That we should take pleasure in seeing those things on the stage, whichwould distress us in real life, and which even in the fictitious scenes of thedrama give us some pain, has always been deemed a curious moral phe-nomenon by those who have speculated on the human mind, and has beenvariously explained.

Mr. Hume, after reviewing the most distinguished solutions, proceeds togive his own theory, and it certainly seems more satisfactory than any whichhave preceded it. But perhaps even this acute and perspicuous philosopherstops short of a complete explanation.

The effects of poetry, (including the diction, sentiment and imagery,) ofthe music, and the theatrical decorations, are obvious enough, and con-stitute a part of the pleasure we derive from every dramatic representation;but how happens it that the misfortunes which we compassionate and regrethave such a charm in our eyes, and that our pleasure should be so paradox-ically proportioned to our pain?

It seems to me that our pleasure is of a very compound sort; independentof that which is derived from the immediate gratification of the senses. Theprincipal cause of our delight is that mentioned by the Abbé Dubos – ourfeelings are excited into action. The mind of man is so constituted that itsuffers pain without emotion, similar to that which the body undergoes for


The Theatre and Of the Pleasure Derived from Tragedy 165

want of aliment; and it is this strong desire to be excited or agitated which isthe main spring of so many of our pursuits. It impels one man to drinking,and another to gaming, carries some spectators to the theatre, and others tothe place of execution – makes a coquette of this woman, and a devotee ofthat. In short it drives every person, whatever may be his temper or dispo-sition, to avoid a state of mental torpor and stillness, which is always lesstolerable than emotions that are moderately painful.

It is the gratification of this appetite for emotion which constitutes ourchief pleasure in the exhibition of a tragedy. Our sympathy is sufficientlyexcited to rouse us from a state of apathy, and to create lively emotions,while at the same time, the illusion of the representation is not so strong asto make our sympathy as lively as if the scenes were real, in which case ourfeelings would be painful – the mind being, with respect to emotions, as thebody is to heat, – a certain degree of it is agreeable, but a degree more or lessthan that becomes painful.

Nor in fact do our emotions on witnessing fictitious scenes differ so widelyfrom those produced by real life, as we may at first imagine. Our sympa-thetic feelings when pure and unmingled with those that are selfish, areseldom so strongly excited by any cause as to be painful; and in those casesin which, if actually beheld, they would produce lively pain, they afford nopleasure in the representation. Whenever we witness great grief or mis-fortune among those who are mere strangers to us, though our sensibilitymay be awakened to pity, yet if our self love does not augment the sum ofour feelings – if we ourselves sustain no share in the misfortune – lose not thesociety of an agreeable companion – or are not deprived of a useful friend –in that case, the sympathy we feel is perhaps as much a pleasurable, as apainful emotion. And it is a sympathy of this mitigated character which isexcited on the stage. The heroes or heroines are perfect strangers to us. Wesustain no loss – we undergo no privation by their sufferings or death; ofcourse our feelings are purely those of sympathy, which, as we have seen arenaturally pleasing.

As a further proof that our emotions produced by scenic representationsare not peculiar in their character, we may instance the painful sympathy wefeel at seeing another undergoing acute bodily pain, as if we saw himsuffering under the hands of the surgeon or the executioner. Here ourfeelings are so strong that they pass the temperate limits appropriated topleasure, and become positively painful.

But something is perhaps yet wanting to make up the sum total of thepleasure we derive from tragic representations, and that appears to be theself complacency of the spectator, who, conscious of his sympathy for thedistresses of others, and having always been brought to regard thissympathy as a virtuous feeling, feels the gratification of pride and self satis-faction, in addition to that afforded by mere emotion of the mind, and the



various agreeable sensations produced by the beauties of the poetry, thegraces of the actor, and the embellishments of the stage. Perhaps no one evershed tears over a tale of distress without feeling more or less of the pleasurearising from self approbation, whose bright and delicate rays are thus madeto enliven the thin clouds of sympathetic sorrow, with a gayer and brighterhue.


1 Jaimes McDowell, Esq. of Rockbridge.

167

17A DISCOURSE ON THE PROGRESS OF

PHILOSOPHY (1835)

George Tucker, “A Discourse on the Progress of Philosophy,” SouthernLiterary Messenger, April 1835, Vo1. 1, pp. 405–421.

The lengthy essay below was delivered by Tucker before the VirginiaHistorical and Philosophical Society, a Richmond-based educational orga-nization founded in 1831 and later renamed the Virginia Historical Society.He describes here how philosophical reflection is an integral part of differentbranches of learning and has helped improve the level of culture. Shortlyafter its appearance, the editor of this magazine inserted the following note:

We hope that no one will be deterred, by the length of Professor GeorgeTucker’s discourse on the “Progress of Philosophy,” from reading it atten-tively. We acknowledge the value of our pages derive from its insertion,and we earnestly desire that all should share in the pleasure andimprovement which it will undoubtedly impart. Besides that some of itsviews possess all the freshness of originality, the whole address is couchedin that felicitous diction for which its author has been already justly dis-tinguished, ennobling the subject, while it familiarizes it to readers of allclasses. [Southern Literary Messenger, 1835, Vo1. 1, p. 460.]

A Discourse on the Progress of Philosophy, and its Influence on theIntellectual and Moral Character of Man; delivered before the VirginiaHistorical and Philosophical Society, February 5, 1835. By George Tucker,Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Virginia.

Mr. President, andGentlemen of the Society: –

I feel the weight of the task I have undertaken to perform, the moresensibly, when I recollect the brilliant qualifications of the member1 who



was the first choice of the society, and that I must disappoint the expecta-tions which that choice so naturally raised. The grave and sober speculationswhich I am about to submit to your consideration will, I fear, but poorlycompensate those who hear me, for the graces of elocution, the rich, butchaste imagery, and the rare felicity of diction by which that gentleman isdistinguished; and I regret on your account, as well as my own, that he hasthus unexpectedly failed to fulfil the wishes of his associates.

I have thought it would not be unappropriate to the occasion, to presentto the society some views of the influence which philosophy has exercised,and must continue to exercise, over civilized man. Amidst the din of politicalcontroversy, and the bustling concerns of life, it is well sometimes towithdraw our thoughts from the tumultuous scenes around us to the calmviews of rational speculation. Our minds may be not merely refreshed by thechange, but they are likely to acquire elevation and purity in being thussevered from sordid and selfish pursuits, and made to contemplate humanconcerns in the transparent medium of truth and philosophy.

Philosophy! a term to which some attach a mysterious import, as implyinga kind of knowledge unattainable except by a few gifted minds – whilstothers regard it as more an object of aversion than of affection, – inculcatinga system of thought and action equally at war with nature and commonsense, – as a perversion of human reason and feeling, at once cold andrepulsive to others, and profitless to the possessor. This is not the philosophyof which I propose to speak, but her counterfeit; which, being as bold andforward as the other is modest and retiring, has made herself more knownto the world than the character she personates, and has thus broughtdiscredit on the name.

By philosophy, I mean that power of perceiving truths which are notobvious – of seeing the complicated relations of things, and of seeing themas they really are, unperverted by passion or prejudice. So far from beingrepugnant to nature and common sense, it constantly appeals to these forthe justness of its precepts. It is indeed Reason, exercising its highestattributes in the multifarious concerns of human life. Such was the phi-losophy of Newton and Locke, and of our own illustrious Franklin.

It will be the object of the following remarks to show, that this philosophyis gradually increasing and diffusing itself over the world; that it nowmingles in all human concerns, and gives to the present age its distinguishingcharacteristics; that its progress must still continue, and more and moreinfluence the character of man and civilized society; and that in no countryis its influence likely to be more extensively or beneficently felt than in this.

The most superficial observer must be struck with the prodigiousadvancement of the human intellect, when he compares the oppositeextremes of society. The savage, when his mind is roused from a state ofapathy, passes into one of strong emotion; for he is capable of intense


A Discourse on the Progress of Philosophy 169

feelings, but not of profound and comprehensive thought. He knows butfew facts; and they have not that variety and complexity which distinguishthe know ledge of the civilized man. All that he sees and hears, is heard andseen by the men of civilization; but to this the latter is always adding the per-ception of new and intricate relations, of which the former is incapable.Thus, compare the knowledge of the relations of numbers possessed by onewho barely knows how many fives there are in twenty, with that of him whocan mark out the paths of the planets, calculate their mutual attractions, andpredict a distant eclipse to a minute; or the few and simple rules of justiceamong a tribe of savages, to the intricate and multifarious codes of civilizedsociety; nay, extend the comparison to any other department of humanknowledge, and there will be found the same difference between the two, asexists between the wigwam of mud or bark, without a door, window orchimney, and the solid and spacious hall in which we are assembled. Nor isthis all; for as the reason, in common with every other faculty, isstrengthened by exercise, the severer and more incessant exercise to which itis subjected by the multiplication of new relations, is constantly increasingthe authority of reason, and weakening the dominion of the passions andprejudices.

The mind therefore becomes, with the progress of civilization, morecapable of perceiving relations – more imbued with a knowledge of theserelations – more comprehensive – more capable of making remote deduc-tions. It perceives more truths that are complex and difficult – and has morecapacity to detect illusion and error. We thus see human reason graduallyextending its empire, successfully assailing former prejudice, and fashioninghuman institutions to purposes of utility. We see men more and moreinclined to value every object only in proportion as it conduces to thehappiness of the greater number; and to consider nothing as permanentlyconnected with that happiness, but what gives gratification to the senseswithout debasing them; to the intellect without misleading it; and to thepassions when fulfilling their legitimate objects. It is thus we see each suc-ceeding generation regarding with indifference, and even with contemptuousridicule, what commanded the veneration of a former age.

It would exceed the limits of such a discourse as the present to give even anoutline of the advancement of reason, as exhibited in the various branchesof science. Nor is it necessary. It will be sufficient for us to give our attentionto some few striking facts in the progress of science and art, especially inthose cases which being more recent, are at once better known to us, andhave a nearer relation to our interests. Let us turn to any department ofhuman knowledge or inquiry, and we see the clearest manifestations of thegrowing philosophical spirit of which I speak.

If we look at the character of civil government, we find that every revo-lution – every important change – is the result of the progress of philosophy



– of the extension of the empire of reason. Once kings were regarded asderiving their power not from the consent of the people, but immediatelyfrom the Deity. They were said to be the Lord’s anointed; and implicitobedience – unresisting submission to the mandate of the sovereign, wasenjoined not merely as a civil, but as a religious duty.

In two out of the four quarters of the world, we all know how much theseopinions are changed; and that there, with the thinking portion at least, gov-ernment is now regarded as an institution created solely for the happiness ofthe people; that they are the judges of what constitutes that happiness; andthat government may be changed, either as to its form or agents, wheneverit is proved incapable of fulfilling its main purpose. This principle of reasonand common sense caused and justified the establishment of theCommonwealth in England; the restoration of the monarchy; the subse-quent revolution in 1688; the American revolution in 1776; the Frenchrevolution of 1789, under all its various phases; and that which produced achange of dynasty in 1830. We have seen the operation of the same principlein separating the Spanish provinces on this continent from the mothercountry. We have seen it in the separation of Belgium from Holland, and inthe liberation of Greece from the Turkish yoke.

Every subordinate institution too, is now judged according as it tends topromote the welfare of the community; and the notion of rights of particularclasses and orders of men, farther than they can be shown to rest on thisfoundation, is deemed presumptuous and absurd. Even the rights ofproperty itself, the most sacred of any, because they are the most obviousand are possessed by a greater number, are derived from the same source,and are regulated and controlled by it. Every tax in a popular government –every restriction on the free use of one’s own, – whether it be in the form ofa prohibition against gaming, or of laying out a new road, or of aninspection law, recognizes this principle. It governs legislatures in conferringrights as well as abridging them. They all find their authority and justifi-cation in the public good; nor does any one now attempt to resist a tax ordefend a privilege, but by appealing to this great test of right, the interests ofthe community.

You see too in jurisprudence, that all those principles which grow out ofbarbarous usages, or were the result of accident, or of mistaken theory, aregradually made to give way to the light of reason and the spirit of phi-losophy. They conform more and more to the common sense and commonfeelings of mankind. Crimes which once incurred the severest penalties ofthe law, are crimes no longer; modes of trial originating in superstition havebeen abolished; many of the frivolous niceties of pleading, or rules foundedon a state of things which no longer exist – such as that which excludedwritten testimony from the common law courts, and which, like noisomeweeds, choked up the administration of justice, have been eradicated, in



spite of the cry which always will be raised against innovation, and whichsome of our best principles, as well as our weakest prejudices, concur inraising.

Nor have we yet reached the end of this course of salutary reform. Theadministration of justice may be still more simple; and though the rules ofproperty and of civil rights must always be numerous and complicated in acivilized community, yet this necessity furnishes a further reason why themodes of investigating truth and the rules of evidence should possess allpracticable simplicity. The spirit of philosophy has been actively at workhere. In some instances, perhaps, it has been too far in advance of the age,and under the influence of the pride of discovery and reform, or provokedby opposition, it may have been urged farther than reason and proprietywould warrant. It has, however, arraigned the whole system of judicialevidence, and endeavored to show that the rules for the examination ofcontested facts are so erroneous or defective, that the truth is commonly dis-covered better out of court than in it; and that questions about which all theworld is satisfied, when technically examined by tribunals created purposelyfor their investigation, either receive no answer, or a wrong one. The officialexpounders of the law, partaking of the liberal spirit of the age, have of lateyears greatly narrowed the objections to the competency of witnesses; but itis only the legislature and public opinion which are adequate to a completereform, and they will one day assuredly bring it.

There is much seeming force in many of the other objections of thereformers to the present very artificial and complicated system of jurispru-dence; but whether their views are satisfactory or otherwise, they equallyserve to show the prevalent disposition of men to bring all human concernsto the bar of reason, and make them submit to her decrees.

There is nothing in which the progress of reason and philosophy are moreshown, than in the subject of religion. A large part, perhaps I may say, thebest part of religion, as it is most productive of good results, is the religionof the heart; and consists in a profound and thorough sense of the wisdomand beneficence of the Creator – of thanksgiving for the blessings he hasvouchsafed to frail and humble beings like ourselves – to vigorous self-exam-inations by our own conscience – to fervent aspirations after moralexcellence in this life, and a purer and higher state of existence hereafter. Butall of these are impulses of the feelings, rather than the cold dictates of thereasoning faculty; and being dependant on the laws of our emotions, whichare as unchangeable as our forms, and probably as much the result of orga-nization, are the same in character, if not in degree, in every stage of society.

But while philosophy has not altered, and could not alter these impulsesof the heart, we may see here also its benignant operations. It has drivenaway from religion the superstitions which fraud and credulity combinedhad gathered around it. Man no longer imputes to the Deity the same violent



and ignoble passions by which the baser part of his own nature is agitated;and instead of regarding cruelty and vengeance as attributes of the SupremeBeing, he is invested with those qualities which appear to our feeble concep-tions more consonant with divine perfection. Thus mercy to human frailtyand pity for human suffering, are regarded as divine attributes no less thanwisdom and power. On the part of its votaries, humility is invoked to takethe place of pride; forgiveness of injuries to supersede resentment; meeknessand patience and long suffering are held to indicate a truer devotion thanpompous rites and vain ceremonies; and instead of incense and sacrifices,good deeds to his fellow mortals, and a lowly and penitent spirit, are deemedthe most acceptable offerings which man can make to his Creator. In thistransformation, Mr. President, you recognize the leading precepts of chris-tianity, which may well be called the most philosophical of all religions.

It is true that after this religion became the creed of those northern bar-barians, who poured like an avalanche over the south of Europe, christianitybecame greatly perverted from its original simplicity and purity; but it wasnot destined to remain forever shrouded in these mists of barbarism. Afterthe growing spirit of philosophy pre pared men’s minds for its reception andwelcome, it broke forth in its pristine beauty and splendor. The further con-tinuance of the abuses of the christian church was inconsistent with theincrease of general intelligence; and the reformation must have taken placehad Martin Luther never exist ed, or had the Dominican friars never carriedon the traffic in indulgences; though it might not have happened at theprecise time, or in the precise manner in which it did occur.

In truth, man’s religion, as well as every thing else relative to his opinionsand feelings, partakes of the character of the age; and we are warranted insaying, that the christian religion in the middle ages must as necessarily havebeen subject to its corruptions, its superstitions, and its persecutions, amonga people so rude as that which then swayed the destinies of Europe, as thatafter the discovery of the art of printing, the revival of letters, and the generalprogress of science and philosophy, these foul exhalations should disappear.

It has been supposed, that the spirit of philosophy which has been sohostile to superstition, is also unfavorable to true religion; and many,listening to their fears rather than their reason, have readily yielded to thatopinion. But they have been too hasty in drawing general conclusions fromparticular facts. It is true that many of the philosophers of France, and someof those of Great Britain, during the last century, were not only opposed tothe prevailing creeds of their country, but seemed to have no very fervidreligious feelings of any kind; but they were led first to make war on whatthey regarded as the abuses of religion, and then their attacks appear to belevelled against every thing which bore its name. It is highly probable that,by a natural process of the mind, from coming to hate the corruptions ofchristianity, they felt a prejudice against every thing which was associated


2 The recent poetry of continental Europe exhibits the same psychological character; asfor instance, that of Alfieri and Monte in Italy, of Göethe and Tieck in Germany, andof Beranger in France.


with it. But on the other hand, we have seen some, occupying the veryhighest places in the scale of philosophers, who were sincere and zealouschristians. Besides, the present age, which is the most philosophical theworld has ever seen, is also the most generally and ardently devoted to chris-tianity, as is evinced by the extraordinary number of Churches, BibleSocieties, Missionary Societies, Sunday Schools, &c. Let then the sincerelydevout and pious dismiss their fears. The foundations of religion are seatedin the very nature and constitution of man; in the deepest recesses of hisheart. It is a want of his moral nature, as indispensable as food to hisphysical; and philosophy tends only to separate it from a part of the drosswith which every thing earthly more or less mingles, and to leave its ownpure essence undiminished and untouched.

Let us now pass to the subject of literature, where we shall see the sameevidences of the growing influence of philosophy and reason over the mindsof men. Thus poetry, in its efforts to please and elevate the mind, by excitingthe imagination and feelings, now never addresses us unattended by phi-losophy. Her favorite occupation of late has been to delineate thedispositions and characters of men; to reveal the secret workings of thepassions and the sources of human sympathy; to exhibit the human mind, inshort, under its most impressive phases. The prevalent taste of the age is formetaphysical poetry; by which I mean, poetry imbued with philosophy, –poetry which lays bare the anatomy of the human heart, and discloses all thesprings and machinery by which it is put in play. Those who are gifted withthis Beautiful talent, have conformed to the ruling taste, and their successhas been proportionate. It is to this circumstance that Byron owes part of hispopularity; for in exhibiting the most subtle processes of human passion, itsenergies and its susceptibilities, he is superior to any of his predecessors;though in the mere embellishment of smooth and felicitous diction, and ofagreeable and varied rhythm, or even in the higher attributes of livelyimagery and lofty conception, he can boast of no superiority. Perhaps itwould be more correct to say, that the metaphysical character of his poetryproceeded not so much from his wish to adapt it to the public taste, asbecause he himself partook of the character of his age; that he wrote meta-physically and philosophically because he spoke and thought in this way,and he so spoke and thought from the very same causes as his contempo-raries.

This inference is the more warranted, when we find the same tincture ofphilosophy in the poetry of his contemporaries, – Southey, Wordsworth,Campbell and Coleridge.2 Even Moore infuses into his amatory poems as



much philosophy as the subject will admit, though it is of the sensualschool of Epicurus. Sometimes we see the spirit of philosophy controllingthe poetic spirit, as was the case with Shelley, Coleridge and some others,in whose poetry the precepts of philosophy were more obscured by therestraints of verse than aided by its ornaments. It is an unnatural alliance,and both the poetry and the philosophy are the worse for the union.

In other works of imagination, those intended for the stage, and in theregion of romance, we see the same proofs of the progress of philosophy.Walter Scott’s novels are, throughout, the same exhibitions of man,whether acting, speaking or thinking, which a philosopher would take.We are made to see, not by the formality of an instructor, or the imperti-nence of a cicerone, but by the con summate fidelity and skill of therepresentation, every motive and passion of the actors laid open to ourview, and in strict conformity to what we had often previously observed,though we may not have made it the special subject of reflection. Therenever was before so much philosophy taught by one writer, or taught inso pleasing a mode, or taught to so many disciples.

Such a gallery of moral pictures could not have been created before thenineteenth century; and though they had been, they would not have metwith the same unbounded popularity, but, like Milton’s Paradise Lost,would have been in advance of the spirit of the age.

In the drama, the plays of Joanna Baillie, and of Byron, are the mostmetaphysical of all dramatic productions – so much so, as to make themunsuited either to the tastes or capacities of a promiscuous audience. Thetragedies of Voltaire are of a more philosophical character than those ofRacine or Corneille, and these again more philosophical than the earlierproductions of the French drama.

But it is in history that we most clearly perceive the spirit of the age.Formerly it consisted in little more than a recital of the actions of princes,public or private; and no occurrence in the annals of a nation was deemedworthy of commemoration, except battles and conquests, revolutions andinsurrections – with now and then the notice of a plague, famine, earth-quake or other general calamity. Now, however, the historian aims tomake us acquainted with the progress of society and the arts of civi-lization; with the advancement or decline of religion, literature, laws,manners, commerce – every thing indeed, which is connected with thehappiness or dignity of man; he does this, not only because he deems thesesubjects more worthy the attention of an enlarged and liberal mind, butalso because we can, from a faithful narrative of these events, traced outfrom their causes, and to their effects, learn the lessons of wisdom – andseeing the approach of evil, be better able to avert or mitigate it. It is inthis spirit that all history must now be written, to be approved or evenread.



In the study of language, we perceive the same evidences of our intellectualadvancement. By arranging the elements of speech according to the physicalorgans employed in their utterance, great light has been thrown onetymology, and in this way, affinities have been traced, first amonglanguages, and through them among nations apparently unconnected. Andas all language consists of signs of our mental operations, the general prin-ciples of grammar have been sought in the laws of the mind; while languagein turn, has been sometimes successfully invoked to explain those laws; andthus philology and mental philosophy have assisted in elucidating eachother.

This branch of philosophy (which treats of our mental faculties) has notindeed made as much progress as many others; for it admits not thediscovery of new facts. But neither has this been stationary. Great improve-ments have been made in analyzing its compound states; in separating itsoriginal from its derivative properties; in tracing many seemingly diverseoperations to one simple principle. To be convinced of this improvement, wehave only to regard the theory of associations as it now is, compared withthe slight and vague notice of it by Locke; or advert to the opinions of thesame eminent man on the foundation of morals. He maintained that therewas no original propensity in mankind to approve one action as virtuous,and another as vicious; and that there was no practical principle which wasapproved or condemned by all nations. He even denied that parentalaffection, the strongest feeling in the maternal bosom, was an originalfeeling. He refers to the inventions of travellers in support of his theory, andwas as credulous of the anomalous facts they related, as he was skeptical ofinnate propensities. Thus he says: “It is familiar among the Mingrelians, apeople professing christianity, to bury their children alive without scruple;he asserts that the Caribbees were wont to fat and eat their own children;”and that a people of Peru who followed this practice, used, when by thecourse of nature they no longer had a prospect of more children to eat, “tokill and eat the mothers.”

A more intimate acquaintance with the people of this globe, and justermodes of reasoning, have dissipated these illusions; and if I mistake not, thelaws of the mind will, in no distant day, be traced with an accuracy andprecision little inferior to those which prevail in most branches of physics.

In the science of political economy too, we see the advance of the light ofphilosophy. The errors which were the result of general and deep-rootedprejudices, have yielded to the force of reason; and all enlightened men nowagree that nothing is so injurious to national prosperity as too much regu-lation; and that the desire which mankind have to increase their means ofenjoyment, operates more unceasingly, and sagaciously, and beneficially,than any schemes of the government, however vigilant, intelligent and freefrom bias; since governments at best can operate only by general rules,



which injure some in benefiting others, – while the sagacity of individuals,with few exceptions, devises the best rules for each particular case.

It was for philosophy also to discover the connection between good gov-ernment and the national prosperity, and that a community will have themost industry, skill and thrift, where property is best protected – whereevery one can freely exercise his talents or his capital, and securely enjoy thefruits they have yielded. Philosophy, or unprejudiced reason, if you prefer it,also refuted an error once prevalent, that one country, or one part of acountry, was injured by another’s welfare; and proved both by reasoningand example, that every accession of wealth or prosperity, experienced byone portion, radiates light and heat to all around it.

If the progress of philosophy, or human reason, has done so much in themoral sciences, it has done yet more in the physical branches of knowledgefor the material world – more invites our attention and speculation – is morewithin the reach of experiment, and the benefits it confers are more directand obvious. It would be foreign to my purpose, if I were competent to thetask, to mark the steps by which man has passed from conjecture tocertainty – from rash hypothesis to theories founded on cautious obser-vation and experiment – from inquiries which, if successful, had onlygratified curiosity, to discoveries and improvements immediately conduciveto the benefits of society. To enable us to appreciate the advance of science,it is sufficient for us to look at what the condition of man now is, comparedwith what it was.

In whatever direction we turn our eyes, we behold some triumph of mindover matter. We cannot see a ship, a book, a gun, a watch – scarcely thecommonest implement or utensil – without being made sensible of thewonders achieved by human science and art, – the result of the combinedefforts of a thousand minds and ten thousand hands, embodied in a formthat has added incalculably to man’s power and enjoyment. If we take thedepartments of knowledge separately, we are filled with admiration at thelabor by which it has climbed, and the elevation it has attained. Astronomy,not content with teaching us the motions of the planets and moons of oursystem, and by them, enabling us to traverse the pathless ocean with thecertainty with which we travel by land – of itself a glorious achievement ofscience – now undertakes to estimate the weight and density of these bodies– their influence on one another – of the smallest on the largest – the flightof comets, and even some of the changes of position in the stars themselves.Optics has taught us new laws of light, and has subjected the most subtleand the most rapid body in nature to measurements, of as much certainty asthe gross portions of matter. We now know the weight, density, motions,elasticity of the air we breathe, and which encompasses the earth; the lawsof sound – its velocity, force, repercussion, musical tone. By electricity,magnetism, galvanism, are revealed to us new fluids of the existence of


3 Professor Autenrieth of Tubinen.


which we did not formerly dream. Their laws have been investigated with allthe accuracy, acuteness and unwearied diligence which belongs to modernscience; and though this branch of physics is every day receiving new acces-sions, it already forms a copious science of itself. While yet in the full careerof discovery, it affords persuasive evidence of the close affinity if not identityof light, heat, magnetism, electricity and galvanism.

The progress of chemistry, shows us the growth of the human intellect inits numerous useful results. In the power It has acquired over brute matter,it has added infinitely to our means of comfort or enjoyment, by improvingthe useful arts of husbandry, metallurgy, dying, bleaching, tanning, brewingand medicine. Some of these improvements have, indeed, been the effect ofaccident; but many, nay the most of them, have been the result of humaninquiry and sagacity. And the atomic theory, which gives us an insight intosome of the primary laws of matter, is a pure deduction of reason.

By chemical discoveries, useful processes which once required months, oreven years, are now effected in a few days. The chemist has found means toseparate one of several properties from a drug, so that its medicinal effectmay be undiminished and unaffected by other combined properties origi-nally with it. Light, which formerly was furnished only by the valuablesubstances of wax, tallow, spermaceti or oil, has been supplied of a betterquality, from the cheapest and most abundant objects in nature; and theseimprovements are but the precursors of the more splendid retinue which arehereafter destined to make their appearance. This science gives us assurancethat all those substances which are most indispensable to man, because theyrepair the waste which is unceasingly going on in his bodily frame, aredispersed in boundless profusion throughout the universe, but under formsand combinations which conceal them from our unassisted senses; and thatit may be within the scope of human art to separate those which are nutri-tious, and assimilate with our system, from those that are of a noxious orneutral character, and thus to modify the law which has hitherto limited thenumbers of mankind. It is now thought whatever vegetable substances canbe made soluble can be made digestible, in proof of which, a Germanchemist3 has already succeeded in converting ligneous substances intowholesome aliment; and it has long been known that sugar may be made bya similar chemical conversion. What would have been the transmutation forwhich the alchemist of former days consumed so many anxious days andsleepless nights, compared with these? Gold owes its extraordinary value toits scarcity, and had the adept succeeded in making it at pleasure, he wouldhave lessened its value in the same proportion as he increased the quantity.If he could have converted copper into gold, the gold would have been



worth no more than the copper, except for the expense of the transmutation.And if society had gained some advantage in being able to substitute it formetals that are liable to rust, yet it would have lost as much by thedestruction of its property of containing great value in a small bulk, and itsconsequent unfitness to perform the functions of money.

It is not improbable that some of these splendid visions of science maynever be realized: but then other discoveries and improvements may takeplace of equal and greater importance; and should those hopes be verified,would they exhibit a greater triumph of art than has been witnessed in ourday? they are certainly not more beyond the bounds of seeming probabilitythan balloons, and diving bells, and rail roads, would have appeared to aformer age.

The most extravagant fancy in which the man of science has indulgedwould scarcely exceed the wonders now wrought by steam, whether weconsider the simplicity of the means, or the magnitude of the results. Whenin every vessel of heated water mankind had always seen a vapor arise, whocould have supposed that in this simple fact, nature had furnished an agent,which by skilfully managing, he could multiply his natural strength athousand fold, and move from place to place with the swiftness of a bird? Bythe alternate production and condensation of this vapor, which he is able todo by the very common agents of fire and’ water, he is able to extract theponderous minerals from the bowels of the earth, having made it previouslydrain off the water which put them out of his reach. By the same power hefashions the metal he has made, into bars, or sheets, or rods, according to hisvarious purposes. By it he performs all those operations which requireincessant action as well as preterhuman strength; and thus it is made to spinand weave, to saw and bore and plane. By this he grinds his flour, cuts andpolishes marble, prints newspapers, and transfers both himself and his com-modities from place to place, by land or by water, with a rapidity which hadexisted only in the creations of an eastern imagination; and what is no lessadmirable, with a diminution of fatigue equal to the increase of speed.

The kindred sciences of geology and mineralogy have undergone the sameimprovements as that of chemistry. And by a course of inductive reasoning,founded on careful observation, the changes which the outer crust of ourearth, to the small comparative extent that we are able to penetrate it, havebeen most satisfactorily shown, and referred to their several chemical ormechanical agents. It has also afforded data from which important facts inthe history of organized beings have been deduced, and thus it has shed alight on a branch of knowledge from which it seemed most remote. Thenotion which once prevailed, that no species of animals is extinct, has beenincontestibly disproved; and it has shown not only that there were manyspecies which not only do not now exist, but which could not subsist in thepresent state of the world. Where important facts have not been discovered



by human reason, we see its power exerted in profiting by those whichaccident has suggested; as in Galvani’s discovery and that of Hauy in crys-tallography, of vaccination and many others.

Of all the branches of human knowledge there is no one which soonerexercised the understandings of men than that of medicine, first as apractical art, and then as a science, as there is none to which he is impelledby stronger motives; and accordingly we find it practised by a separate class,in some of the rudest nations. Yet long and diligently as it has been culti-vated, it has made prodigious advances of late years, and human reason hashere too achieved its accustomed triumphs. In the surgical branch diseasesare cured every day, often too by young and inexperienced operators, thatwere once deemed immedicable, and often proved fatal. The materia medicahas been improved both by happy accidents, and the scientific labors of thechemist – and the science, trusting only to cautious observation and exper-iment, has profited as much by what it has rejected from the catalogue ofsanative remedies, as what it has added. Reason has here taken the place ofsuperstition and blind credulity, and few prescriptions are now made onpurely empirical grounds. We have the most conclusive evidence of theadvance of the medical science, in the greater average length of life now,compared with former periods. It has in England increased in 31 years from1 in 33 to 1 in 58. A similar increase has been found to have taken place inevery nation of Europe. In Great Britain, France and Germany, the averageincrease has been from 1 in 30 to 1 in 38 in less than two generations. Andif a part of this melioration may be attributed to the moral improvement ofmen, to the greater wealth and comfort of a greater number, the diminutionof intemperance and other vices, a part also seems fairly attributable to themedical science; but in either way it attests the progress of reason and phi-losophy.

The progress of those sciences which exercise no other faculty but thereason, also attest the increase and vigor of the human faculties. Algebra isnot only more generally cultivated than in a former age, but it is now appliedto every species of regular form and motion that matter can assume, and hasthus reached conclusions which seemed unattainable by human skill; andthe calculus which one generation readily performs, was scarcely intelligibleto that which preceded it.

Even our most familiar and household concerns show the increasedinfluence of reason over our actions. The dress of both sexes is more conformable to nature than formerly, and less biassed by caprice and arbitraryor accidental forms. I need only, by way of proof, refer to hair powder andbuckles, and the tight ligatures which once bound our limbs or bodies, butbind them no longer. Forms have been discarded or abridged and made sub-servient to convenience – our modes of eating, drinking and sleeping – all theordinary habits of social life prove the growing ascendancy of reason over



habit and prejudice. Though in all of these we may occasionally see someretro grade steps.

The more philosophical spirit of modern, compared with ancient times, isillustrated by what was then considered as the seven wonders of the world.They boasted of magnitude or costliness – of some enormous expenditure ofhuman labor in a pyramid, a statue or temple, which was fitted to make astrong impression on the senses. But what are the objects which now fillmen’s minds with admiration and astonishment? They are such as areaddressed to their powers of reflection – great moral changes like theAmerican or French revolutions; the liberation of Greece or of SpanishAmerica: or if they be of a physical character, then they are of some suc-cessful effort of science and art which directly conduces to the benefit ofmankind; such, for instance, as the application of steam to manufacturesand navigation – the New York Canal, the Manchester Rail Road, and theThames Tunnel. These, and such as these, are the world’s wonders in ourday.

Such then, Mr. President, is the character of the changes which the mindof man has wrought on physical nature, as well as in the improvement of hisown condition; and these in turn have effected an immense change in thecharacter of his mind. He has become less subjected to the dominion of hissenses and more to that of his reason. He is necessarily made to perceive aninfinite number of new and intricate relations, which the progress ofknowledge and civilization are ever adding to those which previouslyexisted, and his reasoning faculties have acquired strength in proportion totheir exercise. From particular facts he is continually deducing general laws;and from those general laws, laws still more comprehensive. The conse-quence of which is, that the elaborate deductions of one age become theobvious truths of that which succeeds it, and each succeeding generation ismore capable of intricate processes of reasoning than its predecessor.

In the same proportion too, as reason acquires strength, the dominion ofthe passions becomes weaker. They are less likely to be excited by unworthycauses, and less violent when excited. Reason obviously tends to preventthose mental perturbations which arise from false views of things, as frommistaken notions of right – from the exaggerations of future good or evil,and wrong estimates of their probability. Many objects which a moreignorant age has deemed important, the light of philosophy exhibits in theirreal insignificance. And in addition to all these direct causes, it seems notimprobable that our minds being now so much more occupied in noticingcauses and effects, and other important relations, will be less prone to strongemotions, except so far as they may have the sanction of reason. Let me notbe understood to favor the dream of some speculatists, that philosophy willever eradicate the passions. This result is neither possible nor desirable. It isin their proper indulgence that consists all that is called either happiness or


4 [On life’s vast ocean diversely we sail, Reason the card, but passion is the gale.] –Pope.


virtue, and all that deserves to be so considered by a moral and intellectualbeing. They are

“The lights and shades, whose well-accorded strife Gives all the strength and color of our life.”

The passions have been aptly compared to the winds which impel the shipon the ocean of life,4 but reason performs higher functions than “the card.”It sits at the helm, and guides the course of the bark when the gale is not toostrong, and takes in sail when it is.

One of the consequences of this growing ascendancy of reason is, thatthere will be less inequality in the civil condition of mankind; and happy arethey whose political institutions enable them to accommodate themselves tothe change, without going through the process of blood and violence.Whatever may be the advantages, real or supposed, of a difference of ranks,the institution originated in accident, and is supported by illusions, whichnatural enough in a certain stage of society, the light of philosophy tends todissipate; and as ghosts, witches and other shadows of the night havevanished at the approaching dawn of reason, the further progress of day willextinguish hereditary rank, which, when it does not, like faux-fire, shine byits own corruption, emits an ineffectual ray at best.

If the preceding views are correct, it would follow that in our reasoningsfrom the past to the future we must take these changes of the humancharacter into account, and if we do, that they would sometimes lead us toexpect different results hereafter from those which formerly took placeunder similar circumstances. The failure to make allowance for thesechanges, has produced much groundless apprehension, much mistaken con-fidence, and much false vaticination.

In thus speaking of the gradual progress of reason and philosophy, I donot mean to say that the advancement is uninterrupted. Far from it. Thoughthe tide may be rising, each individual wave does not always reach as far asthat which preceded it: so man, in his onward progress to a higher state ofexistence, does occasionally make oblique and even retrograde steps. By theinfluence of those prejudices which have not yet been dislodged from theirstrong holds – under the sway of our passions, which indeed may beregulated, but can never be extinguished, reason for awhile succumbs andphilosophy disappears. Thus, in the Reformation, the struggle betweenthose who sought to get rid of the ancient abuses, and those who endeavoredto maintain them, was accompanied with ferocity, cruelty and injustice; and



men were often hated and persecuted in proportion to their sincerity inavowing their real sentiments, and their firmness in maintaining them. Thentoo, we beheld those who had been the victims of oppression, when powerchanged hands, becoming persecutors in turn; and this, not on the principleof retaliation, but because the new persecutors were impelled by the sameblind fury as their predecessors, in regarding a mere difference of opinion assynonymous with crime.

Philosophy had not then advanced far enough to teach them that menwere responsible only to their own conscience and their God for their modesof faith; and that punishment tended to make hypocrites of the bad andmartyrs of the good, but converts of none. They had yet to learn that theunadulterated common sense of that portion of mankind, who were lessfrenzied by zeal, revolted at such injustice; and that their sympathies actedmore powerfully in favor of the sufferer, than their fears in favor of their per-secutors; a truth which has suggested the maxim that “the blood of themartyrs is the seed of the church.”

The French revolution also furnished a signal instance of the retrogradesteps of philosophy. The oppressions, the injustice, the absurdities of theFrench monarchy, and above all, the incongruities of many of its institutionswith the state of knowledge and of private society in France, could not becorrected without calling forth all the strongest impulses of our nature – theworst passions of the worst men, as well as the nobler feelings of the best.The advanced state of reason and philosophy among the educated classes,acting on the sense of justice, indelibly stamped on the heart of man, madethe mass of the nation see and feel the odium of their civil institutions, anddetermined them to attempt a remedy. They were prompted in theirschemes, and quickened in their sensibility by the superior social conditionof their neighbors, the English, and yet more by the American revolutionand its happy issue. Be fore this great event, their notice of the defects orabuses of their government was confined to philosophical speculatists – torhetorical declaimers – or to those who wielded the lighter, but no lessefficient weapons of ridicule – to all of whom many of those classes whomost profited by the existing abuses, bowing to the resistless force of truth,and not foreseeing the danger to themselves, gave their cordial support.Public opinion was thus gradually gaining strength and unanimity; andwhen accident afforded a favorable occasion for the reformers to act, everyone was astonished at the rapidity and force with which they acted. Butthere were strong interests and passions arrayed on the other side, and theshock of the conflict was violent in proportion.

As soon as the cry of reform and change was sounded, every furious andignoble passion – every sordid and profligate and depraved motive, hopingto profit by the confusion, entered into the strife, and corrupted the wholemass. Then it was that in the heart of Christendom, we saw a city, associated


5 The Count de Buffon


in our minds with every refinement of civilization – the emporium of science,literature and the arts – suddenly transformed into a moral desert. Theannals of mankind had recorded no such metamorphosis. To the sensesindeed, all the monuments of science and art and social improvementremained, but they seemed to belong to other times. Every thing relative tothe human character was forcibly overturned, or wrest ed from its naturalposition. Women without humanity or timidity, at one moment bravingdeath, and at another thirsting for blood. Science and practical art employedin devising new modes of taking away life. Statesmen and legislatorsengrossed by the one great subject of how they might exterminate citizens noless than foreign enemies. Speculative minds racking their inventions toframe excuses for these enormities, or in making frivolous changes in thenames of streets and provinces – of the months and days – while Religion,finding nothing congenial to her own mildness and purity, fled from thecountry, and the infuriated multitude hallooed and exulted in her retreat:and in the metropolis of fashion, which had given the laws of dress to allEurope, and one of whose most distinguished literati5 had asserted that theapparel was a part of the man, an attention to outward appearance wasdeemed presumptive evidence of aristocracy. Nor was there a more certainmode of awakening suspicion of incivism, than to seem to be devout, ormoral, or gentlemanly, unless these obnoxious qualities were redeemed bysome accompaniment of crime.

There have been those who would make philosophy responsible for theseextravagances and excesses, because it had been assiduously cultivated inParis, just before the Revolution, and some of its maxims were appealed toin justification of the excesses. But nothing can be more Unjust. There wasmingled with the enlightened part of the Paris population, a far largerportion which was immersed in the grossest ignorance. They had beenbrought up as it were in a prison house, into which the surrounding light ofheaven could never penetrate; and, when set free from the restraints of law,they were powerful instruments of mischief in the hands of those who wereat once skilful and unscrupulous in using them. There were also those whopartook of the intellectual light of the age, but who from a faulty education,or accident, or the unjust institutions of society had not proportional moralimprovement – men who saw the inequality with which the goods of lifewere distributed; that those who had the smallest share were the mostnumerous; and that they might he prompted to the inclination, as theyalready had the ability, to be their own carvers. An alliance was thus formedbetween cunning and ignorance the cunning few and ignorant many and nowonder that in a short time, all that was venerable and virtuous and


6 General Bernard, whose anticipations of the leading events of that revolution, in aconversation with the author, had all the accuracy of history.


generous, as well as all that had been tyrannical and oppressive, werefuriously assailed and beaten to the ground. The progress of knowledge hadno other agency in producing this result, than that a portion of societyborrowed its intellectual light without approaching near enough to profit byits moral warmth: and it is as unreasonable to blame philosophy for theseoutrages, as to blame religion for the bloody massacres and merciless perse-cutions which were perpetrated in her name. With far greater reason maythe moderation observed by the mob of Paris, in the three day revolution of1830, be ascribed to the influence of the liberal and philosophical spirit,which had been gaining ground throughout the civilized world, and partic-ularly in France for twenty years before: and it deserves notice, that thismoderation, as well as the occasion on which it would be exercised, wasconfidently predicted in this country, by a French gentleman,6 now enjoyingan elevated rank in France; and he founded his prediction on the improvedcharacter of the population of Paris.

Having thus taken a view of the past effects of the progress of philosophy,let us now look before us, and endeavoring to scan the future, learn what arehereafter to be its effects on the world, especially on that portion of it, inwhich we are most interested.

We are sometimes reproached with being more disposed to look at whatour country will be, than at what it is; but when the changes are so rapid andgreat, we should not only betray a strange insensibility to our future destiny,but be grossly wanting in prudence, not to keep the fact constantly presentto our minds. It should affect our policy, legislation, and even our individualcontracts and schemes of profit; and while we do not object to other nationsseeing, in the mirror of the past, interesting memorials of their former glory,they may suffer us to look at ours through the prism of hope, in whichobjects are little distorted without being exaggerated, and appear in huesdelightfully gay and diversified. Let us see then how the certain progress ofpopulation, and the probable progress of reason and philosophy are likely toaffect us.

Of the rapid advancement of the United States in numbers, powers andwealth, we have now a moral certainty. After the lapse of forty years, wehave seen that their population continues to double at the rate whichFranklin long ago assumed, and we have full confirmation of the viewstaken by Malthus more than thirty years ago, and by Franklin long beforehim, that mankind continue thus to increase where the means of subsistenceare easy. There will hardly be any change in this particular here, before ournumbers have reached 60 persons to a square mile. Perhaps when we



consider the remarkable fertility of the larger part, not before we havereached 100: but with the former limit, our country would contain 100millions of inhabitants, in three periods of doubling, or in 75 years. Somedoubts have been entertained whether our future increase will not diminishin an increasing ratio; and a very general error as to the rate of increase,exhibited at the last census, has favored that opinion. But in point of fact, theincrease for the ten years ending in 1830, was a fraction more than 34 percent., instead of a fraction more than 33 per cent., as our almanacs and otherperiodicals have stated, because they did not attend to the fact, that the lastcensus shewed the increase only for nine years and ten months. This result isso unexampled and so great, that it requires an effort for us to conceive itsreality; yet it rests upon as satisfactory grounds as any future eventwhatever: and it is not a remote improbability, that some who now hear mewill live to see our population amount to 100 millions.

For our political organization we have nothing to desire, if our presentgovernment continues. The self-healing power, which more or less pervadesall bodies, politic as well as natural, has unrestricted vigor here, and may beexpected to bring an adequate remedy for every political disease likely toarise.

But one of the evils apprehended by some, is a dissolution of the Union;and it is asked, if this has already been seriously threatened, how will it bewhen the sources of collision and rivalship shall be multiplieds – when allfear of foreign aggression, which now operates as a band to keep ustogether, shall be removed – when personal ambition shall seek, by a sepa-ration, that field for its enterprises which the Union does not afford – andthe natural increase of an indigent and ignorant class shall furnish him withready tools for his selfish projects?

But I do not see the probability that the proud hopes, which dictated aperpetual league among the states, are to be disappointed. It seems to methat the occasions in which their interests clash are few, compared withthose in which they coincide, and that one of the strongest ligaments ofunion is the diversity of pursuits among the states, by which they are allbenefited by a free commercial intercourse. Thus, some produce grain andcattle, others, fish, or sugar, or rice and cotton: some are exclusively agri-cultural in their pursuits, and are of course venders of raw produce, whilstothers are manufacturing states, and purchasers of raw produce: some arelargely concerned in navigation, whilst others are inland. Thus all aregainers by an interchange of their respective commodities and species ofindustry; and this mutual commerce, founded in mutual interests, will lessand less require aid from the government.

We may, moreover, reasonably expect, that these sources of mutualbenefit and intercourse will increase, and that new products of agricultureand manufactures will arise under some propitious accident or kindness of



nature, will extend the mutual dependence of the states, and proportionallymultiply the bonds of union. Each state will be important to the rest for itsuseful products, and they in turn will be valuable to it, both for affording amarket, and for the products they give in exchange, The commerce, too, willbe the more profitable, and likely to be the more extensive, by its being freefrom imposts or vexatious restrictions. Under the fostering care of thisfreedom, we may expect that wine, and silk, and the olive may be added tothe products of the south – and that whenever labor shall fall to the point ofmerely earning a subsistence, tea may be also cultivated; as no doubt somepart of our country is similar in climate to China, since it is not only in a cor-respondent latitude, but on the same side of its continent.

The time will come when most of our manufactures can be procured fromthe northern or middle states cheaper than from Europe, and when thosestates will also furnish a larger market for the products of the south. Thetime has already come when cotton, and rice, and tobacco, if that perniciousweed shall always constitute one of man’s artificial wants, can be procuredmore cheaply from the southern states than elsewhere; and though there isnot, within the present limits of the United States, as much land adapted tothe cane as will supply its future inhabitants with sugar, without thatincrease of price which must greatly diminish its rate of consumption, yet thetrade in this useful commodity will not therefore be less important, either tothe states which sell, or those which purchase it.

This commercial intercourse will be greatly extended by the numerouscanals and rail roads, which are destined to intersect our country in everydirection. By the greater cheapness of transportation, the commerce will beextended, not only because more distant points will be brought into con-nection, but also because there will be a greater number of articles whichmay be advantageously transported. All the canals and rail roads from onestate to another, which shall be sufficiently used to compensate for their con-struction, will be so many sinews to knit together our wide spread anddiversified republic. New York and Pennsylvania have already thus boundthem selves to the west. Maryland and Virginia, and, without doubt,Georgia and the Carolinas, will follow the example.

When we shall be thus connected by the golden chain of mutual interestsinstead of the iron fetters of power, and by that homogeneousness ofmanners which an increased intercourse will produce, what will be likely toeffect a separation? Let us suppose any state, considering itself aggrieved bysome measure of the federal government, was to with draw herself from theconfederacy, and that the other states were to acquiesce in her course, eitherbecause they felt no interest in the matter, or be cause they were willing tosurrender up those interests to a claim of right. It can scarcely be doubtedthat such seceding state would find the disadvantages of its new situation sogreat, surrounded by rival and hostile and taunting neighbors – attended



with so much contingent danger and certain expense, that after the first irri-tation had passed away, it would sue to be re-admitted.

But when it is recollected that, in no distant day, every state will either bean outlet for other states to the ocean, or the medium of communication forthose lying on each side of it, it would be according to all experience topresume that they will not regard a question thus directly affecting theirinterests, as one also affecting their rights, and will vindicate both, by anappeal to force, if necessary: and thus the question of separation will alwaysbe a question of war. The constitutional question, which may have been pre-viously agitated, will be drowned in the din and tumult of arms, and finallydecided by the issue of the war. Victory is the great arbiter of right innational disputes, and that scale of justice on which she happens to light, isalmost sure to preponderate.

I have been supposing the case of a single state or even a small section ofstates to desire a separation. But it may be asked whether all the states maynot voluntarily consent to a dissolution; or at least so large a portion as tomake resistance on the part of the rest hopeless. I answer that I am not ableto conceive any such general and powerful cause, nor do I know of anyexample of a similar voluntary disseverance in history. In every case inwhich an integral community, whether consolidated or confederate, hasbeen separated, it has been by violence, and commonly external violence –either by one nation, subjugating another, or by some successful leader suc-ceeding by his arts and talents ill arraying one part against the rest: or theparts of a great empire have been partitioned among the descendants orlegatees of the last occupant – none of which causes of separation can beexpected to operate here. It is indeed a conceivable thing for some prominentand popular individual to excite a particular state to discontent, and finallyto civil war; and although we have happily had no example of such flagi-tiousness, we have seen enough to make us think it possible: yet whatevermay be the supposed success of such men at home, there will always bemany counter actions to their influence in the adjoining states, and in thesame degree that the agitator is a popular idol in his own state, he will be anobject of suspicion in the adjoining states, who will judge of him by hisactions, unaffected by his arts or the imposing lustre of his personalqualities.

Our own past history affords some confirmation of these views. It is, forexample, now seen, since the veil which once concealed the acts of theHartford Convention, has been partially raised, that the power of the agentsin that combination to separate the union was far less than had beensupposed, and that they could not have led on the states there represented tomake that shew of resistance to the general government which excitedapprehensions for the union, if they had professed any other than themoderate and legitimate objects of making their peculiar interests more


7 Henry Clay, who was thus thrice mainly instrumental in giving peace to his country.


respected, and of providing additional guards against the invasion of thoseinterests in the time to come. It now appears, that however we may disap-prove the means used to effectuate their objects, the ends were blameless;and there is much reason to believe that the moment the separation of thestates had shewn itself to be the ultimate object of their leaders, that momentthey would have been deserted by the larger part of their followers.

The case of him whose history has been so pregnant of instruction tolawless ambition, and who eighteen years ago was arraigned in this verycapitol for the highest of all crimes, affords another instructive example. Solong as his object was believed to be the settlement of the Washita lands, hemay have ranked among his followers the most honest and patriotic of theland. So long as he merely proposed to emancipate the Mexicans from theSpanish yoke, the generous and enterprising youth of the west, as unsuspi-cious of guile in others as they were incapable of it themselves, might haveflocked to his standard, and even gloried in the act of self-devotion: but nosooner was it known that the infatuated man was pursuing the phantom ofindividual aggrandizement, at the expense of his country’s peace and inviolation of her laws, than he was “left alone in his glory.” Most of hisfollowers abandoned him from principle, and the few who were withoutprinciple, deserted him from cowardice. It is peculiarly gratifying that bothof these examples so strikingly exhibit the attachment of the Americanpeople to the union, as it will probably be only in one or the other of thesemodes that its integrity will ever be assailed.

The event by which the union was still more seriously threatened, has beentoo recent for me to say much of it on the present occasion. Yet I may bepermitted to remark, without opening wounds hardly yet cicatrized, thatboth those who apprehend disunion and those who dread consolidationmay draw salutary lessons from that event; and that each party may, by acourse of imprudence, promote the very evil of which it is most appre-hensive. I will add, that it affords additional evidence of the strength of theligaments which bind us together, for if those who felt themselves aggrievedby the general government, had been less sensible of the value – of thenecessity of the union – then the master pilot,7 who at the critical momentseized the helm, and steered the ship of state through the breakers thatthreatened her on either side, had interposed his consummate all in vain.

But when it is considered that the continuance of the union is indis-pensable to our peace, prosperity, and civil liberty – that on it rest our hopesof national greatness, it would hardly seem consistent with prudence to relyaltogether on the natural securities I have mentioned. We should also sedu-lously guard against whatever may tend to weaken our attachment to it; and



should therefore confine the functions of the general government to thoseobjects which are most indispensable to the prosperity of the whole, and towhich the powers of the separate governments are incompetent. And whileit should exercise no power which was not clearly beneficial, as well as con-stitutional, it should forbear to exercise such powers as come under thisdescription, when they may prove sources of discontent, or of collision withlocal feelings and interests. The advantages of such a course will be to givethe federal government greater efficacy in the execution of its remainingpowers, and especially in our foreign concerns; and it will afford us the bestsecurity, not only against disunion, but the opposite danger of consoli-dation. The continuance of our present complex system of government – theonly one in which the highest degree of civil liberty can be reconciled withthe greatest extent of territory – depends on its maintaining a just equipoisebetween the general government and the governments of the separate states;and that equipoise may be disturbed no less by enlarging the capacity of con-ferring favors than that of doing mischief – of appealing to the hopes no lessthan to the fears of the community.

There is another safeguard against both disunion and consolidation, to befound in the diffusion of instruction among all classes of people; to whichobject all the states have given encouragement. Besides the general moraleffects which such mental culture is found to produce, wherever it has beentried, it will make the mischiefs of a single national government or of severaldisunited governments, which are already so obvious to those who havereflection and forecast, intelligible to all. The diffusion of intelligence willoperate advantageously to the same end in another way. It will raise the self-respect and honest pride of the indigent classes, and these sentiments affordthe best security against an over-crowded population and its deleterious con-sequences, for they naturally tend to raise the ordinary standard of comfort,and the higher that is, the sooner do the checks to improvident marriagesbegin to operate.

Supposing our federal union to be thus enduring, the progress of phi-losophy may be expected to continue with our advancement in numbers andwealth, and to exhibit itself in the increased vigor of the reasoning faculties;the greater purity of religion; the better government of the passions; anenlarged dominion over physical nature; a deeper insight into the multi-farious laws of mind and matter; and a general amelioration of ourcondition, social, intellectual, and moral. But dangers and evils are appre-hended by some, when we shall have a large class of manufacturers. Thismust eventually be the condition of the greater part of the population ofevery civilized country, since in no other way can the greater part of a densepopulation find employment. A small proportion of the community is suffi-cient to cultivate the soil, especially with so fertile a territory as the greaterpart of the United States; and the rest must be employed in manufactures, or



starve. Besides, the products of this species of industry are as essential to ourcomfort and enjoyment, if not to our subsistence, as raw produce. We musthave clothes, furniture, utensils, and books, as well as food: and when ournumbers shall be sufficiently great to consume the whole of our rawproduce, as in time it certainly will be, we shall cease to export; and the greatmass of its consumers here, must fulfil the inevitable ultimate destiny of man– he must labor for his subsistence, either in tilling the earth, or in giving toits products some new form, which by ministering to the wants of others,may enable him to satisfy his own. The people of the United States musttherefore become a manufacturing people, as well as their progenitors, andthat too at no very remote period. At present, most of our citizens are agri-culturists, be cause they find a ready sale for their redundant pro ducts; butwhile it may be easy to obtain a market for the surplus produce of fourteenmillions of people, it may not be equally easy to find a vent abroad for theproducts of the one hundred millions before spoken of; or even of the fiftymillions which our numbers will certainly reach in less than another halfcentury. It must be recollected that while we increase at the rate of three percent. per annum, our customers do not increase beyond the rate of one percent., and some scarcely increase at all. Those therefore, who will be thusspared from agriculture, must be employed in manufactures.

The political effects of so large a class of manufacturers in our country,has suggested two very opposite theories. According to one, the influence ofproperty will be increased by the change; according to the other, its rightswill be endangered. The advocates of the first opinion say, that capital hasthe same relation to manufactures that land has to agricultural labor; for itis only large capitals that can be advantageously employed in the principalmanufactures; and that the laborers in both species of industry, will feel theirdependence on their employers. It will therefore happen that the votes givenimmediately by the laboring class, will be substantially the votes of the richlandlord or capitalist.

But on the other hand, it has been apprehended, and not without someshow of reason, that the working class, having the power in their ownhands, by the preponderance of numbers, need only to act in concert, tocontrol the course of legislation. It is further urged, that if the means ofpopular instruction can become general, or though that should be foundimpracticable, if the intelligence of the community should increase with theprogress of society, that this class will more readily feel its power, havestronger inducements to exercise it, and be better able to devise the means.Admitting concerted action practicable, as it would be obviously desirable,what, it is asked, is to hinder these men from ridding themselves of their pro-portion of the taxes? – of appropriating to themselves the property of therich by various legislative devices, as in limiting the prices of provisions, inplanning expensive schemes in which the utility would be exclusively to



themselves, or not in proportion to the cost, – or even in some moment ofmadness and reckless injustice, of passing an Agrarian law? It is vain to urgethat as such a violation of the rights of property would have the ultimateeffect of injuring all classes, or at least a far greater number than it wouldbenefit, it is contrary to the general instinct of self interest to suppose thegreater portion of the community would pursue it; for these remote interestsmight not be perceived, and though they were, they would not prevailagainst the force of present temptation.

But the argument assumes that there will be a majority of the communitywho will feel a present interest in such violations of the rights of property,and this proposition may well be questioned. In our country, where industryand capital are free to exercise themselves in any way, there will always be agradation of classes from the richest to the poorest, so as to make the linewhich separates them an imperceptible one. We have no political institu-tions, and few prejudices to make such a separation. Every one is estimatedaccording to his individual merits, little affected by those of his ancestors:and although somewhat of the honor or discredit of parents attaches to thechild, yet it is probably little more than is warranted by the presumption thatthere is a resemblance between them. We are not distinguished into castes asin India, where one portion of society engrosses all the more honorable andagreeable employments of life, and the other is allotted to its most irksomeand debasing offices; nor into Patrician and Plebeian, as in Rome; nor intolords and commons, as in England; nor noblesse and canaille, as formerly inFrance and the rest of Europe; distinctions which at once provoke combi-nation and make it more practicable.

Nor is the indigent class likely to be as large in this country as in mostothers. Our institutions, in many ways, favor both the acquisition and thediffusion of property. In the first place, by their being more exempt fromrestrictions. No trade or occupation is fettered by monopolies or corpo-ration laws, or laws of apprenticeship, so that industry and talent being freeto act, wherever and however they please, are likely to find the situations inwhich they can be most profitably exerted.

In the next place, all offices and professions which are means of acquiringproperty, or are of themselves a valuable property, while they last, arethrown open to the competition of all; and we see them as often, or moreoften, won by those who were born in poverty, and who have been accus-tomed to rely on their own resources, than by the pampered sons of wealthand luxury.

And lastly, the diffusion of property is the greater by the practice ofdividing an estate among all the children of a family; which, either by the actof law, or the will of the deceased proprietor, has become almost universal.The law of primogeniture, by artificially damming up property to prevent itsnatural diffusion, must increase the number of the poor in the same degree


8 Hecren and Niebuhr.


that it increases the number of the rich. The estate which remains in the samefamily in England for three generations, and continues throughout theproperty of a single individual, is here distributed among twenty or thirty, andoften a far greater number. This single change in our municipal law, wouldnecessarily have the effect of converting the property holders into a majorityof the community.

Whenever, then, the line between the rich and the poor is drawn in thiscountry, it will always comprehend a far smaller proportion of the last classthan in any other, so long as our civil institutions retain their presentcharacter; and the number of people who have property to some amount, andwho have the hope of acquiring it, will always be much greater than thosewho have none. When it is further recollected that those who have made theirown fortunes – a very numerous class in all free countries – are likely topossess energy and intelligence; they may also be expected to possess aninfluence more than proportionate to their numbers. To these considerationswe may add the connections which arise from favors received or expected, bythe poor from the rich; the influence of habit; the protection of the laws; therestraints of morality, of indolence, and fear, and they seem sufficient to assureus that apprehensions of a mischievous combination of the poor against therich, are groundless; and that all which the indigent class can effect for theirown advantage by combination, may not prove a sufficient antagonist to theinfluence the rich will be able to exert over them.

I know of no instance of a successful combination of the indigent classes,except in the case of the Agrarian laws at Rome. But this subject has beengreatly misunderstood, and there never was a more well founded complaintthan that which the poor made against the rich, on that occasion Modern his-torians seem to have followed up the injustice, by misrepresenting the facts,and assailing the character of those who had been previously defrauded oftheir property. The diligent researches of German scholars8 have shewn incon-testibly that the Agrarian laws, for which the Gracchi lost their lives,concerned only the public lands, which had been obtained by conquest, andnot those which formed part of the territory of the ancient republic. As thesepublic lands were charged with a very moderate, – merely nominal rent, – itwas necessary to impose some limit upon the portion which a single individualcould obtain, which was accordingly fixed at 500 jugera – equal to about 312of our acres. But the Patrician class soon found means to evade this law, andhaving engrossed these lands, the purposes for which they were set apart – ofaffording the means of support to the poor, and of rewarding those by whosebravery and toils they had been won – was thus completely defeated: and theredundant population, unprovided with the means of subsistence, wereobliged to become the bondsmen of the rich. Tiberius Gracchus endeavored to



have this flagrant wrong, which was a political mischief, as well as a moralinjustice, corrected: and whatever may have been his motives, he so evidentlyhad right on his side, that he finally prevailed. But because he succeeded indefending the unquestioned rights of the injured party, does it follow that hewould have had equal success in defending injustice? Because he was able tosustain the violated rights of property, would he have been also able to destroythem? Certainly not: For he with difficulty succeeded, even at the cost of hislife: and success would have been impossible but for the dauntless intrepidityand the zealous support which the goodness of his cause inspired.

To the progress of our literature and science we may look with unalloyedhopes. In many branches, both ornamental and useful, we are still behind thecountry from which we are descended; and we fall as far short of her in thequantity of original productions as in the quality. But this, we confidentlytrust, is but a temporary inferiority. Our whole faculties are now engaged incultivating the choicest fruits of civilization, and by and by we shall turn ourattention to its flowers. Our late rapid advancement in letters affords a surepresage of future excellence, and symptoms of this gratifying change gladdenour eyes in every direction. As soon as the more imperious wants of thecountry shall be satisfied, and men of superior powers and attainments shallhave filled the learned professions, and offices requiring science and talent,then we shall begin to form a class of men of letters, who will devote theirleisure and genius to minister to our intellectual wants: And they will find herea wide field both for speculation and description, political, physical andmoral. We are justified in pronouncing that our literature will have freshness,boldness, richness and variety, and I would fain hope, the crowning grace ofsimplicity. Poetry, though not destined again to receive divine honors, or eventhe same profound homage as in a later day, will always occupy a high placein the world of letters: for the pleasure which can be conveyed to the mind byrhythm, imagery and fervid sentiment combined, are immutable; but thehigher province of intellect will be to instruct and convince; to aid us in thearduous duties of life – whether as members of a profession, as citizens of thestate, or as moral and responsible beings. Until that day arrives, let us cherishthose institutions which best serve to preserve and diffuse a knowledge ofscience and letters, as well as to increase a taste for them; and never relax inour exertions until we are at least upon a level with the highest. Next to anelevated moral character, this is the most proper object of national ambition:and while I should be content that this country may never give birth to aPhidias, or Canova, a Raphael or Titian – that it should not produce as goodmusicians as Italy or Germany – as beautiful millinery as Paris – as cheap orgood cutlery as Sheffield I should be mortified to think that we should neverbe able to boast of such poets as Byron or Pope, such historians as Hume orGibbon, such moralists as Johnson, such novelists as Walter Scott, or suchmathematicians as La Place.



In looking into our future destiny, I have not allowed myself to travel intothe regions of fancy, but have confined my attention to those results whichseemed fairly deducible from causes now visibly operating; and which are inconformity with the past experience of mankind. I have not indulged in thoseoverstrained speculations with which some have contemplated the futureprogress of philosophy, but have endeavored to avoid on the one hand, thoseviews of future evil, which it is the nature of gloomy tempers to entertain, andon the other, those visions of future excellence or perfection incompatible withour past experience; such, for example, as the dreams, first of Condorcet, andafter wards of Godwin. Of a similar character, I fear, are the predictions ofthose who think that war may be banished from the civilized world. Withoutdoubt it is the tendency of the progress of reason and philosophy, to lessen thechances of war: in the same way as refinement of manners checks personalconflicts among individuals. But it will, probably, no more put an end to themin one case, than in the other; and the time may never come, when the interestsof nations will not clash, when they will not differ in opinion about theirrespective rights; when they will not be willing to resent supposed injustice,and hazard their lives to gratify their resentment. Nor can occasions bewanting at any time to call forth these motives to war. Nations may haverivalship in trade; rival ship in fisheries; they may differ about boundaries, orthe construction of treaties; or they may be involved in the disputes of others.These causes must be regarded as inseparable from the condition of man, evenif he should no longer be exposed to the danger of war, from mere differencesof opinion on some speculative points in religion, politics or morals. It maythen prove in all future time, as it has proved in all time past, that it is man’snature to quarrel and fight, no less than to love or to hate, and the only dif-ference may be as to the occasions of war, and the mode of carrying it on: inshort, that this ultimate argument of republics as well as kings, will continueto be appealed to as it always has been, when all others have failed.

If this is to be regarded as a part of man’s inevitable destiny, let us notindulge in vain repinings at it – but endeavor to prevent it as far as we can, bya course of justice, and moderation, and forbearance: and if, nevertheless, ourefforts should be unavailing, let the philosophic and patriotic mind find con-solation in the fact, that though war is the cause of much human misery, itcalls forth many virtues, and affords occasion for the display of some of thenoblest traits of our character – courage, patriotism, generosity, disinterest-edness and every form of virtuous self-denial. It gives a stimulus to all the moreelevated and severer virtues. It breaks up the icy frost of selfishness, which inthe still times of peace may congeal about the heart. The love of country neverburns with a purer or stronger flame than in the bosom of the patriotic soldier:nor can any thing but war enable a citizen to make the same sacrifices, or soprove his self devotion to his country. It may then be among the dispensationsof the ruler of the universe, that war, as well as peace, is necessary for the



development and the preservation of some of our highest qualities, and tofulfil our destiny. Nor let us vainly hope to extinguish national more than indi-vidual resentment, but merely to regulate it – to reserve it for those occasionswhich a sense of justice prompts and reason sanctions: and although it is buta blind arbiter of disputes, it is the only one, in some circumstances, that canbe appealed to.

Having thus, Mr. President, brought to your notice, with less of conden-sation than I could have wished, the great and rapid strides which humanreason is now making in the civilized world, as exhibited in every field of intel-lectual exercise: having noticed the unequivocal signs that this progress will yetcontinue, that we cannot assign to it any precise limits, and that in all estimatesof the future, we must take it into consideration: having endeavored to inferits probable effects on our condition, taken in connection with the otherchanges to which we are destined, I have discharged my main purpose. Yet Ido not feel that I have entirely fulfilled my duty as a member of the Society,unless I say something of its particular objects.

One of these objects was to collect and preserve the perishable memorials ofthe past history of Virginia, from the time it was a colony to the present day.While this is a subject which must always be one of lively interest to hercitizens, it is also one in which diligence will be amply rewarded. Our earlycolonial history more abounds in events of a striking and diversified character,than that of any of the other colonies; and this state, moreover, has a sort ofparental relation to nearly all the states to the south and west. Full justice hasnever yet been done to this subject. There are indeed points in the history ofthe settlement of the colony, which require elucidation, and for which thematerials are to be found, if at all, only in the archives of England. But on ourlater history much light has been thrown by a diligent examination of the lawsof the colony; and somewhat may he further gleaned from a search into thoserecords of the county courts, which have yet escaped the ravages of war andtime. The records of these courts, whose duties were always of a very miscel-laneous character, may communicate much information concerning the stateof society, the habits, manners and ways of thinking of the people. Theauthentic details of the public offences and their punishment, is no insignif-icant portion of a nation’s history. Much has been done in this way byHening’s Collection of the Statutes at Large; and though a large portion of thetreasure has already been drawn from this mine, it has not been exhausted.After paying a just tribute to the industry and general accuracy of that work,it also suggests a caution to future inquirers against a spirit of skepticismtowards preceding narratives, merely because some inaccuracies have beendiscovered. Of this I may be allowed to mention one or two examples, as inthe endeavor to shew (in which Burke concurs,) that the account of allpreceding historians of the loyalty of Virginia towards the House of Stuart,immediately before and after the Commonwealth, was erroneous – and that


9 Passed in 1646.


because Robertson in his posthumous historical sketch was plainly mistakenin saying that no man suffered capitally “for his participation in Bacon’srebellion,” he is not entitled to credit: or, when Bacon, according to allprevious accounts, had, during a wet spell, at the most sickly season of theyear, in the county of Gloucester, been seized with a dysentery which provedmortal, to suggest that a death so little violating probability, should be deemedmysterious, and warranted the suspicion of poison by his enemies.

The history of the settlements of the west exists only in tradition or familyletters, and its materials ought to be collected and preserved, while it is not toolate. The contest between the pioneer of civilization and the native savage, isfull of daring adventure and romantic interest. If the command of gunpowder,and the use of iron ultimately gave victory to the former, it was one alwaysdearly bought. The Indians defended their native rights with desperate valorand consummate address, and it was only inch by inch that they yielded theirnative soil to the invaders.

The origin of some anomalous enactments in the statute book, also inviteinquiry. Thus in the year 1647, lawyers were forbidden to take any feeswhatever, and in 1658 they were excluded from the legislature. For thisuncourteous act, it must be confessed that their descendants have made theamende honorable. The medical profession seemed also an object of jealousywith the planter; as by another law,9 physicians were required to swear to thevalue of their drugs.

There is too, a good deal of uncertainty and in consistency in the statisticalaccounts of the state. On the duty of the present generation to collect andpreserve every thing relative to the revolution, I need not lay any stress. Thereare still numerous papers in many families, of no sort of value to them, thatmay yet shed light on that interesting era.

In all that concerns the other object of this Society, the physical history ofthe state, every thing is yet to be done. The records here are before us, and areindestructible in any reasonable term of time; but we must first labor toremove the rubbish which conceals them, and then study to decipher them.This is a tempting field of research, as it may not only add to our stock ofinformation, but also to our store of worldly wealth. The great Appalachianchain of mountains, which traverses the United States from Maine toAlabama, is broader no where than in Virginia, or consists of a greaternumber of distinct ridges, and no where has it given as clear indications ofabounding in mineral wealth. We have found in it already gold, copper, lead,iron, manganese, gypsum, salt, coal, nitre, alum, marble in great variety,besides other minerals that are useful in the arts; and a more diligent and sci-entific search than has yet been made, may by increasing their number increase


10 See London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine for December 1834. This exper-iment coincides with the theory regarding the internal heat of the earth, promulgatedby a member of the French Institute (Mons. Cordier,) in a memoir presented to thatassociation about six years since, in which he gives a detail of numerous observationsand experiments on which he founded his theory, now fully confirmed by the moredecisive experiment in England.


the profit of those canals and roads that are now projected, and give rise toothers not yet contemplated. Our demand for fossil coal is of growing impor-tance; for our increasing population at once increases the demand for fuel, anddiminishes the supply of wood. I was happy to see last evening, the specimenof anthracite coal from the county of Augusta; and the value of that mineraldeserved the high eulogy it received. We may form some idea of the impor-tance of fossil coal, from the fact that steam engines in England are nowcomputed to perform annually, the work of four hundred millions of men! anumber nearly double to that now living on the whole globe.

Nor is the geology of the state to be disregarded. Ever since a careful exam-ination of the materials of the earth’s surface has been found to affordindications of its past changes, this science has been diligently and successfullycultivated in Europe, and has not been neglected in some parts of the UnitedStates. It is high time that Virginia should contribute her quota to its researches. We should be the more stimulated to cultivate this branch of sciencein the United States, in consequence of the remarkable regularity of thedifferent formations on this continent. Thus along the coast below the falls, wehave south of Long Island the tertiary formation; between the falls and theBlue Ridge, the primitive; and the great Mississippi Valley, from the Alleghanyto the Rocky Mountains, is principally secondary. There are however, occa-sional exceptions to these general rules, and they should be noticed with care.As our useful minerals lie near the surface, our observations will, for a longtime to come, be principally confined to that; but as there are instances ofshafts being sunk in search of salt water or gold, the strata should be carefullynoted; and where any pit of unusual depth is sunk, it would be well to makeexperiments on the heat of the earth, before the admission of the ordinary airhas altered its temperature. It has long been asserted that there was an internalheat in the interior of the earth, and further observation seems to confirm it.This fact has lately had a seemingly conclusive verification in England. A shafthad been sunk there in pursuit of coal, to the extraordinary depth of nearlyfifteen hundred feet; and by a number of careful experiments, the heat at thebottom was found to be 28˚ hotter than the average heat of the earth in thislatitude, which would seem to show an increase at the rate of a degree ofFahrenheit for every sixty feet.10 Should this correctly indicate the measure ofthe earth’s internal heat, then at the depth of something less than two miles,we should come to the temperature of boiling water. When we recollect that



this heat is not farther removed from us than a two thousandth part of thedistance to the centre, (bearing about the same proportion to the earth as theparchment stretched over it, does to an ordinary globe,) it seems to afford aready solution for volcanoes, earthquakes, and many geological phenomena;and may even excite our wonder, that some of these results of so mighty anagent are not more frequent and terrible than they are. And when we recollectthat the confines between organized matter, and that form of it which is incon-sistent with animal or vegetable life, approach so near each other, it iscalculated to humble the pride of man, that he has been upon this globe all butsix thousand years without a suspicion of the fact.

There are also problems concerning our climate which well deservesolution. The acknowledged difference between the eastern and westerncoasts of climates, has been attributed, with a great show of reason, to theprevalence of the westerly winds; and of the fact of their greater prevalencethere, is the most satisfactory general evidence – but it is discreditable thatthe amount of the difference should not be as well ascertained as the factitself. The average difference can be ascertained only by repeated andaccurate observations.

It has also been asserted that the temperature of the Mississippi Valley ishigher than that of the Atlantic coast. Mr. Jefferson long ago advanced thisopinion, and it was adopted by Volney; but there is strong reason to believethat the direct contrary is the fact. It is, however, high time that this questionshould be settled by a series of thermometrical observations, and a com-parison of facts derived from the vegetable world.

We have, Mr. President, been three years in existence, and as yet havedone little. Let us bestir ourselves in the cause of science and of our country;and endeavor, under some disadvantages, to give Virginia the same rank inscience and literature that she has always maintained in her devotion to civilliberty and political integrity. Though borne along with the rest of theworld, by the great current of philosophy of which I have been speaking, weshould not fold our arms in listless apathy, but diligently ply our oars, lestwe should be left further behind by those in advance of us, and be overtakenby those now in our rear.


199

18A DISCOURSE ON AMERICAN LITERATURE

(1838)

“A Discourse on American Literature,” Southern literary messenger,February 1838, Vol. 4, Issue 2, pp. 81–88.

Tucker delivered this discourse before the Charlottesville Lyceum, a literaryand scientific society founded around 1836 and active until the beginning ofthe Civil War. The discourse is an adaptation of an article by the same namepublished in the Port Folio in 1814, and included in Essays on VariousSubjects (1822). Both articles explain why American literature has not beenup to the standard of European writings. In this 1838 discourse, though,Tucker draws on literary achievements in the intervening decades and opti-mistically pronounces them as good as their European counterparts.

PROF. TUCKER’S DISCOURSE.

Charlottesville, Dec. 21st, 1837.To George Tucker, Esq., University of Virginia:

Sir, – By a resolution of the Charlottesville Lyceum, we are appointed toconvey to you the thanks of that body, for the interesting Address deliveredby you at its desire, on Tuesday evening last; and to request of you, a copy,for publication in the Southern Literary Messenger.

To this communication of the thanks and request of the Lyceum, we begleave, sir, to add an expression of our hearty individual concurrence in them;and to assure you of the high respect with which

We are your ob’tservants,

LUCIAN MINOR,E.R. WATSON,

CHAS. CARTER.

–



University of Virginia, Dec. 23d, 1837.Gentlemen,

In answer to your note of the 21st inst. which reached me only last night,I do myself the pleasure of saying that I am much gratified to learn that theDiscourse delivered before the Lyceum on Tuesday night proved acceptableto its members, and that a copy of it, sent herewith, is at their service forpublication.

I beg you, Gentlemen, to receive my thanks for the obliging terms in whichyou have conveyed to me the resolution of the Lyceum, and to believe me tobe,

With sentiments of high respect and esteem,Your obedientservant,

GEORGE TUCKER.

[Addressed to the Committee.]

DISCOURSE

ON AMERICAN LITERATURE:

Delivered before the Charlottesville Lyceum, Dec. 19, 1837.

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Lyceum,I regret that my engagements at the University and elsewhere, which, as

some of you know, have been more than usually pressing since I receivedyour invitation to address you, have put it out of my power to comply withyour request at an earlier day, and the same circumstances must plead myapology for the imperfections of what I am about to submit to your consid-eration.

The nature and purpose of your Institution has suggested AmericanLiterature for the subject of my remarks. It is a subject of growing impor-tance with every liberal minded American, whether he regards its ownintrinsic recommendations, or yields to the impulses of an honest nationalpride. It is with nations as with individuals: after the more imperious wantsof their nature are satisfied, they solicit new gratifications, and covet higherdistinctions. Man, we know, is so constituted as never to be content with hispresent condition; but under the most favorable concurrence of circum-stances, he unceasingly sighs for new powers and enjoyments, and aspires toa yet more exalted destiny.

This is a part of our common nature at which we ought not to repine. Ithas been wisely so ordered for this is the main source of his continuedimprovement. It is indeed a spark of his divine origin, which makes him lookto another and a better life to console him for his sufferings and disappoint-


1 Perhaps nine Frenchmen out of ten are prouder of Voltaire, than of either of the greatdramatists mentioned.

A Discourse on American Literature 201

ments in this. It is this which sustains him in his toilsome ascent up thenarrow and rugged path of virtue, by presenting to his imagination theglorious visions that there await him. His better nature is thus alwaysmaking efforts to rid itself of the earthy impurities which cling to it, that itmay appear in a form more worthy of its celestial origin, and we may hope,of its final destiny. Desire of praise, of glory, of excellence is a part of man’sinmost soul, and if it is sometimes the source of evil, it is also the parent ofall that is great and good. It is not then the passion that we should condemn,but only its objects, when they are unworthy: and if we naturally wish toexcite the sentiment of admiration for ourselves, we in like manner wish itfor our country, in which all that is dear to us is embodied.

Of all the sources of national pride, and all the modes in which a nationmay challenge the admiration and esteem of surrounding nations and theworld, there is none which seems so elevated in itself, and so worthy of beingcherished as its intellectual superiority. In the same degree that man issuperior to brutes, and his immortal soul is more worthy than the clayeytenement it inhabits, so ought excellence in letters to take precedence ofsuperior strength, or power, or wealth. Such too has been the testimony ofall nations who have had the means of making the comparison. Of whatname has Greece, so fertile in illustrious men, ever been so proud as of thatof HOMER? Has any prince or warrior that Italy could boast, flattered herself-esteem like DANTE or PETRARCH, TASSO or ARIOSTO?

– “the momentary dewsWhich, sparkling to the twilight stars, infuseFreshness in the green turf that wraps the dead,Whose names are mausoleums of the Muse,Are gently prest with far more reverend tread,Than ever paced the slab which paves the princely head.”

Which of all the great men of England have so contributed to her real gloryas SHAKSPEARE and MILTON – as BACON, NEWTON and LOCKE, and who ofher princes, or statesmen, or generals, would she not surrender, if the alter-native were presented to her, rather than either of these proud exemplars ofher mental power? What name could supply the place of that of CERVANTES

to Spain, of SCHILLER or GOETHE to Germany, of CORNEILLE or RACINE, orMOLIERE1 to France, of WALTER SCOTT or BURNS to Scotland? Of thenative dignity of genius, and the reverence with which men bow to itssupremacy, we have a remarkable instance recorded in Plutarch.



When the Syracusans gained a signal victory over the Athenians underNicias, and reduced to slavery such of the vanquished as escaped slaughter,some owed their preservation to Euripides. “Of all the Grecians,” saysPlutarch, “his was the muse whom the Sicilians were most in love with.From every stranger that landed in their island, they gleaned every smallspecimen or portion of his works, and communicated it with pleasure toeach other. It is said that a number of Athenians, on this occasion, upontheir return home, went to Euripides, and thanked him in the mostrespectful manner for their obligations to his pen, some having been enfran-chised for teaching their masters what they remembered of his poems, andothers having got refreshments when they were wandering about after thebattle, for singing a few of his verses.” Such is the homage which man paysto the genius of man.

Supposing then, Mr. President, we all partake of these principles of ourcommon nature, and that after we have become populous and powerful –after we have built up the superstructure of our civil Institutions in a wayworthy of the solid foundation we have laid – we shall be desirous ofexcelling in the noblest of human pursuits, I propose to make some remarkson the present state of literature in the United States, its recent progress, andthe most effectual means of furthering its future advancement.

If we compare the present state of letters in the United States with that insome other civilized communities, we may find abundant cause of nationalcongratulation at our past proficiency. But if we compare it with that of themost enlightened and improved nations of Europe – as England or France,or Germany – we must frankly admit that we are yet far in their rear in thecontest, whether we compare the number, variety, or merit of our intel-lectual productions. There are probably more books published in London orParis in a month, than in the United States in a year. On a comparison withGermany, the difference is yet greater. A much larger proportion of our pub-lications too are of an ephemeral character, or are mere compilations, suchas statistical or geographical details, exhibiting little indication of genius inthe writer, or materials for gratifying the taste of the reader.

Whilst we honestly admit this disparity, let it not be supposed for amoment that it implies any inferiority of American genius. Such an inferencecannot fairly be drawn, and we must look farther and deeper into the subjectto explain the diversity, and to enable us to see what we are capable ofachieving, in this way, and what we are likely to achieve.

At present the whole stock of capable and cultivated minds among us areput in requisition to fill the more difficult and important duties of society,and cannot devote their powers to the exclusive purpose of imparting grati-fication or instruction to their contemporaries. They constitute thestatesmen, judges, and legislators; the divines and other teachers; the lawyersand physicians of the community. It is only here and there at this time, that



we see a solitary example of a mind which, disembarrassed from any ofthese active duties, and impelled by its own inherent impetus, is led to devote itself to literature, and on these occasions, the success that has attendedits votaries affords us a sure presage of what we may one day hope to attain.

In a country like ours, in a rapid state of advancement, where there is somuch to do to provide for the more pressing demands of a growing popu-lation, and where those who provide it are so liberally rewarded, the numberof the literary class is likely to be very small, for the most powerful incentivesoperate to give their pursuits another direction. But supposing these induce-ments resisted, there are still further impediments to the formation of such aclass in the present state of our country.

In the first place, an individual has not the same facility of qualifyinghimself for the pursuit of literature, as a profession, in the United States, asin most of the countries of Europe; and this profession, always partaking ofthe character of a manufacture, becomes a more refined and difficult art, ascivilization advances. Acquirement – extensive acquirement – is moreessential to a writer’s success at the present day than it formerly was. Hemust indicate an acquaintance with that diversified knowledge which everyeducated man is now expected to attain; and he must have undergone a longand severe course of training to attain that delicacy of taste which modernfastidiousness requires in every branch of polite literature. Who can nowendure, much less choose to read the crude effusions of an unlettered, unpol-ished mind? Whatever substratum of good sense it may possess, we shouldhardly have the patience to search for it under an exterior so rough anduninviting. But the productions of such a mind have seldom any claim to ourfavor, for indeed those truths which are not obvious to ordinary obser-vation, as well as the beautiful imagery of an exuberant fancy, and thosefelicities of diction that come uncalled for, are all the result of a mindpolished and improved by high cultivation. A good education is thereforeessential in the present day to qualify one to distinguish himself as a writer.

This advantage, however, it falls to the lot of but few of our citizens topossess. The means of instruction with us as yet are neither numerous, norcheap, nor particularly good; of course they are not of easy attainment. Ouryoung men, besides, are generally too impatient to enter on the theatre ofactive life to devote that time to mental improvement which is usual in oldercountries. What then with the shorter time devoted to academical pursuits,and in general, the different use they make of that time, they are much worseprepared for the difficult office of amusing and instructing the public.

But supposing these difficulties overcome – that a capable instructer hasbeen met with, and a youth has been thoroughly, not superficially taught, heis not likely to succeed as an author, unless his whole time and attention aregiven to literature. With the very formidable competition which he mustencounter among those English writers who have gone before, and those



who are every day coming on the stage, what chance has he of success unlesshe can give himself up to the pursuit, wholly, earnestly, and unremittingly?But such an engrossing interest cannot be felt in a subject which is to betaken up and laid down as his other avocations require, – which is liable tobe perpetually interrupted by the cares, the vexations, the feverish hopes andfears of active life. Who can enter into that world of gay dreams and brilliantidealities to which genius delights to transport its votaries, when he is everymoment rudely pressed by the gross realities around him? If his mindattempts to soar in the pinions of fancy, it is straightway brought to theground by the leaden influence of some petty cause of disquiet, or someanimal want for himself or those who may be dependant on him. Should hefor a brief moment be elevated to a pitch of lofty and enthusiastic feeling, sopropitious to his success, his intercourse with those around him soonreminds him of their frailties and his own.

Such must be the condition of most of our educated men. Destined fromthe first for some particular profession, as the means of earning a livelihood,all that they are likely to read, or think of, or aim at is with a view to qualifythem for that particular pursuit. To seek knowledge for its own sake, to wooliterature for her own surpassing loveliness, and not for the dowry she bringswith her, never comes into his mind, because another motive has alwaysbeen present to it. He seeks knowledge then partially, not generally –selecting that which he can turn to profit in his commerce with the world,and rejecting that which though intrinsically more valuable, is not suited tothe tastes of his customers, in his little traffic with society.

If the circumstances attending the study of a profession are thus unfa-vorable to general mental improvement, how much greater are they whenthe student has entered on the duties of the profession. The time that he oncehad for study is then greatly curtailed, and in some instances, it is entirelytaken away. Where any portion of it remains, it will naturally take the samecourse as his thoughts and wishes direct, and thus, while he is adding to hisprofessional knowledge and talents, and preparing himself to write better onone subject, he is perhaps disqualifying himself to write on any other. Hemay indeed be better fitted for writing on the subject of his profession, butwhat time, I would ask, has an eminent lawyer in full practice, or even ajudge, burdened as he is with heavy and responsible duties, to write disser-tations on law – or on the principles of equity – or of jurisprudence? and itis only such men who would be likely to write on these subjects ably andusefully. The same remark applies more or less to all our professional men;for though the medical profession does occasionally put forth books on thesubject of medicine, yet they are in general either reports of cases, or merecompilations; of great utility indeed, and profiting by all the latest discov-eries and improvements of the science, but exhibiting little of the higherpowers of mind or of original genius.



But though want of time is a serious bar to the literary labors of profes-sional men, yet it would probably be in some instances overcome, if theirminds had been in early life well imbued with the love of letters, and had therequisite training and discipline for communicating the results of their expe-rience and reflection in a skilful and attractive form.

It follows then, gentlemen, that we have not as yet a distinct literary class,from those very circumstances of our condition which are intimatelyconnected with its prosperity. More urgent pursuits call them off from thepeaceful pursuits of literature, and though their minds are in a high state ofimprovement during their professional career, besides that they are exclu-sively directed to one subject, they have neither the preparation nor timerequired for the business of authors.

But under these manifest and weighty impediments, it is truly gratifying towitness the rapid advancement of literature among us, to see that the tastefor letters has become more generally diffused among the people, and thatthe ability to administer to its gratification is equally progressive. It will nowbe my more pleasing task to call your attention to the evidences of thisprogress.

At the time of the Revolution which made these States independent, thenumber of books which had been written under the colonial governmentwas very inconsiderable. Dr. FRANKLIN had indeed made himself known tothe European world, but it was chiefly by his discoveries in electricity, ratherthan as one of the most pleasing writers in the English language. There hadalso been published some meager histories of the several colonies, but theyexhibited nothing more than industry, and a spirit of inquiry, but were illu-minated by no ray of genius, and were imbued with nothing of thatphilosophy which regards the facts of history as phenomena of humannature; and, tracing out the connection of causes and effects, makes of itsnarratives so many lessons of wisdom. None of them seem to have had thesmallest forebodings of the important consequences that were to result fromthe humble adventures they were then recording – that its actors were layingthe foundations of a fabric that was to influence the destinies of the civilizedworld.

There had also occasionally appeared controversial writings and statepapers which possessed merit of a higher order, but none of these now rec-ollected, have any peculiar claims to distinction except JONATHAN

EDWARDS’ work on free will, which is still regarded as a master piece ofacute reasoning, and as the most cogent piece of logic that was ever broughtto bear on that much mooted and very subtle question of the freedom ornecessity of our actions. I may here too with propriety notice a treatise onthe Bile, which though written in Edinburgh, was the production of aVirginian, Dr. JAMES MCCLURG – and though it professes merely to exhibita series of experiments on human bile, yet its introduction is written in so


2 The author finds he was mistaken in the date of this poem. It was not published until1785.


philosophical a spirit, and is expressed with such beauty and classic eleganceof diction, that it was translated into all the languages of Europe.

The spirit of poesy might at that time be seen occasionally to show itself inlight effusions among our educated classes, but they constituted the spot ofan idle hour, rather than a serious occupation. They were little fountainsplaying and sparkling in the lonely spots they at once refreshed and embell-ished, but no where bursting forth in a bold and continued stream. Theyshowed the germ of the vis poetica indeed, but one which had not yet beennurtured into enthusiasm. DWIGHT’S Conquest of Canaan2 is believed to bethe first poem of any length and of much merit that was published on thisside of the Atlantic. These sallies of gaiety, or gallantry, or tenderness, likethe beautiful wild flowers of our forest, bloomed and perished in the spotwhere they first appeared, and like them indicated the strength of the soilrather than the diligence of its culture.

In the meanwhile, European writers, listening to the ever ready sugges-tions of national vanity, maintained the contrary proposition – that such adearth of intellectual products, by a people consisting of from two to threemillions, proved the native barrenness of our minds, rather than their wantof cultivation: and we were for ever twitted with the inferiority of Americangenius. The revolution came, and seas at once seen to give a nest spring to allour faculties. The whole nation became charged with the same all-pervadingspirit of freedom. Men’s minds expanded with their desires and efforts, andthe effect was visible in every species of intellectual exertion, whether in theform of state papers, of public addresses, of speeches in legislative halls, orof political essays. It would be tedious to refer to these particularly, but wemay be allowed to mention that then PATRICK HENRY, RICHARD HENRY

LEE, and JOHN ADAMS who had been previously known as men of talents,put forth their powers of eloquence, and breathed their own fervid patri-otism into the hearts of their countrymen. Then too the eloquence of the penwas called out in the writings of DICKINSON, of JAY, and of JEFFERSON. Eventhe Muse, who commonly suspends her song amidst the clangor of arms,and the turmoil of Revolution, brought forth TRUNBULL’S McFingal, aburlesque epic, the rival and almost the equal of Hudibras; and JudgeHOPKINSON of Philadelphia, in like manner enlisted poetry and ridicule inthe cause of patriotism. The memorials and addresses of the Old Congressmanifest great intellectual vigor, but are yet more to be admired, in these ourmercenary days, for their generous self-devotion, their rare disinterest-edness, and their noble disdain of every thing low, little and sordid.

After the contest was over, peace and independence brought with themnew duties; and in the course of a few years, the necessity which all felt of


3 This gentleman, is to be numbered among American authors, for though not born inthe United States, he was by birth an American.


the total insufficiency of the old confederation for the successful man-agement of the common concerns of thirteen States, differing so widely intheir institutions, habits, and pursuits, produced, in 1787, the Conventionwhich formed the Federal Constitution.

This presented a fit occasion for calling forth the sagacity, the practicalwisdom, the logic and the eloquence of the ablest men in the nation, eitherto support or oppose the proposed change in the General Government; andthe talents then displayed were decidedly greater than any which had beenpreviously exhibited. The debates of the convention, which will probablysoon be published in the authentic form in which they have been reported byMADISON, will enable the world to estimate the ability of those severalmembers, whose joint work has long been the theme of national praise. Butin the meanwhile we know that the body contained among its membersWASHINGTON, MADISON, HAMILTON, ROBERT Morris, GOUVERNEUR

MORRIS, WILSON, ELLSWORTH, L. MARTIN, KING, FRANKLIN, LIVINGSTON,DICKINSON, RUTLEDGE, PINCKNEY, &c., – names that give assurance of thewisdom and skill they brought to their memorable work. They scanned withthe eyes of real statesmen the different governments of the civilized world;and examined the various guards and provisions that had been devised forresisting or balancing the evil passions and motives of men, so as best topromote and secure public and private prosperity. The results of their bestreflections they were able to exhibit in reasoning the most cogent, to adornwith imagery the most captivating, and to recommend with eloquence themost resistless.

After the Constitution was submitted to the several states for theiradoption or rejection, a new field was presented for the exercise of the sametalents as in the Federal Convention; and to judge from the debates that havebeen published, the displays both of legislative wisdom and of eloquence indebate were well worthy of the occasion.

The new constitution was also defended and assailed by its respectivefriends or foes in the newspapers, and among these publications the lettersof Pulblius, now better known by the title of the Federalist, stand preem-inent. They were the joint production of ALEXANDER HAMILTON,3 JAMES

MADISON, and JOHN JAY, and are by the concurrent voice of all, placed atthe head of all our American writings on the subject of government. As tomere composition this work is very perspicuously written, and it containsmany passages of great beauty and eloquence. There were also some ablepublications on the other side, but not harmonizing with the subsequentstate of public opinion, or the course of events, they have been consigned tooblivion.



For a few years subsequent, like the few years preceding, our best intel-lectual efforts manifested themselves only in connection with the GeneralGovernment. The debates in Congress, at least in one house, were then madepublic for the first time, and being taken by a stenographer, were regularlypublished. This no doubt contributed to improve their character. Thereports which were then made on various subjects of legislation by Mr.HAMILTON as Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. JEFFERSON, as Secretary ofState, are written with great ability. The correspondence of the latter withthe English and Foreign ministers to the United States has received the meedof praise from all parties.

The British Treaty in 1794 and 1795 gave rise to several pamphlets andnewspaper essays: and in congress it called forth some brilliant displays ofeloquence, especially from FISHER AMES of Massachusetts. A short timebefore, the President’s Proclamation gave occasion to a series of essays byMr. HAMILTON and Mr. MADISON, who, lately fellow-laborers, were nowin the ever-changing relations of politicians, opposed. Mr. ADAMS the elderhad also some time before, in 1787, made himself known as a writer on thesubject of government, and he afterwards was an essayist in the newspapers.

In the interval between the peace of 1783 and that of GeneralWashington’s administration, the Vision of Columbus, by JOEL BARLOW,was the only poem which attracted notice, and it met with a more favorablereception in that form than it subsequently experienced when it was dilatedby its author into a national epic, under the title of the Columbiad.RAMSAY’S History of the Revolution, was the only historical work of anynote which had then appeared. From the Federal Constitution, in 1789, to1800, our literature was signalized by nothing that I now recollect, but partypolitics, and I have particularized the most distinguished pamphlets of theday to make you more thoroughly sensible of that fact. In Medicine, indeed,Dr. RUSH distinguished himself above all his contemporaries, by theingenuity and variety of his theories, and by his eloquent defence of them.Whatever we may think of the soundness of some of his hypotheses, wemust acknowledge the power and resources of that mind which could soimpress its peculiar views upon his contemporaries. Something was donetoo, by the Philosophical and Historical Societies that had been establishedin the different States, especially those of Philadelphia and Massachusetts;but their papers, though respectable, must be regarded rather as exhibitingour taste for science, and our disposition for inquiry, than as very valuablecontributions to the departments of science or history.

It was not long after the commencement of the present century, thatmanifest symptoms of an improvement in our literature began to showthemselves in Philadelphia and New York, At this time, the PORTFOLIO, aweekly paper printed in the former city, afforded a channel for the youthfulliterateurs of the United States. The paper was edited by Mr. DENNIE, whose



contributions are, in general, the best part of the paper. CAREY’S MUSEUM

had preceded it as a useful periodical, but was far inferior to it in thecharacter of its fanciful and lighter productions.

The novels of CHARLES BROCKDEN BROWN appeared at the same period,and in some of the qualifications of this department of literature, he hasnever been surpassed by those who have succeeded him, if he has beenequalled. The BRITISH SPY, that was written and published in this state, andthe genius of whose gifted author seas partly nurtured in this village, alsobelongs to this period, as well as SALMAGUNDI, a humorous series of essaysin the manner of Swift, written by IRVING PAULDING and others.

This may be regarded as the commencement of a new era in the history ofour literature. It assumed now a higher stand, and took a nobler aim. Themore gifted of its votaries escaped from the smoky atmosphere of politics forthe loftier regions and brighter skies of wit, humor, and fancy. They were nolonger content to speak to the understandings of their countrymen, but theyalso addressed themselves to their imaginations, and to their tastes for therefined, the fanciful, the beautiful and the ludicrous. The American public,for the first time, was presented with original pictures of native manners andscenery, copied from the life, instead of being compelled to look for thisspecies of literary gratification to what was imported from abroad, or whatwas yet worse, to feeble and servile copies of European productions. Thenbroke forth somewhat of the same spirit of independence in letters, whichthirty years before had showed itself in government.

These praiseworthy efforts were well seconded by the public approbation;and from that period to the present, literature has been steadily and rapidlyadvancing in the United States. Though our first essays in this branch ofdomestic manufacture were few, and within a limited range, it was no smallachievement to show that we had both the materials and the skill for futureexcellence, whenever the condition of our country became fitted for callingthem forth.

The works that have since issued from the American press, have so multi-plied, that grateful as is the theme, the enumeration would fatigue you. Letme however notice some of the most prominent, under the several depart-ments of literature. On the subject of jurisprudence, Mr. LIVINGSTON’SPrinciples of Penal Law and of Codification, are equally honorable to the lit-erature of the country and the profession to which he belongs. He has givento the dry abstractions of the jurist a degree of classic elegance of which theyhad not seemed susceptible before the days of Blackstone and Sir WilliamJones, and which no one besides has subsequently attained.

Mr. MADISON, while Secretary of State, produced an Examination of theBritish Doctrine respecting Neutral Trade, that is as close and conclusive apiece of reasoning as the Law of Nations, which professes to be the law ofpure reason, ever produced. It presents a model of logical skill and method.



The works of CHANCELLOR KENT of New York, and JUDGE STORY ofMassachusetts, are admired for their clear, manly, forcible reasoning ininterpreting the principles of jurisprudence and the constitution and laws ofthe Federal Government. The opinions of some of our judges, both in theGeneral and the State Governments, show that this branch of knowledge haskept pace with the general progress of intellect. The late Chief JusticeMARSHALL, had, for more than thirty years, put forth the utmost powers ofhis vigorous mind in expounding the constitution, according to his views ofit, and those who may not always coincide with him in opinion, cannotrefuse to do homage to his commanding intellect.

No one of the learned professions has more advanced than the clerical.Divines are not now satisfied as formerly with inculcating orthodoxopinions, with sensible expositions of obscure and doubtful passages ofscripture, or with simple and pious outpourings of humility and thanks-giving to the Giver of all Good. No – they now summon to their aid therefined arts of the accomplished orator, the imposing weight of deeplearning and diligent research; and in the fervid strains of impassionedeloquence, address themselves to the fears and the hopes, to the self-love andthe sympathy of their hearers, – now alarming the awakened conscience ofthe sinner, and now opening visions of beatitude to the enthusiastic believer.Pulpit oratory, that formerly was little known but in name, may in our daybe heard in almost every church of every sect in the United States, as apowerful engine of good in its holy ministry. The same profession has madesome excellent contributions to general literature; among which we maymention the writings of Dr. DWIGHT, and the recent historical work of Dr.HAWKES. Dr. CHANNING too for richness and finished elegance of style, hasno superior on either side of the Atlantic.

In history, besides the large contributions of Dr. RAMSAY of SouthCarolina, we have MILLER’S RETROSPECT, MARSHALL’S LIFE OF

WASHINGTON, (for it belongs rather to history than biography,) IRVING’SLIFE OF COLUMBUS, BANCROFT’S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, andLEE’S LIFE OF NAPOLEON. I will not obtrude on you my views of theseseveral distinguished works. As to a part, it would be altogether superfluous.Marshall is familiar to all, and to bestow praise on the Life of Columbus is“to gild refined gold, or to add a perfume to the violet.” But 1 will add,because it has had less circulation, that I regard the Life of Napoleon asinferior to no contribution our literature has ever received. In its nice dis-crimination of character, its spirited and often graphic descriptions, itspeculiar aptness of phrase, and rare felicities of diction, I know no work ofhistory or biography its superior; and if it sometimes indicates extraordinarycare and effort, we must admit that the brilliancy of the polish is altogetherworthy of the labor which effected it. This work, and the life of Columbus,to which I may add Mr. Bancrofts’, are sufficient to vindicate the claims of


4 I have no doubt omitted some who ought to be included in this list, but the sound ofwhose harps have not reached my ears.


this country to equality with any other, at this time, in the elevateddepartment of historical writing.

In the lighter departments of biography, voyages, and travels, theAmerican press has of late years been very prolific. Many of them have con-siderable merit, and will compare with the same description of works inother countries. Perhaps IRVING’S ASTORIA, COOPER’S SWITZERLAND,SLIDELL’S TRAVELS in Spain and England and, WILLIS’S PENCILLINGS,deserve to be distinguished from the rest. Two works on Moral Philosophy,UPHAM’S and WAYLAND’S, both of great respectability, have appearedwithin a few years.

In Political Economy our writers have been numerous. Besides numeroustracts on banking, currency, protecting duties, and other detached parts ofthe subject, there have been five or six general treatises. There have been noless than four works on this science published during the present year.

Works of imagination have more multiplied perhaps than any other.Among so many, we may be permitted to distinguish the novels of COOPER,BIRD, Miss SEDGWICK, and KENNEDY. Virginia has also produced two, thatwill not suffer on a comparison with the preceding. I allude to EDGE HILL

and GEORGE BALCOMB. Poetry too, that beautiful art which transports usinto a world of its own delightful creations; which makes us oblivious of thecares, the littleness, and the grossness of life – which at once purifies,animates and ennobles us, has not been stationary while the other depart-ments of letters were progressive. If in that which requires the highest giftsof intellect, we had not made correspondent progress, we might haveafforded some color to the taunts of European arrogance. But in the courseof this century, the United States, and but a small portion of them too, haveproduced a constellation of poets, and although none of them are stars of thefirst magnitude, such as are equally objects of the admiring gaze of commonand of learned observers, they may be well placed in the second rank, andare perhaps equal to any living poets that Europe now can boast. The namesof HALLECK, PERCIVAL, BRYANT, SIGOURNEY, WILLIS, ALSTON, andMELLEN,4 have ably vindicated the claim of their country to poetical talent,and to these I may add two, whose premature genius found a prematuregrave – Miss DAVIDSON of New York, whose gentle, delicate, plaintive musehas met with due honor on both sides of the Atlantic, and J. RODMAN

DRAKE of the same state. Though he died at a very early age, perhaps two orthree and twenty, he had given proofs of high poetical genius. He alreadyshowed that he could soar at least as high as his most gifted rivals, and soartoo with a more untired wing. His CULPRIT FAY is indeed incomplete in its



plan and unfinished in its versification, but it shows a fertility and origi-nality, and manageable wildness of fancy, as well as an ardent love of hissubject, that must have placed him on the summit of Parnassus. But too soonfor us these ethereal spirits ascended to their congenial skies.

In classical or mathematical learning, we have not done much as yet.BOWDITCH’S translation of La Place, and ANTION’S editions of some of theclassics, prove that these branches of knowledge are thoroughly cultivatedby some, while they also indicate that they are less so than could be wished.But the few lonely lamps that yet burn for the retired student may serve tokeep alive the flame that will by and by spread and break forth with theeffulgence of a Newton or La Place, a Heyne or a Porson. I ought not to omitWEBSTER’S DICTIONARY, as a great achievement of labor and re search inphilology.

In physical science, our progress has been commensurate with our generalintellectual improvement. Our learned societies and institutes in our largestcities all publish the transactions, and they all exhibit a more thorough andgeneral acquaintance with the subject than formerly. NUTALL, GODMAN,SAY and others have made large and valuable contributions to the naturalhistory of the country. In the medical science, there have been numerouspublications of great respectability. Nor ought we to omit the names ofFULTON, HARE and PERKINS in the department of physics.

In essay writing and miscellaneous literature, our improvement has beenvery conspicuous. In this department we may mention IRVING, PAULDING,COOPER, WIRT, WALSH, EVERETT, INGERSOLL, JEFFERSON, JOHN QUINCY

ADAMS, CASS, FLINT, DWIGHT. The number is indeed too great for par-ticular notice. I must however except WASHINGTON IRVING, whose tales andsketches are as yet unmatched. One is sure to find in whatever comes fromis pen thoughts just without being commonplace, wit the most delicate andrefined, without one spice of spleen or misanthropy, and a singular play-fulness of humor, all clothed in the most captivating graces of language.COOPER’S Sketches, though far inferior to IRVING’S, have also great merit,and have not been sufficiently appreciated by that well meaning, but oftenwhimsical personage, the public. Mr. COOPER though sometimes splenetic,loves his country and is proud of it. These sentiments breathe through all hisworks, and next to Mr. IRVING and Dr. CHANNING, no living man has doneso much to raise the literary character of his country abroad.

But it is in our periodical, or ephemeral literature, that we are to see theimage of our national talent and taste most truly reflected. Let us firstobserve the astonishing increase as to number. In 1775 we had 37 news-papers in the United States. In 1810, 35 years afterwards, the number hadswelled to 359, and in 1834, 24 years afterwards, it amounted to 1265. Thenumber is now without doubt upwards of 1600. Many of these journalscontain five or six times as much as the largest in former times, and they are



published much more frequently. Besides these, the periodical journals forreligion, medicine, law, and miscellaneous literature, had increased from 27,in 1810, to 130, in 1834 – that is five-fold, while the population was nearlydoubled.

If we compare the contents of these publications at different periods, weshall be satisfied that they have improved in character almost as much as inquantity. In our best conducted journals, the editorial portions which fortyyears ago were so dull, flat, and insignificant, are now among their bestwritten articles, and some of them have a spirit and force, and unstudiedelegance, that few of their correspondents can reach. In the multiplication ofour magazines, and reviews; our religious journals; our temperance journals;our journals of medicine, and law, and agriculture; our railroad, and beatsugar, and silk culture journals – who does not see that the American mindis wakened to the beauties and the benefits of literature, and that what theimproved taste of the nation craves, the improved talent of the nation seeksto supply? The re views and magazines of the present day, such as theKNICKERBOCKER and MIRROR of New York, or our own LITERARY

MESSENGER and FARMERS REGISTER, are as superior to similar publicationsforty years ago as the richest gems of the mine are to the trumpery imitationsof them that please the indiscriminating eyes of the savage.

We may also refer to the improved style of the debates in our Legislativeassemblies with similar feelings of congratulation, with this difference,however, that there have always been a few public speakers who couldcompare with the best of the present day. But the number of accomplishedorators and debaters is far greater now than formerly, after allowing for theincrease of our numbers. The Senate of the United States has for some years,been able to boast of orators which would compare with those of Englandin her best days. Virginia, in the rear of some of her sister states in the suc-cessful prosecution of physical science, and in the exhibition of poeticaltalent, may here claim precedence. And it must be gratifying to those whohear me, to be reminded that a year or two since, no less than seven of theeight or ten of those public speakers whose public opinion had placedforemost in that body, were native Virginians.

After this comparative view of our literary advancement, so grateful toevery liberal and patriotic mind, let us turn our eyes to the prospect of itsfurther improvement, and consider what can be done to promote and secureits onward progress.

We are well warranted in expecting that the same causes which havehitherto operated so beneficially on our literature, will continue to producethe same effects. These causes may be regarded to be principally our civilliberty, and the federative character of our government.

Civil liberty, gentlemen, if experience is a true instructor, is favorable to adevelopment of all the faculties of man; for in a free government he is most



sure of receiving the rewards which are due to a successful exertion of thosefaculties, either in fame, power, popularity, or emolument. If he is successfulas an orator or writer, statesman or legislator, to what may he not aspire?We every day see men, both in this country and occasionally in England,occupying the most elevated stations in the land, who have raised themselvesto distinction by the force of their virtues or talents. They have all been theartificers of their own fortune, and if chance and circumstances haveconcurred to their elevation, they have been such circumstances as arewithin the reach of every one.

But in the government of one or a few, men can with difficulty emergefrom the obscurity in which they are born, and if now and then we seeexamples of extraordinary elevation from the humble ranks of life, they areexceptions which attract notice and excite wonder by their rarity. By far thegreater number who attain rank and power, and high station, owe it mainlyto the accident of birth. This difference must give a powerful incentive toexertion, and it is exercise and exertion which are the chief sources of excel-lence.

It is true that the character of our government has a tendency to give intel-lectual pursuits a particular direction. They hold out especial encouragementto the talents for public speaking, or for the duties of the politician andstatesman, and to the arts of winning the public favor. But the disadvantageof this condition of things must be regarded as temporary, and not likelylong to impede the other influences that have hitherto had so extensive andsalutary an operation. So long as the educated classes of our citizens are notmore than sufficient to fill the learned professions, and to supply the publicoffices, their intellectual culture will be directed that way which is likely bestto qualify them for those dignified duties. But the number of educated andcultivated minds is rapidly advancing, and the excess, will, whether it be byway of attaining a high accomplishment, of finding relief from ennui, or ofearning a livelihood, devote their leisure exclusively to literature, and thusbecome the Johnsons and the Goldsmiths, the Southeys and the Scotts, theCampbells and the Byrons of America.

It may be set down as a maxim that the more free and popular a gov-ernment is, the stronger is the influence of popular esteem and popularapplause. The greater power of the people gives a higher value and a greaterdignity to its approbation. Where men acknowledge no sovereign but hisfellow-men, in their corporate capacity, they become the dispenser of publichonors of all kinds, and their favor bestows the laurel not only on thewarrior’s, but also on the poet’s brow. Their huzzas cheer and reward thevictories of a PERRY or a DECATUR – a JACKSON or a SCOTT – but they alsostimulate the intellectual efforts of an IRVING or a COOPER – a PINCKNEY ora WEBSTER – a RANDOLPH or a CLAY. Fame is valued according to thenumber and force of the voices that speak through her trump, and they are



never so numerous or so loud as where all are disposed to speak, and everyone is free to utter what he thinks.

Here then we find the powerful incentive of public praise, which gives tothe object of it, assurance of the esteem of his fellow men; the potentinfluence of which once made a garland of oak preferred by the high-mindedvictor to a crown of gold; which is at once the cheapest and richest rewardof public virtue.; which is all, next to a sense of duty, that stimulatedWASHINGTON, the pride of America, and the admiration of the world.

There is moreover an unseen influence which free institutions possess, ofimparting force and vigor to every pursuit in which its citizens engagewhether it be in amassing wealth, or acquiring glory, whether they engage inthe pursuits of commerce or of war – of speculation or of literature andscience. They are likely to be less unduly biassed by the dicta of their pre-ceptors to be less trammelled by the tyranny of custom – to be more bold,fearless, and adventurous – more pliant and accommodating to uncontrol-lable circumstances. We see this manifested in various ways. Whatmerchants or navigators exhibit the same vigorous daring enterprise asours? What explorers of the wilderness? Where has sagacious industryachieved so much in the way of canals, and railroads, and bridges? All thisindicates extraordinary mental activity and energy of purpose, which willassuredly one day produce the same salutary effects in letters that it hasalready achieved in arts and arms.

But there is another cause of improvement to be found in the character ofour government, the influence of which is not yet fully felt. By reason of theseparation of the States, the spirit of emulation, that exerts so propitious aninfluence on the character of a people, may be expected to be particularlyactive here. Need I remind you that those nations which have been mostconspicuous and illustrious have all felt the force of national emulation?France and England owe much of their success in letters, arts, and arms tothe rivalship of more than two centuries. Even the division of Great Britainbetween the English and Scotch, has had a sensible effect; though ever sincethe union, it has been the sentiment of generous emulation that hasanimated them, rather than a rivalship inflamed by anger and hatred. It wasthis spirit among the little Grecian states which kept their faculties ever onthe stretch, and goaded them on in the pursuit of excellence, not only inarms, but also in literature, the fine arts, and philosophy, until the most suc-cessful of them far transcended the other portions of the world; and in somedepartments of skill have never yet fouled their equals among the thousandsof millions that have lived after them.

It is partly to the greater force which this desire of superiority exercises ina large city, that it has always been found the most favorable theatre forgenius and talents of every kind. Here competitors in every profession andpursuit are placed side by side, and their respective merits being so accu-



rately measured and compared, the rival candidates are urged to redoubletheir exertion for superiority. We know the force of this principle injuvenile instruction, and while men in a populous city are like children in apublic school, those who are dispersed over the country may be comparedto the children who are instructed at home.

This principle of emulation must always exert more influence among theAmerican people from their being distributed into separate States, havingtheir governments, laws and institutions independent of each other; and themore distinct are their interests, the more contrasted their generalcharacter, the stronger is this spirit likely to be. Hence the dissimilaritybetween the Northern and the Southern States, if it occasionally give rise tosome illiberal and inconvenient prejudices, is also productive of this goodeffect. And though it has hitherto shown itself principally in efforts toobtain the power and patronage of the general government, or in jealousyand disappointment at not having obtained them, it may hereafter alsomanifest itself in literary rivalship. Of this we have already seen somesymptoms, in the reviews and magazines. We also occasionally see signs ofit between New York and Philadelphia, and between Boston and NewYork. The West, the ardent, generous West, also shows its ambition toexcel, and that affords a sure presage of excellence. We there behold aboldness, a freedom from the dominion of habits and prejudices that ismost auspicious to originality; and there, if any where, we may expect intime to see new modes of administering pleasure or interest to the intel-lectual tastes of mankind.

These circumstances of our political and social condition may thereforebe expected to continue their benignant influence on the advancement ofletters and science in the United States; and it only remains for us now tonotice the modes by which we may best encourage and assist that influence.

We should, in the first place, do all in our power to advance the cause ofeducation, both in its elementary, and more difficult branches ofknowledge. The seed that is sown in the humblest country school, if itchance to fall on a fruitful soil, may shoot up into luxuriance and becomethe lordly oak, the pride of the forest. But in general, the distinguished manof civilized society is so much the creature of artificial culture, he is like thesame oak in a city. It has been planted there, and its size and growth havebeen in proportion to the care with which it has been nurtured, until itcould support itself by its own inherent vigor. We ought then to beunsparing in our efforts to provide adequate schools, academies, andcolleges: to endow them liberally; and to improve their internal economy,regulations, and discipline, to the utmost. The nation seems now fullysensible of the importance of juvenile instruction. The number of schoolsand colleges has been greatly multiplied within a few years, but I fear thattheir character has not advanced in the same proportion as their number.



Associations such as that it is now my pleasure to address, should be mul-tiplied and be supported with untiring zeal. All such institutions concur tointroduce a literary spirit, to give it a wider diffusion and a more vigorousgrowth. This spirit is the more to be cherished, as affording the best coun-teraction to the love of gain, if it is likely to prove stronger in a democracy,as has been supposed, than in those governments in which there are privi-leged orders of men.

We should also encourage public libraries and library companies, whichwill at once favor a taste for reading and afford the means of gratifying it.Nor ought we to neglect female education, since it devolves on the motherto give the first direction to the child’s thoughts and acts. I have come to theconclusion, from no very slight or hasty course of observation, that moredistinguished men owe the impetus which has made them what they are, totheir mothers, than to their fathers.

A disposition to encourage domestic literature must also have a goodeffect. It must be recollected that the American writer, laboring under thedisadvantages that have been mentioned, is placed in competition with thewriters of a nation that are second to those of no other on the globe; and thatthe consciousness of this disadvantage is calculated to repress and dispiritthe efforts of the native author.

Let us constantly bear in mind, gentlemen, that, next to a character forvirtue and integrity, we should be most ambitious of obtaining one forletters. This is a higher glory than distinction in wealth, power, or arms. For

“The beings of the mind, are not of clay;Essentially immortal, they createAnd multiply in us a brighter ray,And more beloved existence.”

Let us remember too, that a taste for literature and science, besides whatit has done for the well-being o f society, affords to individuals the bestsecurity against vicious and immoral habits; and that it is essential to thepreservation of civil liberty: that for a people to be capable of administeringtheir own affairs wisely, they must be well instructed. They must understandt he elementary principles of government, of legislation, and politicaleconomy; must be well acquainted with the human character, and be able todistinguish between their real and their pretended friends, through all thedisguises which crafty ambition or love of gain may throw around them. Weare then urged to the intellectual improvement of the people, whether weregard the happiness, the safety, or the dignity of the nation.

The votary of literature in our country has indeed much to stimulate hisefforts. There are some who now hear me, who may live to see the popu-lation of these states amount to some 50 or 60 millions; and in 25 years



afterwards, they will reach 100 millions without having as dense a popu-lation as there is at this time in Massachusetts. With so numerous a people,all speaking the same language, and agreeing in the great fundamental prin-ciples of religion, morals and government; but having endless diversities ofmanners, habits, usages and institutions, what a field is presented for thesuccessful cultivator of English literature! The writer of the next generation,who is so fortunate as to win the public favor, will, besides hearing his namere-echoed from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from Hudson’s Bay to theMexican Gulf, have a greater number of readers than are now living on thehabitable globe. His gains, if gain should be his object, will be as muchgreater than Byron’s or Scott’s, as theirs were greater than those of their pre-decessors. And though minds best qualified to delight the world by theproductions of their genius, may find their highest reward in the glory theyacquire, yet even they will see, in the extensive sale and circulation of theirworks, the surest indications of that glory.

In consequence of the great multiplication of books, all over Europe,within the last forty or fifty years, and their continued further increase, it hasbeen apprehended by some that literature must eventually suffer a decline.They say that if books thus go on increasing, it will be impossible for any onereader, however diligent, to read them all; and that the conviction of this factwill proportionally discourage men from writing, or from qualifying them-selves to write; and that literature may thus, like the Roman vestal, be buriedunder the wealth she had too eagerly coveted.

But the very hypothesis, in assuming that further productions of intellectwill be checked by the redundancy of previous productions, supposes thatconsequence of the evil which will effectually bring its remedy, which is adiminution of the supply until it is level with the demand. Such a redundancy,when it is felt, may indeed have the effect of discouraging trivial, or secondrate productions. It may also call into existence new and strange creations ofa misapplied ingenuity, by way of provocative to man’s incessant craving fornovelty, but it can do no more. The means of communicating instruction, orinterest, or delight, to the minds of others, are as exhaustless as is the desireto receive them, and by far the larger part of these means every generation hasto provide for itself. It is true that so far as concerns human passions andfeelings, or the beauties of scenery, or poetical imagery, there are naturallimits, and the best part of the stock may be preoccupied, or nearly so; buteven these may be served up again in a form, which when modified by theruling taste of the day, may not only seem to have the recommendation ofnovelty, but give more lively pleasure than pictures of the same naturalfeatures, painted according to the taste of other times. It is with language aswith dress, though the materials are the same as they were centuries ago, silk,cotton and wool, feathers and flowers, gold, diamonds and pearl, yet thediversified modes in which they can be combined, are infinite; and though the



belles of the present day may now and then seem to tread in the steps of theirgrandmothers, it will generally be found, on a closer inspection, that there issome important modification of the ancient prototype; and that, at all eventsit has, to the eyes for which it was intended, the charm of novelty, so as tomake each succeeding generation manifest the same lively sensibility toornament, and the same exquisite taste in gratifying it, as when Belinda wasthus exhibited at her toilet more than 120 years since:

And now, unveiled, the toilet stands displayed,Each silver vase in mystic order laid,First rob’d in white, the nymph intent adores,With head uncover’d, the cosmetic powers.A heavenly image in the glass appears,To that she bends, to that her eyes she rears!Th’ inferior priestess, at her altar’s side,Trembling, begins the sacred rites of pride.Unnumbered treasures ope at once, and hereThe various offerings of the world appear;From each she nicely culls with curious toil,And decks the goddess with the glittering spoil.This casket India’s glowing gems unlocks,And all Arabia breathes from yonder box.The tortoise here and elephant unite,Transform’d to combs, the speckled and the whiteHere files of pins extend their shining rows,Puffs, powder, patches, bibles, billet-doux.Now awful beauty puts on all its arms,” &c.

As to science, that is, and must ever be, continually progressive, and everynew discovery seems but the prolific parent of many more. It forms a newstem from which spring numerous ramifications, each of which branches outagain, and thus leads to new facts and new laws of matter. The fear then isutterly groundless, that there can be any necessary check to intellectualactivity, either in the class of writers or readers. And as to the supposedinfluence of the multiplicity of books, or the character of subsequent worksin encouraging quaintness, affectation, or licentious novelty, we must trust tothe natural growth of good taste for the prevention or correction of this evil.To resume my former illustration, the same danger might seem to exist as todress; and yet it has been steadily advancing for the last fifty years towardssimplicity, and losing much of the very forced and artificial character itformerly assumed.

I had intended, Mr. President, to have said something in behalf of culti-vating CLASSICAL LEARNING, as the best means of forming a good taste, and


5 Some of our readers may not know, that when it is sunset at London or Paris, it isnoon on the Mississippi. – Editor.


as affording the most improving exercise to the mental faculties; and also tohave dwelt on the advantages of SIMPLICITY in writing and speaking; but theunexpected length to which this discourse has been already extended,forbids me from further tasking your patience.

On the whole then, the prospects before us, gentlemen, are no less brilliantand grand in our literature, than in national power and opulence, if we areonly true to ourselves; and the sun of civilization, which has been travellingto the west, as far back as history records, will, when it has completed itscircle round the earth, by traversing the American continent, be found tohave still increased in splendor, in its course; and as it shone more brightlyin Greece and Rome, than it had done in Asia; and in England and France,than in Rome or Greece – so, if the auguries do not prove deceitful, its pro-gressive brightness will continue with us, and when it shall be setting toEurope, it will here in its meridian,5 beam with an effulgence that the worldhas never yet witnessed.


WRITINGS ON SLAVERY BY GEORGE TUCKER



223

19LETTER ON THE CONSPIRACY OF THE

SLAVES (1801)

[George Tucker], Letter to a member of the General Assembly of Virginiaon the subject of the late conspiracy of the slaves with a proposal for theircolonization. Richmond: Printed by H. Pace, 1801, 21 p.

On August 30, 1800, a young educated slave named Gabriel organized arebellion with around 1,000 fellow-slaves. The group planned to enterRichmond, Virginia, take control of the weapons arsenal there, kill most ofthe whites, and institute an independent black state with Gabriel as king.The plan was foiled when a rainstorm washed out bridges and roadways.The state militia was called in, and Gabriel and around 34 of his followerswere arrested and executed. The conspiracy had a profound impact on thepeople of Richmond – as well as the rest of the South – and contributed tofear among whites of possible slave rebellions. The following year Tuckerpublished a pamphlet expressing such fears and offering a plan to endslavery. Since slaves would not be content to remain in the U.S. without fullsocial equality, and repatriating slaves in Africa would be too expensive,Tucker recommends creating a settlement for blacks west of the Mississippiriver. In his “Autobiography,” Tucker gives an account of the failed con-spiracy, and notes how it inspired the composition of this Letter:

I was induced, by this exciting event, to make an experiment in authorship– and in the form of a letter to a member of assembly on the recent con-spiracy, I proposed a plan for the colonization of the people of colour, onsome part of this continent beyond the limits of the United States. For thefirst time I succeeded and was rewarded with the public approbation. Mylittle pamphlet was reprinted in Baltimore, and I was at once ranged in theclass of men of letters.

The arguments in this Letter are the strongest anti-slavery views that Tuckerexpressed in print. His written position changed over the years and at theend of his life little trace can be found of his earlier convictions.



LETTERTO

A MEMBER

OF THE

GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF VIRGINIA,ON

THE SUBJECT

OF THE

LATE CONSPIRACYOF THE SLAVES,

WITH

A PROPOSAL

FOR

THEIR COLONIZATION.__

RICHMOND:PRINTED BY H. PACE, FOR THE AUTHOR.

__

1801.

________________

LETTER, &c.__

SIR,The services you have more than once rendered your country; the

opinions you are known to entertain on domestic slavery; and above all, thesacred duty you owe to those who appointed you to the station you now fill,are the considerations which induce me to trouble you with this letter. Thehigh importance of the subject, and the lively interest it excites, are the onlyapologies I can offer for writing it. By you, I trust, they will be deemed suf-ficient.

You must have observed, sir, that some truths, which their self-evidenceand importance have rendered familiar to the mind, are, on this veryaccount, often disregarded. – Nobody remarks on what every body sees; andthat which we have long known is not likely to impress the mind with muchforce. Of this nature, is the danger arising from domestic slavery. Every manis persuaded of the reality of this danger; no man denies its magnitude; buthis opinion has as little influence on his conduct, and excites as little emotion


Letter to a Member of the General Assembly of Virginia… 225

in his mind, as the belief of rewards and punishments, in the next world,influences human conduct in this.

It is true, the late extraordinary conspiracy has set the public mind inmotion: it has waked those who were asleep, and wiped the film from theeyes of the blind. The ignorant and the philosophic agree in considering it asan awful alarm of a future danger, which may involve the dearest interestsof their country. But these apprehensions are the short-lived creatures of aday: suddenly excited, they will as suddenly yield to the tempting repose ofa false and fatal security. Men are blind, lamentably blind, to distant evils.As the mole-hill that is near occupies a greater portion of our view than thedistant mountains, so, in the scale of human appreciation, the mite ofpresent inconvenience outweighs a mighty mass of that which is remote.

This propensity is the more to be lamented, as it is always easier to preventthan to remedy; and it is sometimes easy to prevent what it becomes after-wards impossible to remedy. The overthrow of the Grecian states wasforeseen, and might have been averted, by unanimity in their councils. Hadthe Roman senate listened to the prophetic warnings of Cato, Cæsar hadnever trampled on the liberties of his country. Happy for Virginia, if theguardians of her welfare will act with that wisdom and decision which theoccasion demands, and which they have so often displayed on less seriousemergencies.

While all agree that our danger is great and certain, various are theopinions of the nature and extent of the remedy to be applied. Some are forpalliating what they think admits not of a radical cure; whilst others, morebold, and perhaps more cautious too, are for laying the axe to the root, andat once extirpating this growing evil. For my part, sir, I freely confess to you,I consider it as an eating sore, which will yield only to the knife, or thecaustic; and that it is far better to submit to the pain of the operation, thanto endanger the life of the state. I will lay before you the grounds on which Ihave formed my opinion.

There is often a progress in human affairs which may indeed be retarded,but which nothing can arrest. Moving on with slow and silent steps, it ismarked only by comparing distant periods. The causes which produce it areeither so minute as to be invisible, or, if perceived, are too numerous andcomplicated to be subject to human control. Of such sort is the advancementof knowledge among the negroes of this country. It is so striking, as to beobvious to a man of the most ordinary observation. Every year adds to thenumber of those who can read and write; and he who has made any profi-ciency in letters, becomes a little centre of instruction to others. This increaseof knowledge is the principal agent in evolving the spirit we have to fear. Thelove of freedom, sir, is an inborn sentiment, which the God of nature hasplanted deep in the heart: long may it be kept under by the arbitrary institu-tions of society; but, at the first favorable moment, it springs forth, and



flourishes with a vigour that defies all check. This celestial spark, which firesthe breast of the savage, which glows in that of the philosopher, is not extin-guished in the bosom of the slave. It may be buried in the embers; but it stilllives; and the breath of knowledge kindles it into flame. Thus we find, sir,there never have been slaves in any country, who have not seized the firstfavorable opportunity to revolt.

In our infant country, where population and wealth increase with unex-ampled rapidity, the progress of liberal knowledge is proportionally great. Inthis vast march of the mind, the blacks, who are far behind us, may besupposed to advance at a pace equal to our own; but, sir, the fact is, they arelikely to advance much faster. The growth and multiplication of our townstend a thousand ways to enlighten and inform them. The very nature of ourgovernment, which leads us to recur perpetually to the discussion of naturalrights, favors speculation and enquiry. By way of marking the prodigiouschange which a few years has made among this class of men, compare the lateconspiracy with the revolt under lord Dunmore. In the one case, a few solitaryindividuals flocked to the standard, under which they are sure to find pro-tection. In the other, they, in a body, of their own accord, combine a plan forasserting their claims, and rest their safety on success alone. The difference is,that then they sought freedom merely as a good; now they also claim it as aright. This comparison speaks better than volumes the change I insist upon.

But, sir, this change is progressive. A little while ago their minds wereenveloped in the darkest ignorance; now the dawn of knowledge is faintlyperceived, and warns us of approaching day. Of the multitude of causeswhich tend to enlighten the blacks, I know not one of whose operation wecan materially check. Here, then, is the true picture of our situation; nor canwe make it less hideous by shutting our eyes to it. These, our hewers of woodand drawers of water, possess the physical power of doing us mischief, andare invited to it by motives which self-love dictates, which reason justifies.Our sole security consists, then, in their ignorance of this power, and in theirmeans of using it; – a security which we have lately found is not to be reliedon, and which, small as it now is, every day diminishes.

But many of those, who see and acknowledge this change in the temperand views of the Negroes, ascribe it principally to the mild treatment theyhave of late years experienced; and flatter themselves, that a few cautionarylaws, joined to a seasonable rigour, will guard us against future danger. Thehope is illusory; – no system of rigour can reach the first causes of the evil; –it cannot even be inforced.

Vain and nugatory are those laws which are not founded on publicopinion: they must be grafted on this stock to produce good fruit. Howmany laws in our own code, and in every code under the sun, for want ofthis vivifying principle, have come into the world still-born, or expired aftera few short and feeble cries. In free countries, especially, the operative laws



are buoyed up by the great currents of opinion, of fashion, and interest: asthese shift their beds, the laws must shift with them. But, sir, you are awarethat an immense change in the opinions of men has gradually taken place,not only in this country, but in the whole civilized world. I speak not here ofthe speculations to which the American and French revolutions have givenbirth (though they were the effects of the same great change); it is sufficientfor my present purpose to instance the progress of humanity. You mustrecollect, sir, that before the French revolution was even foreseen, societieswere established to effect the abolition of the slave trade: that humane insti-tutions arose in every quarter: that the rigor of penal laws was softened inmost countries; and, in some, a foundation was laid for a radical reform:that the Inquisition had lost half its terrors, by laying aside more than halfits enormities: that the torture was almost totally disused; and, that in everycountry where there were slaves, their treatment was growing milder. Inshort, a thousand facts could be adduced to shew that a liberal spirit hadgone forth, and extended itself equally to objects of science and humanity.To this spirit the slave owes the melioration of his condition: – it is not, itnever has been, in obedience to municipal regulation, or private convention;but the silent work of public opinion, shewing itself in the free acts of indi-viduals. While the temper, the fashion, the prejudice of the times (call it bywhat name you please) continue to favor this mild treatment, in vain mayyour laws oppose it; for I repeat it, sir, they must breathe the same spirit asthe people they are to act upon, or they die of a lethargy.

The bare attempt to introduce a systematic rigour is highly impolitic.Among the slaves, it will excite a deep and general sensibility: among theirmasters, it can serve only to give the pretext of national policy, to excusegusts of passion, or the free indulgence of cruelty and revenge. Thus, whenyou make one little tyrant more tyrannical, you will make thousands ofslaves impatient and vindictive.

But if any project of this sort could be unanimously adopted, it could notafford us any additional security. By a natural re-action, severity on our partwould beget hate on theirs; and this general animosity will bind in a closerband those whom the late conspiracy has already impressed with a sense ofcommon interest. Nor would the increase of rigour much impede theprogress of enlightened sentiments among them. The discovery of our fearswould neither give them an humbler idea of their own strength, nor makethem less disposed to improve it. The mere disposition in us to check thisimprovement would produce a disposition to increase it. What is nowaccident, opposition would convert into choice: and what is mere choicewould grow into ardent desire. Nor is it unworthy of notice, that an increaseof rigour would redouble the activity and the clamours of those heated reli-gionists, who have long wanted so good an apology for their officious zeal.And among the more sober friends of these wretched bondsmen, commiser-



ation would be a lively sentiment, when this shadow of policy would be nolonger perceived. It appears, then, that a system of rigour is not moreimpracticable than it would be inadequate and pernicious. I have dweltmore upon this scheme of fetters and scourges, of deprivations and restric-tions, because I perceive it is the favorite topic of the day. Without doubt, sir,the horror which the peculiar atrociousness of the late event so naturallyexcites, gives a tincture of revenge to all our schemes of policy. In a subjectof this moment I acquit you of such extrinsic and unworthy considerations.

I fear, sir, I have spent too much time in proving what you have already,and more satisfactorily, proved to yourself. Suffer me however briefly tonotice some other grounds of apprehension, which apply equally to everymodification of slavery. We have hitherto placed much reliance on the diffi-culty of their acting in concert. Late experience has shewn us, that thedifficulty is not insurmountable. Ignorant and illiterate as they yet are, theyhave maintained a correspondence, which, whether we consider its extent,or duration, is truly astonishing. If their gradual improvement did not con-tinually facilitate communication, the want may be at any time supplied bya few desperate intriguers, or bigoted enthusiasts. Fanaticism is spreadingfast among the Negroes of this country, and may form in time the con-necting link between the black religionists and the white. Do you not,already, sir, discover something like a sympathy between them? It certainlywould not be a novelty, in the history of the world, if Religion were made tosanctify plots and conspiracies.

It is thought by some, that the negroes we are continually sending to thesouthern states, lessens their proportional number in this state. I believe, sir,that the migrations of the whites at least balances this decrease. Of the mul-titudes which we meet on all our great roads, seeking new homes, to thewest, or the south, by far the larger part are whites. It has been laid down bytheoretical writers, that the natural increase of slaves is not equal to that offreemen. This, in most countries, is true; but in the mild form in which itexists in this state, slavery favours the multiplication of the species. Many ablack woman is a grandmother, while her fair mistress pines in fruitlesscelibacy. If a female negro is childless, it is the fault of nature alone. Certainof subsistence for herself, and her offspring, and equally exempt from thecares of interest, or ambition, she yields to the impulse of love as soon as shefeels it, while, with us, a thousand principles and prejudices either delay thecommerce of the sexes, or prevent it altogether. Nor is temperate mode ofliving, of the slaves of this country, less favourable to a continuation of theirkind: equally removed from chilling want and enervating luxury, theyuniformly enjoy that golden mean, which is most favorable to a due andperfect health. From all these considerations, I do not hesitate to affirm, thatthe ratio of blacks to whites is continually increasing. In support of thisposition, I confidently appeal to the approaching census.



There is one argument to which I have not even hinted; but which somemay think of more weight than any other; – I mean the ease with which theymay become the tools of a foreign enemy. Granting that the danger fromthemselves is slight or remote, this, it must be confessed, depends upon anevent that is altogether uncertain. War is sometimes inevitable; no humanprudence can guard against an event that may be brought about by theinsolence, the injustice or the caprice of any nation. Whenever we areinvolved in this calamity, if our enemies hold out the lure of freedom, theywill have, in every negro, a decided friend. The passage is easy from friendsto auxiliaries: little address would be necessary to excite insurrection; to putarms into their hands, and to convert a willing multitude into a compact anddisciplined army. Those who did not openly join him would be secretly hisfriends and spies. In such a situation, as no vigilance could guard us againstsurprise, so neither would any line of conduct secure us from danger.Precaution would provoke resistance, and neglect would invite it. In short,sir, they may be considered as a piece of artillery, huge and seeminglyunmanageable, but which the most unskilful of our enemies may play offagainst us.

If, then our danger is continually increasing, and the only temporisingpolicy, which has been contemplated, is more likely to accelerate than retardits progress; let us turn our attention to those remedies which propose aperfect cure of the mighty evil. This grand desideratum can be effected onlyby emancipation, or transportation. I will take a short view of theirrespective merits and practicability.

The most zealous advocates for a general emancipation, seeing the impos-sibility of amalgamating much discordant materials, confess the necessity ofqualifying the gifts of freedom, by denying the negroes some of the mostimportant privileges of a citizen. Considering them, then, in this subordinatestation, the friends of the scheme say, or may say, that men, when admittedto the rights of individual liberty and property, have patiently borne thedeprivation of civil rights: That the negroes, with us, would be in that meanstate which is most propitious to peace and order; not enough in want of thegoods of life, to be turbulent from despair; nor possessing them in suchabundance as to be factious from ambition. They may cite the peasantry ofEurope as a signal instance of this tolerant disposition; since there, a smallpart of the community keeps the other from a participation of civil rights,though nature has made not an atom of difference between the two orders;whilst, here, she has set a visible and immutable boundary, which is thoughtto separate an inferior from a superior class. That, excluded from theownership of lands, and the more honorable occupations of life, they wouldnecessarily continue to be what they now are, tradesmen, labourers, andhousehold servants. That inasmuch as the man who labours for himself, willdo more work, and do it better, than he who labours for another, the State



would gain by the change, though individuals might seem to lose. That thosewho, by superior industry, or frugality, became rich, would form an inter-mediate class, which would be a fence against the possible enterprises of therest: and the better to effect a difference of interests, that the more wealthyand reputable should be allowed certain political rights; which indulgencewould prove, not only a considerable prop to the State, but also a powerfulincitement to honest industry. In one word, it is said that their privileges andrestraints would equally conduce to insure the public tranquility; since theadvantages we conceded would make them contented; while those we with-held would make us secure.

This project, it must be confessed, has an air of plausibility, which seducesat first sight. But, on cool examination, I am compelled to pronounce it oneof those closet schemes, which do more honor to the heart than the head. Aptas we are to estimate by comparison, and to prize more highly the little wewant, than the much we possess, it may be fairly inferred, that the negroes, ifonce emancipated, would never rest satisfied with any thing short of perfectequality. The taste would but whet their appetite. This growing discontent,joined to our conduct towards them, still more contemptuous than unjust,would generate a secret animosity, which a foreign enemy would easilyconvert into an open breach. May they not even become the auxiliaries ofdomestic faction; or the fit engine of any artful and enterprising leader? Inshort, this scheme seems to me to be the offspring of an ingenious philan-thropy, rather than of true political wisdom. Let us, then, turn our attentionto the plan of transportation.

The number of Blacks and Mulattoes, in Virginia, must now exceed threehundred thousand. Their annual increase is little short of fifteen thousand.The expence of transporting this number alone, at twenty pounds a head,would be a million of dollars; so that, at a glance, we see that this plan ofremoval is beyond the resources of the State. To the West-Indies, if theirinhabitants were willing to admit so dangerous a body; if the government ofthe United States would consent to the cruel exile; if the enlightened legis-lature, of which you are now a member, could sanctify so derogatory apurpose, the sympathy and humanity of individual slaveholders would neversuffer them to be torn from those tender attachments which now soften themiseries of servitude, to suffer still greater in a foreign land. It then remainsto be seen, if they can be colonized in some part of the American continent.This, I confess, is my last remaining hope. I know the expence attending itsexecution; the prejudices of our fellow citizens; and the length of timenecessary to carry it into beneficial operation. But it must be remembered,that we have only a choice of evils; and it is the part of wisdom to select theleast. The following hints I submit to your serious and candid consideration.

That application be made to the United States, to procure from theSpanish government, or to furnish from its own territory, such a tract of



country as shall be deemed sufficient for the colony proposed. The consid-eration of future peace would recommend the western side of theMississipi. Present convenience and œconomy would advise a purchase ofsome part of the Indian country, comprehended within the limits of thestate of Georgia.

That this colony be under the protection and immediate government ofthis state, or the United States, untill it contained a number of inhabitantssufficient to manage their own concerns: and that it be exclusively appro-priated to the colonization and residence of people of colour.

That a poll tax be laid on every negro and mulatto, to be collected byofficers appointed in each county, who should vest the money so raised, inthe purchase of slaves to be sent at the expence of the state, to the colony.By this arrangement the tax would be more œconomically and advanta-geously managed; and the diminution of slaves would be proportioned tothe number, in every part of the state.

That there be an additional and a heavier tax on all females above the ageof puberty; and a bounty on the exportation of every female of any age. Toincrease the effect, the bounty may be reduced by one half, after the age oftwenty-five, or thirty. This part of the plan (which I owe to an ingeniousfriend) will have a double effect in inducing many to export their femaleslaves: and when a girl under fourteen or fifteen is sent out of the country,six or eight unborn negroes are probably sent with her. It may be thoughtunworthy of the laws to encourage this dishonorable traffic, but the mostimperious of all laws, that of self-preservation, authorises it. And with us,the power of sending them out of the country is exercised with peculiarmoderation and humanity.

That emancipation should be encouraged rather than checked: and thebetter to induce the voluntary migration of free negroes and mulattoes,every accommodation and indulgence should be shewn them in the colony.They should also be assisted in removing their persons and effects; andadditional taxes and disabilities may be imposed on them here.

If all these means united does not diminish the number faster than thenatural increase, all those born in a year, at stated periods, every fifth orsixth, for example, may be emancipated at a certain age, on condition oftheir migrating, or paying a stipulated sum.

That a land-office be established in the colony, to make leases of the land,till it would sell for a certain price; when it may be disposed of to the newsettlers, who would be thus induced to invite the migration of others, andto promote whatever would increase the value of the land. When weconsider how much this value would be enhanced, by a considerable andincreasing population, it is not rash to say, that the difference would con-stitute a fund, adequate to all the expences of the colony, and to all the afterpurchases of slaves.



This plan, you perceive, is calculated to operate slowly; as a rapid decreaseof the class, which constitutes the productive labour of the country, is notdesirable. In case of a diminution thus gradual, emigrants from the northernstates, and from Europe, would as gradually fill the places they would leave,and we should profit by the exchange. Our own habits, too, would accom-modate themselves to our new situation. Idleness would no longer be theprerogative of a white skin; nor would labour be thought unworthy of a freeman. The impolicy of planting an enemy on our frontier, as well as theexpence attending its execution, may be objected to this plan. As to theexpence, the settlement may be begun on a moderate scale; and when theplan is once in operation, it may be made to work its own way. As an enemy,they could never be formidable, since their numbers would be small,compared with the population of the United States: since they wouldincrease more slowly; and they would be far behind us in information andthe arts of life. We may be to them a haughty and domineering neighbour;they never could be terrible to us.

Thus, sir, have I given you a sketch of the plan I would propose, forridding the country of an evil, which is not more a corroding canker, than ablemish, that deforms one of the fairest portions of the globe.

You must have observed, Sir, that I say nothing of the duty we owe themas creatures made by the same hand, and in the same mould as ourselves: Imake no appeal to those humane and generous feelings which are theworthiest the heart can know: I do not remind you, that from the days ofHomer, it has been admitted that a slave does but half the work of a freeman; and consequently, that no country can attain a great height in manu-factures, in commerce, or in agriculture, where one half of the communitylabours unwillingly, and the other half does not labour at all: I say nothingof the baneful effects of domestic slavery on our moral character, and of itsinconsistency with the truest principles of republicanism: I forbear to enlargeall these topics, equally copious and important, because they have beenrepeatedly discussed by abler pens than mine; and because I know you havebeen long sensible of their force. I confine myself to the first of all objects ofpolicy, the salvation of the state. May I not hope, Sir, that you are not sohurried away by the whirl of active politics as to be unmindful of the perilswhich environ us? Granting that the danger is distant, shall we throw onposterity the burden of accumulated evils we dare not meet in part? But noman can say the danger is distant. The city which was lately devoted todestruction, that very city where you are now deliberating, owes its preser-vation to a single individual. If only one of the many thousands was weakenough to betray the cause in which he had engaged, or generous enough tobe our friend, is it unfair to say we may be less fortunate on a futureoccasion? Or must we hold all that is dear to us by so precarious a tenure?In spite of our utmost vigilance and precaution, our quiet will be hence-



forward interrupted by continual alarms, real or groundless. Qui metuensvivit, liber mihi non erit unquam, says a great master of human life; and hesays truly; for, by a rule of eternal justice, the tyrant who lives in fear ishimself a slave.

Let me then conclude this letter, which has already drawn to an unex-pected length, by beseeching you to consider well this awful crisis in ouraffairs. It is the legislature alone which can prepare the public mind for thegreat effort the occasion demands. If great sacrifices are to be made, youmay shew that a great stake is depending: if our property is to be taken fromus, that our peace, our prosperity, perhaps our very existence is therebypreserved: if present inconveniences are incurred, that they are nothingcompared with those we avoid. In fine, Sir, we are embarked on a tempes-tuous sea, and are surrounded by shoals and quicksands. Yonder beaconwarns us of our danger. If, nevertheless, those to whom we have committedthe helm, be ignorant or regardless of their duty, and we return to ourwonted repose, we may chance to be waked again, by a shock that willbarely allow us time to see our folly, in one general wreck of property andlife.


234

20SPEECH ON THE RESTRICTION OF SLAVERY

IN MISSOURI (1820)

George Tucker, Speech of Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, on the restriction ofslavery in Missouri Delivered in the House of Representatives of the UnitedStates, February 25, 1820. [Washington? 1820], 20 p.

In 1817 the Territory of Missouri applied for statehood, and in the ensuingyears the United States Congress hotly debated whether slavery should bebanned there. Several thousand slaves were in the Missouri territory, and itwas presumed that it would be admitted as a slave state. This, though,would have disrupted the current balance between free and slave states. In1819 when Maine requested statehood, a bill was considered to accept it asa free state. In early 1820, a conference committee was formed withmembers from both the House and the Senate to consider the Missouri andMaine issues. As a compromise, they recommended admitting Maine as afree state and Missouri as a slave state – with an amendment proposed byIllinois Senator Jesse B. Thomas that slavery be banned in the northernportion of the rest of the Louisiana Purchase. Tucker took an interest in theissue on behalf of the Southern states, and on February 20 delivered thespeech below. In his “Autobiography” he gives a detailed account of hisdelivery of the speech and notes that “The next day I received high compli-ments on my success from several quarters – and among them from HenryClay, who said that he greatly regretted he had not heard it, as he had beentold it was the ablest speech which had been delivered on the subject – andit was one of the small number selected by Niles to exhibit the character ofthe debate.”


Speech on the Restriction of Slavery in Missouri 235

SPEECHOF

MR. TUCKER,OF VIRGINIA,

ON THE

RESTRICTION OF SLAVERYIN MISSOURI.

Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States,February 25, 1820.

___

After some prefatory remarks, on the unusual length to which the presentdiscussion had been protracted, and the impatience it was so well calculatedto produce,

Mr. TUCKER, of Virginia, said, he should not have ventured to trespassfurther on the time of the committee, if his objections to the proposedamendment, particularly as to its expediency, had been anticipated by thosewho had gone before him in the debate. There is, indeed, said he, Mr.Chairman, something peculiar in every man’s views of a subject, whoexercises his own powers of reflection, and it is only by looking at it underthese different phases that we can form a just estimate of its bearings anddimensions. I am the more desirous of speaking on the policy of theproposed restriction, because a distinguished member from Pennsylvania(Mr. Sergeant) has said that Virginia had no interest in this question. Sir, Ithink I can shew, to every unprejudiced mind, that it threatens, not only thepeace and welfare of Virginia, in common with all the slave-holding states,but, their very political existence.

Before I consider the constitutionality of this restriction, I beg leave to saya word on the subject of precedents. The member from Pennsylvania whospoke yesterday (Mr. Baldwin) has perhaps rendered it unnecessary that Ishould address you on this topic. He has shewn, by arguments which itwould be difficult to answer, that the precedents, on which the supporters ofthe amendment so much rely, either have no application, or, if closelyexamined, disprove the existence of the power now claimed for the Congressof the United States. But, sir, suppose these precedents to be of a differentcharacter, what is their authority?

The effect of precedent, in a constitutional question, seems to be derivedfrom the presumption that those who have made the decision have heard thearguments for and against the power sought to be exercised, and have, afterdue deliberation, decided. But, when we know that this presumption is not



the fact, and that the power in question has hitherto been exercisedwithout controversy or examination, I think that precedents of this sort areentitled to little or no weight, and that those who deny the existence of thepower have a right to ask those who assert it to point out that particularpart of the constitution from which it is derived. The advocates of theamendment have virtually admitted the reasonableness of this claim, as,while they have insisted on the force of precedents, they have directlyinferred the power they contend for by arguments drawn from the consti-tution itself.

In the examination of this doctrine, I shall confine myself to that clauseof the constitution which speaks of the admission of new states; for,although other parts of that instrument have also been referred to, insupport of the restriction, yet every gentleman on that side of the questionhas laid the chief stress of his argument on this clause, and some have reliedon it altogether. They contend that the right in Congress to admit newstates into the Union implies the right to refuse admission. This, I agree, isa fair implication. But they further insist, that the right to admit or rejectimplies the right to impose terms on admission, and they support theirposition by the legal maxim, cujus est dare ejus est disponere, he who cangive may regulate his gift; may say how he gives. Sir, this is not true, evenin municipal law. If there be a grant in fee simple, on condition that thegrantee shall not alien, the condition is void for repugnancy, and the grantis absolute: so, also, of a condition in violation of law, or against its policy.

But the rule is still less true in constitutional jurisprudence. It maysometimes be expedient to give the power of rejection, and to refuse that ofadmitting on condition. The one may be deemed safe and salutary; theother, inexpedient and dangerous. Examples of this sort are frequent in ourconstitutions. Thus, the President may approve or reject a law, but hecannot propose amendments. It is true, he has but a qualified veto; but, inthose cases in which a law has passed by a majority of both houses, butwith less than a majority of two-thirds, the argument is the same as if hisnegative were absolute. I appeal to every member of the committee,whether, if the President possessed the power of making amendments, itwould not be a greater power than that of absolute rejection. The one hasbeen exercised but two or three times since the formation of the gov-ernment; the other would be a matter of daily recurrence. Thus, too, in theconstitution of Virginia; the Senate has the unconditional power ofrejecting money bills, but not the power of amending them. And, in likemanner, it would be a less power to refuse the admission of a new stateabsolutely, than, by taking advantage of its anxiety to come into the Union,to mould its constitution, in a great degree, according to the pleasure ofCongress. The power of annexing conditions, then, being a different, andnot, necessarily, an inferior, power, the one is not included with the other.



But, Mr. Chairman, if the power of admitting new states into the Uniondoes not give Congress the right of imposing conditions at discretion, still lessdoes it give the right of imposing conditions repugnant to the great principlesof the constitution. We cannot, without the grossest absurdity, infer from thecharter a power to effect its own destruction. To do this would be to make theimplied power greater than the express; the creature greater than the creator.But the power of imposing the purposed restriction on the state of Missouri isthus inconsistent with the constitution. In the first place, it would alter theproportion of power between the general government and the individualstates. The essence of our complex government consists as much in this pro-portion as in any thing else. If Congress possessed more municipal powers,ours would be more a consolidated government; if a less portion, it wouldmore resemble the old confederacy. This proportion of power is as muchdisturbed by lessening the power of the states as by increasing that of theUnited States. The effect is the same, whether you take out of one scale or putinto the other: in both cases, the balance established by the constitution isdestroyed. Sir, if you have the right of imposing one condition, not expresslyprohibited, you have the right of imposing another. Suppose, then, thatCongress should reserve to itself the right of defining and punishing crimes inthe new state, or the regulation of its landed property, or a negative on all itslaws, would not the possession of these extensive municipal powers com-pletely change the character of this government? I would further observe, thatthis power must appear to be the more dangerous, when we recollect howlarge a part of our territory, west of the Mississippi, is yet to be laid off intonew states, and that every new state which enters into the Union, with restric-tions on its sovereignty, as was well argued by a gentleman from SouthCarolina, (Mr. Lowndes,) becomes at once an example and an advocate forfurther restrictions on others. In this way, that constitution, whose componentparts were so cautiously adjusted and so skilfully balanced, would be effec-tually destroyed.

It is no answer to this argument, to say that such an exertion of power as Ihave supposed is highly improbable. In expounding a constitution, it isperfectly fair to test the correctness of a principle by extreme cases. Besides, theframers of the federal constitution have endeavored to guard, not only againstprobable dangers, but, also, against remote possibilities. They have prohibitedboth the United States and the several states from passing any bill of attainder,than which, according to the settled principles of criminal law at the presentday, nothing was more improbable. Thus, too, there is a similar prohibitionagainst the grant of any title of nobility. Surely, when we consider that thisinstitution originated in the days of feudal barbarism, and recollect how muchthe genius of our people, their habits and laws, all favor an equality of rights,it must be admitted that nothing but a determination to guard against themost distant and improbable dangers could have dictated such a provision.



Mr. Chairman, the proposed restriction is also inconsistent with thefederal constitution, because it is irrepealable. The framers of our form ofgovernment knew that, in the vicissitudes which time is ever bringing aboutin human affairs, provisions should be made for correspondent changes, notonly in our laws, but in the constitution itself. Accordingly, there is no ruleof action, whether it be prescribed for individuals, for the states, or thefederal government, which may not be legally changed. Sir, this restrictionwould either be an act of ordinary legislation, or a fundamental law. If it bea mere legislative enactment, it may be abrogated by our successors: theclause which declares it irrepealable, may be itself repealed. If it be a funda-mental law, then we cannot pass it. In either case, by attempting to imposean irrepealable condition on the people of Missouri, we attempt to exercisea power which the constitution has denied us.

In support of these extraordinary doctrines, the advocates of theamendment have found it necessary to draw a distinction between the rightsof the thirteen original states and those subsequently admitted. But the con-stitution recognizes no such principle; and it would be not more invidiousdiscrimination, than it is repugnant to the common sense of mankind. Allowme, Mr. Chairman, by way of illustration, to put a case familiar to all. Letus suppose a voluntary association of individuals, for purposes of businessor amusement, who form certain rules for the government of their society,or club; and, that one of these provides for the admission of new members.When a new member is admitted, we know that he is placed in all respectsupon the same footing as the former members, unless, indeed, someprevious rule warranted a distinction, or a new rule is made for thatpurpose. Now, the constitution is precisely such a set of rules for the asso-ciation or confederacy of states. It is not pretended that it makes anydistinction between its new and its old members; and a new rule cannot bemade by you, but solely by the people. I will here take occasion to observe,Mr. Chairman, that, in expounding the constitution, I think we should becautious of introducing too much subtlety and refinement in our reasoning;both because that instrument is made in the name of the people, andbecause the people are, in some form or other, its final expounders. Simple,direct, and manly reasoning, conforming as much as possible to thecommon sense of mankind, give us at once the justest rule of construction,and the only one, which, in great cases, is likely to be carried into effect.

Gentlemen on the other side, however, by way of parrying the forces ofthese objections, have urged that, though the proposed restriction may notbe void as a condition imposed, it may be valid as a compact agreed to. Butif, as has been shewn, new restrictions on the power of states would alter theessential character of the government, then you can no more consent withanother to impose these restrictions, than you can impose them by your solelegislative will. You cannot aid in doing that indirectly, which you are



forbidden to do directly. With the limited power delegated to you by thecharter which created you, you never can rightfully assume the power ofdestroying that charter, or of assenting to its destruction. Besides, there mustbe a third party to such a contract, and the most material party too, (I meanthe people,) before it can be binding.

But again, sir, in every contract, both parties must be bound, or neither;and the people composing the proposed state of Missouri cannot bind futuregenerations by a compact of this character. An honourable member fromPennsylvania, (Mr. Sergeant,) by way of obviating this difficulty, has mainlycontended, that a state may, by compact, part with portions of its sover-eignty, and he cited several instances of such an exercise of power. But thatgentleman did not, with his usual perspicacity, advert to the distinctionbetween two very different exertions of sovereign power; acts which arecomplete of themselves, and rules of action. The one looks to the present andthe past, the other to the future. Thus, a sovereign state may, by expendingmoney, alienating territory, declaring war, and the like, do that which it canneither recal nor control: but, by such acts, the state may be said to exerciseits sovereignty, rather than to part with it: and it will be found, that theexamples given by the honorable member were of this character. But, as tothe rules of action, whether they be prescribed by the legislature for thefuture conduct of the citizen, or by the people for themselves, I had supposedthat in this country, at least, these might always rightfully be abrogated orchanged. Sir, if there be any political principle deemed fundamental amongus, if there be one on which the American revolution rests for its justifi-cation, or the right of self-government for its security, it is, that nogeneration can make laws or constitutions that are binding on theirposterity. And this amendment, turn it as you will, is an attempt to make aconstitution by law, and to make that law unchangeable.

The same gentleman, as well as his colleague who preceded him, (Mr.Hemphill,) contended that the proposed restriction would not impair therights of Missouri; for, said they, slavery is confessedly an evil and aninjustice, and a state cannot claim a right to do wrong. Here, too, thegentlemen have not exercised their wonted powers of discrimination. Theyconfound political with moral restraints; power with right; the possession ofthe power with the virtuous exercise of it. Thus, to illustrate the difference,every man has the power of regulating the concerns of his own family as hepleases, if he violate not the laws of the land. He may be very capricious andtyrannical, and, no doubt, often is so; but while he thus violates moral right,he has the power, not merely physical, but political, of thus acting. This iswhat is called an abuse of power; and in that sense a man may properly besaid to have a right, that is, the legal power, to do wrong.

I will not detain the committee by objections to the amendment derivedfrom the Louisiana treaty, especially as the arguments which had occurred



to me on this topic, have already been urged by other gentlemen. I will,therefore, proceed to examine the policy of the proposed restriction.

Mr. Chairman, the view I have taken of the consequences of thisrestriction, compels me to regard this as the most important branch of thequestion before us. I have seen, by ingenious and refined constructions of theconstitution, measures pursued by each of the great parties which have ruledthe destinies of this nation, that were supposed, by a large majority of thecommunity, to have violated the meaning of that charter. Such occasionshave indeed always produced great party heat and animosity, and inter-rupted, in no small degree, the harmony of social intercourse. After a while,however, these feelings have passed away. The wounds they created werehealed, and their causes forgotten. But, if you persist in this restriction, it isnot for human foresight to estimate the sum of its future mischiefs. I begleave to call the attention of the committee to some of the most obvious.

It is, in the first place, Mr. Chairman, no small objection to the exercise ofthis power, that it is impalatable to the people on whom it is to operate. Inthe other instances which have been produced, in which conditions havebeen attached to the admission of new states, these conditions have beenentirely acceptable to the states admitted, and such as they would volun-tarily have imposed on themselves. But the present is the first occasion inwhich this government has attempted to impose unwelcome conditions on anew state. The people of Missouri can see no reason why they should betreated with this unwonted rigor. To tell them that this restriction is for theirbenefit, is to add mockery to unkindness. Sir, they claim the privilege whichevery freeman asserts, of being the best, and the sole judge of what suitsthem. They say that all your arguments derived from morality, religion, orlocal policy, should be left to themselves, and, that while you affect toreceive them as equals, you are dictating to them as children; or that youyourselves manifest a distrust of these arguments by your wishing to enforcethem with constitutional provisions. Sir, they are just such men as your-selves; they are a part of yourselves, and they would be unworthy the nameof American, if they did not feel this condition as a degradation. On thepolicy of introducing slaves, I understand they are somewhat divided inMissouri, as elsewhere. Many of them, contemplating the moral andpolitical effects of domestic slavery, are opposed to its further extension.Were I there, I should probably be one of this number. But, on the power ofCongress to impose the restriction, I learn that there is but one sentiment.They consider it a common cause, which they are bound, upon everyprinciple of self-respect, to oppose; and they already assimilate your conducttowards them to those oppressions of Great Britain towards her colonieswhich finally produced their independence.

Putting aside the feelings of the people of Missouri is it not a solidobjection to this restriction that your power to impose it is doubtful and



contested? However thoroughly gentlemen on the other side may bepersuaded that Congress possesses this power, they must know that a largeportion of the United States are as thoroughly persuaded that it does not:that on this question there is entire unanimity in the slave-holding states, andthat, with all the motives to an opposite unanimity in the other states, thereis among them, as well as among their representatives in this house, consid-erable diversity of opinion. They must also recollect that tho’ thesecircumstances do not produce conviction, they must produce some doubt;awaken some distrust in the infallibility of human reason in every ingenuousmind. And, Mr. Chairman, when we consider the influence of publicopinion, on the harmony and stability of this union, it must always be amatter of regret that the government should exercise powers that aredoubtful or even disputed. Until habit and custom have had their wontedeffect in cementing the union, its strength and permanency must rest on theaffections, the undivided affections of the people: and nothing is more likelyto weaken their attachment than a want of confidence in this house, thenatural guardian of the people’s rights, and their immediate representatives.

But, Mr. Chairman, the immediate effects of this restriction, important asthey are, shrink into insignificance when compared with its distant conse-quences. I ask the indulgence of the committee, while I endeavor, as brieflyas I can, to be intelligible, to bring them to their notice.

It will be admitted, that our numbers will continue to increase, at theirpresent rate, or near it, until they are checked by a diminution in the meansof subsistence, and that the means of subsistence will be abundant and easyso long as we have fertile lands to settle and cultivate. These principles ofpopulation, now so familiar to all, were first distinctly stated, so far as myinformation extends, by sir James Steuart. They are also noticed by Dr.Franklin, and seem to have been an original suggestion of his own goodsense and sagacity. But, their influence in producing human misery and vice,and in circumscribing the efficacy of governments, were never fullydeveloped, before the appearance of Mr. Malthus’ essay on population,which I cannot but consider as a work of great ability. I make these remarksbecause the censure of my colleague, (Mr. Randolph,) on this writer theother day, was general, tho’ probably it was intended to apply to theauthor’s theory of the poor laws, and not to the principles of which I havespoken.

From these undeniable principles it follows, that, if the blacks be confinedto the present slave holding states, while the whites are left free to emigrateto the more tempting regions of the west, the ratio of blacks to whites mustbe continually increasing, until our population has reached the Pacific.

It has, however, been contended, that the blacks thus confined to theslave-holding states, will increase more slowly than if they were allowed tospread over the country west of the Mississippi, because population in that



case will sooner begin to press on the means of subsistence: and, in answerto the inhumanity which this consideration implies, the gentleman fromPennsylvania, (Mr. Sergeant,) says, that as the check upon natural increasemust inevitably take place sooner or later, on both classes, it is better itshould operate first and strongest upon the blacks rather than the whites.

The argument would be sound, so far as policy is concerned, whatevermay be thought of its consistency with some other principles maintained bythe same side, if the restriction would have this partial operation. But, byreason of the emigration which is ever going on from those parts of theUnited States where population is most dense, to those where it is most rare,the natural multiplication is every where the same. Thus, in the state ofConnecticut, of Maryland, or Virginia, tho’ by the census their populationseems to be nearly stationary, we have every reason to believe that theprinciple of increase operates in as full vigor as in the other states; and thatthe excess of their numbers is kept down by emigration, to which the stateof our country and the habits of our citizens afford so many facilities. Thecheck, then, of which the gentleman speaks, operates on both classes alike,and will operate upon neither until the whole of our territory is settled, andits most fertile lands are brought into cultivation.

The state of Virginia has already experienced, in a small degree, the effectsof this partial emigration. It will be recollected that the member fromIndiana, (Mr. Hendricks,) stated, that he represented as many who hadmigrated from the south, as from the north; and the states of Ohio andIllinois, have also received considerable accessions from the slave-holdingstates. Now, as these emigrants have not been permitted to carry slaves withthem, their removal must have altered the ratio of the two classes in thestates they have left; and hence it is, that, in Virginia, as one of the fruits ofher cession of the territory northwest of the Ohio, the black population hasbeen steadily gaining somewhat on the white. Hitherto, however, the migra-tions from the older slaveholding states, have been principally to Kentucky,Tennessee, and the other Mississippi states, from one part of the slave-holding country to the other, where lands were at once cheaper and morefertile; but as soon as these states are filled up, and population begins topress upon subsistence, the Missouri and its thousand tributary streams, willdraw off the surplus numbers of the slave holding states, and this unequaldrain will operate with undivided and still increasing force.

It has also been urged against the probability of this growing dispro-portion between the blacks and the whites, that it must be the poor andlaboring class, persons not owning slaves, who may chiefly be expected toemigrate from the slaveholding states; and that these states have not a suffi-cient number of that class to admit of emigration to the extent supposed. Butit must be remembered that the white population considerably exceeds theblack; and that, as individual citizens often own many slaves, there must be



a proportional number who own none. There must necessarily be for everyperson who owns his hundred slaves, more than an hundred whites who arenot slave-holders. There is then an ample number of the poorer class for theinducements to emigrate to act upon; and if that were not the case, the sameinducements would operate on the slave-holding class, and by transferringthe lands and slaves into fewer hands, assimilate every portion of the slave-holding district to the lower part of South Carolina, and some other of theAtlantic states.

An honorable member from Massachusetts, (Mr. Whitman,) however,observed, that there could be no danger from the relative increase of slavesfor an hundred years to come, and that a century was as far as politicianscould be expected to look or provide for. I will observe, by the way, that Iwas surprised to hear such an opinion from an American statesman. Anhundred years, sir, is a long period for human life, but is a short one in thelife of a nation. There are few of the sovereignties of Europe which cannotnumber many centuries of existence, and I should be sorry to think that ourgovernment was not likely to endure and prosper as long as any other. Butlet us limit our views to the moderate term that has been mentioned.Supposing then the slaves in the United States to have augmented as fast inthe last ten years as they did in the ten years preceding, they now amount toupwards of a million and a half. Suppose that they will continue to doubleevery twenty-five years, their present rate of increase, then, in the lapse of acentury, their numbers will amount to no less than twenty-four millions.Estimating the present slave-holding states to contain 424,000 square miles,according to Mellish’s estimate, this number of slaves will give nearly 60 toa square mile; a density of population implying a general occupation of theland but by no means a difficulty of procuring subsistence. In the sameperiod the whole population of the United States, allowing it to double inlike manner four times, will amount to one hundred and sixty millions,which, according to the same authority, will give, for the whole union,nearly an average of sixty to the square mile. Now, as this population willbe very unequally spread over the different parts of our territory, being moredense in the older settlements and less so in the new, it is impossible to say,with accuracy, what will be the degree of density in the slave-holding states;but, whether it be greater or less, the ratio of blacks to whites would be mostfearfully increased. If we assume it to be eighty persons to a square mile,(and I think we cannot reasonably believe it would be much greater on thesupposed average, throughout the union,) the blacks would be to the whitesnearly in the proportion of three to one.

With this great and still accelerating gain of the black population, who cananswer for the consequences? The wildest political visionary does not thinkit practicable to amalgamate such discordant materials; we must be in thatsituation then, in which we can neither safely set them free nor hold them in



subjection. If one of the two races must yield to the other, who can say whichit will be, or how it will be effected? Sir, this is a subject of peculiar delicacy,and I will not press it further than to remark, that, if restriction could beenforced, the least pernicious result to which we could look forward, wouldbe, that the whites, finding the African race constantly pressing on them,would finally abandon the country, and leave the blacks undisputed mastersof the soil. But, if, as would be too probable, the disease should have a violenttermination, the struggle between the two races would end in a war of exter-mination.

It has also been said, that, be the political and moral evils, from the growingincrease of blacks what they may, the whites, in any disproportion which canbe deemed probable, will always be sufficient to keep the blacks in subjection,and secure the tranquility of the state. But, granting that the authority of thewhites would always be sufficient for this purpose, tho’ history warns us ofthe contrary, yet there is a cause beyond our control which will, sooner orlater, prevent our holding them in servitude.

As soon as our population has overspread the whole habitable parts of ourterritory, and brought our waste lands into cultivation, human labor willbegin to decline in value. This is very high with us at present: it is lower inEurope, and lower still in China; every where gradually decreasing as popu-lation advances. In the same proportion that the price of labor diminishes,must the value of slaves decline, until at length the cost of bringing up a slavewill be more than he is worth. When that period arrives, the community willnot, and cannot impose on itself the burthen of supporting slaves; and, be theconsequences what they may, they will be manumitted; and then all the diffi-culties to the union of the two races must be encountered. This effect of thegradual decline of labor in producing emancipation, was also urged by theSpeaker, (Mr. Clay,) but we draw different inferences as to its remote effects.I cannot agree with him in the probability that the African, as well as theIndian race, will, under any course of policy we may pursue, be finally extir-pated. It seems to me, that they will continue to increase until their laborceases to be valuable, that is, until our waste lands are brought into culti-vation; and when that period arrives, we have seen that their numbers willprobably amount to twenty-four millions, and greatly exceed that of thewhites inhabiting the same district.

But, Mr. Chairman, many look to colonization as the means of avoidingthese threatening evils, Sir, I do not wish to disparage the exertions of thesociety established for the purpose of colonizing the people of color – itsmembers deserve the thanks and good wishes of every friend of his country.But I have long since abandoned the hope of deriving any remedy for the evilof domestic slavery from this quarter. I, too, was once an advocate for colo-nization; but I now consider every project for ridding the country of its blackpopulation as utterly hopeless and impracticable. Estimating their present



numbers at 1,600,000, their annual increase is about 51,000. The colo-nization society, as the result, I believe, of one year’s efforts, are about to sendto Africa, from New York, 174 blacks, which is little more than the increaseof a single day. – Taking the average value of the slaves to be $300 each, itwould require upwards of 15,000,000 of dollars to 51,000; and probably fivemillions more to transport them to Africa. And this annual expenditure oftwenty millions is not to reduce the number, but merely to keep it stationary.

Thus, sir, we see that the effects of this fatal policy are as inevitable, asuncontrollable, as the laws of nature. But if, on the other hand, the slaves beallowed to spread themselves equally with the white population west of theMississippi, then they must always continue, as they now are, inferior innumber to the whites; and when the period arrives, as it certainly must, whenthe self-interest of individuals will burst the bonds of the slave, emancipationwill then consist with the tranquility and safety of the state; and, in the meantime, partial emancipation is making rapid advances. Let me call the attentionof the Committee to its progress, according to facts which are correctly takenfrom Doctor Seybert’s valuable publication; and, which are not garbled likethose in some late pamphlets, to further a favorite purpose. In the state ofDelaware, in 1800, the free blacks were to the slaves in the proportion of fourto three. In 1810 they had increased to the proportion of more than three toone. In Maryland, in the same ten years, the proportion of free blacks toslaves had increased from one-fifth to one-third. In Virginia, from one-seven-teenth to one-thirteenth. In North Carolina, from one-nineteenth toone-sixteenth. In South Carolina, from one-forty-sixth to one-forty-third.

In Georgia, however, the proportion has diminished from one thirty-first toone fifty-eighth; because as you know, Mr. Chairman, the legislature of thatstate thought it necessary to prohibit the further progress of emancipation,and to expel a number of its free blacks. It is worthy of remark, that thisprogress increases by regular gradations as you advance north. It is owning tovoluntary emancipation, no less, perhaps, than to the migrations of Europe,that the ratio of slaves to the whole population of the United States has beencontinually decreasing. In 1790 they were more than one-sixth of theaggregate of our population: In 1810 they were reduced almost to one-seventh. They now are, without doubt, less than a seventh; and, before thelapse of a century, if things are left to their natural operation, they will,probably, be reduced to a tenth, or less. But if you enforce this restriction,other states will follow the example of Georgia, and, in their own defence, putan entire stop to the further increase of free blacks among them. Surely then,gentlemen on the other side will not render impracticable that meliorationwhich they so much profess to cherish.

But, if our brethren of the north and east are indifferent to our interests, Itrust they will not be regardless of their own. Sir, I think that all the Atlanticstates are concerned in opposing this restriction. If the confinement of the



black population to the east of the Mississippi, while the whites are free toemigrate to the west, must necessarily alter the proportion of their numbers,as I think I have shown; then, in whichever way the slavery of the blacks mayterminate, the strength and influence of the Atlantic states will be greatlyimpaired. As our population advances westwardly, the line of local divisionwill probably be, not as at present, between the north and the south, butbetween the western and Atlantic states. On all questions concerning foreigncommerce or navigation the interests of the latter will, in time, be the same;and these interests cannot be protected against the preponderating influenceof the west without a voice and numbers that will secure respect. Besides,without waiting for the dangerous epoch I have mentioned, if the argumentsbe just, that a state will possess more wealth, and strength, and weight in thelegislature, when inhabited by freemen than by slaves, it seems strange thatgentlemen from the north should seek to increase that political influence,which, on the supposition of local parties, will be opposed to them, and tolessen that of their natural allies.

Before I conclude, I will take a cursory notice of some further considera-tions which were urged in favor of this restriction.

The member from New York who moved the amendment, (Mr. Taylor,)said that the further diffusion of slaves would lessen the revenue of thenation, inasmuch as the consumption of slaves is less than that of freemen.No argument could have been more unfortunate than this. It is well knownto us all that the slave-holding states are generally opposed to an increase ofthe impost, and the other states generally friendly to it; and this because weare the greatest consumers of imported goods, and they are the most exten-sively engaged in domestic manufactures. Ask, sir, the great importers ofNew York, to whom they make the chief sales of foreign merchandize, andthey will tell you, to the merchants of the Carolinas, of Georgia, andVirginia.

Another objection has been drawn from the increase of representationwhich Missouri would derive from its slave population; and a member fromPennsylvania, (Mr. Hemphill,) in urging this argument, observed, that acitizen in the slave-holding states, who owned an hundred slaves had asmany votes as sixty freemen in the other states. This remark did not partakeof the candor which in general characterized that gentleman’s speech. Sir, inthe slave-holding states, one slave-holder, having the right of suffrage, hasno more votes than another; and if we estimate the additional influencewhich each voter derives from the representation of two-fifths of the slaves,it will be found to be less than a vote and a half, instead of sixty, for one. Forthis small difference of political power they pay a full consideration, notonly by bearing a greater share of direct taxes, but by contributing morelargely to the revenue arising from impost. Both these objections aremoreover founded on the fallacy that the number of slaves will be increased



by their further introduction into Missouri. but it is conceded that their mul-tiplication is as great at present as the laws of nature permit; and we haveseen that they will continue to increase, at their present rate, whether they beconfined to the slave-holding states or not; it follows, therefore, that thequestion is not whether we shall have a greater or smaller number of slaves,but whether we shall have the same number on the east or the west side ofthe Mississippi.

But it has also been said, that the slaves in a slave-holding state increasefaster than the freemen. Sir, the census gives evidence of no such fact,notwithstanding what more than one publication has stated to the contrary.If we take the whole slave-holding district together (and this is the only fairway of making the comparison) it will be found that the increase of thewhites, from the year 1800 to 1810, was 100 to 126, while that of the slaves,in the same time, was 100 to 129. This difference of increase amounts onlyto about 40,000 in favor of the blacks; which is certainly not more than canbe accounted for by the importations from the year 1800 to 1808, whenCongress put a stop to that abominable traffic; and to the emigration to thenorthwest of the Ohio, of which I have spoken. Leaving out the states ofSouth Carolina and Georgia, the white population has gained a little uponthe slaves. The truth is, that if there be some causes more favorable to thenatural increase of the blacks, there are others more favorable to that of thewhites. There is, therefore, very little difference between them; and theincrease of both is nearly at its maximum.

There is, however, an objection of more plausibility, to which I willadvert. It is said that, by extending the market for slaves to Missouri, weshall encourage the African slave trade. Sir, I cannot be brought to believethat our government is not able to carry into execution the laws it has madeagainst this disgraceful traffic. – But supposing that a small number of slavesshould be smuggled into the country, in spite of our utmost vigilance; theywill then remain in Louisiana and Georgia, where their labour is mostvaluable, and not be transported into Missouri. The slaves which would becarried to that state would be principally original members of the families ofemigrants; and it is extremely improbable that any would be carried therefrom the gulph of Mexico. The trade is known to be in a contrary direction;nor do I remember ever to have seen in Virginia a slave who was born inAfrica; except in a single instance in the town in which I live. If we regard theknown current of trade, it is just as reasonable to suppose that our settle-ments on the Missouri will give new encouragement to the smuggling of tea,for example, in Passmaquoddy bay, as of negroes in Louisiana.

But the zeal and ingenuity of gentlemen have found a further motive forthis restriction, in the peculiar liability of slave-holding states to insurrec-tions, and in the greater probability of their involving the generalgovernment in war. But, Mr. Chairman, a similar objection may be made to



the further extension of our foreign commerce. All the maritime wars inwhich this government has been involved, have grown out of foreigncommerce. – Now what would the members from the new state of Mainesay, if they were told that, as that commerce to which they were addicted,was dangerous to the peace of the United States, they must agree to abandonit before they could be admitted into the Union? If they could insist that theyalready possessed this commerce – that the other adjoining states wereallowed to prosecute it unmolested, and that no discrimination could justlybe made between them and the other members of the same confederacy, therepresentative of Missouri might allege the same arguments in his favor; andno reply could be made to him, which could not, with equal propriety, bemade to the members from Maine. Such a discrimination being equallyodious, unreasonable, and oppressive to both, I trust it will be attempted onneither.

Having now, Mr. Chairman, examined this great question, with all thefairness of which I am capable, I intreat the committee to give these sugges-tions their serious consideration. If my views of the consequences of thispolicy be correct, as I religiously believe them to be, it must be seen that theslave-holding states are bound to resist the restriction at every hazard. Imean not this as a threat; but merely to remind them of the uncontrollableinfluence of the law of self preservation; and to appeal to the interest whichevery member of this Committee must take in the safety of the Union, andthe welfare of every part of it.


249

21THE VALLEY OF SHENANDOAH (1824)

George Tucker, The Valley of Shenandoah; or, Memoirs of the Graysons.New York, C. Wiley, 1824, 2 v. Selections from Volume 1, pp. 60–70, 81–87, 298–301; Volume 2, pp.31–36, 44–45, 194–201, 206–213.

Set in 1790, Tucker’s novel The Valley of Shenandoah depicts the decline ofthe Graysons, an aristocratic plantation family which, due to the poorbusiness skills of the deceased Colonel Grayson, was quickly becomingfinancially insolvent. Colonel Grayson is survived by his wife Mary,daughter Louisa, and son Edward. They are benevolent slave owners, andthe slaves view them with affection. Their principal plantation, named“Beachwood,” is attended with greater care than their secondary one, called“Easton,” which is managed by a scheming and uncompassionate overseernamed Cutchins. In contrast to the Grayson’s financial decline, a rival family– the Fawkners – characterize a growing middle class of less sophisticatedbut financially successful plantation owners. Edward, the hero of the novel,returns from college with his friend Gildon. The two debate the merits ofslavery and visit the slaves in their homes and in the fields. Finances becomeso bad for the Graysons that their property and slaves are auctioned off. Akind attorney named Trueheart supervises the estate sale, and tries to keepslave families together. In the mean time, Gildon seduces and impregnatesLouisa before heading home to New York. Because of the Grayson’s poorfinancial state, Gildon’s father will not approve of the couple’s marriage.Defending his sister’s honor, Edward goes to New York and challengesGildon to a duel. When Edward pulls a gun, Gildon stabs him to death.Louisa contracts an illness, miscarries, and dies. In the Preface to The Valleyof Shenandoah, Tucker writes that the novel serves two aims: to accuratelydepict Virginia’s “manners and habits” and to provide moral instruction “tothe youth of both sexes.” Both of these aims are evident in the selectionsbelow on the subject of slavery, which provide a vivid picture of slave life atthe time and discuss the moral ramifications of the practice. In spite of thenovel’s financial failure, it offers a rare critical look at the slavery issue fromthe standpoint of a Southerner.



[EDWARD AND GILDON DEBATE SLAVERY]

“Don’t you feel, Edward, when riding over these vast domains of yours,something like a feudal Baron? My father had a little farm, in DuchessCounty, on which he worked from four to five slaves; and although he hadmuch more valuable lands rented out, (and a large territory gives a man nolittle consequence,) yet my view of these fertile lands never gave me half thegratification that was afforded by a sight of the blacks. I thought that thetenants were always jealous of the superiority which they believed Iassumed; and, except now and then a mean fellow who wanted indulgencefor his rent, or had not complied with the covenants in his lease, they werealways taking pains to show me they regarded themselves my equals. Thereis something very fascinating now confess it, Edward, in this unlimitedcontrol, let us fiery republicans say what we will. Indeed what is the love ofliberty, but the love of doing what we please? and, consequently, he who isproud of his own freedom, is equally gratified at controlling the freedom ofothers.”

“A very ingenious piece of sophistry, upon my word,” said Edward. “Youthink, then, that the same sentiment which makes a man wish to be masterof his own actions, makes him wish to control the actions of others; or, inother words, that the love of freedom and the love of tyranny, are one andthe same thing. No; be assured that he who has a proper sense of his ownrights, has a due respect for the rights of others; and common sense mustdictate to every rational mind that the wish which he recognizes of being hisown master, is also felt by others; and that that is the most perfect system ofcivil liberty which can best gratify the desires of all: and it is imperfect in pro-portion as it falls short of this result, until it degenerates into downrightdespotism, where only a single person is free, if indeed the fears and dangersthat environ him suffer him to be so.”

“A very pretty dissertation this for a Virginia Planter,” said Gildon. “Youmust have intended it for part of an oration on the fourth of July. I dareventure to say there is an audience in sight which would readily subscribe toyour doctrines.”

“I was aware,” said Edward, “that you consider these principles as incon-sistent with our practice – but nothing can be more unfair than the charge ofinconsistency. We, of the present generation, find domestic slavery estab-lished among us, and the evil, for I freely admit it to be an evil, both moraland political, admits of no remedy that is not worse from the disease. Nothinking man supposes that we could emancipate them, and safely let themremain in the country; and no good or prudent man would run the risk ofrenewing the scenes which have made St. Domingo one general scene ofwaste and butchery. Nor has any practical scheme as yet been devised forsending them abroad – and we should pause a while in deliberating on its


The Valley of Shenandoah 251

practicability, when we recollect that history tells us of no country which hasever been able to rid itself of so large a part of its population as the blacksnow compose in the southern states. The expulsion of the Moors from Spaincomes nearest to it – but, besides that their numbers were much fewer; theyhad only a narrow sea to cross, and they were in another continent. Theirbanishment too, was complete and for ever. While here, they must either becolonized on our borders, at all events on the same continent, or they mustbe transported to the distance of three thousand miles. In this choice of dif-ficulties what are we to do? What can we do, but to select the leastformidable? and since we cannot confer on them, or restore to them (if youwill) some of those rights which we ourselves so highly prize, withoutendangering not only these, but every other we possess, we must even setdown contented, and endeavour to mitigate a disease which admits of nocure. Because we do not indulge in idle declamation about the injurious con-sequences of domestic slavery, yet do not infer that our politicians are notinsensible to them. The theme is an ungrateful one – like any other naturaldefector misfortune which is in curable. We are fully aware of its disadvan-tages – that it checks the growth of our wealth – is repugnant to its justice –inconsistent with its principles – injurious to its morals – and dangerous toits peace. Yet after giving the subject the most serious and attentive consid-eration, and finding it admitted of no other safe remedy but what time maybring some centuries hence, they are fain to acquiesce in their inevitabledestiny, and now consider all speculations on rights which cannot beenforced, but at the expense of still higher and dearer rights, either as theebullitions of well-meaning but short-sighted enthusiasm, as sheer folly, orthe hypocritical pretences of the lovers of mischief. And while we set task-masters over our slaves – give them coarse food and clothing – andoccasionally subject them to punishment – while those who are most suc-cessful in the management of them, spend the profits of their labour,sometimes foolishly enough, yet neither is their situation so bad, nor ours soenviable, as you might at first suppose. They are perhaps better suppliedwith the necessaries of life than the labouring class of any country out ofAmerica. They have their pleasures and enjoyments according to theirstation and capacity, and probably enjoy as much happiness, with as fewdrawbacks, as any other class of our population. The error on this subjectproceeds from a white man’s supposing himself in the situation of a slave,without recollecting that these people were born slaves, and that there is asmuch difference between their feelings respecting their condition, and thoseof a white man, as is the privation of sight to one who is born blind, and onewho has become so.

“Nor is the pride of conscious power so strong a sentiment as you seem toapprehend. I believe that slaves are more often regarded as instruments ofgratifying avarice, than the love of power. If I know myself, I am, as a slave-



holder, a stranger to the latter sentiment. Those who are born masters, areno doubt very authoritative – very impatient of disobedience or contra-diction – but they find little more to flatter their pride in their power overtheir slaves than in that they possess over their horses or dogs; (or if thatsounds harshly, and conveys an idea of their degradation, which I certainlydid not mean,) no more than the authority which a parent exerts over hischildren. It will be found that the average profits of their labour does notpermit us to extend to them greater indulgences and more comforts; for, asthings are, where there is one who derives a large profit from their labour,there are two or three who barely make both ends meet; and not a few whoevery year, without much extravagance, eat into their capital, and find, thatafter deducting the cost of their maintenance, the fruits of their labour yieldlittle over a rent for the land.”

“Your estate is a profitable one, is it not?” said Gildon.“I know not what it might be under judicious management. But under the

system pursued by my father, of extraordinary confidence in his agents, andextraordinary indulgence to his slaves, I imagine, from what I have been ableto see of his affairs, that it did not yield him two per cent. on his capital.”

By this time they had reached the harvest field, in which Gildon saw ninestrong, athletic negro men, in the prime of life, cutting down a heavy crop ofoats with their long scythes and cradles; while about twice the number ofwomen and boys were following them, some of whom were binding up thesheaves, and others forming them in small stacks. They were plentifullysupplied with whiskey, which no doubt contributed to their good humour,though every where the gathering in the fruits of agricultural labour is anoccasion of feasting and hilarity. An overseer, a middle aged man, of aserious aspect and steady demeanour, was looking on the work, directingtheir operations, and occasionally assisting. He greeted Edward verycordially, though respectfully, and Gildon saw that the slaves all welcomed“Master Edward,” and “my master,” “and my young master,” in a mannerthat convinced him, whatever might be the condition of other slaves, thebonds of those of Beachwood, sat lightly upon them.

Those who were near came up and shook hands with him, and to each ofthem he had something to say, by inquiries about their children, or their ownlittle crops or gardens, or poultry. They all testified the most unaffected joyat seeing him, with the exception of a young man about his own age, who,hanging down his head under the pretext of picking up the oats, neverventured to approach, or even turn his eyes towards Edward. He had, itseems, won the affections of a favourite house maid of Mrs. Grayson’s,when he had been the chief dining-room servant, which trespass, the samedame nature who had inspired it, had also brought to light; and for this actof gallantry, which had not been sanctioned by the consent of their elders,nor was warranted by the immature years of his sable Helen, (she not being



fourteen,) though he was ready to make honourable amends, and did so infact: he was sent to the crop, and put under the overseer, by way of pun-ishment. As the negroes about the mansion-house are better fed, betterclothed, and more intelligent, they look upon themselves as the superiors ofthe crop hands; and no degraded courtier feels deeper mortification than aslave who is thus taken from the house and put in the crop, or sent to thequarter.

Edward yet felt an attachment for this boy, who had been brought up withhim, and had been the humble play-fellow of his early years until this act ofprofanation. When he saw his deep shame and humility, he felt his ancientgood-will return, and approaching him, carelessly said, “well Peter, how doyou like working in the crop? how are you?” holding out his hand. Peter,who had long since been reconciled to his new situation, and wanted onlyEdward’s sanction to address him, seized his hand and with the gracefulbow of a courtier, and a countenance lighted up with joy, strongly mani-fested by two rows of large white teeth, and a pair of prominent staring eyes,said, he hoped his young master had been well since he had been down thecountry. In answer to the question put to him by Edward, he replied: “I likeit very well, sir, but I would rather wait upon you.”

“I have often heard,” said Gildon, “that the labour of a slave, was but halfthat of a freeman, yet I scarcely think that I ever saw our stoutest and mostactive labourers work more willingly, or with better effect, than thesebondsmen of yours.”

“Perhaps,” said Edward, “this is not a fair specimen of their ordinary per-formance, both on account of our presence, and because harvest is a kind ofholiday work. The occasion of securing the reward of the year’s toil, isalways a cheerful one; and they have, at this time, an extra allowance offood and a liberal supply of whiskey, of which they are all extravagantlyfond. But on a well regulated estate, on which the slaves have been properlybrought up and well managed, their labour, when they are actually engaged,differs little from that of freemen. They have, too, their feelings of pride andtheir emulation with the neighbouring farms, and with one another, whichthough not operating so generally, or so steadily as self-interest, operates atsometimes, and on some individuals, quite as efficiently. I am sure there areseveral men in that row who as completely identify themselves with ourfamily as if the crop was their own. See that man who is third from theleader of the set: he was long the foreman, that is, deputy overseer, on theEaston estate, and it was his pride to lead the row in every ruralemployment, whether of topping or suckering tobacco, or planting, orpulling fodder, or cradling, but he is now getting in years, and nothingconsoles him for being obliged to yield the post of honour, but that it isoccupied by his sons; who for strength, activity, and faithful attachment, aretreading in their father’s steps. Their grandmother is yet alive, and though



weak in sight and somewhat deaf, is otherwise healthy in body and mind.She has successively nursed my paternal grandmother, my father, and us,and seems to feel for us in regular succession, all the attachment that shecould feel for her own children. She almost wept this morning when I calledat her cabin to see her.”

“You think, then, that considered merely with the eye of an economist,slavery is not a national evil,” said Gildon.

“Far from it,” replied Edward. “It does operate to lessen very greatly theproductive labour of a country – but not, I think, in the way it is commonlysupposed. It is obviously the interest of the slave to make as little andconsume as much as he can, if you attribute to him the first feelings of ournature, the love of ease and enjoyment – and this seems a sufficient causewhy their labour, and skill, and care, should be less than that of freemen. Butif they are disposed to work less, they are sometimes compelled to workmore; and fear, and habit, and the little emulations I have mentioned, makethe result not materially variant from that of freemen. And in like manner, ifthey are inclined to consume more, they are often compelled to consume lessthan they would do if they could command the fruits of their own labour.There is many an industrious, ingenious slave, now clothed in oznaburg andnapt coating, who, if the master of his earnings, would wear fine linen andbroadcloth. No; it is in the effect which slavery has on the whites, that thechief mischief is produced. It consigns this half of the population to idleness,or tends to consign them, both by having their labour less necessary, and bymaking it degrading. You observe that twice the number of menials arenecessary to a man of small fortune here that are so to a man of large fortunewith you. For none of our citizens, male or female, will perform the smallestdomestic duties for themselves. Believe me, it surprised and a little shockedme, when I first saw, in the houses of some substantial farmers in your state,sensible and well bred females get up from table to hand bread, or cider, andaid in setting dishes on the table – or the master of the house saddling andbridling his own horse, and bringing in logs of wood for his fire. As ourwhites who can command the labour of slaves, are not permitted to work bytheir prejudices and their pride, for want of other employment, they are verymuch exposed to the seductions of gaming and drinking. Its moral effects,however, present a wide field for speculation, and are not unmingled withgood. But whither is this discussion leading me? Our dinner hour is now athand.”

[EDWARD AND GILDON VISIT SLAVE QUARTERS AT BEACHWOOD

PLANTATION]

As they passed along a row of small huts or cabins, somewhat irregularlyarranged, with a little garden or truck patch roughly enclosed attached to



each, Edward proposed to step in and see old Granny Mott, whose longservices and numerous progeny he had spoken of in the morning.

They entered a low cabin made of hewn logs, notched at the ends so asnearly to touch; and the more effectually to exclude the cold and the air, thesmall spaces between were filled in with mud. The chimney was made of thesame materials as the house, except that the logs were smaller, and the insidewas also plaistered with a thick coat of mud. The door afforded the onlyaperture for the admission of light or air. The floor was of the original earth,made hard by long use, and clean by sweeping, which a tidy mulatto girl offourteen, her granddaughter, regularly performed every morning.

The old woman sat near the door, winding from a reel some hanks ofcotton thread which little Milly had spun. She was dressed in a yellow andwhite striped homespun wrapper, and petticoat, and had a cap tied underher chin that partly discovered her grisly locks, and round her neck a hand-kerchief, which (as well as the cap,) from its whiteness and fineness, hadprobably once the honour of belonging to some more dignified member ofthe family. She was of a yellowish complexion, with features more raisedand delicate than belong to the African face, and eyes that still retainedmuch of the fire they had once emitted.

As soon as Edward darkened her door, she turned round her head andsaid, “God bless my young master – how has he been this long time? Ithought you would come to see Granny. I was afraid my poor old eyeswould never see you again. And how did you leave them all atWilliamsburg? Master James’s family – Miss Betsey’s, and your uncleWilliam’s?” – running over a long list of names as they suggested themselvesto her enfeebled memory, like one soliloquizing. – “Well, my young master,you find old Granny here still.”

“And how are you Granny – and how have you been this winter?” saidEdward.

“Oh! it was mighty cold – I can’t stand cold as I used to do, and theoverseer stint me in wood: But my mistress, God bless her, make Joesometimes take the cart and bring me a load. But this country colder, mychild, than where you been.”

“Not much, Granny, I think.”“O yes, my master, this place so near the mountains. Snow be there one

or two days; but be here upon the mountains all the year. Did you see cousinPhœbe, that belonged to old Councillor Carter?”

“Yes, Granny, I know her very well; she asked after you. She is very fondof talking of old times.”

“Why, my master, Phœbe could tell you all about it – Phew,” with a sortof half whistle, expressing at once her admiration of the past, and contemptof the present times – “there is nothing like it now days. Yes, Phœbe knowwhat grand doings took place when the Governor drive down from the



palace to the capitol in his coach and six, and the soldiers march up anddown with their scarlet coats, the drums a beating and colours flying: Andthen such show and parade at the palace. It was in the time of the great LordBotetourt, whose image they afterwards had all cut out of marble. And myold master, my mistress’s grandfather, was such a grand gentleman, with hisgreat rich chariot and outriders, and his gold laced waistcoat that reachdown to his knees – not such little, pinched up things, as you all wear nowa days, child; and the ladies with their stomachers and long laced cuffs, andtheir hoops, and their toupees, and curls, and silks, and brocades – they areall gone. Bristol beer and London porter, were as common then as whiskeyis now; and all the gentlemen had their waiting-men in such fine liveries – myold master’s was orange and green; and all wore the finest and the best, andall brought in from England every year of their lives. These old eyes havelived to see great changes, master Edward.”

“What is your age, old woman?” said Gildon. “I am eighty-four the tenthday of next October, please God I live so long. My old master of all putdown my age, and gave me to his eldest daughter, that is, miss Betsey’smother. I remember when General Braddock march out of Williamsburg,with his soldiers and riflemen, and cannon and all. I was there waiting on myyoung mistress, and had done had my last child. There was a mighty fussthen about the French and the Indians; and they took up a Frenchman thatwent about dressing hair, and put him in jail; and old lawyer Randall spokefor him, and got him clear; and the Governor was so mad he would notspeak to lawyer Randall. My old master then, your mamma’s grandfatherAllen, had a great tract of land here that he bought of the Indians; and I haveheard my young master, that is your grandfather Harrison, say, that the firstquarter he settled here was where Major Fawkner now lives, and which heafterwards sell to the Dutch people; and the father of old Steener come in asa waiting man; and that after he had served out his time, he turned in, andwas a mighty sober, hardworking, careful man – bought him a little piece ofland, and went on saving while my old master went on spending, until hebought them very Elms – and now they are as great as any body. But I tellMilly they an’t quality after all.”

“I thought, Granny, the Fawkners, were people of great consequence inold times,” said Edward.

“And so they were: Old Councillor Fawkner was one of the grandestpeople on James River. I know folks talked mightily when his son marriedthe old Dutch grazier’s daughter; and they allowed that the old Colonelwould never have give his consent if he had not run through his estate. Butfor my part, I think they are all upstarts now a-days. There is only a few ofthe old families left, and they can just keep their heads above water.”

Edward, to whom this topic was an unpleasant one, by way of changingit said, “Bless me, Granny, what a fine cap you have.”



“Ah, Major Fawkner’s daughter, that went to school with our littleLouisa, and is so fond of her, sent it to me. She is a sweet young lady. Sheand my young mistress used to come and sit here by the hour, helping oldGranny to wind breaches; and sometimes,” added the old dame, with achuckling laugh, “doing Milly’s task for her. Milly was always mighty gladto see them here.”

Edward felt not a little gratified at her reply, as this act of Matilda’s con-siderate kindness not only evinced a feeling heart, but his self-complacencytold him, that possibly it had been partly on his account; as the old womanhad been his nurse, and he was known to be much attached to her.

“She is very beautiful then, is she?” said Gildon.“O yes, master, she is mighty good – pretty enough too; but not so pretty

as my Louisa.”Edward smiled and said, “Well, Granny, if they won’t bring you wood, or

these young chaps refuse to wait upon you, let me know. Now we mustleave you – good bye to you.”

“Heaven bless my young master,” said the old dame. – “Good bye,master,” to Gildon. – “He puts me so much in mind of his grandfather,Colonel Harrison;” – said she in a sort of soliloquy, after they had gone.

Having left the cabin, they proceeded on their walk towards the field.Edward told Gildon, that the old woman being naturally an admirer of pasttimes, dwelt with peculiar fondness upon those circumstances of show andexpense which had most excited her youthful imagination – and that she stillretained all the reverence for every thing English, which was prevalent inthose times; and consequently, her predilections for rank and officialdignity, had given her a distaste to the equality which now prevails, and tothose persons who had newly made their fortunes – upstarts as she calledthem: In short, she is what is now termed a rank aristocrat; but one maytolerate in her, ignorant and uneducated as she is, prejudices to whichM’Culloch ought to be superior.

Having diverted themselves with the old woman’s aristocratic pride, andviewed the crop of Indian corn then tasseling and displaying all the luxu-riance that heat, moisture, and a fertile soil could bestow, they returned tothe drawing room a little before candles were lighted; when the firefly is firstseen to emit its bright but transient flash, like stars shooting across thefirmament, and the whippoorwill commences his monotonous butexpressive moan.

[LOUISA VISITS GRANNY MOLL]

Louisa then took a walk down to see Granny Moll, as she usually did afterreturning from a visit, and patiently answered the old woman’s minuteinquiries about those subjects that had chiefly occupied her mind – the



different dishes at the dinner-table – the servants who waited – and the styleand character of the whole establishment at the Elms.

“Ah, the lord bless, you my young mistress,” said the old woman, “howtimes are changed! I can remember when old Steener, Mr. Fawkner’s father,was overseer to your grandpa – my old master – and now they are at the topof the pot – and Phill tells me that Mrs. Fawkner is not willing for MasterEdward to marry her daughter, and that he an’t rich enough. But I tell Phillif he hadn’t a rag to his back he would be a match for are a young lady inFrederick. Alack-a-daisy! I never expected to live to see the day when one ofold Fritz Steener’s grand-children would be thought too good for any of mymaster’s family. But honey, I suppose little Randal, that is Chloe’s son, wasone of the waiters. They tell me they have taken him in the house since he’sgrown up, and he’s now head waiter.”

“He is so,” said Louisa.“Well, my old master give that Chloe’s mother and another girl named

Patty, for a pair of horses. I remember it as well as if it was yesterday – andhoney, the horses were puffed up, and made very sleek and fat, and in twomonths time they baulked and got good for nothing, and old master let Ben,Sal’s father, have them for his wagon; and Major Fawkner owns now morethan thirty negroes from these girls. Phill and I counted up twenty t’otherday, and we could not count half of them, for there is a good many at theupper quarter.”

“Well, but granny, how does Rachel behave to you now; does she waitupon you, and bring you wood?”

“Ah, Miss Louisa, after you talk so to Rachel, and shame her so, she didlittle better for two or three days. But she soon get in her old way again. Lastweek my Dick brought me four roasting ears out of his patch, the first I’dseen this year, and if you’ll believe me, Rachel eat three of them. She’s amonstrous greedy girl. Ah, Miss Louisa, young folks will go their way. Buttell me, my young mistress, is it true that this young gentleman that MasterEdward brought home with him is a courting you?”

“La, granny, who could have told you that?”“Rachel, honey, told me so t’other day, and I thought as much before. But

Phill says his father that is away to the north, an’t willing for him to have myyoung mistress. God bless the folks! What has come to them? I rememberthe time when the grandest and richest young gentlemen in the land wouldhave been proud to have married into my old master’s family. Now moneymakes the mare go, as the saying is. But is it true that he is courting myyoung mistress?” and without waiting for an answer she proceeded: “well, Imust say he’s a mighty clever gentleman. He comes down here with MasterEdward, and sits with the old woman by the hour, and asks me about oldtimes when I lived in Williamsburg, in Lord Botetourt’s time; and he alwaysremembers the old woman. I didn’t use to like the yankees, though they say



they act like what they was in old times, when they used to come up YorkRiver in their little vessels, with their onions, and potatoes, and woodendishes. But is he courting you, child?”

“You musn’t believe all you hear granny. I don’t mean to marry.”“Ah, Miss Louisa, I know better than that; you can’t cheat the old woman

so, and I’m thinking you have got the man in your eye already. – Primus sayshe’s more of a gentleman to servants than the little man from Carolina, forall he makes such a show.”

Louisa listened with pleasure to these praises of her lover, as every womandoes, however humble the quarter, or doubtful the motive from which thecommendations proceed, and thought that his kindness to the old womanmanifested a very amiable disposition. She was disposed to continue theconversation in the same channel, without seeming to wish it, and added, “Isuppose when this gentleman – but he’s not a yankee, granny, he’s a New-Yorker – asks you about old times, you tell him what fine doings you usedto have in those days: of the coach and six, and green and orange liveries,and so forth.”

“Ah, let the old woman alone for that. I told him my old master andfamily were the grandest people in the land, and would be so if they had anacre of low grounds, or a negro to work.”

“And what said he to that?” trying to disguise the interest she took in anaffected carelessness.

“Oh, he laughed mightily, and said, ‘I think so too granny.’ He sets a heapof store by you all, you may depend upon it.”

In such chit-chat Louisa passed a full hour, after which she was observedto be more particular in catechising Rachel about neglecting the old woman,and not content with giving directions, she herself often went to see that theywere obeyed.

[EDWARD VISITS EASTON PLANTATION]

After staying some eight or ten days in the metropolis [of Richmond], heset off for Easton, the place of his nativity in Charles City. If he had nevervisited this spot in the height of his prosperity, without a feeling of melan-choly, which an appearance of decay and desertion always inspires, howmust it be now that it was about to pass into strange hands! Formerly, thesadness he felt arose from the vague impression of the uncertainty and insta-bility of all human possessions; but now, the sight of this venerable seat ofhis ancestors reminded him of the fall of his family from their formeropulence and consequence to the most absolute poverty; and the tender andnot unpleasing melancholy he had formerly experienced, was exchanged fora bitterness of feeling, and soreness of the heart, which had nothing in it con-solatory or agreeable.



The house was a large one for the time and country in which it waserected. It consisted of a quadrangular building in the centre, and two wings,to each of which the different offices were attached, so as that the wholeextended to a great length. It stood within two hundred yards of the river, tothe banks of which, the ground, well coated with turf, had a gradual andregular slope. On one side of the house, was an extensive garden, runningparallel to the river. A wide plain, stretching to a great distance back of themansion, was divided into large fields, which were every year shifted fromIndian corn or wheat, to extensive pastures covered with horses and cattle.But on the other side, a tongue of woodland ran within a quarter of a mileof the house, and furnished it with fuel. Near this point, and a little behindit, “the Quarter,” as it was called, was situated, on which the huts of thenegroes were arranged nearly in a line, to each of which was attached a littlegarden. In front of the house, covering the way, were two rows of catalpas,and behind, several very large oaks, some of them in a state of decay fromage, gave a venerable air to the building. The house was of brick, and hadsuffered from the natural injuries of time before Col. Grayson came to thepossession of it. He had, however, as long as he lived in it, kept it in tolerablerepair. Since he had removed to Frederick, he had by degrees suffered it tobe neglected, and it was now in a state of evident dilapidation. Most of thewindows wanted some panes of glass, and in a few, the sashes themselveswere broken out. Several of the outer doors had rotted at the bottoms, ashad also the threshold and window sills. Moss had grown about the steps,and the stones of which they were made, had either sunk in, or, by thegradual action of frost and vegetation, had been moved from their originalplaces, and afforded between their interstices nourishment for the plantain,the dock, and dandelion, and underneath them, an asylum for lizards, frogs,and toads.

An old man, who had long since been past labour, but whose tried fidelityrecommended him for such a duty, had the charge of airing the house, andkeeping it in order for the reception of such of the family as occasionallyvisited it. One wing had been for some time occupied by the overseer, ormanager, a smooth, plausible, voluble man, who had got the blind side ofCol. Grayson in his lifetime, and had maintained himself in the goodopinion of the family ever since. Old Bristol, or Bristow, as he wascommonly called, was engaged in cobbling his shoes, with the aid of a pairof spectacles, in the kitchen door, when Primus, opening the gate, called out,“Uncle Bristow, Master Edward is come.”

The old man laid down the implements of his industry, and came totteringwith age to welcome his young master.

“How goes it, uncle Bristow,” said Edward, offering his hand, with amore mournful feeling than he had ever before greeted the old man – “andhow are you all?”



“Oh, master, I am up and about, thank God! Aggy has been complainingof pains in her bones. There is several of the people at the Quarter that haveagues.”

“And where is Mr. Cutchins?”“He is gone to Petersburg to engage the wheat.”“How are the crops?”“I heard the overseer say the wheat would not turn out well. We had a wet

harvest, and the weevil got in it before he found time to tread it out. I toldhim it was always our rule, in Mr. Ward’s time, to get out our wheat beforethe full moon in August. Most of the corn is mighty bad, but it is pretty goodon the river.”

Thus the faithful old servant went on detailing all the particulars relativeto the estate, as far as he remembered, and had been able to procure infor-mation from the younger and more active part of the slaves. A smart livelyboy now came in, and bowing to Edward, said, “Mistress bid me ask, sir, ifyou have dined.”

“I have not,” said he. “What boy is that, uncle Bristow?”“That’s a boy Mr. Cutchins bought this summer.”“I wonder Cutchins lays out all his gains in purchasing negroes, and does

not buy land.”Bristow smiled. “I believe Mr. Cutchins’ got money enough to buy land

and niggers too.”“How can that be?” said Edward.“Oh, master, Mr. Cutchins’ a mighty money making man. He rents a little

plantation of old Col. Cocke, he make fine crops, and sell wheat and corn;and he make good crops whether we do or not.”

“Ah, uncle Bristow, I see you have still your old suspicions. I am afraidMr. Cutchins and you are on no better terms than formerly.”

“No, master – Mr. Cutchins use me very well, absept that he take Aggy’scow when she had a calf, and give a good chance of milk, and give Aggyanother. Absepting this, Mr. Cutchins use me very well; but I don’t think itright for overseers to make so much money out of their employer. He’s gonenow to Petersburg to sell wheat, and Dick says he means to have it groundinto flour.”

“Well, if he does,” said Edward, “I have no doubt he will render a justaccount of it. I believe him to be very honest, as well as fit for business; butwe shall not long have occasion for his services, Bristow.”

“Well, thank God for that, master,” said Bristow.“I mean,” said Edward, “there is every reason to believe, that the debts

which have come against my father’s estate, will make it necessary that theplantation should be broken up, and every thing sold.”

“What! Niggers and all?” said Bristow, with an accent of alarm.“I fear so,” said Edward.



The old man shook his head. “I was afraid it would come to this. I toldAggy I was sure from the way things were carried on here, that every thingwould be sold. And what is to become of my poor mistress?”

“My mother is reconciled to the change. I am in hopes there will beenough left to make her comfortable,” endeavouring to cheat himself as wellas this faithful domestic.

“And will the people be sold at public sale?”“No, uncle Bristow, I will never consent to that. They shall be sold with

the land to some good man, so that their situation will be no worse than ithas been.”

“Well, thank God for that. But did ever I think to see the day when thisplace was to go from the Graysons?”

Edward, whose family pride, and attachment to the residence of hisancestors, were sufficiently excited before, heard these lamentations of thisaffectionate slave, who had grown gray in their service, with great pain;when the little mulatto again made his appearance, and told Edward thatdinner was ready.

Mrs. Cutchins received him very kindly, and he found her greatlyimproved in dress and appearance since he saw her the year before, andseveral new articles of furniture indicated a correspondent change in theircondition. He sat down to a broiled chicken and fried ham, with severaldishes of vegetables – the whole served up in the same style of neatness, forwhich Mrs. Cutchins had ever been remarked and praised, but in one ofgreater expense. She gave him a melancholy detail of the sickness of thenegroes, and the various mishaps of the crops of wheat and corn – the deathof horses, and cattle, and hogs; adding, that her husband had gone to makesale of the wheat, but it was so injured, he feared it would not turn outmuch. ...

Edward then rode over the land, and visited the negro quarters. He foundthem more uncomfortable in clothing, and in their little dwellings, than hehad ever before seen them. Several were sick with agues; these were badlynursed, and ill supplied with medicines, and their little articles of diet, whichare of still more importance in slight diseases. Throughout the whole bodyof them, an air of sadness, and sometimes of sullen discontent, manifesteditself in their behaviour towards him; for the news that they were to be sold,had flown like wild fire, as soon as Bristol had told Aggy, and Aggy had toldall she met with. “So you are going to sell us, my young master – and we areall to be sold,” said first one and then another; while some were too proudto give utterance to their complaints. Edward endeavoured to soften theunwelcome intelligence, by telling them of his resolution, not to separatethem, for which act of kindness some warmly thanked him, while otherslooked incredulous. He found the crop of Indian corn a very small one, theblame of which, both Bristow and several others threw on the overseer,



though, to say the truth, the chief cause was in the unusual drought they hadexperienced in July and August. He found the horses to be greatly dimin-ished in number, and deteriorated in value; all of which disasters, Cutchinsaccounted for in the most prompt and satisfactory manner.

Edward rode back, still more dissatisfied with the manager than before.

[SLAVES AT BEACHWOOD LEARN OF THEIR SALE]

[Mrs. Grayson] had been taking her favourite evening walk to the grave-yard; and about ten minutes afterwards, just as candles were lighted, arrivedMr. Trueheart and his companion. She met him with the same sweet serenityas ever – indeed, he thought there was even more cheerfulness in her mannerthan he had seen since her husband’s death.

He then introduced Mr. Stokes, from Georgia. Mrs. Grayson ratherwondered at the appearance of a stranger at such a time; but had no doubtthat her friend could give some good reason for it. He, however, soon put anend to her conjectures, by informing her that Mr. Stokes, hearing of theapproaching sale, and wishing to purchase slaves under a good character,had made him an offer, and they had actually been in treaty for the purchaseof the greater part of them. Mrs. Grayson felt very much relieved by thisinformation; for the pain of separating from the servants, to whom she hadbeen accustomed from her infancy, would be greatly softened, if she couldbe sure they would be sold to a good master, and all, or nearly all, to thesame person. ...

It was soon whispered by the house servants, who had overheard a part ofthe conversation, to those in the kitchen, who reported it to those at thequarter, that there was a gentleman at the “great house,” who meant to buythem all, and carry them to Georgia – some said to make cotton, but GrannyMoll said to make indigo; and to those who had most dreaded a separationfrom one another, the news afforded matter of congratulation; but to others,to be sent out of Virginia, where they experienced the abundance thatprevails on a grain farm, to a country, where provisions, not being raised onthe plantation, were less liberally supplied, appeared more like a punishmentthan an accommodation, and among these was the old grandam, who hasbeen so often mentioned.

In common with the other servants, she had arrayed herself in some of herbest attire. A clean white cap, bound with a half worn black riband, coveredher grisly locks; and a wrapper of white homespun, nicely starched andironed, connected with her wrinkled features and wan complexion, gave hera funereal appearance. She hobbled up to the house, and going to hermistress’s chamber, there stood leaning on a stick, and shaking and pantingwith fatigue from the unusual exertion. Bella was told to hand her a cricketto sit down upon, when she said, “I thought I would come up to see my



mistress in her troubles, though the old woman can’t lend a hand to anything now. My Rachel tells me that you are a going to sell the people to arich man from Georgia, to make indigo. But let me beg and pray my dearmistress, not to sell my Peggy and her children there. They live so hard, asthey tell me, in making indigo. I remember my husband went with his youngmaster to the Charleston races, and he told us that the black people workedup to their necks in water – that they have little or no bacon, and now andthen a salt herring, and that the overseers are mighty strict. Do pray, mymistress, let that man keep his money, and sell them, as they must be sold,(for I’m sure you’d keep them if you could,) to your own country people. Letthem make corn – let them make wheat – let them make tobacco – though,for the matter of that, they havn’t much rest on a tobacco plantation – butdon’t send them away, where we never shall hear of them. Don’t send myPeggy.”

Mrs. Grayson had much difficulty in persuading the old woman that herfears were groundless. That in the part of Georgia in which Mr. Stokes lived,they made no indigo, and provisions of all kinds were as plentiful and cheapas in Virginia. That peaches, watermelons, and sweet potatoes, all favouriteswith the negroes, were better, and more abundant than in Virginia. The oldwoman was greatly comforted by this representation of her mistress, inwhose accuracy she had implicit confidence. She, however, still repeated,“but, mistress, let Peggy stay; sell her to somebody that lives in oldVirginia.”

“Well,” said Mrs. Grayson, “it shall be as Peggy pleases.”The fact was, that the old woman had several other children, but as Peggy

was the youngest, and had continued longer with her before she took toherself a husband, her heart yearned more strongly to her than the rest, con-tenting herself that they would be well provided for if they were purchasedby the gentleman from Georgia. Mrs. Grayson then asked the old woman ifshe would choose to remain where she was, or would go to live with hernear the Opeccan – as if she would rather continue on the spot to which shehad been accustomed, Mr. Trueheart would stipulate for it in her behalfwith the purchaser, as well as for her maintenance.

“Oh! no, my mistress,” said the old woman, “I must go with you. To besure I love this cabin; I have a fine little garden; I have drank water out of thePoplar spring there these thirty years, but I must live and die with my oldmaster’s child” – wiping her eyes. “They tell me it’s a wild sort of a placeupon the ’Peccan; but what should I do for my coffee? and who is to nursethe old woman when she’s sick? and who’s to bring her wood? and howshould I do without my Louisa? God bless my child! She looks mighty thin.When did you hear from her?”

“She was tolerably well yesterday, granny. I expect her home to-morrow.”



“Yes, I must keep with you, my mistress, while I live, and the old womanwon’t trouble you long.”

Her mistress’s susceptible heart was greatly affected at this instance ofattachment, though the old woman did not disguise that her own personalcomforts had some weight in inducing her choice. Mrs. Grayson then badeBella go out, and tell all the women to come to her. The order was promptlyobeyed, and the sorrowful looks they exhibited, contrasted strongly with theneatness, and even gayety, with which some of them were attired. Sheinformed them of Mr. Trueheart’s plan of disposing of them to Mr. Stokes,for the sake of keeping them together – communicated what she had heardof his character as a good master, and advised them to make no objection tothe sale, assuring them that although it would be an advantageous one forthe estate, it should not be made if it were against their wishes. She thenconsulted them one by one; the greater part, on the faith of her recommen-dation, were willing to live with Mr. Stokes. One said she would rather haveremained in the country in which she was raised, and continue at the sort ofwork she was accustomed to; yet, as it might be of advantage to her, whohad been a kind mistress, and had saved her life with her last child, shewould rather be sold than not. Three or four, however, persisted in saying,that they would rather remain in Virginia, either because they had someexpectation of being purchased by particular persons who owned theirhusbands or sweethearts, or because of the undefined fears which they hadof a country they had never seen, and which their mistress’s representationswere not able to remove.

Having written down the names of those who preferred staying behind,and taking the chance of a good master in Virginia, rather than the certaintyof a good one in Georgia, she opened a wardrobe, from which she took alarge collection of her old clothes, most of them not past wearing, but nolonger suiting the sombre dress she had prescribed to herself the rest of herlife, and distributed them among the crowd, – rather regarding the size oftheir families, than their several merits, in this last act of her bounty. Theyreceived the presents with a curtesy, and a “thank you, madam,” or “Godbless my dear mistress,” or “we shall never get such another,” or with asimple curtesy, and a silent tear, as gratitude or affection, or that flatterywhich servitude naturally engenders, happened to prevail. One or two mighthave been observed, in which there was rather more of discontent, that theirpresents were inferior to those of some of the others, than of gratitude for,what they had received. There was, however, not enough of these unamiablecharacters to affect the beauty of the moral picture of genuine benevolence,active under the severest pressure of misfortune on the one part, andgratitude and affection taking the place of servile obedience on the other.Caps, handkerchiefs, remnants of muslin, cambric and silk, ribands, dresses,stockings, curtains, and counterpanes, were borne off in triumph; and the



women, in their wrappers and short petticoats, without shoes or stockings,(except those who belonged to the house,) for a while forgot that they weresoon to change their homes, their habits, their associates, and many of themto be exiled even from their country.

Before this distribution was entirely over, a few persons had arrived, andin a little while, the crowd gathered thicker and faster, until the lower roomsof the house, and the yard, were quite filled. The lane, formed by two highfences leading from the road to the house, was lined with horses from oneend to the other. Among the company, were a few females, drawn therepartly by curiosity, and partly by a wish to purchase some articles offurniture, that had been admired and talked of by their plain neighbours, or,mayhap, because it had been the property of persons so much beloved andrespected.

About twelve, the auction began with selling the kitchen utensils, and thecoarse tools and implements of husbandry; from thence they proceeded tothe household furniture.

[SLAVES AUCTIONED]

About three o’clock, notice was given, that the residue of the furniture,stock, &c. would be sold on the following day, and they proceeded to makesale of the slaves.

A pine table, about four or five feet square, was brought out of thekitchen, and placed on the lawn before the south door, on which thesepeople were made to ascend, one by one, unless there was a family, in whichcase they all stood on the ground. One not accustomed to this spectacle, isextremely shocked to see beings, of the same species with himself, set up forsale to the highest bidder, like horses or cattle; and even to those who havebeen accustomed to it, it is disagreeable, from their sympathy with thehumbled and anxious slave. The weight of his fetters, the negro, who hasbeen born and bred on a well regulated estate, hardly feels. His simple wantsare abundantly supplied, and whatever of coercion there is on his will, it isso moderate and reasonable in itself, and, above all, be has been so habit-uated to it, that it appears to be all right, or rather, he does not feel it to bewrong. He is, in fact, a member of a sort of patriarchal family. But whenhoisted up to public sale, where every man has a right to purchase him, andhe may be the property of one whom he never saw before, or of the worstman in the community, then the defusion vanishes, and he feels the bit-terness of his lot, and his utter insignificance as a member of civilized society.

The countenances of the dullest and most plilegmatic of them, showedsome emotion when thus exposed – mostly of anxiety about the personswho should purchase them, and sometimes mortification at answering theinquiries made by the bidders, about their health, their age, ability, and will-



ingness to work. Some of the women, who had chosen in the morning to runthe risk of being sold to some person in Virginia, when the risk they wereabout to run was thus brought fully before them, would willingly haverecalled their words; and one wept loudly while the auctioneer was, in theway of his trade, crying out, “three hundred dollars – will nobody give morefor this likely wench?” Her extreme distress induced an inquiry on the partof Mr. Trueheart, and, after much sobbing, she admitted that she had justmarried, or as good as married, a young man, the servant of Mr. M’Culloch.As soon as the old man heard of it, he declared the hussey and his man Jacobmust not be separated, though Jacob was an idle chap enough; and heforthwith made a bid, though he knew that the bond he should give, wouldprobably get into Hatchetes hands, and that he would be sued on it imme-diately. But Trueheart, thinking that his friend would be better off, under hispresent circumstances, by disposing of a part of his slaves, than by pur-chasing more, suggested another plan of accommodating all parties. Thiswas, to sell both Jacob and Molly to Mr. Stokes, and thus the girl could gowith the rest of her family, and the lovers be gratified; and M’Culloch berelieved from an old debt, as well as an unprofitable servant, instead ofadding to his difficulties – to which arrangement he finally consented,provided Jacob would agree to it.

On one occasion, a likely mulatto girl, about eighteen years of age, whosehusband was owned in the neighbourhood, was about to be sold; and asslaves of this description often command very high prices, when they happento suit the tastes of some of the libertines of the French or Spanish settle-ments, or even as house servants or ladies’ maids, they are eagerly soughtafter by the negro traders. Those who were present, readily sought to availthemselves of this object of speculation; and soon going beyond the limit,which the prudent farmer, who owned her husband, had prescribed tohimself, he had stopt, and they continued to bid against one another.

The girl looked extremely alarmed, when she saw she was bid for by menwhom she did not know: and one of them, who was very well dressed, anda likely man, having asked her if she would be willing to go with him, shesuddenly, and rather petulantly, said, “No!” The auctioneer, who had direc-tions to dwell awhile, whenever a slave was about to be sold to a master theydid not like, immediately sent for Mr. Trueheart; and he, finding howmatters stood, authorized a bystander to make the purchase for him. Thetrader, piqued at what he called the girl’s impudence, which he felt the meandesire of punishing, in order to gratify his humour, and to make some littledisplay of his cash, had bid for the girl forty or fifty dollars more than shewas worth; but having time to cool, (as the sale now proceeded slowly,) andfearing to make himself a laughing stock with his companions, by the pricehe should be made to pay, he ceased bidding, and the girl was put down toMr. Trueheart.



“There’s a piece of extravagance for you,” said Hatchett, to one standingnear him; “here’s a woman whose husband died insolvent, or nearly so, andhis widow can afford to buy a field girl for four hundred and twenty dollars.I hope they’ll not talk of compounding after that.”

“The old lawyer has taken a fancy to that mulatto girl; I wonder if he’smarried,” said one of the negro buyers.

“You’d better mind how you talk, young man,” said the farmer, in illhumour, both with the negro buyer and with himself, “about respectablepeople in a strange place. That may be the practice where you came from;but the girl would have had a husband of her own colour, if something ofthat sort had not been running in your own head.”

The sturdy appearance and angry looks of the farmer, and the laughraised at the expense of the trader, made him check his anger. In a fewminutes, True heart, who was engaged in separating those negroes whichwere to be sold at auction, from those who were to be retained by Mrs.Grayson, or purchased privately by Mr. Stokes, returned, in a short time,and taking the farmer by the arm,

“Hark ye, neighbour Wilkinson,” said he, “I will either sell you this boy,or buy his wife. The price is high, to be sure; but I will wait with you atwelvemonth for the money.”

The farmer, who had reproached himself for flinching from such a con-temptible fellow as he now thought his competitor to be, and who knew thatthe girl would not be dear, at the ordinary difference between cash andcredit, consented to the offer; and the pretty mulatto, who was delightedthat she was to remain in the county, was still further pleased to find that shewould hereafter be with Anthony always, instead of seeing him only once aweek, as had been the indulgence allowed him hitherto.

The next that mounted the table, was a tall, athletic man, between fortyand fifty, by the name of Absalom. He had a look of firmness, and of whatsome might consider sullenness, and others, dejection. The auctioneerlooked at his list, and asking his name, read aloud, “Absalom, and his wifeJudy. Where is your wife?”

“She’s going to Georgia,” said he.“That must be a mistake,” said the other.Mr. Trueheart was sent for; and Absalom was asked how it happened that

he chose to be sold, when his wife had preferred going to Georgia. He madeno answer at first; but, on the question being repeated, he said that Judy andhe had parted. Upon Trueheart’s suggesting that they might be reconciledagain, he said it was impossible, – on which he was sold, and purchased byMr. Trueheart. It seemed, on further investigation, that he had detected hiswife, with whom he had lived for about fifteen years, in an infidelity withlittle Tom, and had repudiated her, though it had cost him a great struggle;and after some interference on the part of their friends, and great contrition



on the part of his spouse, and promises of future amendment, they were rec-onciled, and he was sold to Mr. Stokes.

Although there was no separation of husbands from wives, or mothersfrom young children, yet, in some instances, those who were going toGeorgia, were very near relations to many of those who remained behind –the first, choosing to separate from their friends, rather than encounteruncertain risks.

As Mr. Stokes had an agent there ready to take charge of them, and hadalready provided the means of transportation, they were required to preparefor starting immediately; while many of those who were purchased by theneighbours, were told to go to their new homes that evening, and that theirlittle articles of furniture and stock could be sent for afterwards. In suchcases they took an affectionate leave of their friends and fellow servants,with whom they had been born and bred, and from whom they were aboutto be separated for ever. The solemn shake of their hard hands, and “Goodbye, Dick,” “God bless you, Sal,” “Farewell, Aunt Nelly,” “Cousin Charles,God bless you,” were very affecting. Their simple hearts are very susceptibleof warm attachment; and many of them on this occasion, especially whenthey went to take leave of their mistress, as they still called Mrs. Grayson,could not refrain from tears, accompanied with some such benediction asthis: “Heaven bless my kind mistress wherever she goes, and send her goodluck!” and “Remember me to Miss Louisa.”

Many of those who were going to Georgia, made presents to those whostayed behind, especially of such articles as they had not been able to sell.They were all dressed in the coarse white cloth called napt cottons, at oncecheap, warm and strong, and thick stout shoes, which had been made on theestate by some two or three of the number.

Bella came frisking among them, with an air of conscious superiority,crying out, “mistress says you must all go to the store-room for some sugar,and bring your bottles for molasses.”

“God bless my mistress – we never shall get such another!” ejaculated twoor three.

“And, Effy, mistress sends you this flannel for Mary Ellen, and says youmust be sure to give it the drops every night and morning.”

Eight slaves were selected for Mrs. Grayson, four house servants, and fourfor the field, besides Granny Moll. There were several superannuated,whom Mr. Trueheart concluded to attach to the estate, when it should besold the next day, as they would be an inconsiderable incumbrance on itsvalue; and it would be far better for them to remain where they had beenaccustomed to live, than to go off, even for the purpose of being better used.

After the sale of the negroes was over, the carriage and horses werebrought up.


270

22PROGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES IN

POPULATION AND WEALTH (1843)

George Tucker, Progress of the United States in population and wealth forfifty years, as exhibited by the decennial census. [New York: s.n.], 1843,211 p.

Tucker writes in his “Autobiography” that he undertook an analysis of the1840 sixth census “partly from its showing the unprecedented progress ofthe United States, and partly, no doubt, from its gratifying my strongpropensity to enumeration.” Portions of it appeared in 1842 and 1843 inHunt’s Merchants Magazine and Commercial Review, and paying printingcosts himself, as a book in 1843. Chapter 13 of the work, titled “The FutureProgress of Slavery” contains Tucker’s most detailed defence of his laterview regarding slavery that it will die out naturally once populationincreases, labour prices drop, and slave ownership becomes more costlythan beneficial. The following is the complete chapter as appears in the 1855edition of the work.

CHAPTER XIII.THE FUTURE PROGRESS OF SLAVERY.

So far as can now be seen, the progress of the slave population in theUnited States is likely to undergo but little change for several decennialterms, and to be no more affected by schemes of emancipation or colo-nization, or even by individual cases of manumission, than it has been.

This is not the place for assailing or defending slavery; but it may be con-fidently asserted, that the efforts of abolitionists have hitherto made thepeople in the slaveholding States cling to it more tenaciously. Those effortsare viewed by them as an intermeddling in their domestic concerns that isequally unwarranted by the comity due to sister States, and to the solemnpledges of the federal compact. In the general indignation which is thusexcited, the arguments in favour of negro emancipation, once open andurgent, have been completely silenced, and its advocates among the slave-


Progress of the United States in Population and Wealth 271

holders, who have not changed their sentiments, find it prudent to concealthem. Philosophy no longer ventures to teach that this institution is yet moreinjurious to the master than the slave; religion has ceased to refuse it hersanction; and even the love of liberty, which once pleaded for emancipation,is now enlisted against it. Statesmen and scholars have tasked their ingenuityto show that slavery is not only legitimate and moral, but expedient andwise. The scheme of Las Casas, which, to relieve Indians from theprospective yoke of bondage, actually placed it on the necks of Africans, isno longer deemed a paralogism in morals, and the slavery of a part of thecommunity is gravely maintained to be essential to a high State of civilfreedom in the rest.

Such have been the fruits of the zeal of northern abolitionists in thoseStates in which slavery prevails; and the fable of the Wind and the Sun nevermore forcibly illustrated the difference between gentle and violent means ininfluencing men’s wills. Nor is the effect a temporary one. All the prejudicesof education and habit in favour of slavery, have struck their roots thedeeper for the rudeness with which they have been assailed. The slavehimself, too, has suffered by the change. The progressive amelioration of hiscondition has been arrested; and in the precautions which the schemes ofabolitionists (whose numbers have been as much overrated by the slave-owners as their power has been by themselves,) have suggested, hiscondition has, in some instances, become positively worse. Even where thishas not been the case the “bliss of ignorance” has been converted by hismisguided friends into a sullen and hopeless discontent. The irritatingconflicts and recriminations to which the subject has given occasion betweendifferent parts of the Union, have afforded new means of gaining popularfavour, which crafty politicians on both sides have gladly seized; and the dis-sensions thus inflamed, induce those who look with evil eyes on the futurestrength and greatness of this republican confederacy, to indulge in vainhopes of its dissolution.

The causes of this strife of feeling and opinion are too deeply seated in thehuman heart not to be supposed to continue for the period that has beenmentioned; and, accordingly, the State of domestic slavery, and the progressof the slave population, will probably experience no material change forforty or fifty years, or even a yet longer term, in any of the slaveholdingStates, except Delaware, and perhaps Maryland.

But if we carry our views to a yet more distant future, we shall find causesat work whose effects on this institution neither the miscalculating sympa-thies of fanaticism or philanthropy, nor their re-action on the slave owners,can avert or long delay. The population of the slaveholding States, at itspresent rate of increase, and even at a reduced rate, will, in no long time,have reached that moderate degree of density which supposes all their mostproductive lands taken into cultivation. As soon as that point is reached, the



price of labour, compared with the means of subsistence, will begin to fall,according to the great law of human destiny, so ably developed by Malthus,and which is the inevitable result of man’s tendency to increase and multiply;of his dependence on the soil for his subsistence; and of the limited extent ofthat soil. Labour, then, as it increases in quantity, must exchange either for lessor for cheaper food; and such reduction is altogether independent of agradation of soils. It must take place if every rood of earth was of equal fertilitywith the American Bottom in Illinois, since every succeeding generation beingmore numerous than the preceding, the products of but a smaller portion ofthe earth’s surface can fall to the share of one individual. In this progressivedeclension of its value, labour will finally attain a price so low, that theearnings of a slave will not repay the cost of rearing him, when, of course, hismaster will consider him as a burdensome charge rather than a source ofprofit; and as the same decline in the value of labour once liberated the villeinsor slaves of western Europe, and will liberate the serfs of Russia, so must it putan end to slavery in the United States, should it be terminated in no other way.

This may be called the euthanasia of the institution, as it will be abolishedwith the consent of the master no less than the wishes of the slave; and theperiod of termination will be sooner reached because the labour of slaves, byreason of the inferiority in industry, economy, and skill, inseparable from theircondition, is less productive than that of freemen.

But this depression in the value of labour will reach the different States atdifferent periods of time, and it will advance more slowly as we proceed south.Yet the facility with which slaves can be transported from one State toanother, will countervail much of this difference; and slave labour, in the morenorthern of the slaveholding States, will not greatly decline in price so long asit is very profitable in the more southern. If Maryland, Virginia, and NorthCarolina were insulated from the rest, then, at no very distant day, slavelabour in those States, with its inherent disadvantages, would not more thandefray the cost of its maintenance; but so long as their slaves can be readilytransferred to other States, they will retain a value in every State proportionateand approaching to their value in other States. This would, moreover, be thecase, if the trade in slaves, now carried on, were interdicted, and their impor-tation were permitted only in those cases in which they migrate with thefamilies of proprietors, so many of whom are ever seeking to improve theircondition in the south and the west. We must, therefore, in our estimates ofthe future progress and duration of slavery, regard all the slaveholding Statesas one community for a considerable time to come; and expect that, if theinstitution remains undisturbed by State legislation, (for that of the UnitedStates is not only unwarranted by the constitution, but is inconsistent with acontinuance of the Union,) they will all approach to the same density of slavepopulation, except so far as it may be affected by diversities of soil and otherlocal circumstances.



The slaveholding States and territories had, in 1840, a population of7,534,431, on an area of 629,500 square miles; and their comparative density,both as to the whole number and the slave portion, may be seen in thefollowing

Table, showing the Density of Population in the Slaveholding States. States and Area – Whole Slaves. Number to Number toTerritories. miles. Population the Sq. Mile the Sq. MileDelaware 2,200 78,085 2,605 35.5 1.2Maryland 11,150 470,017 89,737 42.1 8. D.C. 100 43,712 4,694 43.7 4.7Virginia 66,620 1,239,797 448,987 18.6 6.7 N. Carolina 49,500 753,419 245,817 15.2 5. S. Carolina 31,750 594,398 327,038 18.7 10.Georgia 61,500 691,392 280,944 11.2 4.5 Florida 55,680 54,477 25,717 .9 .5Louisiana 49,300 352,411 168,452 7.1 3.4Alabama 52,900 590,756 253,532 11.2 4.8Mississippi 47,680 375,651 195,211 8.3 4.Arkansas 55,000 97,574 19,535 1.7 .3Tennessee 40,200 829,210 183,059 20.5 4.5Kentucky 40,500 779,828 182,258 19.2 4.5Missouri 65,500 383,702 58,240 5.8 .9 Total 629,580 7,334,431 2,486,226 11.6 4.1

The slaveholding States and Territories, then, taken together, have anaverage population of not quite twelve to the square mile, of which somewhatmore than one-third are slaves; and they, as well as the free portion, are veryunequally distributed over these States.

To ascertain when the population of those States will attain a density whichwill make slave labour unprofitable, let us inquire, first, into that precisedegree of density which reduces the price of labour to the cost of its mainte-nance; and secondly, into the future rate of increase of those States.

1. To answer our first inquiry, we have but scanty materials. In thosecountries of Europe in which slavery has been abolished, history seems to beentirely unacquainted with the motives of the abolition, and it is left only toconjecture to infer that it was because it was no longer gainful to the master.Supposing this fact established, we have no authentic data for determining thedensity of population, and still less for estimating the state of husbandry,which must be taken into the account; since a population of 50 to the squaremile in the 12th and 13th centuries, when slavery was abolished in England,might be equal to twice or thrice as many at the present day, by reason of theincreased productiveness of the soil. It is, however, clear, that slavery is still



profitable in Russia, and that it would be unprofitable in every part of westernEurope. As there, a large part even of the free labour can barely earn a subsis-tence, and a portion cannot always do that, it follows that slaves, whoselabour is inherently less profitable, could not earn enough for their support.We may, therefore, infer that a far less dense population than now exists in thewestern part of Europe would be inconsistent with slavery: and that the degreeof density which would render it productive of more profit than expense,would be some intermediate point between that of Russia and that of theother States of Europe. But the population of those States is about 110 to thesquare mile, whilst that of Russia is but 25; and though the degree of densitywhen slavery first ceases to be profitable is somewhere between the two, yet,between such wide extremes, we have no means of ascertaining that interme-diate point, or of even approximating to it. Nor could any rule, drawn fromcountries differing so widely in soil, climate, goodness of tillage, and mode ofliving, be of easy application to the United States.

But we may make a nearer approach to the truth if we confine our specula-tions to the abolition of slavery in England, though that part of her history isinvolved in no little darkness and contradiction. In the fourteenth century,when the emancipation of villeins had made considerable progress, the popu-lation in England and Wales was computed, from the returns of a poll-tax, tobe 2,350,000, which is 40 persons to the square mile. About the end of theseventeenth century (in 1690,) when no vestige of villeinage remained, fromthe number of houses returned under the hearth-tax, the population wasestimated at 5,318,100, which is 92 to the square mile. The medium point ofdensity is 66, which we may assume to be inconsistent with any profit fromdomestic slavery.

But in applying this fact to the slaveholding States, there are several pointsof diversity between them and England to be taken into consideration. 1. Thedifference of fertility. Though three of the slaveholding States, Kentucky,Tennessee, and Missouri, constituting less than one-fourth of the whole, arenaturally more fertile than England, and are capable of supporting a denserpopulation than she was at the period supposed, the other three-fourths areyet more inferior to England in fertility.

2. The standard of comfort for the labouring class is much higher here thanit is in England, so far as it concerns the consumption of animal food, in con-sequence of the peculiar circumstances of this country, where the husbandryand useful arts of a cultivated people are conjoined with the thin populationof a rude one. In every part of Europe, population and the arts have advancedat the same rate; and the ascertained slowness of the rate supposes straitenedmeans of subsistence in every stage of the progress. This is conclusivelyproved, as to England, by the fact that her population, which, in 1377, hadbeen 2,350,000, had increased in 1800, that is, in 423 years, only to8,872,980; since nothing but great difficulty in obtaining the means of subsis-



tence, and extreme discomfort with the great mass of the people, could haveretarded the period of duplication with our progenitors to upwards of twohundred years! Now, although the standard of comfort for the free laboureris not necessarily that for the slave, yet, in the same country and at the sametime, the last will approximate to the first – at least, that has hitherto been thecase in the United States, where animal food always constitutes a part of thedaily aliment of the slave.

3. The difference of husbandry. Agriculture is doubtless much less skilfuland productive in the United States than it is in England at the present day; butit is probably much more so than it was in that country at the period to whichwe refer. Of all, or nearly all, the improvements in husbandry, whether taughtby experience or science, our agriculturists readily avail themselves; and thechief difference between the two countries is, that the labour which thereneatly tills a small surface, here slovenly tills a large one.

Of these diversities, the effect of the last is to make the rate of density that isinconsistent with slavery greater here than it was in England, and that of thesecond is to make it smaller. Let us suppose that the two neutralize each other;and that the more liberal consumption of the slave in the United States is com-pensated by the superiority of their tillage to that which prevailed in Englandat the supposed era. If, then, we make a deduction from the assumed densityof 66 to the square mile, for the greater natural fertility of England, which wewill suppose to be greater than that of the slaveholding States by one-fourth,that is, as 100 to 75, then the density, which in those States will be foundinconsistent with profit from domestic slavery, will be reduced to about 50persons to the square mile.

Should this moderate degree of density be considered inadequate to theeffect here ascribed to it, it must be recollected that adult slave labour may stillbe profitable, though it may not be sufficiently so to defray the expense ofrearing it from infancy; and that the payment of this expense is assumed to bean indispensable condition to the continuance of the institution. In anycountry less populous than China, the labour of grown slaves would generallybe profitable; and the barbarous policy of making slaves of prisoners of warmay continue slavery in some countries, as it does in Africa, in which its profitscould not keep up its own stock. But in the United States, those who wouldappropriate to themselves the labour of the adult slave, must consent to incurthe previous charge of his childhood.

We must also bear in mind that the slaveholding States are almost exclu-sively agricultural, and, consequently, that their population is principallyrural. Not over one-thirtieth of their population, if we take away Baltimoreand New Orleans, live in towns, and with the inhabitants of those cities, notone-sixteenth part. In densely peopled countries, however, from one-half totwo-thirds live in cities and towns; thus showing that from a third to a half oftheir whole population is sufficient for their culture; of course, were the



density as much as 120 to the square mile, from 40 to 60 persons would be asmany as could be advantageously employed on the soil; and thus the value oflabour would decline as much and as fast in a country that was purely agri-cultural, as it would in another of twice its population that was alsomanufacturing. Should, then, agriculture continue to be the principal occu-pation of the slaveholding States, and they not betake themselves moreextensively to manufactures, the population, when it amounts to 50 personsto the square mile, will have reached that point when every addition to it willrapidly depreciate the value of labour. We may, therefore, reasonably inferthat, if its value in the slaveholding States should not have attained thesupposed point of depression when they have a population of 50 to the squaremile, they will attain it in no long time afterwards.

It affords some confirmation of these views, that when emancipation tookplace in New Jersey, which probably has the average fertility of the presentslaveholding States, the population was something less than 40 to the squaremile, and that, even then, the labour of slaves was thought not much to exceedthe cost of their subsistence; and that many judicious slave-owners inMaryland and eastern Virginia, where the population, exclusive of Baltimore,scarcely exceeds 35 to the square mile, believe that the labour of their slavesyields but a small net profit.

Supposing, then, a density of 50 persons to the square mile to be incom-patible with the longer continuance of slavery in the States now permitting it,their aggregate population would then amount to 31,479,000. When are theylikely to attain this number? Their past progress, from 1790 to 1840, has beenas follows:

1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. Total 1,961,372 2,621,316 3,489,904 4,502,235 5,848,303 7,334,431 population

Increase in each 33.7 32.8 29.3 30.2 25.4 decennial term, per cent

The whole increase in fifty years has been as 100 to 383.7. The rate ofincrease, it will be perceived, has declined in the four decennial terms between1800 and 1840, from 33.7 per cent to 25.4 per cent, showing a falling off inthat time of 8.3 per cent in the ratio of increase for ten years. But more thanhalf of this decline took place between 1830 and 1840, in consequence of theemigration to Texas, which was principally from the slaveholding States. Asmuch of that emigration was the consequence of an ardent desire to aid theTexians in their struggle for independence, as well as of the great and suddenreverse of prosperity experienced by some of those States, and as motivesequally strong are not likely to recur, we, perhaps, ought to regard thisunwonted reduction of increase as temporary, and to consider the previous



rate as affording the just rule for our estimates. Between 1800 and 1830, thefalling off in the decennial increase was only 31/2 per cent; but between 1800and 1810, it was augmented 3 per cent by the acquisition of Louisiana. Let us,then, take a medium course, and suppose a rate of diminution greater thanthat shown by the four first enumerations, but smaller than that shown by thelast. Let us suppose that, in the future progress of the slaveholding States, theincrease in each decennial term will be one-fifteenth part less than the increaseof the preceding term, and see when, from that increase, the population willattain a density of 50 to the square mile.

The rate of increase thus diminishing, will be 23.3 per cent in 1850; 21.7 percent in 1860; and so on, in a descending series, by which, in a little upwardsof eighty years, the population would reach the required density, and amountto 31,000,000. But inasmuch as the other States increase in a much greaterratio, as experience has shown, this circumstance is likely, after a time, toaccelerate the rate of increase in the slaveholding States. In fifty years, when,on the supposed rate of increase, the latter would not exceed 30 to the squaremile, many, perhaps most of the free States, will have attained a density ofupwards of 100 on the same area. The difference in the price of land whichthese different densities imply, cannot but induce an increase of emigrationfrom the free States to the slaveholding States. The swarms from the NewEngland hive prefer, at present, migrating to States where there are no slaves;but as soon as the northwestern States are settled throughout, and before theyare densely peopled, the cheaper lands of the slaveholding States will hold outinducements to the settler too strong to be resisted. These States, instead ofsending out emigrants, as at present, will then receive them; and thus the rateof their increase, instead of continuing in a descending ratio, will be a whilestationary, and then moderately increase. The effect of this change, dependingupon so many contingencies, it is impossible to calculate; but it might hastenthe period in question some twenty years or more.

The period, too, when slavery will be likely to expire of itself, will reach thedifferent States at different times. So long as the labour of slaves is very prof-itable in any of the States, their value, as we have seen, is enhanced in all theothers; but when that labour has greatly declined in value, as it will do whengreatly augmented, the influence of one State on another will have propor-tionally diminished, and not be sufficient to overcome other obstacles to theremoval of slaves. The diversities of the States, physical and moral, will thenhave an unchecked operation, and they are considerable. Some States andparts of States raise grain and cattle, which occupations require but littlelabour, and, of course, can support but few slaves; whilst others, cultivatingcotton, sugar, tobacco, and rice, which, requiring much labour and manipu-lation, cannot be grown without a much larger number. In the former, then,emancipation will be at once easier and sooner; and thus after Delaware, inwhich it will first, and in no long time take place, the States of Maryland,



Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri, may beexpected to abolish slavery some considerable time before slave labour hasceased to be profitable in the States south of them. The climate, too, may havethe effect of prolonging slavery in the last mentioned States, both because itindisposes men to field labour, and because it is less suited to the white thanthe negro temperament.

Such appears to be the result of general visible causes, whose operation isbeyond human controul. It may, however, be hastened or retarded by con-tingent events, the influence of which, as well as their occurrence, time alonecan determine. The following circumstances would tend to delay the termi-nation of slavery: Further emigrations to Texas; the formation of newslaveholding States, which, though it would accelerate the increase of theslaveholding population, would lessen its density; or, should slave labour bemore extensively applied to manufactures, which does not seem impossible, asthey would incur no greater charge for superintendence than is now incurredby agriculture; or, should the cultivation of the sugar-cane be extended to meetthe growing demands of our increasing population, and that commodityshould maintain its monopoly price; or, lastly, should new articles of culturerequiring much labour, such as silk and wine, be introduced in the slave-holding States.

But, on the other hand, should none of these events take place, and shouldthe sympathies now felt for the slave subside, or find sufficient employment athome, the same liberal sentiments which once prevailed in most of the slave-holding States may revive, and decide on the gradual abolition of slavery, orlessen its amount by colonization and private manumission. The natural mul-tiplication of the slaves, too, may be affected by a less careful and kindtreatment of them, as their value declines. Or, popular enthusiasm may beexcited by religion or otherwise in favour of emancipating them; or the samepopular feeling, in a frenzy of fear or resentment, may aim to destroy or expelthem. These and other causes, not now foreseen, may prolong or abridge theexistence of this institution in the United States, but none of them seem capableof averting its ultimate destiny. We may say of it, as of man: the doom of itsdeath, though we know not the time or the mode, is certain and irrevocable.

To conclude this subject, so pregnant with matter of serious reflection to all:the citizens of the slaveholding States are persuaded that emancipation willnecessarily lead, first, to political equality, and finally, to an amalgamation ofthe two races. Believing, as they really do, that the negroes are physically, aswell as morally and intellectually, their inferiors, they regard this intermixtureas a contamination of their own race; and these supposed consequences con-stitute their most invincible objections to the liberation of their slaves. Thosewho entertain these opinions, and who also believe that the result here inferredis inevitable, or even probable, have it now in their power to make somepreparation for an issue so fraught with mischief, and so abhorrent to their



feelings. If they think the number of their slaves is too great for them quietlyto remain, when the period of natural liberation arrives, as an inferior caste,or with a qualified freedom, they ought to lessen the number by all allowablemeans – as by colonization; and, since the emancipated class are found toincrease more slowly than either the slaves or the whites, they ought toencourage, rather than check, private manumission. Even as a measure of pre-caution, the policy of prohibiting the liberation of slaves is very questionable;and if so, the States which have adopted it, have not only yielded to thecommon temptation of avoiding a present danger by incurring a greater onehereafter, but, perverting a wise maxim, have incurred a certain evil to avoidone that is doubtful.

Though the natural increase of the free coloured class is less than that of theslaves or the whites, yet by its accessions from emancipation, its actualincrease is far greater than that of either of the other two classes, as may bethus seen in the following

Table, showing the Increase of the White and the Coloured Population in theSlaveholding States.

1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840Whites 1,271,692 1,702,980 2,208,785 2,842,341 3,660,758 4,631,998Free col. 32,635 61,241 88,678 135,294 182,070 211,889Slaves 657,047 1,857,095 1,163,754 1,524,220 1,996,758 2,486,226

Decennial Increase per cent in1800 1810 1820 1830 184033.9 29.7 28.7 28.8 26.5 87.7 44.8 52.6 37.7 16.4 30.4 35.8 31.0 31.6 24.5

The increase in the whole 50 years has been as follows: Whites, as 100 to 364.2 Free coloured, as 100 to 649.3 Slaves, as 100 to 378.4

Total coloured as 100 to 391.2

It is thus seen that, in these States, the whites have increased a little less thanthe whole population, (383.7 per cent,) and the slaves a little more; but thatthe free coloured have increased almost twice as fast as the whites. The tablefurther shows that, but for emancipation, the slaveholding States would, atthis time, have contained from 200,000 to 300,000, perhaps over 300,000slaves more than they now contain; and that the reduction would have beenstill greater than it now is, if none of them had prohibited or impeded manu-mission.


280

23THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

(1856–1857)

George Tucker, The history of the United States, from their colonization tothe end of the Twenty-sixth Congress, in 1841. Philadelphia, Lippincott,1856–1857, 4 v.Selections from 1.1 and 4.32.

In his “Autobiography” Tucker describes the process by which he composedhis four-volume History, and how sales of the book suffered as a result of ageneral decline in the national economy. Two sections of this ambitiouswork discuss the subject of slavery. The bracketed titles below, “The Effectsof Slavery” and “The Slave Question,” appear in the running heads on thequoted pages from the two chapters in question.

VOLUME 1CHAPTER 1.

[THE EFFECTS OF SLAVERY]...

In all these communities domestic slavery existed to a greater or lessextent. Very soon after Virginia was settled, a Dutch ship brought thither anumber of negro slaves, which were readily purchased by the Englishplanters, and their labor being very profitable in the cultivation of tobacco,they soon greatly multiplied, and were subsequently diffused throughout theother colonies. But as their labor was most profitable in those which grewtobacco, rice, or indigo, they were very unequally distributed; and perhapsof the five hundred thousand slaves then in the colonies, nineteen-twentiethswere found south of Pennsylvania.

This single circumstance had such an influence, that it divided the thirteencolonies into two distinct communities, which widely differed in manners,habits of life, and general character; while the members of each division hadalso many features of close resemblance.

In those colonies in which the slaves were most numerous, the inhabitants,


1 Notes on Virginia.

The History of the United States 281

having more leisure, were more given to social pleasures and amusements –to the sports of the turf, the cock-pit, the chase and the gaming table. Theyhad a more delicate and sensitive self-respect, which sometimes degeneratedinto haughtiness, and sometimes produced that union of courtesy,frankness, and ease which is rarely seen in Europe, except in the higher ranksof life. The social habits of the Southern planter often made him profuse,and plunged him in debt to the English or Scotch merchant who sold hisexported products, and furnished him with his foreign supplies. He wasoften improvident, and sometimes not punctual in his pecuniary engage-ments. With these moral defects incident to his condition as a slaveholder, hederived some virtues from the same source.

Besides his agreeable companionable qualities, he often acquired habits offorbearance and self-restraint which are essential to the formation ofvirtuous character. The evil effect of slavery on the temper and dispositionof the master has been exhibited in glowing colors by Mr. Jefferson;1 but hisview of it, however plausible, seems to be contradicted both by philosophyand experience.

As this proposition seems counter to the ordinary opinion on the subject,and its reasons are not obvious, some explanation seems to be required.

With the power which a master has over his slave, and much of whichextends to his children, he is placed in a situation in which he may eitheryield to his passions or resist them; and as he does one or the other, will hebe strengthened (by the natural effect of exercise and habit) either in self-indulgence or self-denial. If he yield to his impulses, he is likely to becomeself-willed, rash, violent, and perhaps cruel. If he resists, he so far lays a solidfoundation for virtue of every species, and especially improves in patience,mildness and clemency. Some masters are thus made worse, and somebetter, by slavery. Does its good or its evil tendency predominate? It is noteasy to give a satisfactory answer to this question. But if we look to thecharacter of those Southern men who have acted a conspicuous part on thepolitical theatre, and regard them as fair specimens of the class of slave-holders, we shall have reason to infer that the relation between master andslave more often proves a school of virtue than of vice. General Washington,Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe, Judge Marshall, Mr. Lowndes,Mr. Calhoun, were all remarkable for their mildness, moderation and for-bearance. It is thought that General Harrison, Mr. Tyler, Mr. Polk andGeneral Taylor may be added to their number. If General Jackson, the onlyremaining Southern President, may seem to offer some contradiction to therule, it must be remembered that, supposing him to have had an uncontrol-lable temper, he is not fairly an exception, inasmuch as his character wasformed before he became a slaveholder. ...



VOLUME 4CHAPTER 32

[THE SLAVE QUESTION]...

It was from the contemplation of these certain consequences of sepa-ration, that all our wisest statesmen have laid such a stress on the value ofunion, and have so emphatically recommended it to their countrymen asindispensable to their welfare and safety. Yet it would seem that, in utterdisregard of these cogent considerations, there are numbers of our citizenswho not merely set little value on the Union, but are open advocates for itsdissolution; and their number seems to have greatly increased of late years.The question of African slavery, which one-half of these States permit, andthe other half abjure, is a great, and seemingly a growing source of civildiscord, so as to pain many a patriot bosom with a lively fear, bordering onfirm belief, that it must, soon or late, rend our Federal Union in Twain. Yet,on a deliberate review of the question, there seems to be no solid ground forthese apprehensions.

It must be remembered that the slave question which now so unhappilydivides the two great divisions of the Republic, is itself susceptible of greatchanges.

In the first place, the proportionate number of the slaves, considerablyreduced in fifty years, may undergo a much more rapid diminution by colo-nization. The servile part of our population was, by the census of 1850, inround numbers, 3,204,000. The annual increase, supposing none to be man-umitted, is 80,000. Now, this number cannot be considered beyond theability of the country to send away, as it is but one-fifth of the Europeanswho have migrated hither in a year. There are various modes in which theGeneral and the State Governments might contribute to effect this importantexodus, if the public will should sanction it; and, if once begun, it would befurthered by the voluntary emigration of free blacks to Liberia, to whichthey would probably be more and more attracted by political ambition.

But, supposing the practical difficulties in the way of thus removing, or, atleast, lessening this source of civil discord, should impede its execution, orshould even discourage the attempt to execute it, is it certain that the presentinterest felt on this question by the Northern States will be a permanent one?There is much to persuade us to the contrary. The sympathy now felt forenslaved Africans is comparatively a recent feeling. It gave no evidence of itsexistence in the Revolution, and for several years afterwards; and it hasgrown to its present height since the condition of the slave has been con-fessedly greatly ameliorated. Now, as by one change in popular sentimentthe present sympathy has arisen, by another change it may pass away. Theannals of mankind abound with examples of strong popular feelings in one


The History of the United States 283

country, or one age, which have no existence in another. In the first years ofthe French revolution, the people of France were desirous of conferring civilliberty on all the other nations of Europe, and were even willing toencounter the evils of war to effect their purpose. Yet not a vestige nowremains of that popular zeal: nay, in the alarm which every man, who hadany thing to lose, felt at the frantic schemes of the Red Republicans, in 1849,they were willing, for present safety, to give up their own share of civilliberty. We know, too, that nations whose fields have been deluged in blood,in their contests about religious creeds, have forgotten these controversies;and that Catholics and Protestants, once in deadly hostility, are now settleddown in a state of peaceful indifference. Is the question which now dividesso many of our citizens, of a more enduring character? Perhaps not. Theposterity of some of those who are most bigoted in favor of negro emanci-pation may reason somewhat to this effect:

Some of our undiscriminating ancestors, in their love of civil liberty, didnot see that, for their sentiment to have any merit, it must be qualified byjustice, order, and obedience to the laws. Liberty, in its largest sense, is thedesire to do what we please; and it is this desire which animates the tyrant,the criminal, and, in short, every violator of the law. We must not fall intothe error of the miser, who values money for its own sake, and not for itsuses. Liberty is a means, not an end – a most powerful means, indeed, ofadvancing human happiness, when placed under proper restraints. But, inthe freest countries in existence, a very large majority of the community aresubjected to the will of others, and have a very limited share of liberty. Thus,women are there deprived of most civil rights, and children of still more.Every soldier and sailor is placed under a despot, to whom he must yieldimplicit obedience. These men, however, may be said to be paid for theirservices; but so is the slave, in the food and raiment he receives. Theirs, too,it will be said, is a voluntary servitude, the consequence of their own freecontract. Perhaps not. They might have yielded to the despotism of want;and though their subjection was the consequence of their own contract, thatof children is not.

The Legislature subjects all these classes to the control of others; and insome countries it goes a step further, and subjects another class to stillgreater restrictions, by establishing slavery. It is of the essence of sovereigntyto make that distribution of political power which its own sense of expe-diency recommends; and for others to oppose this exercise of its authority,is to resist its right of self-government. What would those, who deny theright of a State to establish domestic slavery, say, if another State shouldinterfere with their municipal laws, and insist on reforming them becausethey did not accord with the reformer’s options of propriety? Yet the twocases would be essentially the same. It is vain to say that women andchildren have their rights, which the law protects, but that slaves have no



rights, whatever. As to our most valued rights – the choice of food, clothing,repose, amusement, and the power of locomotion – women and children areoften as effectually deprived of them as is the slave; and where they are not,the difference is merely one of degree, and not of kind. To deny, then, to aState the power to withhold from a portion of its inhabitants the privilegesof freemen, is to deny to it the right of a sovereign State.

It is essential that the Legislature should make that distribution of civilrights and power which it thinks will best promote the public welfare andsafety – should give a large portion to one class, which is comparatively asmall one – a less portion to the females – a still less to the children – and theleast of all (only, perhaps, the protection of life) to the slave: trusting mainlyfor his well-being, like that of the children, to the common feelings and sym-pathies of our nature, and which experience tells us is, as a general rule, asufficient reliance.

Such are the considerations which now seem conclusive with one-half ofthe nation, whose force will be admitted by a large proportion of the otherhalf, and the justice of which may be recognized by the sons of those whonow look at the institution through the distempered medium of misappliedsympathies.

Yet, surely, the welfare of the white, is entitled to at least as much interestand regard as that of the African, race; but in the new-born sympathy for theone, the well-being and safety of the other is entirely disregarded. This is theview of the question in the slaveholding States. Their citizens were born andbred in communities allowing domestic slavery, which the present gener-ation had no agency in producing. They believe, on no very doubtfulreasoning, that, if the other States were permitted to intermeddle with thisinstitution, the emancipation of the slave would be the certain consequence;and that an amalgamation of the two races would, sooner or later, be theresult of that emancipation. Now, believing the blacks to be an inferior race,as they honestly do, they look at this issue as the direst of all alternatives;and they are ready to resist it at every hazard, and to take every precautionagainst its slightest approach. They thus act with more confidence, becausethey regard the course of their opponents as unjust, and in conflict with thepositive stipulations of those who formed the present Union.

But suppose that the present unfortunate discrepancy on negro slaveryshould continue unchanged; that the manufacturing States will forget thatthey now have the advantages of the free trade and restrictive systemsunited, which they must lose in case of a separation – which considerationalso applies to the agricultural States – and that numbers will be found,willing to exchange their present blessings of free government, economy,and peace, for dictatorships, heavy taxes, and war – can it be believed thatthe majority, or even a large number of the States, will be thus oblivious oftheir interests and safety? Will Kentucky and Tennessee, and the States


Introduction 285

north-west of the Ohio, and those now rising up on the west of theMississippi, to whom the navigation of that river is of such vital importance,consent to have their access to the ocean liable to be cut off by the navalpower of some of the Atlantic States, or to hold it dependent on the favor ofa foreign Power. They will have the means of arresting the suicidal scheme,and they will not be slow to use it. They will pour down like an avalancheon the Atlantic malcontents, and crush the treasonable project as soon as itis hatched.

Their power, thus attached to the Union by the strongest of all ties, self-interest, will be as resistless as it is loyal. The single State of Illinois cansupport a larger, perhaps twice as large, a population as all New England;and several of its neighboring States are nearly as powerful. Besides, if allother difficulties were removed, where is the line of separation to be drawn,and what State would consent to be placed on the frontier, and to bear thebrunt of those wars which are certain to arise between communitiesconnected by neighborhood, and disconnected in every thing else? Thescheme, then, of breaking up this great Republic into fragments is, fortu-nately, as impracticable as it is wicked and foolish. It is, therefore, mostgratifying to believe that the great mass of the American people will everagree with the solemn warnings of Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and oftheir successors, and, indeed, of every statesman entitled to public confi-dence, that our welfare and safety, as well as national greatness, are alldependent on the continuance of our political Union.


286

24POLITICAL ECONOMY FOR THE PEOPLE

(1859)

George Tucker, Political economy for the people. Philadelphia, C. Sherman& Son, 1859, xix, [21]–238 p.

One of Tucker’s final publications, Political Economy for the People, wasbased on his economics lectures at the University of Virginia, “with suchalterations and additions as his further experience and reflection havesuggested,” as he states in the Preface. In Chapter 8 on “AgriculturalIndustry,” Tucker discusses slavery and offers a series of responses to aboli-tionist criticisms. Ideologically, this selection is the farthest removed fromhis anti-slavery views articulated six decades earlier.

CHAPTER VIII.AGRICULTURAL INDUSTRY.

...In treating of agricultural labor, it is proper to notice Slavery, which

prevails in nearly one-half of the States of this Union, and which is viewedwith very different sentiments by those two great local divisions.

By one party it is thus impugned: a most obvious consequence of thiscondition is, that where ordinary labor is performed by slaves, such labor,by a natural association, is regarded as beneath the dignity of free men, andthey are consequently thus rendered indolent and idle. Nor is this all: theslave, not being stimulated to industry by the expectation of receiving thefruits of his own labor, is likely, from the love of ease so natural to man, towork less willingly, with less energy, and to avoid toil when he can. To coun-teract this propensity, superintendents are necessary, who sometimes resortto punishment to compel that labor, which with freemen is readily and vol-untarily exerted from self-interest. The cost of such superintendence istherefore a charge on agriculture from which free communities are exempt;and compulsion, moreover, can scarcely ever make the labor of a slave asproductive as that of the free man.


Political Economy for the People 287

The instinctive feelings of the slave, it is further urged, also impel him toextraordinary expense and waste. He is therefore generally thievish, careless,and improvident. Slavery has thus been said to consign one-half of thecommunity in the Southern States to unwilling labor, and the other halfeither to idleness, or, for preventing ennui, to vicious indulgences.

Such are the theoretical objections to domestic slavery; and yet there aremany facts which are at variance with this theory, so as to compel those whoare in pursuit of truth to make large deductions from the conclusions towhich the mere speculators on this subject have been generally conducted.

Thus, as to the unproductiveness of slave labor: after the emancipation ofthe slaves in the English West Indies, the labor of that class was greatlydiminished, and the confident predictions of the abolitionists were com-pletely falsified, as the products of those islands, when cultivated byfreemen, was far less than when cultivated by slaves. In Jamaica, much thelargest island, the falling off was the greatest. The negroes, finding it practi-cable to procure the small patches of ground which, in that genial soil andclimate, are sufficient for their support, have mainly withdrawn themselvesfrom the toilsome and irksome labor of making sugar, and can be temptedto continue it only by working at high wages, a few hours of the day, andcertain days of the week; so that an able-bodied laborer now producesscarce a third or a fourth of what he formerly earned. In Barbadoes, indeed,where the population is very dense, necessity compels the mass of thenegroes to work on the plantations as formerly, and the produce of thisisland has not diminished, but has even increased. Between these extremesthe other islands were found, some yielding far less than their formerproduct, and others approaching it. Of late, by the aid of the Coolies, whomthe Government has introduced into its sugar colonies at a great expense, thepresent product of all of them except Jamaica is equal to what it formerlywas.

In the slaveholding States of this Union there are some persons who,brought up among slaves, have acquired so much skill in managing them,that the products of their labor are scarcely inferior to those of freemen.Proprietors of this description excite emulation among the slaves, and makeuse of small indulgences and rewards as incentives to their industry, whichare more efficient than those of punishment, inasmuch as the former makethem identify their master’s interest with their own, and consider them-selves, in fact, as members of the same patriarchal family. These cases of thejudicious and successful management of slaves are not, indeed, of commonoccurrence, but they are sufficient to show how much the evils of slavery arecapable of mitigation.

There are also some social benefits growing out of this institution which itis proper to state, to pass for what they are worth. The habit of command,to which the master of slaves has been familiarized from his infancy, pecu-



liarly fits him for many of the higher duties of civilized life. He is thus likelyto be better qualified for exercising authority both in the army and navy, andeven in the civil department. It is, perhaps, thus that the Southern States havefurnished more than their proportion of those who have held the higheroffices of the government.

The institution seems to be also favorable to manners, by giving that quietease which the habitual self-respect of the slaveholder is so likely to bestow;so that the manners of the cultivated classes in the slaveholding States differlittle or nothing from those of people of rank in Europe.

On the other hand, slavery has been thought to beget overbearingmanners, and to have an unpropitious influence on the temper. Thisopinion, which seems plausible, was adopted by Mr. Jefferson, and he hasgiven currency to the hypothesis by the weight of his authority. Yet when wefind that it is not confirmed by the touchstone of fact; and that, if our publicmen are regarded as fair specimens of the population of their respectiveStates, those of the South may well compare with those of the North formildness, clemency, and amenity, then we are bound to consider speculativeopinions, which are thus forcibly opposed, as among the fallacies ofingenious theory. There could be no better refutation of this specious phi-losophy than Mr. Jefferson himself.

It may be further remarked that since our country contains numbers of theAfrican race, so great as to be beyond the power of removal, and since theyare universally regarded by the whites as inferior to themselves, both physi-cally and intellectually, the Southern States are irreconcilably averse to theemancipation of their slaves. But, in the meanwhile, it may be fairly ques-tioned whether that portion of the proscribed race who are in bondage arenot as well cared for, and in fact as happy, as their brethren in the NorthernStates, where they are free, but where they are not treated with the same easyfamiliarity and kindness as by Southern gentlemen, and where the mutualaffection and good will which often subsist between the white and thecolored man are unknown.

These remarks are made, not to show that slavery, as some have main-tained, is a positive good, but simply to indicate that here, as in all humanconcerns, evil and good are closely intermingled, and that, to come to justconclusions, we must make a fair estimate of both.

But an important question here presents itself – Is domestic slavery to beregarded as a permanent institution in the United States? To this I do nothesitate to return an answer in the negative; and to assert that, as serfdom,which once existed in every part of Europe, has there universally disap-peared, except in Russia, where it gives indications that before long it willentirely cease, it must, from the same general causes, also terminate in theUnited States.


REVIEWS OF TUCKER’S WORKS



291

25EDWARD EVERETT: REVIEW OF ESSAYS ON

VARIOUS SUBJECTS (1823)

Edward Everett, review of Tucker’s Essays on Various Subjects, in NorthAmerican Review, April 1823, Vol. 16, pp. 45–58.

Edward Everett (1794–1865) was a Unitarian clergyman and from 1820 to1824 edited the North American Review. He later became a U.S.Congressman and governor of Massachusetts. In his review below ofTucker’s 1822 Essays, Everett calls the work a “literary banquet” andpraises Tucker’s command of the subjects and creative manner in treatingthem. He focuses on three of the essays: “On American Literature,” “OnClassical Education,” and “On Duelling.” He applauds the first two, butharshly censures Tucker’s pro-duelling stance in the last.

ART. III. – Essays on various subjects of Taste, Morals, and National Policy.By a citizen of Virginia. Georgetown, 1822. 8vo.

The greater part of these Essays were originally written for the Port Folio,and are now, with the exception of three or four, republished from thatjournal. Without intending to depart from our practice of not entering intoan examination of the contents of contemporary journals, we feel unwillingto pass in silence a sightly volume, filled with matter highly entitled torespectable notice, and coming from a portion of our country, where we arenot often invited to a purely literary banquet. The state of Virginia, in manyrespects one of the most remarkable members of the national confederacy,furnishes a striking example of the truth of a maxim, as applied to thedifferent parts of our own country, which is often made, with respect toAmerica at large, when compared with Europe, in the article of literary cul-tivation. For various reasons, which are now well understood, some ofwhich we have on former occasions submitted to the consideration of ourreaders, the reading and reflecting portion, in America, outweighs thewriting and book-making. ~Mind is active, curiosity alive, and the demandfor a considerable degree of intellectual power and cultivation, great in



America; but paper is dear, the capitals invested in the manufacture and saleof books small; that precise sort of patronage demanded for authorship notabundant; our large cities too numerous and distant; and for these reasonsthe writing and printing of books do not keep full pace with the progress ofreading and thinking. They would advance unquestionably much faster, didnot the regular production of good books in England put it into the powerof the trade here, by cheap reprints, to supply the appetite for reading soabundantly, that the community is not forced to provide the means ofgreater encouragement at home. On the other hand, the density of theBritish population, the facilities for inland trade, the patronage of the gov-ernment, of the universities, and of other public establishments, which byprocuring the publication of many works of immense expense greatlyincrease the bookselling capital, with other causes which we need notenumerate, have pushed the book-making business to the other extreme;and it affords as much too exaggerated an index of the state of intellectualcultivation in England, as it does in this country, the reverse. True schol-arship here appears but rarely before the public, in the form of a book. InEngland, every gentleman who has travelled can publish his journal; everycurate and fellow of an university can cause the text of an oration ofDemosthenes, or a play of Euripides to be printed, and if he has taught themto a few private students, can subjoin the notes, quas partim huc undiquecollegit partim scripsit; every professor in an university can mould hislectures into a treatise; and every man of leisure write something or other,and send it to the press: and it must be a poor book indeed, if hot-pressedpaper, and perhaps engravings and maps, backed with the circulative powerof the wealthy booksellers, cannot get enough copies sold to pay the printing.Now something of this comparative process obtains, in the different sectionsof this country. The portion of it to the north of the Potomac bears much thesame relation, in this respect, to the southern portion, which England does toAmerica. The four large towns, (much less efficient indeed than one greatcapital), the greater density of population, and various causes, which lie deepin the national character of the respective sections of the country, haveproduced a much greater external literary activity to the north than the southof the Potomac. Almost all the books printed in America are printed in theformer portion of the country, and by natural consequence a considerablepart of those written are here produced. Still we are far from inferring fromthese facts, a proportionable literary inferiority on the part of the southernstates. We presume most of the good books printed either in England orAmerica find their way to the most solitary plantation of the Blue ridge. Wehave even been inclined to think that the planter’s life, crowding his occu-pation into one part of the year, and leaving him the rest to an honorableleisure, would be more favorable to habits of reading and study, than themore uniformly laborious and professional life of our northern citizens.


Edward Everett 293

The volume before us is no ordinary specimen of the literature of Virginia,and a good sample, we should think, of the studies and meditations of herwell educated citizens. It contains a series of essays, on the following subjects;the future destiny of the United States, on simplicity in ornament, onAmerican literature, on density of population, on classical education, onarchitecture, on national debts, on style, on beauty, on banks of circulation,on rhyme, on duelling, on instructions to representatives, on scientificpursuits, on the theory of Malthus. The miscellaneous nature of these topicsnaturally leads us to expect upon them all, rather the views of a generalinquirer, than the fruit of profound speculation on a few favorite or profes-sional subjects. The characteristics of the essays throughout are good sense,clear perception, absence of all dogmatism, and freedom from passion and apolemical spirit. There is no effort to astonish with brilliant paradoxes oroverwhelm with arrogant declamation; and though many of the subjects ofthe essays have elsewhere led to angry controversies, our author has treatedthem throughout with the urbanity of a gentleman. This feature of hismanner is distinctly visible in the following passage in the preface.

‘As the author’s objects were to investigate truth where it was intricateand perplexed, and to speak fearlessly and impartially what he had delib-erately investigated, he has not allowed his respect for names to give asanction to error, whenever he thought he could detect it. He has yielded tono opinion because it was fashionable, and has flattered no prejudice,either popular or local. Thus in his argument in vindication of the practiceof duelling, or on the binding force of instructions to representatives, publicopinion is decidedly opposed to him in the northern states, and divided inthe others. And some of his doctrines on the subject of banks and nationaldebts are repugnant to sentiments that prevail in every part of the Union,and especially in the southern states. But he trusts that the spirit of freeinquiry has not betrayed him into a presumptuous disrespect for theopinions of others, or induced him to condemn on a hasty and superficialexamination. He has been led to his conclusions by that process ofreasoning which he has herein developed, and he will not be slow torenounce them whenever their fallacy shall be shown.’

The literary execution of these essays corresponds with their more internalcharacter. The style is neither negligent nor painfully elaborate; but evinces atonce ease and care. There is no parade of ornament, no affectation ofplainness. It discovers a familiarity with polite literature, both modern andancient, but is not burdened with quotations. Should we name a fault in it, itwould be its occasional languor. Many of the subjects present, on every side,views of deep interest to the human heart; but the language is apt to wantglow.



It would evidently be impossible and unprofitable to enter into a minuteanalysis of these Essays, or engage ourselves in the discussion of the severalsubjects. We will, however, particularize a few, and hazard one or tworemarks in connexion with the extracts we make.

The Essay on American literature is, upon the whole, conspicuous forthe soundness of its views. It should be read indeed with the allowance,that it was written some eight or ten years since, and the intellectual as wellas physical condition of our country is advancing too rapidly, not tochange its aspect even in this short interval. It adds to the interest withwhich we read the remarks of our author, on this subject, that he treats itwith particular reference – as indeed he does many others – to thecondition of things, in his own state. And though he uses language, withregard to all branches of literature among us, which we think he would nothave used, writing now and in one of the eastern capitals, yet we like hisinstances.

‘We have also a native example of the improvement effected by exercisein Marshall’s Life of Washington. Perhaps there is no book in whichthere is a greater difference in the different parts. Whilst the first volumesvery generally disappointed expectation, the last has never yet receivedthe praise to which it is fairly entitled. Though it is manifestly a defenceof that political party to which Mr Marshall belongs, and was probablyso intended by him; yet he has called to his aid a great deal of good sense;much ingenious argument, and no ordinary knowledge of human nature.His style too is all the while acquiring elegance, and improving still morein life and spirit. The subject of the first volumes is, without doubt, lessfitted to display the higher powers of an author; but where it could not beembellished, it might have been abridged. Livy had no better materialsfor the first books of his history, and yet how entertaining is every part ofhis immortal work!

‘In considering “the Life of Washington” as a specimen of literarytalents in America, a caution must be used, which is also applicable toalmost all our native productions; we must regard not so much what thewriter is, as what, from the intrinsic evidence of the work itself, it appearshe might have been. The fact is, that with the advantage of merely aprivate, and but an ordinary, education, he had passed the best years ofhis life, industriously engaged in the duties of a profession, which,however it may have improved his powers of discrimination and logicaldeduction, had left him little leisure to acquire that various knowledgewhich are indespensable to the accomplished historian; and that refinedpolish of style, which the delicacy of modern taste requires in everywriter. Those great masters of historical sagacity and chaste elegance, theGreek and Roman historians, were turned over day and night, and


1 Delivered in the House of Representatives in the year 1800. 2 p. 304.

Edward Everett 295

studied for twenty years, before Hume, or Robertson, or Gibbon,ventured upon their respective histories; but probably those fine modelswere not known by our American annalist, except through the mediumof translations; and many of them not even in this less perfect and lessimpressive form. To make the comparison fair, as it regards this subject,we should ask, how they would have written under his disadvantages, orhow he would have written had he enjoyed the benefits of their study andeducation. But the writers themselves have furnished us with some datafor answering these questions. They have occasionally tried their powersin clearing up some important fact, involved in doubt and obscurity; andhave endeavoured, by the mere force of analogical reasoning, to demon-strate the truth of some one of the conflicting opinions. Let any of theseattempts be compared with the similar attempts of Mr Marshall, as withhis argument in the case of Jonathan Robbins;1 and in precision, discrim-ination, orderly arrangement – in short, in every part of that rare facultyof connecting a long series of undisputed propositions, in a chain, bywhich the mind is unresistingly conducted to the most recondite andseemingly inaccessible truths, he will be found as superior to them, asthey are to him in the general character of historians.

‘We have also a striking example of what native genius, improved byardent study, can do, in the instance of the late John Thompson, ofVirginia, who, at an age when men are chiefly engaged in acquiringideas, rather than endeavoring to impart them, attained a pure andcopious eloquence of style, and a facility of prose composition, to whichno English writer, not even Chatterton, affords a parallel. The “letters ofCurtius” have indeed little to recommend them but the beauty ofdiction; but it is surely no mean praise to do that well, of which all areambitious, and which no other has ever accomplished, without theadvantages of longer study and experience.’

The views taken by our author on the subject of classical education areliberal and sound. Here too we think we may say, however, that eitherfrom his remoteness from those points of our country where classical liter-ature is most cultivated or some other cause, he hardly does justice to thepoint, to which it has already advanced among us. The author says, he‘would have a question concerning the Greek accents discussed with all thelaborious research and critical acumen, which could be displayed atOxford or Cambridge;’2 having previously observed, that the scholars ofthis country are inattentive to the minutiae of classical literature. We do



not suppose that our author meant particularly the Greek accents, beyondany other part of the Greek grammar: as in that case, his example wouldbe remarkably unfortunate, the accents in the Greek being less attended toin England, than in any other country. In the Greek extracts, made into themost respectable works, the accents are generally omitted, and we havebefore us a learned history of Athens, with a long Greek motto on the titlepage, where the accents are intended to be written, but in nearly everyinstance, the grave for the acute; not only at the end of words, but even atthe beginning and in the middle, where the former could never be right.But even as to the details of classical criticism in general, we doubt whetherOxford or Cambridge would have produced two essays more learned thanMr Pickering’s Memoir upon the pronunciation of Greek, and professorMoore’s Remarks upon it; neither of which certainly was offered as anything more than an occasional performance.

Our author, however, has done good justice to the argument in favor ofclassical literature, and vindicated its study against some popular objec-tions. Of all these, that, which denounces it as the study not of things butwords, is the most superficial objection. There ought to be no bigotry onthis subject, and we may grant, that a man may be a proficient in anydepartment of natural science, may even be a model of good writing, likeDr Franklin, may distinguish himself as a statesman, nay, may charm theworld with wisdom, poetry, and nature, like Shakspeare; and like him too,in the language of Johnson, have ‘small Latin and less Greek:’ – but thequestion is not what can be done in the secret primitive organization of themind, nor what miracles Providence may work on distinguished intellects.No body thinks to make Shakspeares, Franklins, or Washingtons by amore or less judicious course of education. if any one were so simple, wedoubt still whether he would fix on deer-stealing and holding noblemen’scarriages at a play house, like Shakspeare; or setting types as a journeymanprinter, like Franklin; or surveying with a chain and theodolite, likeWashington, as, upon the whole, the best methods, respectively, fortraining up rivals to those great men. Sir Richard Arkwright was originallya journeyman barber, and followed his trade in a cellar under the name of‘subterraneous shaving.’ The greatest proficient in oriental literature,which this country has produced, the late Mr Harris, was an indifferentcopper-plate engraver. Such instances are quoted to prove that a classicaleducation is not necessary to great eminence in useful science, or even toprofound literature. But we have strong doubts whether there be anotherbarber of the day likely to invent a spinning Jenny; or another engraver’sapprentice, who will make himself master of the Semitic dialects. Thequestion is, what kind of school education is the best for the mass ofyoung, volatile, bright or stupid, docile or froward spirits, who, on thepresent plan, are put down at the age of eight to the Latin grammar.


Edward Everett 297

But it is said, still, that the study of the languages is the study not of thingsbut words. This, however, is a most narrow discrimination. What becomesof ideas, of thoughts, of feelings, of the art of expression? It may perhaps beassumed, without rashness, that in all free countries, communication ofmind with mind is the most important object of education of every kind.This communication is effected by written and spoken words, so that thisobject, so much sneered at, so invidiously contrasted with things, turns out,after all, to be itself the one thing – humanly speaking – needful. It is indeedalmost beyond the limits of pardonable paradox to have the name of thingsconferred on hexaedral crystals and asymptotic lines, that always approachand never touch; while the great vehicle of thought and feeling, the bandwhich unites, and the engine which moves all the social combinations ofmen, is derided as ‘words.’

If any one then will grant that, after all, words are among the mostimportant of things, but will still qualify, and say that classical study dealsnot with words, as the signs of thought, but in a merely grammatical view,we deny altogether the assertion. The study of classical literature, likepoetry, like architecture, like statuary, does indeed require a combination ofseemingly opposite things, some very high and some very humble. Anaccomplished statuary must, on the one hand, be a good stone-cutter, andon the other, must have a soul filled with all grand and sweet images, and beable to embody ideal beauty. The architect must know what pressure can beput on different sorts of timber, and what kind of mortar will bind strongestand shrink least, and must have also courage to plant his moles against theheaving ocean, and to hang his ponderous domes and gigantic arches in theair; while his taste must be able to combine the rough and scattered blocksof the quarry into beautiful and elegant structures. The poet must know,with a schoolmaster’s precision, the weight of every syllable and what vowelfollows most smoothly on what consonant; at the same time, that he mustbe inspired with images, with visions, with thoughts, beyond the power oflanguage to do more than shadow forth. This mixture of great and littleseems to be the essential condition of our natures, that lay hold, on the oneside, of eternal life, and tend, on the other, to dust and ashes. The surgeonmust at once have a mind that penetrates the dark recesses of organic life,and be able to hold a lancet in his left hand to cut into the eye. The lawyermust be able to reason from the noblest principles of human duty; and mustcomprehend at a glance the mighty maze of human relations, and must, atthe same time, be conversant with a tissue of the most arbitrary fictions andartificial technology that ever disgraced a liberal science. The general mustbe capable alike of calculating for a twelvemonth in advance the result of acontest, in which all the power, resource, strength, and spirit of two greatempires, on land and at sea, enter and struggle; and he must have an eye thatcan tell how the stone walls and trenched meadows, the barns, and the



woods, and cross roads of a neighborhood will favor or resist the motions ofa hundred thousand men, scattered over a space of five miles, in the fury ofthe advance or the agony of flight, covered with smoke, dust, and blood.The merchant must be able to look, at the same moment, at the markets andexchanges of other countries and the other hemisphere, and combine con-siderations of the political condition, the natural wants, the tastes, andhabits of different parts of the world, and he must be very apt at figures,understand book keeping by double entry, and be as willing to look after aquarter chest of tea as a cargo of specie. In like manner, the student ofclassical literature must be conversant, it is true, with grammar, prosody,and syntax; he must, as has been ingeniously, though invidiously said, beable to ‘conjugate, decline, and derive;’ but, on the other hand, he dealsmore directly than any one else with the finest intellectual processes. Hemarks the effort of the mind to discriminate and express its most delicateperceptions; he traces the secret source of the pathetic, the sublime, theagreeable, to the deliberate or instinctive choice, now of the phrase, whichgathers in the widest circle of associated images, and now of the expression,which presents the leading thought, in its most simple form; and his pro-fession is to be the minister of the soul and understand the whole system, bywhich the unseen spirit converses with kindred beings and future ages. Hisscience is not the invention of the schools, the dream of literary monks.Tenses, and modes, and conjugations were not made within the walls of alibrary; but by thinking, speaking, and acting men: – by the primitivelawgivers, the pioneers of civilization; by elder bards, poets, and prophets ofinfant humanity; by the mind of man struggling, through its articulateorgans, to converse with other minds. The grammarian came, ages after,found the phenomena, and gave them their names; but to suppose thestructure of languages to be the grammarian’s work would be to supposethat Newton made the stars or Werner the mountains. The student ofclassical literature, moreover, becomes acquainted with some of the mostdistinguished recorded efforts of the human understanding; he hears thespeeches of Demosthenes, is present in the school of Plato, and listens toCicero in the temple of Concord, with Julius Caesar before him, and thesenators around. Is it said there are translations of the Greek and of theLatin? Besides that half the worth of the study is that a man exercise himselfin being his own translator, let any one sit down and try to make a writtentranslation of one of the more elevated passages of the Greek and Latinauthors, such as the description of the death of Socrates by Plato, or thepassage beginning, ‘it was now evening,’ in the oration for the crown, andhe will be prepared to say how much of an ancient classic is preserved in aversion. In some schools, it is a practice to take an English poet, and writehim into grammatical prose. A passage in the Paradise Lost, treated in thisway, will afford an idea of an ancient author in a faithful version, as it is


3 Review of Mr Barrett’s Grammar.

Edward Everett 299

called. And as for a liberal version, a free translation, a poetical translation;– it is not too much to say that, beyond the mere thread of the story, Popehas come no nearer the work of Homer, in the translation of the Iliad, thanin the Rape of the Lock, or the Epistle to Abelard.

But it was not our intention to enlarge so much on this point. One remarkalways occurs when vindicating the worth of classical studies, viz: that it isin general denied only by those, who are themselves strangers to thesestudies. The repetition of this remark, at the present time, calls upon us foran act of justice toward a distinguished individual of our own country, withrespect to whom, on a former occasion, we inconsiderately gave currency toan error. In a light article3 in our number for April 1821, we quoted, withassent, the suggestion of the writer then under review, ‘that the late Dr Rushwould not have written against the utility of the learned languages, had henot himself been ignorant of them.’ Whatever judgment we entertained ofthe Essay against the utility of these languages, from the pen of this distin-guished philosopher, there is no reason for charging him with ignorance ofthese languages. Few men probably, on the contrary, actively engaged inprofessional pursuits, have been more familiar with languages, than DrRush. Besides being at home in the French, he read Spanish and Italian, withease; and had made all that acquaintance, with the Latin and Greek, whichcan be formed by the careful study of them, begun in early life and neverremitted. In his youthful days, Dr Rush was under the care of some of thebest of the ante-revolutionary teachers, many of whom, in all parts of ourcountry, have left a reputation not yet eclipsed by their successors, notwith-standing the general improvements in school education. At the university ofEdinburgh, he still kept up his study of the languages. Dr Ramsay has par-ticularly applauded the latinity of his thesis, with the caution that it was notthe work of one of that class of literary artisans, at the capital of Scotia, whostill hold out, against the express words of Ecclesiastes, and are far fromceasing because they are few. One of the earliest of Dr Rush’s performanceswas a translation of the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, which no youngphysician would have undertaken, without a respectable familiarity withGreek. Notwithstanding the theories of his subsequent years, we are wellinformed that Dr Rush continued to the last, to draw more frequently on theclassics, even in conversation, for embellishment or illustration, than is usualamong merely professional men, and that he retained his recollection, par-ticularly of the Latin poets, undiminished to the last. We have been at painsto make these statements, as we regard it our first duty to cherish the fameof our distinguished countrymen, and should esteem ourselves signallyunfaithful to the public, could we acquiesce, still more could we share, in aninjury done to an honorable name.


4 At least such seems to have been the opinion of Goldsmith, when he says,

“Where wealth and freedom reign, contentment fails, And honor sinks where commerce long prevails.”


To return to our author; we have time to notice but one more of hisEssays, that on ‘duelling;’ with regard to which he adopts an opinion, notusual with writers on the subject, and is disposed to think the practice of useto society. After urging, with sufficient ingenuity, the arguments on this sideof the question, often heard in conversation, he closes his Essay, with thefollowing remarks:

‘Besides the preceding considerations, which are common to the wholecivilized world, there are some which are peculiarly applicable toourselves, and which will not be disregarded by those who are not contentwith first appearances, and who are not indifferent to the interests of theircountry in a distant futurity. Nations, in their progress towards wealthand refinement, are in danger of becoming enervated, and of losing withtheir ferocity, that courage and energy of character which are essential totheir defence. The sense of honor, however, is found to supply their place;and, when aided by discipline, to make every modern civilized nation,however luxurious, an over match for any savage nation, however fierceand brave. Should we not be careful, then, how we weaken thatsentiment which contributes so largely towards national security? Andthis the rather, because, insulated as we are from the rest of the world, weare not likely to be often involved in war, so that the military spirit maygo to decay among us, for want of occasions to exercise it; and after along period of time, having neither foreign wars nor sufficient causes ofinternal rivalship, to call forth our energies, we may gradually sink intosupineness, and either become a tempting object of attack to militaryenterprize or defend ourselves from subjugation, by the jealous andunsocial policy of the Chinese. If this view of our situation be correct; thepractice so vehemently decried, and so liable to partial abuses, mayperhaps be regarded as the institution which perpetuates the vestal flameof honor among us; and preserves, in undiminished force and purity, thatcourage, and courtesy, and generosity, and fidelity to engagements,which our commercial habits,4 and possibly some of our political institu-tions have a tendency to weaken. These virtues constitute the real“Corinthian capital” of civilized society, which I trust may exist, as well ina commonwealth of equal citizens, as in a state compounded of differentranks and grades.

The southern states, too, should beware how they hazard the diminutionof those elevated and honorable feelings which are supposed to charac-


Edward Everett 301

terize them, and which go so far to redeem them from the reproach for oneof their institutions, that has been so lavishly heaped upon them.

Upon the whole, we may say that, should the practice of duelling bedeemed instrumental in preserving those virtues which constitute honor, itseems somewhat unreasonable to complain, that half a dozen brave menare sacrificed in a year, for the sake of cherishing and maintaining the bestfeatures of our national manners, when we feel no hesitation in devotingthousands to destruction, in any petty matter of national dispute.’

This Essay, we are informed in the preface, is among those recentlywritten; but we apprehend that if our author had it now to write, he wouldhold a different language; and cease to exhort our brethren of the south tocherish the institution of duelling, as redeeming them from the reproach ofslavery. Two subjects filled a considerable space in the public attentionduring the last season, one connected with the subject of slavery, and onewith that of duelling, as they exist severally in the southern states. Withregard to the first of them, the conduct of the magistrates and citizens ofCharleston, on the delicate and trying occasion of the last summer, wasmarked with every thing, which prudence and humanity could dictate, andwill not suffer in the comparison with what has been done, in any importantand difficult crisis, in any part or period of our country. One thing only, inreference to this event, which could have been avoided, is matter of regret,that it should have been officially associated with the Missouri question, andthat the liberty should have been taken of implicating one of the most dis-tinguished citizens in our country, by tracing any part of the conspiracy tothe sentiments expressed by him, when discharging, in the public counsels,his duty as a public servant. But with respect to the event itself – distressingand deplorable as in its nature it may be – every thing was done, that couldhave been asked of high minded, honorable, and merciful men. As to theother of the two events, to which public attention has been drawn the lastseason, no language is strong enough to express the disdain, with which thepublic mind has been affected. There is scarce any subject of interest enoughto find its way into the public papers, where men do not take sides. A generalburst of indignation has in this instance been heard; and any early feeling ofpartiality, which might have disclosed itself, has been wholly absorbed in theshame and humiliation of the sequel. Till now there was a kind of plausi-bility in remarks, like our author’s, on duelling. Such remarks were oftenheard in conversation, and it was thought that the public peace waspromoted, by subjecting him, who violated it in the article of honor, to thisresponsibility. In the old school way of going out unexpectedly to a retiredspot, where the injured party fired a half loaded pistol at a distance ofsixteen good paces, and with chances of its missing, a thousand to one –while the challenged party, as a matter of course, threw away his fire and



both shook hands, – the practice was, we do not say justifiable, heavenforbid, but a kind of grown folks’ play, a species of sham fight, that might,in a corrupt state of society, be productive of good. But this ghastlyintentness of design, this practice for weeks and months, this long training inthe art of shedding human blood, and this protracted, renewed, cherishedpurpose of murder, are truly savage; while this close negotiation of rules andpostures, times and places, and this interchange of ribaldry in the prints arematter of humiliation to every one, who is obliged to hear a part of thedisgrace of it, as an American. The public example is beyond measuredeplorable. Are there no laws, no magistrates in Carolina and Georgia? Dothe grand juries there really think, as they seem to, that it is of no conse-quence, that men shall for months openly and publicly pursue the purposeto kill, and nothing be done to lay the strong arm of the law upon them? –Have they well weighed the effect on society of taking off the salutaryrestraints, which public sentiment had hitherto every where imposed onduelling, and which forced it to be perpetrated with secresy, despatch, or inforeign jurisdiction? If so, let others pity the slaves, – we commiserate themasters. And it is some comfort to those, who believe that virtue and vice aretheir own reward, to think that, in the nature of things, the event, to whichwe are alluding, must, since its first agitation, through all its miserable vicis-situdes, have been beyond description harassing and tormenting to allimmediately concerned; – thus, in some degree, visiting on them the outragedone the community.


303

26ROBLEY DUNGLISON: REVIEW OF VOYAGE

TO THE MOON (1828)

[Robley Dunglison], review of Tucker’s Voyage to the Moon, in AmericanQuarterly Review, March 1828, No. 5, pp. 61–88.

Robley Dunglison (1798–1869) was the author of the “Obituary Notice ofProfessor George Tucker” contained earlier in this volume. In that article hestates that he authored the anonymous review of Tucker’s Voyage in theAmerican Quarterly Review, printed below. Robley praises Tucker’s insightand wit, but expresses regret “that the author should not have added notesto the work” to identify the targets of his satire.

ART. III. – A Voyage to the Moon: with some account of the Manners andCustoms, Science and Philosophy, of the People of Morosofia and otherLunarians: By JOSEPH ATTERLEY. New-York: Elam Bliss, 1827. 12mo. pp.264.

It is somewhat remarkable, that perhaps the only “Voyages to the Moon,”which have been published in the English tongue, should have been the pro-ductions of English bishops: – the first forming a tract, re-published in theHarleian Miscellany, and said to have been written by Dr. Francis Goodwin,Bishop of Landaff, (who died in 1633,) and entitled “The Man in the Moon,or the discourse of a voyage thither, by Domingo Gonsales,” – and thesecond written in 1638, by Dr. John Wilkins, Bishop of Chester, under thetitle of “The Discovery of a New World, or a Discourse tending to prove,that ‘tis probable there may be another habitable world in the Moon, with adiscourse concerning the possibility of a passage thither.” These two worksdiffer in several essential particulars: – in Dr. Goodwin’s, we have men ofenormous stature and prodigious longevity, with a flying chariot, and someother slight points of resemblance to the Travels of Gulliver: – whilst BishopWilkins’s is intended honestly and scientifically to prove, “that it is possiblefor some of our posterity to find out a conveyance to this other world; and,if there be inhabitants there, (which the Bishop, satisfactorily to himself,


1 Scott’s Swift, vol. xi. p. 4.


settles,) to have commerce with them!” From the first of these, Swift hasderived many hints in his voyage to Laputa, and improved them into thosehumorous and instructive allusions, which have caused the reputation of theauthor of the “Travels of Gulliver” to be extended to every portion of thecivilized globe. Since the appearance of this celebrated satire, no one suffi-ciently comprehensive to lash the follies of the age – the quicquid agunthomines – has made its appearance: we have had numerous ephemeral pro-ductions, inflicting severe castigations upon particular vices or absurdities;but the visionary conceits of the many, constantly promulgated in the pro-gressive advancement of human knowledge, although legitimate objects ofcensure, have not, since the time of Swift, been embodied into one publi-cation.

The evident aim of the author of the Satirical Romance before us, is tofulfil for the present age, what Swift so successfully accomplished for thatwhich has passed by: – to attack, by the weapons of ridicule, those votariesof knowledge, who may have sought to avail themselves of the universallove of novelty amongst mankind, to acquire celebrity; or who may havebeen misled by their own ill-regulated imaginations, to obtrude upon theworld their crude and imperfect theories and systems, to the manifest retar-dation of knowledge: – an effect, too, liable to be induced in a direct ratiowith the degree of talent and ingenuity by which their views may have beensupported. Several of these may always be more successfully attacked byridicule than by reason; inasmuch as they are, in this way, more likely tobecome the subjects of popular animadversion; and many, who couldwithstand the serious arguments of their fraternity, cannot placidly enduretheir ridicule. Satire has, indeed, often done more service to the cause ofreligion and morality than a sermon, since the remedy is agreeable, whilst itat the same time communicates indignation or fear: –

“Of all the ways that wisest men could find, To mend the age and mortifymankind, Satire, well writ, has most successful prov’d. And cures, becausethe remedy is lov’d.”

To produce, however, the full effect, satire must possess a certain degreeof impartiality, and be levelled in all instances at the vices or follies, and notat the man. The first sketch of Gulliver’s Travels occurs in the proposedTravels of Martinus Scriblerus, devised in that pleasing society where mostof Swift’s miscellanies were planned. Had the work, however, been executedunder the same auspices, it would probably, as Sir Walter Scott hassuggested,1 “have been occupied by that personal satire, upon obscure andunworthy contemporaries, to which Pope was but too much addicted. Butwhen the Dean mused in solitude over the execution of his plan, it assumed


Robley Dunglison 305

at once a more grand and a darker complexion. The spirit of indignanthatred and contempt with which he regarded the mass of humanity; hisquiet and powerful perception of their failings, errors, and crimes; his zealfor liberty and freedom of thought, tended at once to generalize, while itembittered, his satire, and to change traits of personal severity for that deepshade of censure which Gulliver’s Travels throw upon mankind univer-sally.” Most of the sentiments which impressed Swift, seem also to havebeen felt by the unknown author of the work before us: it is not, however,free from personal allusions; but they are all conveyed in so good natured amanner, as to satisfy the reader that the author has been solicitous to ani-madvert only on the vices of the individual; and in no part of the work isthere the slightest evidence of prejudice or venom.

The pseudo Joseph Atterley, the hero of the narrative, was born inHuntingdon, Long-Island, on the 11th of May, 1786. He was the son of aseafaring individual, who, by means of the portion he received by his wife,together with his own earnings, was enabled to quit that laborious occu-pation, and to enter into trade; and, after the death of his father-in-law, bywhose will he received a handsome accession to his property, he sought, inthe city of New-York, a theatre better adapted to his enlarged capital. “Hehere engaged in foreign trade, and partaking of the prosperity which thenattended American commerce, gradually extended his business, and finallyembarked in the then new branch of traffic to the East Indies and China; hewas now generally respected both for his wealth and fair dealing; wasseveral years a director in one of the insurance offices; was president of thesociety for relieving the widows and orphans of distressed seamen; and, it issaid, might have been chosen alderman, if he had not refused, on the groundthat he did not think himself qualified.”

Our hero was, at an early age, put to a grammar school of good repute, inhis native village, and, at seventeen, was sent to Princeton, to preparehimself for some profession; during his third year at that place, in one of hisexcursions to Philadelphia, he became enamoured “with one of those facesand forms, which, in a youth of twenty, to see, admire, and love, is one andthe same thing;” and was united to the object of his affections, on theanniversary of his twenty-first year. This event gave him a distaste forserious study; and, long before this, he had felt a sentiment, bordering oncontempt, for mercantile pursuits; he therefore prevailed upon his father topurchase him a neat country seat in the vicinity of Huntingdon. Here,seventeen happy years glided away swiftly and imperceptibly, when death,by depriving him of the partner of his felicity, prostrated all his hopes andenjoyments. For the purpose of seeking for that relief to the feelings, whichvariety can best afford, he now determined to make a voyage; and, as one ofhis father’s vessels was about to sail for Canton, embarked on board of her,and left Sandyhook on the 5th day of June, 1822. From this period, until the



24th of October, their voyage was comparatively agreeable; but when offthe mouths of the Ganges, one of those hurricanes, well known to the expe-rienced navigators of the eastern seas, struck the ship, and rendered her soleaky, that the captain considered it advisable to make for the nearest port;the leak, however, increasing rapidly, and finding themselves off a coast,which the captain, by his charts, pronounced to be a part of the Burmanempire, and in the neighbourhood of Mergui, on the Martaban coast, theyhastily threw their clothes, papers, and eight casks of silver, into the long-boat; and, before they were fifty yards from the ship, had the melancholysatisfaction to see her go down.

“It was a little after mid-day when we reached the town, which isperched on a high bluff, overlooking the coasts, and contains about athousand houses, built of bamboo, and covered with palm leaves. Ourdress, appearance, language, and the manner of our arrival, excited greatsurprise among the natives, and the liveliest curiosity; but with these sen-timents some evidently mingled no very friendly feelings. The Burmesewere then on the eve of a rupture with the East India Company, a factwhich we had not before known; and mistaking us for English, theysupposed, or affected to suppose, that we belonged to a fleet which wasabout to invade them, and that our ship had been sunk before their eyes,by the tutelar divinity of the country. We were immediately carried beforetheir governor, or chief magistrate, who ordered our baggage to besearched, and finding that it consisted principally of silver, he had nodoubt of our hostile intentions. He therefore sent all of us, twenty-two innumber, to prison, separating, however, each one from the rest. My com-panions were released the following spring, as I have since learnt, by theinvading army of Great Britain; but it was my ill fortune (if, indeed, afterwhat has since happened, I can so regard it) to be taken for an officer ofhigh rank, and to be sent, the third day afterwards, far into the interior,that I might be more safely kept, and either used as a hostage or offeredfor ransom, as circumstances should render advantageous.”

Our hero was transported very rapidly in a palanquin, for thirteen suc-cessive days, when he reached Mozaun, a small village delightfully situatedin the mountainous district between the Irawaddi and Saloon rivers, wherehe was placed under the care of an inferior magistrate, who there exercisedthe chief authority. By submissive and respectful behaviour, he succeeded iningratiating himself so completely with his keeper, that he was regardedmore as one of his family, than as a prisoner; and was allowed every indul-gence, consistently with his safe custody. It had been one of his favouriterecreations, to ascend a part of the western ridge of mountains, which rosein a cone, about a mile and a half from the village, for the purpose of



enjoying the enchanting scenery that lay before him, and the evening breeze,which possesses so delicious a degree of freshness in tropical climates. Herehe became acquainted with a personage, of whom, as he exerted animportant influence over the future conduct of our hero, it is of consequencethat the reader should acquire early information: –

“In a deep sequestered nook, formed by two spurs of this mountain,there lived a venerable Hindoo, whom the people of the village called theHoly Hermit. The favourable accounts I received of his character, as wellas his odd course of life, made me very desirous of becoming acquaintedwith him; and, as he was often visited by the villagers, I found no difficultyin getting a conductor to his cell. His character for sanctity, together witha venerable beard, might have discouraged advances towards an acquain-tance, if his lively piercing eye, a countenance expressive of great mildnessand kindness of disposition, and his courteous manners, had not yet morestrongly invited it. He was indeed not averse to society, though he hadseemed thus to fly from it; and was so great a favourite with his neigh-bours, that his cell would have been thronged with visiters, but for thedifficulty of the approach to it. As it was, it was seldom resorted to, exceptfor the purpose of obtaining his opinion and counsel on all the seriousconcerns of his neighbours. He prescribed for the sick, and often providedthe medicine they required – expounded the law – adjusted disputes –made all their little arithmetical calculations – gave them moral instruction– and, when he could not afford them relief in their difficulties, he taughtthem patience, and gave them consolation. He, in short, united, for thesimple people by whom he was surrounded, the functions of lawyer,physician, schoolmaster, and divine, and richly merited the reverentialrespect in which they held him, as well as their little presents of eggs, fruit,and garden stuff.

“From the first evening that I joined the party which I saw clambering upthe path that led to the Hermit’s cell, I found myself strongly attached tothis venerable man, and the more so, from the mystery which hungaround his history. It was agreed that he was not a Burmese. Nonedeemed to know certainly where he was born, or why he came thither. Hisown account was, that he had devoted himself to the service of God, andin his pilgrimage over the east, had selected this as a spot particularlyfavourable to the life of quiet and seclusion he wished to lead.

“There was one part of his story to which I could scarcely give credit. Itwas said that in the twelve or fifteen years he had resided in this place, hehad been occasionally invisible for months together, and no one could tellwhy he disappeared, or whither he had gone. At these times his cell wasclosed; and although none ventured to force their way into it, those whowere the most prying could hear no sound indicating that he was within.



Various were the conjectures formed on the subject. Some supposed thathe withdrew from the sight of men for the purpose of more fervent prayerand more holy meditation; others, that he visited his home, or some otherdistant country. The more superstitious believed that he had, by a kind ofmetempsychosis, taken a new shape, which, by some magical or super-natural power, he could assume and put off at pleasure This opinion wasperhaps the most prevalent, as it gained a colour with these simple people,from the chemical and astronomical instruments he possessed In these heevidently took great pleasure, and by then means he acquired some of theknowledge by which he so often excited their admiration.

“He soon distinguished me from the rest of his visiters, by addressingquestions to me relative to my history and adventures, and I, in turn, wasgratified to have met with one who took an interest in my concerns, andwho alone, of all I had here met with, could either enter into my feelingsor comprehend my opinions. Our conversations were earned on inEnglish, which he spoke with facility and correctness We soon foundourselves so much to each other’s taste, that there was seldom an eveningthat I did not make him a visit, and pass an hour or two in his company

“I learned from him that he was born and bred at Benares, in Hindostan,that he had been intended for the priesthood, and had been well instructedin the literature of the east That a course of untoward circumstances, uponwhich he seemed unwilling to dwell, had changed his destination, andmade him a wanderer on the face of the earth That in the neighbouringkingdom of Siam he had formed an intimacy with a learned French Jesuit,who had not only taught him his language, but imparted to him aknowledge of much of the science of Europe, its institutions and mannersThat after the death of this friend, he had renewed his wanderings, andhaving been detained in this village by a fit of sickness for some weeks, hewas warned that it was time to quit his rambling life. This place being rec-ommended to him, both by its quiet seclusion, and the unsophisticatedmanners of its inhabitants, he determined to pass the remnant of his dayshere, and, by devoting them to the purposes of piety, charity, and science,to discharge his duty to his Creator, his species, and himself, ‘for the loveof knowledge,’ he added, ‘has long been my chief source of selfishenjoyment’“

The acquaintance between Atterley and the Brahmin, ripened by degrees,into that close friendship, which a congeniality of tastes and sentiments,under proper opportunities, never fails to engender. Atterley’s visits to thehermitage, became more and more frequent, for upwards of three years,during which period, the Brahmin had occasionally thrown out obscurehints, that the time would come, when our hero should be restored toliberty, and that he had an important secret which he would one day com-



municate. About this period, one afternoon in the month of March, whenAtterley repaired, as usual, to the hermitage, he found the Brahmin danger-ously ill of a pleuritic affection, and apprehensive that the attack mightprove fatal –

“Sit down,” said he, “on that block, and listen to what I shall say to youThough I shall quit this state of being for another and a better, I confessthat I was alarmed at the thought of expiring, before I had an opportunityof seeing and conversing with you I am the depository of a secret, that Ibelieve is known to no other living mortal I once determined that it shoulddie with me, and had I not met with you, it certainly should But from ourfirst acquaintance, my heart has been strongly attracted towards you, andas soon as I found you possessed of qualities to inspire esteem as well asregard, I felt disposed to give you this proof of my confidence Still Ihesitated I first wished to deliberate on the probable effects of my dis-closure upon the condition of society I saw that it might produce evil, aswell as good, but on weighing the two together, I have satisfied myself thatthe good will preponderate, and have determined to act accordingly Takethis key, (stretching out his feverish hand,) and after waiting two hours, inwhich time the medicine I have taken will have either produced a goodeffect or put an end to my sufferings, you may then open that blue chest inthe corner It has a false bottom On removing the paper which covers it,you will find the manuscript containing the important secret, togetherwith some gold pieces, which I have saved for the day of need – because –(and he smiled in spite of his sufferings) – because hoarding is one of thepleasures of old men. Take them both, and use them discreetly.”

Atterley quitted the cell, and waited with feverish expectation for the ter-mination of the allotted two hours, when, to his inexpressible delight, hefound, on re-entering the cell, that not only did the Brahmin breathe, butthat he slept soundly; and, in the course of an hour, he awoke, almostrestored to health. This event, however, was the occasion of a more earlydisclosure of the Brahmin’s important secret, but not until he had recoveredhis ordinary health and vigour: –

“I have already told you, my dear Atterley, that I was born and educatedat Benares, and that science is there more thoroughly understood andtaught than the people of the west are aware of. We have, for manythousands of years, been good astronomers, chymists, mathematicians,and philosophers. We had discovered the secret of gunpowder, themagnetic attraction, the properties of electricity, long before they wereheard of in Europe. We know more than we have revealed, and much ofour knowledge is deposited in the archives of the castle to which I belong,



but, for want of language generally understood and easily learnt, (forthese records are always written in the Sanscrit, that is no longer a spokenlanguage,) and the diffusion which is given by the art of printing, thesesecrets of science are communicated only to a few, and sometimes evensleep with their authors, until a subsequent discovery, under morefavourable circumstances, brings them again to light.

“It was at this seat of science that I learned, from one of our sages, thephysical truth which I am now about to communicate, and which he dis-covered, partly by his researches into the writings of ancient Pundits, andpartly by his own extraordinary sagacity. There is a principle of repulsionas well as gravitation in the earth. It causes fire to rise upwards. It isexhibited in electricity. It occasions water-spouts, volcanoes, and earth-quakes. After much labour and research, this principle has been foundembodied in a metallic substance, which is met with in the mountain inwhich we are, united with a very heavy earth, and this circumstance hadgreat influence in inducing me to settle myself here.

“This metal, when separated and purified, has as great a tendency to flyoff from the earth, as a piece of gold or lead has to approach it. Aftermaking a number of curious experiments with it, we bethought ourselvesof putting it to some use, and soon contrived, with the aid of it, to makecars and ascend into the air. We were very secret in these operations, forour unhappy country having then recently fallen under the subjection ofthe British nation, we apprehended that if we divulged our arcanum, theywould not only fly away with all our treasures, whether found in palace orpagoda, but also carry off the inhabitants, to make them slaves in theircolonies, as their government had not then abolished the African slavetrade.

“After various trials and many successive improvements, in which ourdesires increased with our success, we determined to penetrate the aerialvoid as far as we could, providing for that purpose an apparatus, withwhich you will become better acquainted hereafter. In the course of ourexperiments, we discovered that this same metal, which was repelled fromthe earth, was in the same degree attracted towards the moon, for in oneof our excursions, still aiming to ascend higher than we had ever donebefore, we were actually carried to that satellite, and if we had not therefallen into a lake, and our machine had not been water-tight, we musthave been dashed to pieces or drowned. You will find in this book,” headded, presenting me with a small volume, bound in green parchment,and fastened with silver clasps, “a minute detail of the apparatus to beprovided, and the directions to be pursued in making this wonderfulvoyage. I have written it since I satisfied my mind that my fears of Britishrapacity were unfounded, and that I should do more good than harm bypublishing the secret. But still I am not sure,” he added, with one of his


2 Aristoph. in Pace. 130.3 Orlando furioso, Canto xxxiv. St. 68 and 69.


faint but significant smiles, “that I am not actuated by a wish to immor-talize my name; for where is the mortal who would be indifferent to thisobject, if he thought he could attain it? Read the book at your leisure, andstudy it.”

Here, by the way, we may remark, that the kind of vehicle best adaptedfor conveyance through the aerial void, has been a weighty stumbling blockto authors, from the time of the eagle-mounted Ganymede, to that of DanielO’Rourke; or of the wing furnished Daedalus and Icarus, to that of theflying Turk in Constantinople, referred to by Busbequius; or of the flyingartist of the happy valley, in Rasselas. When Trygaeus was desirous ofreaching the Gods, he erected, we are told, a series of small ladders – epeitalepta klimakia – but receiving a severe contusion on the head, from theirdownfall, he ingeniously had recourse to a scheme of flying through the air,on a colossal variety of those industrious but not over-delicate insects, theScarabaeus Carnifex – the only insect, notwithstanding, according to Aesop,privileged to ascend to the habitations of the gods –

monoj peteinwn eis qeouj afugmenoj.2

Most of the stories of Pegasi and Hippogriffs, and of flying chariots, fromthat of Phaeton downwards to Astolfo’s,3 were evidently intended by theirauthors as mythical; not so, however, with Bishop Wilkins; – he boldlyavers, for several reasons which he keeps to himself, and for others not verycomprehensible to us, which he details “seriously and on good grounds,”“that it is possible to make a flying chariot, in which a man may sit, and givesuch a motion unto it, as shall convey him through the air; and this perhapsmight be made large enough to carry divers men at the same time, togetherwith food for their viaticum, and commodities for traffic.” “It is not,”lucidly continues the Bishop, “the bigness of any thing in this kind, that canhinder its motion, if the motive faculty be answerable thereunto. We see agreat ship swims as well as a small cork; and an eagle flies in the air, as wellas a little gnat. This engine may be contrived from the same principles bywhich Archytas made a wooden dove, and Regiomontanus a wooden eagle.I conceive it were no difficult matter, (if a man had leisure,) to show moreparticularly the means of composing it”! – which want of leisure in thecredulous Bishop, our readers will regret with us, especially those inventivegeniuses, who, like the projector in the reign of George I., published a


4 Micromegas, Histoire Philosophique, chap. 8.


scheme for manufacturing pine plank from pine saw-dust, or the still moreingenious undertaker of later times, who proposed to make pine plank outof oak saw-dust, by the mere addition of a little turpentine!

Again, Swift’s flying Island of Laputa is a phenomenon so opposed to allscientific probability, and so directly at variance with natural laws, that itloses in interest in a direct ratio with the violence it does to our feelings. Noris the mode of conveyance imagined by Voltaire less incongruous than thatof Swift. When Micromegas, ah inhabitant of Sirius, whose adventures wereevidently suggested by those of Gulliver, accompanied by an inhabitant ofSaturn, leaves the latter planet, they are, in the first place, made to leap uponthe Ring of Saturn, which they find tolerably flat, “comme l’a fort biendevine un illustre habitant de notre petit globe:” thence they go from moonto moon, and a comet passing close to one of these, they throw themselvesupon it, with their attendants and instruments. In their course, they fall inwith the satellites of Jupiter, and pass on to Jupiter itself, where they remainfor a year; but what becomes of the comet in the mean time, we are notinformed! Leaving Jupiter, they “coast” along the planet Mars, and finallyreach the earth, where they resolve to disembark. Accordingly “ils passerentsur la queue de la comete; et trouvant une aurore boreale toute prete, ils semirent dedans, et arriverent a terre sur le bord septentrional de la MerBaltique”!4

The vehicle, however, has not formed the sole obstacle to those projectors:– the viaticum, especially the food, has been a difficulty not readily got over.Before Bishop Wilkins alludes to his flying chariot, he remarks, that even ifmen could fly, the swiftest of them would probably be half a year in reachingthe end of his journey; and hence a problem would arise, “how it werepossible to tarry so long without sleep or diet?” Of the former obstacle,however, he quickly disposes, – “seeing we do not then spend ourselves inany labour, we shall not, it may be, need the refreshment of sleep: but if wedo, we cannot desire a softer bed than the air, where we may reposeourselves firmly and safely as in our chambers”! Of the latter he findssomewhat more difficulty in disposing, – “and here it is considerable, that,since our bodies will then be devoid of gravity and other impediments ofmotion, we shall not at all spend ourselves in any labour, and so, conse-quently, not much need the reparation of diet, but may perhaps livealtogether without it, as those creatures have done, who, by reason of theirsleeping for many days together, have not spent any spirits, and so notwanted any food; which is commonly related of serpents, crocodiles, bears,cuckoos, swallows, and such like. To this purpose, Mendoca reckons updivers strange relations, as that of Epimenides, who is storied to have slept


5 Fuller, a learned contemporary of the Bishop, has given us an amusing case of liti-gation, originating from this nourishing character of odours. –

“A poor man, being very hungry, staid so long in a cook’s shop, who was dishing upmeat, that his stomach was satisfied with only the smell thereof. The choleric cookdemanded of him to pay for his breakfast, the poor man denied having had any; andthe controversy was referred to the deciding of the next man that should pass by,who chanced to be the most notorious idiot in the whole city be, on the relation ofthe matter, determined that the poor man’s money should be put betwixt two emptydishes, and the cook should be recompensed with the jingling of the poor man’smoney, as he was satisfied with the smell of the cook’s meat.” – Fuller’s Holy State,lib. iii. c. 12.

6 Aristophan. in pace. 137.


seventy-five years; and another of a rustic in Germany, who, being acciden-tally covered with a hay-rick, slept there for all the autumn and the winterfollowing, without any nourishment Or, if we must needs feed uponsomething else, why may not smells nourish us? Plutarch, and Pliny, anddivers other ancients, tell us of a nation in India, that lived only uponpleasing odours; and it is the common opinion of physicians, that these dostrangely both strengthen and repair the spirits. Hence was it thatDemocritus was able, for divers days together, to feed himself with the meresmell of hot bread.5 Or, if it be necessary that our stomachs must receive thefood, why then it is not impossible that the purity of the etherial air, beingnot mixed with any improper vapours, may be so agreeable to our bodies,as to yield us sufficient nourishment,” with many other arguments of the likenature. The Bishop ultimately, however, severs the knot, by the suggestionof his flying chariot, which he makes large enough (for, ce n’est que lepremier pas qui coute!) to carry not only food for the viaticum of the pas-sengers, but also commodities for their traffic!

Infinitely more ingenuity did the great comic poet of antiquity display,when he selected the Scarabaeus; as the food which had already served thepurposes of digestion with the Rider, was still capable of affording nutritionto the animal: –

nun d’ att’ an autoj katafagw ta sitia. toutoisi toij autoisi touton cortasw6

Now all these schemes, ingenious as they may be, are objectionable for thesame reasons as the flying Island of Laputa – their glaring violation ofverisimilitude, and many of them of possibility. In these respects, that of theauthor of the work before us is liable to less objection: he only resorts to anextension of avowed physical principles; and if we could suppose asubstance, which, instead of gravitating towards the earth, is repelled from



it and attracted towards the moon, (certainly a difficult “premier pas,”) theremainder of the machinery, for reaching that luminary, would not beinconsistent with probability or the known laws of physics.

But, to return to the narrative: – The Brahmin having given Atterley adescription of some of the remarkable objects which he met with, in hisvoyage to the moon; expressed his anxiety to repeat it, for the purpose ofascertaining some facts about which he had been speculating, as well as ofremoving the incredulity with which, he could not but perceive, his story hadimpressed his hearer, notwithstanding his belief in the Hermit’s integrity;when Atterley eagerly caught at the proposal. Their preparations, however,required time as well as considerable skill, not only for the construction ofthe vehicle, but also to avoid suspicion and interruption from the Governorof Mergui, – and the priesthood, who possessed the usual Oriental super-stition and intolerance.

For the construction of their apparatus they had recourse to an ingeniousartificer in copper and other metals, whose child the Brahmin had beeninstrumental in curing of a chronic disease, and in whose fidelity as well asgood will they could securely rely.

“The coppersmith agreed to undertake the work we wanted done, for amoderate compensation, but we did not think it prudent to inform him ofour object, which he supposed was to make some philosophical experiment.It was forthwith arranged that he should occasionally visit the Hermit, toreceive instructions, as if for the purpose of asking medical advice. Duringthis interval my mind was absorbed with our project; and when in company,I was so thoughtful and abstracted, that it has since seemed strange to methat Sing Fou’s suspicions that I was planning my escape were not moreexcited. At length, by dint of great exertion, in about three months everything was in readiness, and we determined on the following night to set outon our perilous expedition.

“The machine in which we proposed to embark, was a copper vessel,that would have been an exact cube of six feet, if the corners and edgeshad not been rounded off. It had an opening large enough to receive ourbodies, which was closed by double sliding pannels, with quilted clothbetween them. When these were properly adjusted, the machine wasperfectly air-tight, and strong enough, by means of iron bars runningalternately inside and out, to resist the pressure of the atmosphere, whenthe machine should be exhausted of its air, as we took the precaution toprove by the aid of an air pump. On the top of the copper chest and on theoutside, we had as much of the lunar metal (which I shall henceforth calllunarium) as we found by calculation and experiment, would overcomethe weight of the machine, as well as its contents, and take us to the moonon the third day. As the air which the machine contained, would not be



sufficient for our respiration more than about six hours, and the chief partof the space we were to pass through was a mere void, we providedourselves with a sufficient supply, by condensing it in a small globularvessel, made partly of iron and partly of lunarium, to take off its weight.On my return, I gave Mr. Jacob Perkins, who is now in England, a hint ofthis plan of condensation, and it has there obtained him great celebrity.This fact I should not have thought it worth while to mention, had he nottaken the sole merit of the invention to himself, at least I cannot hear thatin his numerous public notices he has ever mentioned my name.

“But to return. A small circular window, made of a single piece of thickclear glass, was neatly fitted on each of the six sides. Several pieces of leadwere securely fastened to screws which passed through the bottom of themachine as well as a thick plank. The screws were so contrived, that byturning them in one direction, the pieces of lead attached to them wereimmediately disengaged from the hooks with which they were connected.The pieces of lunarium were fastened in like manner to screws, whichpassed through the top of the machine; so that by turning them in onedirection, those metallic pieces would fly into the air with the velocity of arocket. The Brahmin took with him a thermometer, two telescopes, one ofwhich projected through the top of the machine, and the other throughthe bottom; a phosphoric lamp, pen, ink, and paper, and some lightrefreshments sufficient to supply us for some days.

“The moon was then in her third quarter, and near the zenith: it was, ofcourse, a little after midnight, and when the coppersmith and his familywere in their soundest sleep, that we entered the machine. In about anhour more we had the doors secured, and every thing arranged in its place,when, cutting the cords which fastened us to the ground, by means ofsmall steel blades which worked in the ends of other screws, we rose fromthe earth with a whizzing sound, and a sensation at first of very rapidascent, but after a short time, we were scarcely sensible of any motion inthe machine, except when we changed our places.”

After the apprehensions of Atterley, occasioned by the novelty and dangerof his situation, had partly subsided, he was enabled, with mingled awe andadmiration, to contemplate the magnificent spectacle beneath him. As theearth turned round its axis, during their ascent, every part of its surface camesuccessively under view. At nine o’clock, the whole of India was to the westof them; its rivers resembling small filaments of silver, and the Red Sea anarrow plate of the same metal. The peninsula of India was of a dark, andArabia of a light, grayer green, and the sun’s rays striking on the Atlantic,emitted an effulgence dazzling to the eyes. On looking, some time after-wards, through the telescope, they observed the African Continent, at itsnorthern edge; fringed, as it were, with green; “then a dull white belt marked



the great Sahara or Desert, and then it exhibited a deep green to its mostsouthern extremity.” The Morea and Grecian Archipelago now fell undertheir telescope, and gradually the whole Mediterranean, and Arabian Gulf –the great media separating Africa from Europe and Asia; “the politicaldivisions of these quarters of the world were of course undistinguishable,and few of the natural were discernible by the naked eye. The Alps weremarked by a white streak, though less bright than the water.” By the aid ofthe glass they could just discern the Danube, the Nile, and “a river whichempties itself into the Gulf of Guinea,” and which Atterley took to be theNiger; but the other streams were not perceptible. The most conspicuousobject of the solid part of the globe was the great Desert; the whole of Africa,however, appeared of a brighter hue than either Asia or Europe.

“I was struck too, with the vast disproportion which the extent of theseveral countries of the earth bore to the part they had acted in history, andthe influence they had exerted on human affairs. The British islands haddiminished to a speck, and France was little larger, yet, a few years ago itseemed, at least to us in the United States, as if there were no other nationson the earth. The Brahmin, who was well read in European history, on mymaking a remark on this subject, reminded me that Athens and Sparta hadonce obtained almost equal celebrity, although they were so small as notnow to be visible. As I slowly passed the telescope over the face of Europe,I pictured to myself the fat, plodding Hollander – the patient, contemplativeGerman – the ingenious, sensual Italian – the temperate Swiss – the haughty,superstitious Spaniard – the sprightly, self-complacent Frenchman – thesullen and reflecting Englishman – who monopolise nearly all the scienceand literature of the earth, to which they bear so small a proportion. As theAtlantic fell under our view, two faint circles on each side of the equator,were to be perceived by the naked eye. They were less bright than the rest ofthe ocean. The Brahmin suggested that they might be currents; whichbrought to my memory Dr. Franklin’s conjecture on the subject, now com-pletely verified by this circular line of vapour, as it had been previouslyrendered probable by the floating substances, which had been occasionallypicked up, at great distances from the places where they had been throwninto the ocean. The circle was whiter and more distinct, where the GulfStream runs parallel to the American coast, and gradually grew fainter as itpassed along the Banks of Newfoundland, to the coast of Europe, where,taking a southerly direction, the line of the circle was barely discernible. Asimilar circle of vapour, though less defined and complete, was perceived inthe South Atlantic Ocean.”

By degrees the travellers saw one half of the broad expanse of the Pacific,which glistened like quicksilver or polished steel, and subsequently the



middle of the Pacific lay immediately beneath them; the irregular distrib-ution of land and water on the globe, the expanse of Ocean here, being twiceas large as in any other part, gives occasion to some amusing discussions onthe various theories of cosmogony, to which we can only refer the reader;wearied, however, by these and other discussions, Atterley slept for sixhours, and on awaking, found the Brahmin busy in calculating theirprogress; after which the latter lay down and soon fell into a tranquil sleep,having previously requested that he might be awakened at the expiration ofthree hours, or sooner if any thing of moment should occur. Atterley nowlooked down again through the telescope, and found the earth surprisinglydiminished in its apparent dimensions, from the increased rapidity of theirascent; the eastern coasts of Asia were still full in view, as well as the wholefigure of that extensive continent – of New-Holland, of Ceylon and ofBorneo; but the smaller islands were invisible.

“I strained my eye to no purpose, to follow the indentations of the coast,according to the map before me, the great bays and promontories couldalone be perceived. The Burman Empire, in one of the insignificantvillages of which I had been confined for a few years, was now reduced toa speck. The agreeable hours I had passed with the Brahmin, with the littledaughter of Sing Fou, and my rambling over the neighbouring heights, allrecurred to my mind, and I almost regretted the pleasures I had relin-quished. I tried with more success to beguile the time by making notes inmy journal, and after having devoted about an hour to this object, Ireturned to the telescope, and now took occasion to examine the figure ofthe earth near the Poles, with a view of discovering whether its formfavoured Captain Symmes’s theory of an aperture existing there, and I amconvinced that that ingenious gentleman is mistaken. Time passed soheavily during these solitary occupations, that I looked at my watch everyfive minutes, and could scarcely be persuaded it was not out of order. Ithen took up my little Bible, (which had always been my travellingcompanion,) read a few chapters in St. Matthew, and found my feelingstranquillized, and my courage increased. The desired hour at lengtharrived; when, on waking the old man, he alertly raised himself up, and atthe first view of the diminished appearance of the earth, observed that ourjourney was a third over, as to time, but not as to distance.”

After having again composed himself to rest for about four hours, Atterleywas awakened by the Brahmin, in whose arms he found himself, and, onlooking around, discovered that he was lying on what had been the ceilingof the chamber, which still, however, felt like the bottom. The reason of thisphenomenon was thus explained to him by the Brahmin – “we have, whileyou were asleep, passed the middle point between the earth’s and the moon’s



attraction; and we now gravitate less towards our own planet than (to) hersatellite. I took the precaution to move you, before you fell by your owngravity, from what was lately the bottom, to that which is now so, and tokeep you in this place until you were retained in it by the moon’s attraction;for though your fall would have been, at this point, like that of a feather, yetit would have given you some shock and alarm. The machine, therefore, hasundergone no change in its position or course; – the change is altogether inour feelings.”

The whole face of the moon, Atterley now found to be entirely changed,and on looking through the upper telescope, the earth presented anappearance not very dissimilar; but the outline of her continents and oceanswas still perceptible in different shades, and capable of being readily recog-nised; the bright glare of the sun, however, made the surfaces of both bodiessomewhat dim and pale.

“After a short interval, I again looked at the moon, and found not onlyits magnitude very greatly increased, but that it was beginning to presenta more beautiful spectacle. The sun’s rays fell obliquely on her disc, so thatby a large part of its surface not reflecting the light, I saw every object onit, so far as I was enabled by the power of my telescope. Its mountains,lakes, seas, continents, and islands, were faintly, though not indistinctly,traced; and every moment brought forth something new to catch my eye,and awaken my curiosity. The whole face of the moon was of a silveryhue, relieved and varied by the softest and most delicate shades. No cloudnor speck of vapour intercepted my view. One of my exclamations ofdelight awakened the Brahmin, who quickly arose, and looking down onthe resplendent orb below us, observed that we must soon begin toslacken the rapidity of our course, by throwing out ballast. The moon’sdimensions now rapidly increased; the separate mountains, which formedthe ridges and chains on her surface, began to be plainly visible throughthe telescope; whilst, on the shaded side, several volcanoes appeared uponher disc, like the flashes of our fire-fly, or rather like the twinkling of starsin a frosty night. He remarked, that the extraordinary clearness andbrightness of the objects on the moon’s surface, was owing to her havinga less extensive and more transparent atmosphere than the earth: adding –‘The difference is so great, that some of our astronomical observers havebeen induced to think she has none. If that, however, had been the case,our voyage would have been impracticable.’”

After gazing for some time on this magnificent spectacle, with admirationand delight, one of their balls of lunarium was let off for the purpose ofchecking their velocity. At this time the Brahmin supposed they were notmore than four thousand miles from the nearest point of the moon’s surface.



In about four hours more, her apparent magnitude was so great, that theycould see her by looking out of either of the side windows.

“Her disc had now lost its former silvery appearance, and began to lookmore like that of the earth, when seen at the same distance. It was a mostgratifying spectacle to behold the objects successively rising to our view,and steadily enlarging in their dimensions. The rapidity with which weapproached the moon, impressed me, in spite of myself, with the alarmingsensation of falling; and I found myself alternately agitated with a sense ofthis danger, and with impatience to take a nearer view of the new objectsthat greeted my eyes. The Brahmin was wholly absorbed in calculationsfor the purpose of adjusting our velocity to the distance we had to go, hisestimates of which, however, were in a great measure conjectural; andever and anon he would let off a ball of the lunar metal.

“After a few hours, we were so near the moon that every object was seenin our glass, as distinctly as the shells or marine plants through a piece ofshallow sea-water, though the eye could take in but a small part of hersurface, and the horizon, which bounded our view, was rapidly con-tracting. On letting the air escape from our machine, it did not now rushout with the same violence as before, which showed that we were withinthe moon’s atmosphere. This, as well as ridding ourselves of the metalballs, aided in checking our progress. By and by we were within a fewmiles of the highest mountains, when we threw down so much of ourballast, that we soon appeared almost stationary. The Brahmin remarked,that he should avail himself of the currents of air we might meet with, toselect a favourable place for landing, though we were necessarily attractedtowards the same region, in consequence of the same half of the moon’ssurface being always turned towards the earth.”

The Brahmin now pointed out the necessity of looking out for some culti-vated field, in one of the valleys they were approaching, where they mightrely on being not far distant from some human habitation, and on escapingthe perils necessarily attendant on a descent amongst rocks, trees, andbuildings. A gentle breeze now arising, as appeared by their horizontalmotion, which wafted them at the rate of about ten miles an hour, over aridge of mountains, a lake, a thick wood, &c. they at length reached a culti-vated region, which the Brahmin recognised as the country of the Morosofs,the place they were anxious to visit. By now letting off two balls of lead tothe Earth, they descended rapidly; and when they were sufficiently near theground to observe that it was a fit place for landing, opened the door of theirBalloon, and found the air of the moon inconceivably sweet and refreshing.They now let loose one of their lower balls, which somewhat retarded theirdescent; and in a few minutes more, being within twenty yards of the



ground, they let go the largest ball of lunarium, which, having a cordattached to it, served in lieu of a grapnel; by this they drew themselves down,were disengaged from the machine in a twinkling, and landed “safe andsound” on, we presume, “luna firma!”

Having seen our travellers securely deposited in the moon, we mayremark, that in the passage from the earth, various topics of an interestingand important character were canvassed by the Brahmin and hiscompanion; one, on the causes of national superiority, suggested by theviews of Africa, and a comparison between that benighted country andothers more illuminated, is especially worthy of attention, as containing acondensed and philosophical view of the subject; eloquently and perspicu-ously conveyed.

The view of America, suggests some remarks on the political peculiaritiesof the United States, with speculations on their future destiny.

A lively description of the contrast between the circumstances of theKamtschadale –

“The shuddering tenant of the frigid zone,”

and the gay, voluptuous native of the Sandwich, and other isles within thetropics – the one passing his life in toil, privation, and care – the other inease, abundance, and enjoyment – leads to a similar conclusion to thatexpressed by Goldsmith: –

“And yet, perhaps, if countries we compare, And estimate the blessings which they share, Though patriots flatter, still shall wisdom find An equal portion dealt to all mankind.”

A disquisition also takes place – whether India or Egypt were the parentof the Arts?

This leads them to refer to the strange custom in the country of theBrahmin, which impels the widow to throw herself on the funeral pile, andbe consumed with her husband: –

“I told him,” says Atterley, “that it had often been represented as com-pulsory – or, in other words, that it was said that every art and meanswere resorted to, for the purpose of working on the mind of the woman,by her relatives, aided by the priests, who would be naturally gratified bysuch signal triumphs of religion over the strongest feelings of nature. Headmitted that these engines were sometimes put in operation, and thatthey impelled to the sacrifice, some who were wavering; but insisted, thatin a majority of instances, the Suttee was voluntary.



“‘Women,’ said he, ‘are brought up from their infancy, to regard oursex as their superiors, and to believe that their greatest merit consists inentire devotion to their husbands. Under this feeling, and having, at thesame time, their attention frequently turned to the chance of such acalamity, they are better prepared to meet it when it occurs. How few ofthe officers in your western armies, ever hesitate to march, at the head oftheir men, on a forlorn hope? and how many even court the danger forthe sake of the glory? Nay, you tell me that, according to your code ofhonour, if one man insults another, he who gives the provocation, and hewho receives it, rather than be disgraced in the eyes of their countrymen,will go out, and quietly shoot at each other with fire-arms, till one ofthem is killed or wounded; and this too, in many cases, when the injuryhas been merely nominal. If you show such a contempt of death, indeference to a custom founded in mere caprice, can it be wondered thata woman should show it, in the first paroxysms of her grief for the lossof him to whom was devoted every thought, word, and action of her life,and who, next to her God, was the object of her idolatry? My dearAtterley,’ he continued, with emotion, ‘you little know the strength ofwoman’s love!’”

Other topics of interest are also discussed with the like ingenuity.After this episode, it is time for us to return to our travellers, whose

feelings, the moment they touched the ground, repayed them for all theyhad endured. Atterley looked around with the most intense curiosity; butnothing he saw, “surprised him so much, as to find so little that was sur-prising:” – vegetation, insects, and other animals, were pretty much of thesame character as those he had before seen; but, on better acquaintance, hefound the difference greater than he had at first supposed. Having refreshedthemselves with the remains of their stores, and secured the door of themachine, they bent their course to the town of Alamatua, about three milesdistant, which seemed to contain about two thousand houses, and to be notquite as large as Albany; the people were tall and thin, and of a pale,yellowish complexion; their garments light, loose, and flowing, and notvery different from those of the Turks; they subsist chiefly on a vegetablediet, live about as long as we do on the earth, notwithstanding the great dif-ference of climate, and other circumstances; and do not, in their manners,habits, or character, differ more from the inhabitants of this globe, thansome of the latter do from one another; their government, anciently monar-chical, is now popular; their code of laws very intricate; their language,naturally soft and musical, has been yet further refined by the cultivation ofletters; and they have a variety of sects in religion, politics, and philosophy.

The lunarians do not, as Butler has it –



“When the sun shines hot at noon, Inhabit cellars under ground, Of eight miles deep and eighty round.”

But, one half of their houses is beneath the surface, partly for the purpose ofscreening them from the continued action of the sun’s rays, and partly onaccount of the earthquakes caused by volcanoes. The windows of the housesconsisted of openings in the wall, sloping so much upwards, that, whilst theyfreely admitted the light and air, the sun was completely excluded. As soon asthey were espied by the natives, great curiosity was of course excited; not,however, to so troublesome an extent, as might have been, from the circum-stance of the Brahmin’s having visited the moon before. Hence he was soonrecognised by some of his acquaintances, and conducted to the house of thegovernor, by whom they were graciously received, and who “began a courseof interesting inquiries regarding the affairs of the earth;” but a gentleman,whom they afterwards understood to be one of the leaders of the popularparty, coming in, he soon despatched them; having, however, first directed anofficer to furnish them with all that was necessary for their accommodation,at the public expense; “which act of hospitality, they had reason to fear, occa-sioned him some trouble and perplexity at the succeeding election.”

A more minute description follows, of the dress of the male and femalelunarians, especially of that of the latter, to which we can merely refer thereader. There is one portion, however, of the inhabitants, with whom thereader must be made acquainted, inasmuch as they form some of theauthor’s most prominent characters. A large number of lunarians, it seems,are born without any intellectual vigour, and wander about like so manyautomatons, under the care of the government, until illumined by the mentalray, from some terrestrial brain, through the mysterious influence which themoon is known to exercise on our planet. But, in this case, the inhabitant ofthe earth loses what he of the moon gains, the ordinary portion of under-standing being divided between two; and, “as might be expected, there is amost exact conformity between the man of the earth, and his counterpart inthe moon, in all their principles of action, and modes of thinking:” –

“These Glonglims, as they are called, after they have been thus imbuedwith intellect, are held in peculiar respect by the vulgar, and are thoughtto be in every way superior to those whose understandings are entire. Thelaws by which two objects, so far apart, operate on each other, have been,as yet, but imperfectly developed, and the wilder their freaks, the morethey are the objects of wonder and admiration.”

“Now and then, though very rarely, the man of the earth regains theintellect he has lost; in which case, his lunar counterpart returns to his


7 The idea of the Glonglims is the author’s. Ariosto makes the lost intellect, of thosewho become insane upon the earth, ascend to the moon, where it is kept bottled. –

“Era come un liquor suttile e molle, Atto a esalar, se non si tien ben chiuso; E si vedea raccolto in varie ampolle, Qual piu, qual men capace, atte a quell’ uso.”Orlando furioso, Cant. 34. St. 83.

8 Our author might also have alluded to the old apology for every thing inane or con-temptible – “It is a tale of the man in the moon.” When that arch flatterer, John Lylie,published (in 1591) his “Endymion, or the man in the moon” – a court comedy, as itwas afterwards called; in other words, intended for the gratification of QueenElizabeth, and in which her personal charms and attractions are grossly lauded – hepleads guilty to its defect in plot, in the following exquisite apologetic prologue: –

“Most high and happy Princess, we must tell you a tale of the man in the moon;which, if it seem ridiculous for the method, or superfluous for the matter, or for themeans incredible, for three faults we can make but one excuse, – it is a tale of the manof the moon.”


former state of imbecility. Both parties are entirely unconscious of thechange – one, of what he has lost, and the other, of what he has gained.”7

The belief of the influence of the moon on the human intellect, theBrahmin remarks, may be perceived in the opinions of the vulgar, and inmany of the ordinary forms of expression; and he takes occasion to remark,that these very opinions, as well as some obscure hints in the Sanscrit, givecountenance to the idea, that they were not the only voyagers to the moon;but that, on the contrary, the voyage had been performed in remoteantiquity; and the Lunarians, we are told, have a similar tradition. Manyordinary forms of expression are adduced in support of these ideas.

“Thus,” says the Brahmin, “it is generally believed, throughout all Asia,that the moon has an influence on the brain: and when a man is of insanemind, we call him a lunatic. One of the curses of the common people is,‘May the moon eat up your brains!’ and in China, they say of a man whohas done any act of egregious folly, ‘He was gathering wool in the moon.’“I was struck with these remarks; and told the hermit that the language ofEurope afforded the same indirect evidence of the fact he mentioned, – thatmy own language, especially, abounded with expressions which could beexplained on no other hypothesis: for, besides the terms “lunacy,”“lunatic,” and the supposed influence of the moon on the brain, when wesee symptoms of a disordered intellect, we say the mind wanders, whichevidently alludes to a part of it rambling to a distant region, as is the moon.We say too, a man is “out of his head,” that is, his mind being in anotherman’s head, must of course be out of his own. To “know no more than theman in the moon,” is a proverbial expression for ignorance, and is withoutmeaning, unless it be considered to refer to the Glonglims.8


“It was forbidden in old time to dispute of Chymera, because it was a fiction: wehope in our times none will apply pastimes, because they are fancies: for there livethnone under the sun that knows what to make of the man in the moon. We presentneither comedy, nor tragedy, nor story, nor any thing, but that whosoever hearethmay say this: – ‘Why, here is a tale of the man in the moon.’ Yet this is the man des-ignated by Blount, who re-published his plays in 1632, as the ‘only rare poet of thattime, the witie, comicall, facetiously-quicke, and unparallel’d John Lylie, Master ofArts!’”

9 It is to be regretted that the author has not followed the good example set him byJohnson, in his Debates in the Senate of Magna Lilliputia, published in the


“We say that an insane man is ‘distracted,’ by which we mean that hismind is drawn two different ways. So also, we call a lunatic a man besidehimself, which most distinctly expresses the two distinct bodies his mindnow animates. There are, moreover, many other analogous expressions, as‘moonstruck,’ ‘deranged,’ ‘extravagant,’ and some others, which, alto-gether, form a mass of concurring testimony that it is impossible to resist.”

Leaving this ingenious badinage with the defence of the serious and senti-mental Schiller,

“Hoher Sinn liegt oft in Kindischen Spiele,”

we return to our travellers, who, at their lodgings, meet with an instance oflunar puritanism – the family eating those portions of fruits, vegetables, &c.,which are thrown away by us, and vice versa, “from a persuasion that allpleasure received through the senses is sinful, and that man never appears soacceptable in the sight of the Deity, as when he rejects all the delicacies of thepalate, as well as other sensual gratifications, and imposes on himself thatfood to which he feels naturally most repugnant.”

Avarice is satirized by the story of one of these Glonglims, who is occupiedin making nails, and then dropping them into a well – refusing to exchangethem for bread or clothes, notwithstanding his starved, haggard appearance,and evident desire for the food proffered: –

“Mettant toute sa gloire et son souverain bien A grossir un tresor qui ne lui sert de rien.”

And this is followed by a picture of reckless prodigality in another Glonglim.We pass over the description of the physical peculiarities of the moon,

which seem to be according to the received opinions of astronomers, as wellas the satire on National Prejudices, in the persons of the Hilliboos andMoriboos, and that on the Godwinian system of morals.

An indisposition experienced by Atterley, occasions his introduction toVindar,9 a celebrated physician, botanist, &c., on whose opinions we havea keen satire.


Gentlemen’s Magazine for 1738: the denominations of the speakers being formed ofthe letters of their real names, so that they might be easily deciphered. This neglecthas obscured many of the author’s most interesting satires. Who could suppose fromthe letters alone, that Wigurd, Vindar, and Avarabet, were respectively intended forGodwin, Darwin, and Lavater?


On leaving Vindar’s house, they observed a short man, (Napoleon,)preparing to climb to the top of a plane tree, on which there was one of thetail feathers of a flamingo; and this he would only mount in one way – onthe shoulders of his men: –

“I could not see this rash Glonglim attempt to climb that dangerousladder, without feeling alarm for his safety. At first all seemed to go onvery well; but just as he was about to lay hold of the gaudy prize, therearose a sudden squall, which threw both him and his supporters intoconfusion, and the whole living pyramid came to the ground together.Many were killed – some were wounded and bruised. Polenap himself, bylighting on his men, who served him as cushions, barely escaped with life.But he received a fracture in the upper part of his head, and a dislocationof the hip, which will not only prevent him from ever climbing again, butprobably make him a cripple for life.

“The Brahmin and I endeavoured to give the sufferers some assistance;but this was rendered unnecessary, by the crowd which their cries andlamentations brought to their relief. I thought that the author of so muchmischief would have been stoned on the spot; but, to my surprise, hisservants seemed to feel as much for his honour as their own safety, andwarmly interfered in his behalf, until they had somewhat appeased therage of the surrounding multitude.”

The absurdities of the physiognomical system of Lavater, and of the cran-iological system of MM. Gall and Spurzheim, were not likely to escapeanimadversion, in a work of general satire, fruitful as they have already beenin such themes. The representative of the former, is a fortune-tellingphilosopher, Avarabet, (Lavater,) whose course of proceeding was, toexamine the finger nails, and, according to their form, colour, thickness,surface, grain, and other properties, to determine the character and destiniesof those who consulted him; and that of the latter, a physician, who judgedof the character of disposition or disease, by the examination of a lock of thehair. The upshot of the story is, as might be anticipated, that the fortune-telling philosopher is caught, and exposed in his own toils.

The impolicy of privateers, and of letters of marque and reprisals, is nextanimadverted on, by the story of two neighbours, who are at variance, andwhose dependants are occupied in laying hold of what they can of each



other’s flocks and herds, and doing as much mischief as possible, by whichboth parties, of necessity, suffer.

A visit to a projector in building, husbandry, and cookery, introduces usto some inventions not unworthy of the occupation, of the courtiers of LaReine Quinte, or of the Professors of the Academy of Lagado.

The doctrine of the aerial formation of meteoric stones, receives, too, apassing notice from our author, who is clearly no supporter of it. It was along time before the ancients received credit for their stories of showers ofstones; and all were ready to joke with Butler, at the story of the Thracianrock, which fell in the river Aegos: –

“For Anaxagoras, long agon, Saw hills, as well as you i’th’ moon, And held the sun was but a piece Of red hot iron as big as Greece. Believ’d the heavens were made of stone, Because the sun had voided one: And, rather than he would recant Th’ opinion, suffered banishment.”

A difficulty surrounds the subject, however we view it. Aerolites, as theyhave been designated, have now been found in almost every region andclimate of the globe – from Arabia to the farthest point of Baffin’s Bay; andthis very circumstance would seem to be opposed to their aerial origin,unless we are to suppose that they can be formed in every state, and in theopposite extremes of the atmosphere. The Brahmin assigns them a lunarorigin, and adds, “our party were greatly amused at the disputations of alearned society in Europe, in which they undertook to give a mathematicaldemonstration, that they could not be thrown from a volcano of the earth,nor from the moon, but were suddenly formed in the atmosphere. I shouldas soon believe, that a loaf of bread could be made and baked in the atmos-phere.”

The “gentleman farmer and projector,” being attacked, during their visit,with cholera morbus, and considering himself in extremis, a consultation ofphysicians takes place, in which one portrait will be obvious – that of Dr.Shuro, who asserts disease to be a unit; and that it is the extreme of folly, todivide diseases into classes, which tend but to produce confusion of ideas,and an unscientific practice. The enthusiasm of the justly celebrated indi-vidual – the original of this portrait, was so great, that the slightest data weresufficient for the formation of some of his most elaborate hypotheses – fortheories they could not properly be called; and, accordingly, many of hisbeautiful and ingenious superstructures are now prostrated, leaving, in openday, the insufficiency of their foundation. One of the most striking examples


10 It is a curious circumstance, that Swift, in his description of the Academy of Lagado,should have so completely anticipated the Pestalozzian invention.


of this nature, was his belief that the black colour of the negro is a disease,which depletion, properly exercised, might be capable of remedying – ascheme not a whit more feasible, than that of the courtiers of La ReineQuinte, referred to by Rabelais, “who made blackamoors white, as fast ashops, by just rubbing their stomachs with the bottom of a pannier.”

The satire here is not so fortunately displayed, as in other instances, owingprobably to the difficulty of saying any thing new on so hackneyed a subject;for it has ever happened, that, –

“The Galenist and Paracelsian, Condemn the way each other deals in.”

The affair concludes, by the Doctors quarrelling; and, in the mean time,the patient, profiting by some simple remedies administered by the Brahmin,and an hour’s rest, was so much refreshed, that he considered himself out ofdanger, and had no need of medical assistance.

Pestolozzi’s system of education, is with justice satirized; since, instead ofaffording facilities to the student, as the superficial observer might fancy, itretards his acquisition of knowledge, by teaching him to exercise his externalsenses, rather than his reflection.10

In a menagerie attached to an academy, in which youths of maturer yearswere instructed in the fine arts, the travellers had an opportunity ofobserving the vain attempts of education, to control the natural orinstinctive propensities.

“Naturam expellas furca tamen usque recurret.”

“For nature driven out, with proud disdain, All powerful goddess, will return again.”

The election of a town constable, exhibits the violence of Lunar Politics tobe much the same as the terrestrial, and seems to have some allusion to anexisting and important controversy amongst ourselves. The prostitution ofthe press is satirized by the story of a number of boys dressed in black andwhite – wearing the badges of the party to which they respectively belong,and each provided with a syringe and two canteens, the one filled with rosewater, and the other with a black, offensive, fluid: the rose water beingsquirted at the favourite candidates and voters – the other fluid on theopposite party. All these were under regular discipline, and at the word ofcommand discharged their syringes on friend or foe, as the case might be.



The “glorious uncertainty of the law” (proverbial with us,) falls alsounder notice. In Morosofia, it seems, a favourite mode of settling privatedisputes, whether concerning person, character, or property, is by theemployment of prize fighters who hire themselves to the litigants: –

“And out of foreign controversies By aiding both sides, fill their purses: But have no int’rest in the cause For which th’ engage and wage the laws Nor farther prospect than their pay Whether they lose or win the day.”

The chapter concludes with a discussion between an old man and his wife,in which the policy of encouraging manufactures, is argued.

In an account of Okalbia – a happy valley – similar only in name to thatin Rasselas, the author seems to sketch his views of a perfect common-wealth, and glances at some important questions of politics and politicaleconomy. Prudential restraints are considered sufficient to obviate a redun-dancy of population – and on Ricardo’s theory of rent, the author holds thesame opinions as those already expressed in this Journal.

Some useful hints are also afforded on the subject of legislation andjurisprudence.

After having passed a week amongst the singular and happy Okalbians,whom our travellers found equally amiable, intelligent, and hospitable, theyreturned to Alamatua.

Jeffery’s theory of beauty, as developed in the article beauty, of the sup-plement to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, in which he denies the existence oforiginal beauty and refers it to association, is ridiculed by an extension of asimilar kind of reasoning to the smell.

A description of a Lunar fair follows, which, like a terrestrial, is the resortof the busy, the idle, the knavish, and the gay: some in pursuit of pleasure;others again, without any settled purpose, carried along by the vague desireof meeting with something to relieve them from the pain of idleness. Politicalcontests are here represented under the character of gambling transactions,and if we mistake not, there is a distinct allusion to more than one importantcontest in the annals of this country.

Having now satisfied his curiosity, Atterley became anxious to return tohis native planet, and accordingly urged the Brahmin to lose no time inpreparing for their departure. They were soon, however, informed that aman high in office, by way of affecting political sagacity, had proposed todetain them, on the ground that when such voyages as their’s were shown tobe practicable, the inhabitants of the earth, who were so much morenumerous than those of the moon, might invade the latter with a large army,



for the purpose of rapine and contest; but notwithstanding the influence ofthis sapient politician, they finally obtained leave to quit the moon wheneverthey thought proper.

Having taken a “respectful or affectionate” leave of all their lunarianfriends, and got every thing in readiness, – at midnight of the twentieth ofAugust, they again entered their copper balloon, and after they hadascended until the face of the moon looked like one vast lake of meltedsilver, with here and there small pieces of grayish dross floating on it,Atterley reminded the Brahmin of a former promise to detail the history ofhis early life, to which he assented: – of this, perhaps the most interestingpart of the book, to the general reader, we regret that our limits will onlyadmit of our giving a very condensed and imperfect narrative.

Gurameer, the Brahmin, was born at Benares. He was the only son of apriest of Vishnu, of rank, and was himself intended for the priesthood. Atschool, he meets with a boy of the name of Balty Mahu, between whom andhimself a degree of rivalry, and subsequently the most decided enmity,existed – a circumstance that decided the character of Gurameer’s subse-quent life. They afterwards met at college, where a more extended theatrewas afforded for the exercise of Balty Mahu’s malignity. During a vacation,Gurameer, being on a visit to an uncle in the country, one day, when thefamily had gone to witness a grand spectacle in honour of an importantfestival in their calendar, which he could not himself attend consistently withthe rules of his caste, was tempted to visit the deserted Zenana, or ladies’apartment, where he accidentally meets with a beautiful young female. Theacquaintance, thus begun, soon ripened into intimacy, by means of walks inthe garden, contrived by Fatima, one of his female cousins. At length theyare constrained to separate. Veenah (for so the young lady is named) returnsto Benares, whither Gurameer soon follows her. On making his fatheracquainted with his attachment, the latter endeavours to persuade him toovercome it, and informs him that Veenah’s father is avaricious, and a bigot,and hence, that he would probably be prejudiced against him, owing tosome imputations which had been cast on Gurameer’s religious creed, andindustriously circulated by his old enemy, Balty Mahu, who proves to be thecousin of Veenah These considerations prevail upon Gurameer to defer anyapplication to Veenah’s father, until the suspicions regarding his faith hadeither died away or been falsified by his scrupulous observance of allreligious duties. This resolution he determines to communicate to hismistress. Accordingly, in the evening, he betakes himself to the quarter of thecity where Veenah’s father lives; and, walking to and fro before the house,soon discovers that he is recognised. By a cord, let down from the window,he conveys a letter to her, which, the following evening, she answers; andthus a regular correspondence was kept up, which, by the exercise itafforded to their imaginations, and the difficulties attendant upon it,



inflamed their passion to the highest pitch. He had, however, soon the mis-fortune to be discovered by Balty Mahu, and, in consequence, Veenah isdebarred from pen and ink, but contrives to acquaint her lover that theirintercourse has been discovered, by a short note, written with a burnt stick.Gurameer now goes in despair to Veenah’s father, from whom he experi-ences a haughty repulse, and who, in the following night, secretly leaves thecity, with his daughter, embarking on the Ganges, and taking measures toprevent the discovery of the place of his retreat. At the expiration of two orthree months, an end is put to Gurameer’s doubts and apprehensions, by hisreturn, with his daughter and son-in-law – a rich Omrah, four times her age.After the first ebullitions of rage have subsided, his love returns; but he isnever able to succeed in obtaining an interview with Veenah. By his cousinFatima, he learns the circumstances of Veenah’s marriage, and the decep-tions which had been practised on her, aided by the unbounded authoritywhich parents exercise in eastern countries. The unhappy Veenah, as firm inher principles as she was gentle in disposition, refuses to see him. “Tell him,”said she, “that Heaven has forbidden it, and to its decrees we are bound tosubmit I am now the wife of another, and it is our duty to forget all that ispast. But if this be possible, my heart tells me it can be only by our nevermeeting!”

Gurameer now fell into a state of settled melancholy, and consented totravel, more for the purpose of pleasing his parents, than from any concernfor his own health; but travelling had little effect – “he carried a barbedarrow in his heart; and the greater the efforts to extract it, the more theyrankled the wound.” When so much emaciated that he was not expected tolive a month, he took a voyage, coastwise, to Madras; and, on his arrivalthere, learned that Balty Mahu had recently left that place. This intelligenceoperated like a charm; the desire of revenge roused all his energies andbecame his master passion. He immediately set off in pursuit; but, althoughoften near, could never overtake him. His health rapidly improves; and atlength he hears that the old Omrah’s health is rapidly declining. This infor-mation awakens new thoughts and hopes, and Balty Mahu is forgotten. Hehastens hack to Benares; and when near the city, hears two merchants, inconversation, remark that the Omrah is dead, and that his widow was thenext day to perform the Suttee. He immediately mounts his horse, andreaches the city the next morning at sunrise. In the street he mixes with thethrong; – hears Veenah pitied, her father blamed, and himself lamented. Henow sees Veenah approach the funeral pile, who, at the well known soundof his voice, shrieked out, “he lives! he lives!” and would have attempted tosave herself from the flames; but the shouts of the surrounding multitude,and the sound of the instruments, drowned her voice. He now attempts toapproach the pile for the purpose of rescuing her, but is forcibly held backuntil the wretched Veenah is enveloped in flames. On his again attempting



to reach the pile, he was charged with profanation; and, on Balty Mahu’smaking his appearance and encouraging the charge, in frantic desperationhe seizes a scymetar from one of the guards, and plunges it in his breast. Theinfluence of his friends, and the sacred character of persons of his caste,saved the Brahmin from capital punishment; but he was banished fromHindostan. He now removed to the kingdom of Ava, where he continued solong as his parents lived, after which he visited several countries, both ofAsia and Europe; and in one of his journeys, having discovered LunariumOre in the mountain near Mogaun, he determined to pass the remainder ofhis days in that secluded retreat. – “So ends this strange, eventful history.”

When the Brahmin terminated his narrative, the extended map beneaththem was already assuming a distinct and varied appearance: –

“The Brahmin, having applied his eye to the telescope, and made a briefcalculation of our progress, considered that twenty-four hours more, if noaccident interrupted us, would end our voyage; part of which interval Ipassed in making notes in my journal, and in contemplating the differentsections of our many peopled globe, as they presented themselves succes-sively to the eye. It was my wish to land on the American continent, and,if possible, in the United States. But the Brahmin put an end to that hope,by reminding me that we should be attracted towards the Equator, andthat we had to choose between Asia, Africa, and South America; and thatour only course would be, to check the progress of our car over thecountry of greatest extent, through which the equinoctial circle mightpass. Saying which, he relapsed into his melancholy silence, and I betookmyself once more to the telescope. With a bosom throbbing with emotion,I saw that we were descending towards the American continent. When wewere about ten or twelve miles from the earth, the Brahmin arrested theprogress of the car, and we hovered over the broad Atlantic. Lookingdown on the ocean, the first object which presented itself to my eye, wasa small one-masted shallop, which was buffetting the waves in a south-westerly direction. I presumed it was a New-England trader, on a voyageto some part of the Republic of Colombia: and, by way of diverting myfriend from his melancholy reverie, I told him some of the many storieswhich are current respecting the enterprise and ingenuity of this portion ofmy countrymen, and above all, their adroitness at a bargain.

“‘Methinks,’ says the Brahmin, ‘you are describing a native of Canton orPekin. But,’ added he, after a short pause, ‘though to a superficial observerman appears to put on very different characters, to a philosopher he isevery where the same – for he is every where moulded by the circum-stances in which he is placed. Thus; let him be in a situation that ispropitious to commerce, and the habits of traffic produce in himshrewdness and address. Trade is carried on chiefly in towns, because it is



there carried on most advantageously. This situation gives the trader amore intimate knowledge of his species – a more ready insight intocharacter, and of the modes of operating on it. His chief purpose is to buyas cheap, and to sell as dear, as he can; and he is often able to heighten therecommendations or soften the defects of some of the articles in which hedeals, without danger of immediate detection; or, in other words, big rep-resentations have some influence with his customers. He avails himself ofthis circumstance, and thus acquires the habit of lying; but, as he isstudious to conceal it, he becomes wary, ingenious, and cunning. It is thusthat the Phenicians, the Carthagenians, the Dutch, the Chinese, the New-Englanders, and the modern Greeks, have always been regarded asinclined to petty frauds by their less commercial neighbours.’ I mentionedthe English nation.

“‘If the English,’ said he, interrupting me; ‘who are the most commercialpeople of modern times, have not acquired the same character, it isbecause they are as distinguished for other things as for traffic: they arenot merely a commercial people – they are also agricultural, warlike, andliterary; and thus the natural tendencies of commerce are mutually coun-teracted.’

“We afterwards descended slowly; the prospect beneath us becomingmore beautiful than my humble pen can hope to describe, or will evenattempt to portray. In a short time after, we were in sight of Venezuela.We met with the trade winds and were carried by them forty or fifty milesinland, where, with some difficulty, and even danger, we landed. TheBrahmin and myself remained together two days, and parted – he toexplore the Andes, to obtain additional light on the subject of hishypothesis, and I, on the wings of impatience, to visit once more my long-deserted family and friends. But before our separation, I assisted my friendin concealing our aerial vessel, and received a promise from him to visit,and perhaps spend with me the evening of his life. Of my journey home,little remains to be said. From the citizens of Colombia, I experiencedkindness and attention, and means of conveyance to Caraccas; where,embarking on board the brig Juno, captain Withers, I once more set footin New-York, on the 18th of August, 1826, after an absence of four years,resolved, for the rest of my life, to travel only in books, and persuaded,from experience, that the satisfaction which the wanderer gains fromactually beholding the wonders and curiosities of distant climes, is dearlybought by the sacrifice of all the comforts and delights of home.”

We have thus placed before the reader an analysis of this interestingSatirical Romance. The time and space we have occupied sufficientlyindicate the favourable sentiments respecting it with which we have beenimpressed. Of the execution of the satires, from the several extracts we have


11 Dryden’s Essay on Satire.


given, the reader will himself be enabled to judge. This is of course unequal,but generally felicitous. In the personal allusions which occur through thework, the author exhibits, as we have before noticed, a freedom from maliceand all uncharitableness, and in many of them has attained that happydesideratum which Dryden considered a matter of so much difficulty: –

“How easy is it,” he observes, “to call rogue and villain, and that wittily!But how hard to make a man appear a fool, a blockhead, or a knave,without using any of those opprobrious terms! To spare the grossness ofthe names, and to do the thing yet more severely, is to draw a full face, andto make the nose and cheeks stand out, and yet not to employ any depthof shadowing. This is the mystery of that noble trade, which yet no mastercan teach to his apprentice; he may give the rules, but the scholar is neverthe nearer in his practice; neither is it true, that this fineness of raillery isoffensive. A witty man is tickled, while he is hurt, in this manner, and afool feels it not: the occasion of an offence may possibly be given, but hecannot take it. If it be granted, that, in effect, this way does more mischief– that a man is secretly wounded, and, though he be not sensible himself,yet the malicious world will find it out for him, yet, there is still a vast dif-ference betwixt the slovenly butchering of a man, and the fineness of astroke that separates the head from the body, and leaves it standing in itsplace. A man may be capable, as Jack Ketch’s wife said of his servant, ofa plain piece of work, a bare hanging; but to make a malefactor diesweetly, was only belonging to her husband.”11

In conclusion, we must express our regret, that the author should not haveadded notes to the work – the want of them will be seriously felt by everyone; some of the satires, indeed, must escape the reader, unless he pay adegree of attention, which notes would have rendered unnecessary. In hisnext edition, we trust that this deficiency may be supplied; and we anticipateas much instruction and entertainment, from the wide scope which such anundertaking will afford, as we have derived from the perusal of the text.Cheerfully would we extend to him, if required, the leisure claimed bySpenser, after he had composed the first six books of his “Faerie Queene,”provided he would promise us similar conditions: –

“After so long a race as I have run Through Faery Land, which those six books compile, Give leave to rest me, being half foredonne, And gather to myself new breath awhile;



“Then, as a steed refreshed after toyle, Out of my prison will I break anew, And stoutly will that second work assoyle, With strong endeavour, and attention due.”


Documents

George Tucker: Autobiography and Miscellaneous Philosophical Essays